EMORIALS OF

Major -General

Sir Herbert B. Edwardes

THE LIBRARY

THE

LOS

UNIVERSITY
CALIFORNIA
ANGELES

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MEMORIALS OF THE LIFE OF

MAJOR-GENERAL

SIR HERBERT B. EDWARDES

K.C.B., K.C.S.I.

^MEMORIALS OF THE LIFE
AND LETTERS OF

MAJOR-GENERAL

SIR HERBERT B. EDWARDES

K.C.B., K.C.S.I.

D.C.L. OF OXFORD: LL.D. OF CAMBRIUGt;

By his wife

ARBOR SCIEfiTKE

ARB"'P VIT/E'

IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. I.

LONDON
KEG AN PAUL, TUENCII & CO., 1, PATEKNOSTEK SQUARE

1886

(The rights of translation and of reproduction are 7-eserved)

DEDICATION.*

" To all niy Countrymen who care for India, and espe-
cially to the young whose lot is to be cast in it, this
Book is dedicated ; to show how possible and good it is
to unite the Statesman with the Soldier, the Philanthropist
with the Patriot, and the Christian with all, in the
Government of a Subject Race."

* These lines were written for " Th(i Author's Dedication " to the
Life of Sir Henry Lawrence," by H. B. E.

11742GO

iSaijaUorbcr tl){iiQs air tnir,
iililljntiSar&rr tljtugs" arc Ijoufs't,
iiaijntsocbcr tijiitgs arc just,
S^Ijatsarbrr tljings arc purr,
©laijatsocbcr tljing^ arc lobrln,
iJSIjatsDcbrr tljtugs" arr of gontr report;
If tijrrr far any tJirtuf,
^nH if tfjrrr be any ^9ra(5f,
JTbinfe DM tljr^r tljt'ngs'."

PiiiL. iv. 8.

PREFACE.

It is not intended to write the "Life" of Sir Herbert
Edwardes. That was so full of stirring events and deeds of
chivalry that it would be difllciilt to do full justice to the
theme.

My purpose is rather to bring together some letters
and speeches that, like a chord of sweet music, may tell
something of the harmony and beauty of that lovely mind
which has passed away from earth for a while, to find its rest
in the Saviour's presence.

The half cannot be told ; for there are deeds of noble
heroism, acts of truest self-denial (" in honour preferring
one another " ) — great deeds done so secretly that they are
known to none but the most intimate sharer of his inner
life, which, though they won no honour here, wait for that
day when the counsels of all hearts shall be made manifest,
and God will give the praise.

But besides these, his clear statesmanlike views ; his
far-seeing, almost prophetic, grasp of the true importance
of events, that made his acts so vigorous and his resource so
fertile in times of danger, and inspired confidence in those
who were around him and dependent on his command; his
thrilling eloquence, and the tender pathos and sympathy of
his letters ; — all these, and the true and fervent devotion of

Vlll PREFACE.

his heart to heavenly things, will shine out in the fragments
now put together, and show, if it be but a glimpse, some-
tliing of the beauty of a great and noble mind — f^reat in
its humility.

" So it is when a great and good and beloved man
departs — sets, it may be, suddenly — and to us who know
not the times and the seasons, too soon. We gaze eagerly
at his last hours ; and when he is gone from our sight, we
see his image wherever we go, and in whatsoever we are
engaged ; and if we try to record in words our wonder, our
sorrow, and our affection, we cannot see to do it; for the
idea of his life is for ever coming into our study of imagina-
tion — into all our thoughts — and we can do little else than
let our mind in a wise passiveness hush itself to rest. . . .

" We cannot now go very curiously to work to scrutinize
the composition of his character ; we cannot take that
large, free, grand, genial character and nature to pieces, and
weigh this and measure that, and pronounce. We are too
near as yet to him and to his loss ; he is too dear to us to
be so handled.

"His death (as Hartley Coleridge says) is a recent
sorrow ; his image still lives, in eyes that weep for him."
(John Brown, M,D., Edinburgh.)

*****

These words, though written by another, express some-
thing of the feeling with which this work has been under-
taken, and answer in some measure the question, Why has
it not been done before ?

EMMA EDWARDES.

41, Onslow Squahe, Londjn,
ISSG.

CONTENTS OF VOL. I.

CHAPTER I.

1819—1841—1845.

PAGE

Early Life to Regimental Life in India, and A.D.C. to Lord Gough ... 1

CHAPTER II.

1845—1846.

Sikh Invasion of British India — Battles of Moodkee and Sobr&on —

Treaty of Byrowal ... ... ... ... ... ... 25

CHAPTER III.

1846.
The "Resident" and his "Assistants" — Cashmere — Golab Singh ... 53

CHAPTER IV.

1847—1848.
Bunnoo — Treachery at Monltan — Battle of Kiuyc'reo ... ... 79

CHAPTER V.

1848—1849.
Battle of SuddooB&m— Retriliution— The Fall of Moolt&n ... ... 12.3

CHAPTER VI.

1849—1850.

Return to England — Marriage — Writes "A Year on the Punjab Fron-
tier" ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 157

X CONTENTS.

GIIArTER VII.
1851—1853.

PAGE

ELlurn to India— Lift' at JuUundur ... ... ... ... 195

CHAPTER VIII.

1853—1855.

Hazara—rcbhuwiir— The Afghan Treaty 219

CHAPTER IX.

1855—1857.
The Afghan Treaty ratified— Views upon Afghan Politics and War ... 253

CHAPTER X.

1853—1854.
The Pcshawur Mission to the Afghans ... ... ... ... 297

CHAPTER XI.

1856—1857.
John Nicholson — Journey to Calcutta and Return to Pcshawur ... 331

CHAPTER XII.

1857.
Levies — First Opening of the Mutiny ... ... ... ... 359

CHAPTER XIII.

1857—1858.
Diary and Letters during the Mutiny-Times at Peshawur (continued) 385

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

PAGE
PORTKAIT OF SlR HERBERT B. EdWARDES, AFTER A PuOTOGRAPlI

BY J. May ALL, JuN. ... ... ... Frontispiece

Pen'-and-Ink Sketch on the Ganges ... ... ... 13

The Town of Sirinuggur, the Capital of Cashmere To face 7G

Group of GRiECO-BACTRiAN Heads ... ... ... „ 84

Facsimile of Mr. Vans Agnew's Appeal ... ... „ 99

Medal given by the East India Company ... ... ... 171

Abbottabad (in 1853) ... ... ... ... To face 222

Hazara, from Doonga Gully. Mount " Mocheepoora " on the

Left ... ... ... ... ... ... To /ace 224

A Faint Shadow of the Heir-apparent, Sirdar Gholam

Hydur Khan, holding in his Hand the PeshIwur Treaty 258

Cashmere, looking across the " Dull Lake." Sirinuggur in

the Distance ... ... ... ... ... To face 334

Colonel Edwardes's " Levies" at Peshawur, in 1857, from Mool-

tan and the Derajat ... ... ... ... To face 392

CriAPTKR T.

1819—1841—1845.

EARLY LIFE TO REGIMENTAL LIFE IN INDIA, AND
A.D.O. TO LORD GOUGH.

VOL. 1.

MEMORIALS OF THE LIFE OF

MAJOR-GENERAL

SIR HERBERT B. EDWARDES,

K.C.B., K.C.S.I.

CHAPTER I.

Sir Herbert Benjamin Edwardes, K.C.B., K.C.S.I., was the Born at
second son of the Eev. Benjamin Edwardes, Rector of Erodes- I'^^'i'^^'^^'
ley, a small country parish in Shropshire, al^out seven miles
from Shrewsbury. The Rev. Benjamin Edwardes was the
second son of Sir John Cholmondeley Edwardes, Bart., eighth
baronet of Shrewsbury.

The family is an old Welsh one, is descended from the
ancient kings of Powysland, in Wales, and was seated at
Kilhendre, in Shropshire, in the time of Henry I.

The first of the family who assumed the name of
" Edwardes " was John-ap-David-ap-Madoc, of Kilhendre,
in the time of Henry VII. ; and he was great-great-grand-
father of the Sir Thomas Edwardes who, for his eminent
services to Charles I., was rewarded with the grant of a
baronetcy in 1664.

On his father's death, in 1823, at the early age of thirty- His father's
one, Herbert was only four years old. ^323 '

He and bis two brothers (Henry, the elder, and Frank,
the younger) were taken care of by their grandmother, the
dowager Lady Edwardes, who lived at ]\Ioele Brace, near
Shrewsbury. It was afterwards arranged that two of the
brothers should remain with their grandmother, under whose
loving care they were brought up, and educated at the High

4 SIB HERBERT B. ED WARD ES. [1828.

School at Shrewsbury, under Dr. Kennedy ; and Herbert was
taken charge of and adopted by another near relative, the
only daughter of Sir Thomas Edwardes, who was married to
John Thomas Hope, Esq., of Netley, Shropshire,
Netley. Netley is only a few miles from the home of Herbert's

birth, which he left too young to carry away any recollection
of ; but he always regarded Frodesley with very great tender-
ness, as the home of his parents and his birthplace.
Frodesley. It is a little village of cottages, with a pretty vicarage

house and a tiny church, a few farmhouses, and little
besides, close to the Shropshire hills of the "Lawley," the
" Longmyund," and the " Caradoc," which he loved so well ;
for he delighted in all the beauties of that lovely country,
and was proud of belonging to it, as all Salopians are.

The little church stands now much as it was when his
father ministered in it j and it is the burying-place of most
of the Edwardes family still.

Very beautiful was this dear boy of four years old, with
curling fair brown hair, and large lustrous and soft-beaming
eyes, as I have been told by the daughter of the house * to
which he came, who welcomed him to her heart, and loved
him thenceforward with tenderest love — a love which he
repaid with all the tenderness and devotion of his affectionate
nature.

This love came to fill up something of the yearning
Herbert always felt for the love of a mother, of which he had
no conscious knowledge. Eor his mother did not long survive
his father, and he never remembered her, though he always
cherished very tenderly the thought of her.
1^28. Herbert was about nine years old when he first went to

school. Afterwards he was sent to a school at Eichmond,
in Surrey, kept by the Eev. Charles Delafosse. It was a
large school, and had held a great reputation for many years.
But Herbert never thought very much of what he learned
there.

He never was very keen about sports and boys' games
(being always rather a delicate boy), and liked much better
a pleasant book alone, or a quiet walk with a chosen friend.

* This lady afterwards married Herbert's uncle, Sir Henry Edwardes,
his father's eldest brother.

1837.] LIFE AT BICBMOND AND KING'S COLLEGE. 5

His master was a kind, easy, good-natured, clever man,
and a good "classical scholar." Herbert was a great
fiivourite with him ; for, being fond of a good joke himself,
the master enjoyed the wit and talents which were con-
spicuous even then in his young pupil.

Herbert was always the ready cliampion of any little boy
who was being bullied and unable to defend himself — he
would even bear a punishment to save another boy ; thus
early showing tlie germ of the noble nature that shone so
conspicuously in his after-life.

As has just been said, Herbert was from the first, quick
in wit and ready in repartee. He was also fond of poetry and
romance, and many a sweet verse he composed in his boyish
days ; but there was no hand to gather them together and
preserve them.

His winter holidays were spent in London, with Mr. and
]\Irs. Hope ; his summer holidays, with them at their country
place, Netley, Shropshire.

Thus his youth was lonely. Left much to himself, he fed
upon his own thoughts, and books were his companions and
his enjoyment. Was this the training that made the roots
strike deeper and more firmly, and made him strong and self-
reliant, prepared to stand the storm and strain of the battle
of life ?

He must have left school about the year 1835 or 1836;
for, in 1837, he was attending classes at King's College,
London,

His dear friend, the Rev. Cowley Powles, writes : " Wlien King's
I went to King's College, Herbert was already there, in London'
October, 1837, and he had been tliere some time, how long i837.
exactly I do not know, but long enough to be among the
leaders of tlie college. His principal forte lay in what would
now be called the ' Modern Side.' In classics he did not
particularly distinguish himself, nor in mathematics. His
taste was more for modern literature. At that he worked
liard. I don't think he did work very hard at either of the
other subjects.

"He was always thought 'a man of mark,' and in the
' Debating Society ' was decidedly one of the very foremost
speakers."

6 Sm HERBERT B. EDWARD ES. [1839,

He would sonu'tiiues airiuse himself at lecture with
iiiakiii^ sketches of fi^^ures tliat struck his fancy. Now and
tlicii tliis was observed, and the sketches called for, when
it iiii,^ht be that the lecturer saw a likeness of himself in pen
and ink.

With gi-eat artistic talent, and a rare facility in drawing
caricatures, Herbert had such kindness of nature and such
true courtesy and goodness, that he coxdd not draw an ill-
natured caricature ; and a man would see himself caricatured,
and yet not be offended. Herbert never made an enemy by
it in all his life.

But in after years he could never be persuaded to draw
caricatures at all ; for he grew more tender and more kind as
his character and his nature ripened and mellowed towards
perfection ; and he thought it was a faculty not good to
indulge, because it led to dwelling on the weaknesses or bad
characteristics of another, while he liked to search out the
good qualities in other men rather than their failings.
His friends Herbert's friends at King's College at this time were —
Coiwe^*" Charles Kingsley, Fitz-James Stephens, Walter Dumergue,
Nassau Senior, F. W. Gibbs, Benjamin Shaw, Bryan Burgess,
and others.

He valued and loved Kingsley always, and they were
great together in the " Debating Society ; " and they and
Walter Dumergue, and Benjamin Shaw, used often to walk
home together, arm-in-arm, along the streets, when " college "
was over, and carry on their " debates " on their way home.

A close friendship between Herbert Edwardes and Cowley
Powles began at this time at King's College, which continued
and deepened in after years in loving intercourse that was
a perpetual joy, and was only interrupted by death.

To the intercourse between them we are indebted for
some insight into his mind in these early days, when con-
genial friends were few, and his future life lay dim before
him.
^839. Ill 1839 Edwardes writes to this friend —

"Your habits and mine form part of tlie 'sympathy'

between us (of which speaks),

" Owls we are — birds of the moon ; and I know vou feel

1839.] EARLY THOUGUTS. 7

as ] do, that the still hour of night, when men, let lis alone,
when tlie world is, as it were, taken off its hinges, and the
noisy machinery of life at rest, then is the time wlien
individuality — call it selfishness if you will — comes in upon
us, and we look into our own hearts and our own thoughts,
ii\i(\.feel, without the alien impulses which other people lend
when they run against and jostle with us. To my mind,
there is a fascination about night which it is impossible to
withstand ; there is a mysterious loneliness in it, which
quite fixes my whole soul.

" And when there is a moon to look out upon that space
of earth, with all its gloomy trees shut in l)y a thick ' wall
of darkness,' on which there is no handwriting but the stars,
and those so eternal that they do not break the quiet with
idea of motion, oh ! that is indeed a mass of solitude which
one can enter into and possess with a tangible feeling of
happiness, which is poetry to the very heart ! "

Somebody had written to Edwardes to beg him to take
more care of himself — " to take more sleep and preserve his
constitution." lie writes in reply —

" Constitution, indeed ! Life is nothing, time is no-
thing, but the things for which we live and the things
which take place in time are all that is to be regarded ;
and if all this, which is the value of life, is to be given up
to the furtherance of the mere lyrocess of living, why, e'en
let a vampire suck out my brains, that I may eat and drink,
and my body thrive like a beast's ! "

lie writes at this time —

" I lead an idle, dreamy, read-y, placid, vegetable sort
of life in this country, and never, in a month's time per-
chance, know the blessing of a thing to excite feeling !

"How I do loathe this state of utter inactivity! but,

8 .977? TTEHBEUT B. EDWAEDES. [1839.

thank Tloavcn, 'tis an intermediate gruh state, which ends
in emancipation — a sliip my chrysalis, the goodly sun of
India my deliverer from cold suspension of existence."

" No mother's face o'er my cradle smiled.
No father's love my young cares beguiled.
They died ! My passions all ran wild,
And hard * was my heart from a little child!

" I henrd men say there were seasons four,
And each one a different livery wore ;
15ut summer to me was all frozen o'er,
And the year was winter for evermore !

" Yes ; I thought for ever it should be so,
Never to kindle at passion's glow ;
Callous to all things, ay, even woe ;
My life laid aside like a broken bow.

"But it was not to be. Tho' the sea-waves chill
And slumber awhile when the cold wind is still,
Yet, comes but a cloud o'er old Ocean's will.
Proud man in his ship shall abide it but ill.

" Long had I slumbered the sleep of the proud.
But the time was come now when my soul should he bowed —
"When over my fortunes should pass the dark cloud
Which wakes every passion to struggle aloud."

Written about this time were two little pieces of poetry
■which may be inserted here.

" 'Twas autumn ! I looked on the leaves as they fell
From the bough of an old oak tree.
And the wild winds whistled a parting knell
To the old oak's third jubilee.

" I watched a red withered leaf yield to the blast.
And fly far from the old oak tree ;
While the old oak groaned for the years that were past.
And wished, like the leaf, it was free.

" 'Twas summer ! I looked on the leaves as they stirred
On the bough of that old oak tree ;
The zephyrs were sighing. A beautiful bird
Sang the old oak's praise merrily.

* This is only an example of how unable he was to do justice to
himself, for his sympathy and tenderness of heart were always remark-
able.

1839.] EAIiLY rOKTUY.

" I watchcil a yoiinj:; severed leaf yield to the blast,
Whieh suddenly shook the old tree ;
But tlie old oak laughed at the years that were past,
And pitied the leaf that was free.

" II. B. E., 1839.

Here is another —

" Come to the tombs of the ancient men,
Come there alone at the hour wlu'U
Eest to earthly spirits sent
Leaves the sepulchre eloquent.

" Ay, come alone

When the dark grey stone,
The bones of the dead concealing,

Blazons a tale

In the moonlight pale,
The deeds of the dead revealing.

" Come to the valley where fairies tread
Heedlessly over the crowned head.
And nature has woven a lily-mask
For the brow that scowled in iron casque.

" Come there alone

When the moon has shone
Her brightest hour, imparting

A silvery hue

To the gloomy yew,
With the tears she sheds at parting.

"Come to me then. I'll tell thee a tale
I've kept so well. Though thy young cheek pale
And I should die by thy father's kin.
Yet she shall rest without spot of sin.

" Come there alone

When the wassail's done
And the revellers all are slumbering.

When sinners sleep.

And the jnous keep
Dull watch, their bead-roll numbering.

" Come to the valley. Thy mother's there ;
Stone there is none to tell she was fair.
But oh ! the bones which whiten her grave
Tell she was loved by one who was brave.

Slli HERBERT B. ED WARD ES.

[1840.

" Come there alone.
Nor sigh nor groan
Break tlie rest of those departed,
And tlie nudnight scream
Of the owl shall seem
To mourn with the broken-hearted.

" H. B. E., Netley, 1840."

A strain of sadness runs through all these. They are but
touches that show the colour of his mind in those young
days — a poetic and noble soul, enshrined in a sensitive and
delicate frame ; the soul impatient of its fetters, and long-
ing to break them and to plunge into a real life, for which
it felt the aspiration and the capacity, with ever-painful
earnestness.
He h:id no But it w^as not by any choice of his own that Herbert

desire to go -^ycnt to India, or that he took to the military life as his ^jro-
fession. He had no associations with India, and had never
had any relations or friends there, except the two young
brothers who had each joined a regiment there already. But
Herbert had never turned his thoughts for a moment in that
direction. He desired to go to Oxford and study for the bar.
Not that he much cared to be a lawyer either, but he wanted
to go to Oxford and really study, and to have those oppor-
tunities of doing so which never yet had been within his
reach, and which he knew that he could use to some purpose
if he had the chance ; and he considered thab he had lost
too much time in " school-routine " at Eichmond.

Then he was strong in friendship, and his dearest friends
were at Oxford, and this made him wish the more to share
the advantages they had.
Necessity, But this not being allowed by his guardians, and finding

not choice, j^g must depend upon himself to find some way out of his
career. Irksome inaction, he went himself to Sir Eichard Jenkins,
who was a member of the old Court of Directors, and a
friend of the family, and asked him to give him " a direct
appointment" to India. To this Sir Eichard Jenkins con-
sented at once,* and no time was lost in making the neces-
sary preparations.

From Sir Richard Jenkins we find a letter, written in 1848, to one

1811.] VOYAGE TO INDIA. 11

In Octol)er, 1840, EJwardes set sail fur Calcutta iu the
sailing-ship the Walinrr Cas/lc, to go round the Capu.

It was all very distasteful to hiiu, fur hu entered ii])on a
life that had then no attractions to him, and a country that
he had no desire to see. It was, to his own feelings, an
exile — entire loneliness. So he went veri/ sadly ; and it was
not till he got into " civil employ," and had a field opened
Ijefore him of a share in the government of the country, that
he found the congenial work into which he could throw him-
self happily.

He spent his twenty -first birthday, November 12, at sea,
and landed at Calcutta in the beginning of 1841.

To beguile the monotony of a long sea- voyage (which, in 1^41
those days, used to take three or four months), he edited a
news])aper on board, and called it the IFalnier Castle Gazette,
and in this and in many other ways was the life and soul
of the generally dull voyage. For Herbert Edwardes always
had great vivacity, and as in all such sensitive, highly-strung,
finely-toned natures, there was a play of fancy and readiness
of wit that could make sunshine of the darkest day.

He could always extract, out of the passing things of life,
the good or the beautiful, the ludicrous or the quaint, and
rise with a magic power from the tenderest sympathy of sad
thoughts to the sparkle of wit and fancy, carrying his hearers
with him, like a well-tuned instrument of lovely chords well
handled.

We may say here, in passing, that he never lost this
power to the last, in spite of all life's rough storms —

of the famil}', at the time when Edwardcs's name reached England in
connection with Mooltan and Buunoo.

" Gatane, Saturday.
" My dear Sir,

" I fully intended calling upon you when I was in Salop a few
days ago, to congratulate you u]5on the high name young Edwardes has
gained for himself by exploits so brilliant and so advantageous to his
countr}'. I feel myself much elated with the thought that I have been
the means of placing such a man in the East India Company's service ;
and you may be assured that his conduct is fully appreciated, and I have
no doubt will be duly rewarded by those who have the power and the
privilege of doing so. I return to Loudon next ^londay, and am sorry I
was not fortunate enough to meet you.

" Believe me, my dear sir,

" Yours very truly,
"(Signed) K. Jenkins."

jiassenger.

12 SIR IIEIiBEIiT D. EDWAIiDES. [1841.

"Tlmt liwolincss, ever in motion, which plays?
I/ike tlie light ujwn autumn's soft, shadowy days ;
Now licre and now there, giving warmth as it heams,
Kow melting in mist and now breaking in gleams."

A fellow-passenger,* who was on board the Walmer Castle,
has kindly communicated, through a friend, his recollections,
which give us a picture of him on board ship. " His figure at
Letter of a that time was slim, and his general appearance gave the im-
ll'il^lL. pression of delicate rather than robust health. He did not
often join in the active games and amusements in which
young men on board ship generally engage, but preferred
rather to look on. His features were fully formed, and the
expression of his face bright and intelligent, whilst his con-
versation and remarks told of a well-informed and cultivated
mind, added to a great sense of wit and humour.

" The monotony of the voyage, which lasted four months,
the passengers sought to relieve by the usual expedients of
amateur theatricals and the publication of a weekly news-
paper. In both, Edwardes was the leading and directing
spirit.

" The piece chosen was ' The Eivals,' the principal cha-
racter, Sir Anthony Absolute, being performed by him with
great life and spirit. The rehearsals, dresses, etc., were
arranged chiefly under his directions.

" Of the newspaper he was the editor, an ' editor's box '
being placed at his cabin-door. This little periodical fre-
quently contained some well-written and witty articles, from
that pen which found so vast a field for employment in after
years.

" He also possessed considerable talent for etching ; and
the papers were generally illustrated by some well-executed
caricatures of board-ship notables ; but so well did he per-
form the olfice of editor and censor that nothing which could
hurt the feelings of any one ever appeared.

" And so the voyage wore on, until, on reacliing Calcutta,
those who were then young and full of life separated, each
to pursue the unknown road before him, and fight out the
great battle of life.

"From these slight reminiscences we cannot fail to be

* Lieutenant-colonel Leigh, 7th Bengal Native Infantry.

]841.]

APPOINTED TO 1st BENGAL FUSILIERS.

struck with the fact that he who in after life led on men to
battle, and ruled thousands, was, even then, amongst his
fellow-passengers, in the amusements with which they be-
guiled the weariness of the voyage, the leader and director.
" (Signed) R T. L."

On arriving in India, Edwardes was appointed to the His arrival
1st Kegiment Bengal Fusiliers (afterwards called the 101st ''' '°'^'^- -
Bengal Fusiliers, and now the Koyal Munster Fusiliers), and
was ordered to join his regiment at Kurnal. He and another
young officer proceeded together up the river Ganges in boats,
as far as Dinapore. Letters are still lovingly preserved of
this time, full of descriptions and s|>rightly wit, and his
ready pen-and-ink sketches help us to follow him in his
" budgerow " up the river to join his regiment.

" On the mighty River Ganges,
" March, 1841.

" My dear Cowley,

" My reception in this country has been warm En route
enough^ of course, but I cannot say that it was agreeable ; *" !^'°*'
for however flattering it may be to have an atmosphere of
mosquitoes waiting round your couch, and printing kisses
on your cheek, I do not think it worth the cost — waking in

14 SIR UEBBERT B. EDWABDES. [1841.

the morning with your iiiglit-cap too small for your head,
which has taken the opportunity (like all bad servants) of
the master being asleep to set up for a swell, and exhibit
in the glass a faithful picture of a spotted pumpkin. For a
week or ten days these horrible creatures confined me in the
house (albeit, my friends declared ray features were gnatty
enough for anything), and one of my first reflections was
that if all tlie natives were to peg into our carcases as these
diminutive light infantry are wont to do, the Honourable
John Co. would be (like many another) in a very bad line
of business.

" But enough of complaints. Let us drop the veil, or
rather the mosquito-curtain, over Oriental plagues. I have
plenty to tell you of Oriental pleasures, and I should be
very far from candid did I not allow that I have experienced
many such since I have been here. Your thoughts will
naturally ask me first how I like the climate of my new land
of sojourn ; and I can sincerely answer, that I do not join
the outcry which is made about it. I like it much.

" Were the habits of Europeans here to be the same as
they are at home ; were their vocations of business and
avocations of pleasure to spread over the whole day, and
demand a constant restlessness of body and mind, such as
they do in England ; — I can easily conceive how incom-
patible such a life would be in such a climate as this. It
would be insupportable.

" But hear what Indian life is, and judge if the reverse
is not nearer the truth. I take my own daily routine for an
example, as I suppose we gentlemen in livery lead more
active lives than our brethren of the pen. (They are the
hntlers out of livery — civil servants, and we are regular
flunkies to the company — the running footmen of great
John's establishment.)

"Well, a black rascal makes an oration by my bed
every morning about half an hour before daylight. I wake.

1841.] HIS Fin ST DESCniPTIOiY OF INDIAN LIFF. IT)

and sec him suluaminf^ with a cup of liot col'lec in his hand.
I sit on a cluiir and wasli the teas[)oon till the spoon is hot
and the lluid cold, while he introduces me gradually into
an ambush of pantaloons and Wellingtons — if there is a
parade. I am shut up in a red coat, and a glazed lid set
upon my head, and thus, carefully packed, exhibit my
reluctance to what I am going to do — to wit, my dutij — by
riding a couple of hundred yards to the parade.

"Here two or three hundred very cold people, in same
condition, are assembled, and we all agree to keep ourselves
warm with a game of soldiers, whereupon a very I'unny
scene ensues, and we run about the plain, and wheel about
and turn about, till the sun gets up to come and see what
the row is about ; and then, like frightened children, wo all
scamper off and make the best of our way home. Then the
packing-case is all taken off again, and I resume my nap
after this little interruption as j)leasantly as Homer does
his epic about Achilles, after a page or two, by-the-by, on
the subject of the infernal regions. This, if there is parade ;
if not, I take a gallop with the dogs.

" Then breakfast, after which the intellectual day may be
said to dawn ; for from this till four or live p.m. your occu-
pation must be among your books, your pen, your pencil,
and such-like servants of the brain.

" xV man whose head has been made out of a turnip, with Oppor-

tunities for

artificial eyes and a nose stuck thereon, to emulate the mental cn-

outside of a reasoning creature, will tell you that from this i'tvorded

time forth your house is not only your castle, but your '" '°^"'"

'prison; and if there be not a billiard-table in his house, or

a badger in the verandah for his bull-dog to try conclusions

with, he is, as it were, dead ; and, indeed, I believe him.

But I think it just possible that you may understand that

five or six hours laid out before you daily, to do with as you

will (' for yourself,' as the schoolmaster said when he gave

the head boy a halfpenny), is a thing not so much to be

10 sin HERBERT B. ED WARD ES. Ll«il-

dreaded as desired. I do uot fear, tlieu, to acknowledj^e that
I like the re<2;uhir api)ortioument of bodily aud mental
exercise, aud enjoy another ride in the cool, clear evening,
and the rendezvous at dinner about seven or eight, all the
better for having been alone — left to my own devices — for
a great portion of the day. You see, therefore, that the
great feature of Indian life is quiet, our portraits of manners
and our landscapes of scenery are all mellowed down by what
artists call repose, and I must own that this is to me a
luxury which is bought cheaply by the sacrifice of active
out-of-door amusements when the sun is abroad.

" When to this add what, perhaps, you already know ;
that in all other respects our life in India is one of neces-
sary indulgence — at home among the ever-active miscalled
luxury which pervades all the arrangements of our homes,
prescribes the cut of our tables and our chairs, models our
houses, and presides at our board — I have given you a
pretty general idea of the character of a life which would
seem to be so congenial to human nature, that a very short
time is necessary to habituate the new-comer in all its ways,
strange as they must appear at first. But you must not
suppose that I am going to wage war from this distance
against all that I have left behind me. Fear not that I
shall wound thee in thy pride of beef and double stout, and
throw thee into a fit of the gout by abusing the good men
and things of old England — he must be a bolder and
perhaps colder man than I am to think of a comparison ; but
I mean to say that the evils of India, like most other evils,
have been to me much greater at a distance ; its comforts
exactly the reverse.
Love of " I cannot express to vou the deep feeling of love of

country. , • i . ,

country which seems spread over all India, aud binds stranger
to stranger together with that single tie. Hospitality is the
outward and visible sign of this, and the grand characteristic
of the European in the East ; and travel where you will, ^

1841.] ENOLISnMEN IN PERFECTION. 17

white face is sufficient passport to good services, wherever
they may be required.

"I am now travelling up the Ganges, with a detachment Hospitality,
of the G5th Jiegimcnt of Native Infantry, en route for Dina-
pore, and have already seen many instances of this good
feeling.

" If we anchor within reach of any European's residence
— a fact of which we are most likely ignorant— the good
man comes down in a fever of delight and exercise to kidnap
the whole of us to dinner; and if we stop at a station, it is
necessary to write on before to any friends that you may
have in particular, literally to give them the start of the three-
cornered billets which come tumbling down at your arrival.
In short, though you cannot but regret England, you meet
with Englishmen in perfection. But it is time that I left
off boring you with what most probably you know as well
as I do.

" I demand your gratitude for not dashing over head
and ears into a jungle, and telling you how sweetly every
wild weed smells, and how more than sweetly do the thou-
sand perfumes mingle in the air ; and how the green pigeon
flutters overhead, and coos for very joy at the shower of
blossoms which he scatters on one's murderous eyes when
just upon the sight of a deadly ' ^Yestley Richards.'

" I am already posted to the 1st European Eegiment at Pmmising
Kurnal, the finest regiment in all India, I am told, for I'^'^-^r^^^*^-
discipline and appointment. It has also the best band and
the best mess in the service. With all these distinctions it
is the last regiment which cadets hope to be posted to;
they say it is expensive, and the duties laborious — not plea-
sant things in their way, certainly ; but it seems to me that
if a man enjoys good things, he must be content to pay
good prices for the same. And if he takes any pride in the
discipline of his corps, he must not grudge the labour by
wliich it is bn^ight about, and which lias enabled the rogi-
voi.. 1. C

18 sin HERBERT It. EDWARDES. [18-12.

inont to servo with sucli great distinction all through the late
war, and will enable it, I hope, to gain fresh laurels in the
ono now springing up in the part of the country where I
am going.

" This is a cheerful prospect for us subs, and I am, at
all events, lucky in being posted to a regiment which is
always called upon when fighting is to be done, and in time
of peace always stationed in the finest and most healthy
parts of India. It is something, moreover, to have your
own countrymen under your command, instead of an ebony
set of soldiers, though of a truth the natives are much
easier to manage."

Jul ' \M'> After staying a few months at Dinapore, Edwardes moved

At Kurnui. with liis regiment to Kurnal,* for we find him there in July,
1842. " A delightful station," he writes, " same climate as
a healthy England." A great relief from the heat of Dinapore.
But he was not idle at either of these places, although the
ordinary routine duties of a regimental officer's life did not
at all satisfy him, and he longed to get into " staff-employ,"
which means being detached from the regiment for special
duties, and being entrusted with the civil and political govern-
ment of the country.
„, J , This was the line for which he desired to fit himself. He

study, and

passes in Worked resolutely m studying the different languages of
three India. He passed in the Hindee, Hindoostanee, and Persian

languages. ^ ' '

languages; and in November, 1845, he passed " the Inter-
preter's " examination. All these languages were new to him
before he left England, for he had never turned his attention
to India. But he studied diligently every day with his
moonshee, Sudda Sookh, and did not stop short of pro-
ficiency.

At intervals of leisure he would help in the regimental
theatre (for the amusement of the men), of which he was the
" manager," and would paint the scenes with his own hand
(no slight effort in the hot season) ; and once, he writes, " I

* Kurnal was afterwards abandoned by the order of Sir Charles
Napier, commander-in-chief, who considered it unhealthy for the troops.

1842.] EFFORTS TO A MUSH TlIE REGIMENT. 19

stood six hours a day depictin*,' cottage scenes and lordly

castles of the land we still call ' home,' on immense sheets

of canvas," at Kurnal, in July, 1842, and took two parts in

two diflercnt plays at the same time. The consequence of pever, an.l

this was a fever that obliged him to take "leave" to Simla, sick leave

in September. He was dangerously ill, and nearly died.

His ready wit, wonderfully retentive memory, and powers
of oratory, gave him great capacity for these displays of
talent ; and the amusement to his brother officers and the
men was great. To his friend Cowley Powlcs he writes —

"They may talk of Lord Grey's exertions, but think of
a small ensign being slapped on the back with a side-scene,
and desired to rise up * Grand Duke Alexander, brother of
the Emperor ! ' Oh dear me ! this is a bad time of the
year 'to have honour thrust upon me!' Already has one
letter informed you of my theatrical triumphs in the asth-
matic and crutch-line as Sir Anthony Absolute ; and now
while I stand upright, I unroll the seven and twenty towels
wliich gave people to understand that there is gout in the
neigh])Ourhood, take off servitude in fact, and don the iron
youth of a Russian autocrat! I know how it will all end, so
write you this last letter — a legacy, and, after that, going
to pieces like barley-sugar in a tea-cup, and being swabbed
up carefully and sent home to my afflicted relations in a
pail. . . .

" And so you think that tidings of you and the good
people of Oxford will have no interest for me at the distance
of sixteen tliousand miles ? ]\Iy dear Powles, I would fain
that the same epistle which I am now writing may give you
half the pleasure, though tliat is a poor word, which the bare
sight of yours — the r<3cognitiou of the familiar hand, through
all the vile attempts of posts and postmasters to blot it out
— communicated to me two days ago when it arrived. But
I fear, nay, I liope, you cannot understand it. I know you
will be glad right heartily to tear open another from me ;

20 sin HERBERT B. EDWARDES. [1842.

luit, after all, it will bo nothing but a Idler. To me your
letter is the fabled horse (not a wooden one) which traverses
space in an instant, and sets me down beside you with all
fiimiliar things and familiar faces round about you. You
know nothing of my habits here, my whereabouts, my every-
day oIkovo/h t which gives identity to things long after they
are out of sight, and when I write to you it is only as if I
paid you a visit ; you write to me, and I find not only a
friend, but a home, for so it is in my memory, full of sun-
shiny recollections without one single shadow interspersed
among them.

*' I met with a song the other day. Excuse my copying
a verse of it in here —

" ' But when we meet with older years

And sadder times that tell
How sorrowless were those sweet tears

Which in our childhood fell,
Oh, then we feel our own dear land

Has some deep charm where'er we roam,
And sadly press the stranger s hand

Who left, like us, his native hone I '

" I know not by whom it was written, but I know that
a year ago I should have written ' stuff! ' against it ; but I
shall not do so now. ... I have been but three months in
India, and I know what the last lines mean very well.

" Now, your letter was such a stranger to me : you see
what I mean ? Mine cannot be so to you."

'I'houghts About this time must he have been writing the following

01 home. lines, wliich seem to express a similar thought —

"It was a childish wish of mine
To make the earth an evergreen,
And play all day in warm sunshine.
Where winter's face is never seen.

" I wished to fill the summer trees

With poet-birds, like those who sing
In Eastern Isles, where ever}' breeze
Flies back to heaven carollino;.

Ifi42.] SERMONS FROM STONES. 21

" I long to dwell where spices breatlie.
And lose myself in orange-groves,
Wiiosc gentle task it is to wreathe
A crown for every maid who loves.

" For I had read that i)leasaiit tale

Which comes from Araby the blest,
Aiul till 1 spread the wandering sail
My foolish heart would not have rest.

" Now, granted is that wish of mine,
I've found a land that's ever green.
And dwell for ayo in bright sunshine,
Where cold and shade are never seen.

" And are my days all hapjiy now ?
Youth's dream is life's reality ?
Are there no clouds upon my brow
Because there are none in the sky ?

" And do I love the matin scream
Of gaudy parrots in the glade ?
Or nightly mingling in my dream
The little bul-bul's * serenade ?

" Sing not to me, thou merry bird ;
Thy song is but an Eastern tale,
I'd give it for the simplest word
Of England's gentle nightingale.

" H. B. E."

Again, in his journey up the country, Edwardes, writing
to the same friend, makes some remarks that miglit read a
k'sson in these days of advocacy of cremation.

"The earth is very prodigal here in her fruits, and
scatters them alike in the paths of the fat baboo and the
skinny pariah ; but you will hardly believe that, day by day
on my journey up the Ganges, I have seen the victims of
this abundance brought down in crowds to die like dogs
near * the holy river,' or be reduced to aslies by the pious
hands of their relations. . . .

" Tliey have all, or nearly all, died of cholera, and a young
European cannot get a better lesson than ho may from these
disgusting obsequies ; though truly, it is getting sermons
* The Indian nightingale.

SIR HERB Eli T Ji. EDWARDES.

[1842.

Regiment
moves to
Subathoo.

Desires

stafr-

employ.

from stones, for of all men, I supi)Ose the Oriental looks on
these things with the greatest apathy. ]\Ien swarm, and
death is rife; and it seems an everyday thing for them
to stretch the limbs of some friend's or relation's corpse.

" I have watched them with my glass throughout the
whole process, from laying the first stick of wood to kindling
the pile, and seldom indeed have I seen anything which
betrayed sorrow or that sort of love which ive feel for the
dead, which shrinks from familiarity with the object and
stand aloof as from something belonging to a being more
sacred than ourselves. . . .

" I dare say the Utilitarian thinks it well that after death
the relation should emerge into the scavenger, and earth
be purged as quick as may be of what no longer honours it ;
but I pity the man who would teach us such a creed, and
make this intellectual age look on their household dead as
blots to be washed out, instead of spots to be held sacred
in memory."

In these letters may be seen something of the sprightly
wit and temper of the writer, and at the same time of the
tender gentleness of thought and feeling which distinguished
him even as a boy, and was conspicuous in him as a man.

He returned from Simla to Kurnal, October 20, 1842,
His regiment was intended by Lord EUenborough to join the
Army of Eeserve, but, Generals Nott and Pollock having
returned from Cabul, the Army of Eeserve was not wanted
and was broken up.

Edwardes's regiment was afterwards moved to Subathoo,
a station in the Himalayan Mountains, on the old road to
and not far from Simla, which is tlie head-quarters of the
Government in India in the hot season.

Books were Edwardes's chief pleasure and his chief re-
creation. He had friends, and w\irm ones, too ; for he was the
life and soul of every society he was in. But India was a
sad place to him in those days ; for it seemed to open no field
in the larger sphere of political work, which he desired, and
he felt himself a stranger still.

1845.] "77//-; BHAIIMJNF.I': ni'J.L l.F.TTF.IlSr 2'»

His chief pleasure was in showing kiiKhiessaiid sympathy
to every one who came in his way and needed it — a pleasure
whifch clieered and li^rlitcd up liis life then, and in rdl its
subsequent sta<i,es.

He had always a heart to sympathize and a hand to
stretch out to every one in trouble, and many were the prayers
that went up to bless him, even when he was only asul»altern
with his re<:,nment.

That he wnsfUled for the lar<;er sphere of " political " life "Tho
that he desired, he showed at this time by writing "The gl^lf"''"-^*
Brahminee liull Letters." Letters,"

These were letters Avritten, of course anonymously, and '''
printed in an ordinary weekly newspaper, the Delhi Gazette.
They were entitled " Brahminee l^ull's Letters in India to his
Cousin John Bull in England," and dealt largely and freely
with the military questions of the day, then under anxious
discussion, relating to our unfortunate disasters in Cabul —
the old Cal)ul AVar of 1838-1839— all its mistakes, its
follies, and its sins, as well as with all questions concerning
England's relation with India, and kindred subjects.

These letters attracted great attention, and were looked
for eagerly from week to week from one end of India to the
other. They were considered to show so much cxjy'rinice in
the field, as well as so much sagacity and talent, that it was
sui)posed they could only be written by some old and long-
tried soldier ; and Edwardes was often amused at a mess-
table, to hear them discussed and well-known names
suggested as their author ; but he kept his own counsel, and
he was not discovered until he chose to reveal their real
authorship.

That the author was a young subaltern (still only a lieu-
tenant), with his regiment at a quiet station where he had
never had any opportunity of seeing service in the field, no
one had ever guessed.

It was reading these letters that lirst interested Captain
Henry Lawrence (then Eesident at Nepal) in their author. Hemy
He watched for them from week to week, and read tlieni with l->wj>'"ce
delight. But it was long before he could discover who wrote Kesijent at
them. And when Henry Lawrence was called upon shortly Lahore,
after to take the jjost of Besident at the Sikh Court at Lahore,

sin HERBERT B. EDWARDES.

[1846.

Appointed
A.D.C. to
the Com-
n);iniler-in-
chief, 1845.

First meet-
ing with
Henry
Lawrence.

Asks for
Edwardes
to be trans-
ferred to
be his as-
sistant,
1846.

he looked about to find Lieutenant Edwardes, and get liini
to work with him in his new post.

The vicinity of Suhathoo gave Edwardes frequent occa-
sions of visiting Simla, and these visits afforded him an oppor-
tunity of being introduced to Sir Hugh Gough. This was
quickly followed by his Excellency making him an aide-de-
camp on his personal staff.

To this Edwardes always gratefully acknowledged he was
indebted for his first step in advancement.

But he had not held this post for many weeks when
Henry Lawrence arrived, on his way from Nepal to take up
his new appointment of Eesident, wishing to confer with the
Governor-General, who was at that time at Simla.

Here Henry Lawrence and Herbert Edwardes first met,
and Lawrence soon prevailed with Sir Hugh Gough to give
up his new aide-de-camp, and with Sir Henry Hardinge to
appoint Edwardes to be one of his Assistants at Lahore.

Edwardes had only time to serve with Sir Hugh Gough as
his aide-de-camp at the battles of Moodkee and Sobraon,
before taking up the new post at Lahore.

CHAPTER II.

1845—1846.

SIKH INVASION OF BRITISH INDIA— BATTLES OF MOODKEE
AND SOBRAON— TREATY OF BYROWAL.

"Blessed is he who hus found his work. Let him ask no other
blessedness. He has a work — a life-purpose ; he has found it, and will
follow it." — Carlyle's Past and Present.

( 27 )

CHAPTER II.

In Novemljer, 1845, Edwardes was selected Ly Sir ITuij;li
Gmigli to become uide-de-caini) on liis personal stall', and on
December 11, in the same year, the Siklis crossed the Sutlej
and invaded British India.

" And how was British India prepared to meet them ? *
Suffice it to say that when, after years of empty boasting,
the Sikhs at last came as enemies across the Sutlej, they xhe sikh
found fifteen thousand more soldiers between that river and l?y*'*f'°" °^

British

Meerut than had been left there by any of Lord Hardinge's India,
predecessors.

" Now we see the wisdom of the Governor-General's S'^" Henry

Hardinge's

cautious policy. Slowly and silently and by degrees he policy:
added to the regiments and gathered them together, and ^var but to
silently strengthened his jiositions, anxious to avert war, P*-' ^'^^'^^' '^
but determined to be ready. Sir Henry Hardinge was
something more than an old and experienced soldier, snuff-
ing, like the war-horse, the battle from afar, and preparing
for it with exultation. He was the statesman to whose
calm and unimpassioned judgment it was given to preserve
the peace of India, and he chose that middle course which,
the result has proved, united the dignity of forbearance
with the necessity of defence.

" Troops were not massed into an army on the frontier,
because this would have rendered inevitable the collision

* We quote from Herbert Kdwardcs's own pen.

28 sin HERBERT D. EDWARDES. [1845-6.

which Sir Heury lliinrmg-o, his Council, and his Agent on
the north-west frontier (IMajor Henry Lawrence) hoped
and believed to be an improbable contingency. . . .

" ]>nt the troops, which a wise Governor had spread
in peaceful attitude over the surface of the north-west
provinces, were yet within bugle-call, and could be sum-
moned to arms in time to repel an enemy. Hitherto Sir
Henry Hardinge had been slow, cautious, forbearing almost
to timidity ; as if peace were a strange but imperative duty
that had been imposed on him."
Peace " ^hc crossing of the Sikhs was like the magic word

changed to y^^l\^{^>\^ woke the Seven Sleepers. It broke the spell upon
his nature and disenchanted him. The cold snows of age
and prudence melted and disappeared before the rekindled
fire and energy of the hero of Albuera ; the identity of the
accomplished statesman passed away and left a military
leader in its place, presiding over the army of the Sutlej.

" ' Teleraachns suddenly beheld ^linerva,
She spread her regis over him ! '

" Well was the ardour of the Governor-Greneral at this
crisis seconded by the more than youthful energy and
activity of the commander-in-chief, whose gallant figure,
dashing by the column, was wont to provoke from many a
young ' sub.' the hackneyed lines —

" ' Nor slack'd the messenger his pace ;

He show'd the sign, he named the place —
And, pressing forward like the wind.
Left clamour and surprise behind.

* * * *

He vanished ; — and o'er moor and moss
Sped forward on the fiery cross ! '

Sir Henry "It is, howevcr, but just to say that a Governor-General

toidiei-" only, and such a Governor-General as Sir Henry Hardinge,

statesman, jj^^ppjjy combining the statesman witli the soldier, could

have brought tlie whole resources of the country at a

1845-6.] AFFAIRS IN THE SIKH KINGDOM. 29

moment's notice to bear upon the most immiuont danger
that has ever threatened British India."

And here it may be well to take a glance at the state of
things in the Sikh kingdom which had brouglit about tliis
iirst Sikli "War, after the death of Runject Singh, when lus
heir -was a chihl and the Queen-mother was regent.

An article written by Edwardes * at this date is full of
interest, and supplies us with many a picture of the events
of tliese times, when the bold and desperate games of the
reckless Sirdars closed in repeated tragedies,

" and the army became the real rulers, in the (nominal) Sketch of
government of the Punjab. . . . Trampling upon the the sikii
Constitution, they acknowledged no law but their own ^'"S'^o'"-
interests ; and to protect those, combined together, with a
greater singleness of purpose than ever dignified the efforts
of the Mamelukes, the Janissaries, or the Praetorians of the
ancient world. . . . The moving spirit of the rebellion was
undoubtedly the Eani.f . , . Her infatuation at this crisis The Rani
was complete. Instead of looking around her for some
bold spirits who would seize with vigorous hand tlie helm
of Government, she threw it, as if it were a bauble, to
Jowahir Singh, her brother, a weak, vain, besotted de-
bauchee.

" She herself plunged into a round of festivities and
voluptuousness with a paramour whom she was now at
liberty to honour. The Court joined in the drunken revels ;
and none perceived that, while the I\Iiuistry were thus
celebrating the revolution, the Army had stepped into the
Government and appropriated the power.

" 'J'he Sikh soldiers now rioted at will ; took furlouo-h 'l"'>e Sikii
to their homes when they liked, and returned as it suited
them; governed themselves and their officers by a parlia-
ment of their own, chosen from the ranks ; obeyed no other

* In the Calcutta lievicw. f ^''^ Qiic'cn-Mutlii.'r.

30 SIR HERBERT Ji. EDWARDES. [1845-6.

orders, overawed the Government, and set the laws at
defiance.

" The idiot minister, Jowahir Singh, they openly insulted,
witli expressions of contempt for his imbecility and drunken-
ness, and loudly called for Lehna Singh to replace him in
the Wizarut. ... It might be supposed that such a state
of things would soon induce so complete a disorganization
that the army must dissolve, and disperse over the country
in marauding bands. But nothing of the kind occurred.
The Sikh On the contrary, it was the civil and social system which
usurps the ^^s tom asuuder ; the executive Government, which was
place of threatened with dissolution : while the army itself, riotous
ment. and disorderly to all else around, was only drawn more

firmly and compactly together by the bond of mutual
interest.

"The very name which they at this time arrogated
to themselves, ' Surbut-i-Khalsa Ji,' or, the body of the
Kbalsa, breathes the spirit of exclusiveness and unanimity.
" Their acts, wild and bad as they were, were drawn into
the focus of a single object ; and thus, while plunder and
violence were rife at the capital, the provinces were left
unmolested, except by their own governors. . . . Rebellion
was so regulated that it might be almost called an institu-
tion, and military licence had yet its bounds reducing it to
conditional liberty.

" Woe indeed to the wretch who disobeyed the will of
the nation ! Expulsion from the ranks, mutilation of a
hand, an ear, a nose — even death awaited him. Mutiny
was the condition of their existence ; the Government, the
Sirdars, and their own immediate officers, were their pro--
scribed enemies ; and the Treasury w^as their open aim.
But to gain these ends, sure never was a debauched army
so consistent in its conduct ! "

We have not room, nor is it our purpose, to follow all the
intrifjues of the Lahore Court.

1845.] TRAGEDIES OF THE SIKH COUIIT. .'U

" Ministers in the Punjab do not resiyii wlien thuy have
' lost the confidence of the people ; ' nor are they coldly told
that ' their services are not required ' when they have lost
the confidence of the sovereign. In either case, the removal
is complete — into another world. The unhappy woman,
therefore, could not have blinded herself as to the inevit-
able tendency of her intrigues."

And now Jowahir Singh was to be the victim.

" On September 1, they led him out in state to the Plain
of Mean Meer, and, in the presence of his sister and the
]\[aharajah, he was shot down like a dog. So died the last
and the worst Wazir of the Punjab Empire established by
Rnnjeet Singh. Pani Junda evinced some natural affection
and remarkalde courage on the occasion. She even effected
the punishment of the ringleaders in the late tragedy ; and,
as if roused by her brother's death and her son's danger,
assumed the government, sat openly in Durbar, and ' laid
aside her debaucheries with her veil.' " (" Papers," p. 10.)

" But the time for prudence had gone by. The vessel of
the State, too long unwatched, had drifted to the rapids'
edge ; and all that skill and courage now could do was to
seize the helm, put the barque's head straight, and plunge
boldly into the foaming gulf. Finding that it was hopeless
to oppose the army, the Eani wisely yielded, encouraged '^^^ ^^°'
its excesses, called its madness reason, and urged it on in yields to
the hope of guiding it to destruction. History scarcely '^ '
records a conception more bold and able ; and while repro-
bating its unprincipled execution, we cannot withhold our
admiration at tlio design. Punjcct Singh, in the zenith of
his power, thought all sacrifices light to preserve the friend-
ship of the British; Kani Junda, in the depth of her a^'^ ''c<=iJ"

I ' ' i^ on war

despair, when the Sikh nation was at its weakest, sought ^^''^

Hritish

safety in a war with British India. . . . C>n December 11, India.

32 SIR HERBERT B. EDWARD ES. [1845.

1845, the enemy crossed the Sutlej and invaded British

India. . . .

"Next morning commenced the march on which the fate

of two empires liung.
iMarch of " '^^^ wholc road from Umballa to Eajpiira, a distance of

the arniy gixtcen milcs, was covered witli advancing troops and

towards ' o i

WooJkee. artillery ; and the green crops in the fields, on either side of
the line of march, were trodden under foot and scattered
over by strings of baggage camels and camp followers, who,
unable to find room upon the old highway, soon made a
new one for themselves, and scrambled on in the dark
through gardens and over ditches in a style more sporting
than military.

" What a motley and amusing scene is an Indian line of
march !
Dcsciiiitio:- " Here, Jack Sepoy, bitterly cold, has tied up his head
lioe'of" "" like a stage-coach traveller, and then stuck his full dress
march. chako ou the top of it, much askew. Behind him, rejoicing
in the privilege of his rank, jogs along on a miserable
bare-ribbed tattii,* a grey-haired siibadar ; his very oldest
clothes are put on economically for the occasion, but round
his throat glitters through the dust his gold-beaded neck-
lace, and on his left breast, perhaps, dangles on a ribbon
twice too long, a medal or a star. Next, covering the whole
column with dust, canters by, a devil-may-care subaltern,
his forage cap cocked knowingly over his ear, and under him
the best Bombay Arab that could be got for money, though
it would not carry his bills. ' Bless my soul, sir,' croaks a
wheezy voice on the other side of the road, ' how often must
I tell you to keep that beast in the rear ? ' It is the fat
major, who has pulled up in his baggy to spit the ensign's
dust out of his mouth and knuckle it out of his eyes.

" On one side of the road a hackery f has fallen in the
dark into a ditch, and on the other, a gun. The former
* Pony. t Native cart.

1845.] SCENES IN A CAMP MARCn. 33

will bo there half the day ; for the driver is smoking his
liookah, and waiting till Providence sends some one to help
him. The other will be all right in ten minutes ; for a
dozen strapping Horse Artillerymen have 'put their shoulders
to the wheel,' and are hauling away to a jolly chorus.
Chaque imys, chaque mode !

" Look at that half-clad, knock-kneed wretch shufTliiig
along at one untiring pace, with a pliant bamboo over his
shoulder, and at either end of it a heavy green box, slung
by ropes. He is a ' banghy-bearer,' and you may take an
inventory of his load without opening the pitarahs ; one of
them is always devoted to a guthri,* and the other to plates,
dishes, and a teapot ; for woe betide the khidmutgar who
has not breakfast ready the moment the regiment comes
upon its ground.

" But mind your head, or it will be knocked off by that
half-mad camel, who is overladen with tents and *tots,'t
and is dancing about the road, furious at the clattering on
his back.

" That red-haired grenadier with the yellow facings is
one of the gallant 9th Foot, and if what he is now swearing
at the camel was not pure Irish, there could not be a doubt
about his country ; for at the end of his bayonet he has
slung his boots, and is walking barefoot ' to warm himself.'

" Whose hackery is that with a slipper-bath in it ?
There are no ladies in camp. It belongs to one of the
hospitals, and those three black heads poking out at the
mouth of the bath are the liospital cook's children, who live
in it when it isn't wanted. Such are some of the queer
incidents and characteristic scenes which cheat the soldier
of a laugh on the Indian line of march. But let us resume
our knapsack and march on.

• Giithi'i, the Indian vade mecum — 'a bundle containing^ a change
of clothes and something of cA-ery tiling that " master possesses."
t Tots, tin pots, out of which the European soldiers drink.
VOL I. D

An ompn.

filled.

34 Sin nERBERT D. EDWARDE8. [1815.

"Foi- the beucfit of those who have a lingeriug faith in
omeus, we may as well record here that just before morning
broke, on the march to Mootlkee, a brilliant star shot from
its place in the firmament and fell over the Sutlej, into the
dark grave of the earth's horizon. The ' Bright Star ' is
the highest order in the Punjab, and those who think that
the everlasting laws of stellar motion are disturbed by the
convulsions of this little orb, imperceptible in space, may
confirm tlieir superstition with the coincidence. It is

How fill- ' stranger still,' and much more to the point, that on De-
cember 2 died the venerable Fakeer Uziz-iid-din, the able
minister of Eunjeet Singh, and faithful follower of his policy
in all the counsels he was called upon to give to the weak
successors of his master. He knew our power thoroughly,
and his voice was ever for friendship and peace. The last
act of his life was a remonstrance against the approaching
war ; and, without superstition, with him may be said to
have perished the genius of the Punjab. . . .

" Three miles from Moodkee, the first indication of the
proximity of an enemy reached the army of the Sutlej.

George " A noto from Major Broadfoot, ever in the front, in-

formed the commander-in-chief that Moodkee was occupied
by the Sikhs, in what force it was uncertain.

" Upon receipt of this intelligence, the column was
halted, the Artillery ordered to the front, and the Cavalry
to support it right and left. Thus 'squaring up,' in pugi-
listic phrase, the army resumed its march, with intense
anxiety looking for the enemy.

" The commander-in-chief, attended by his own staff and
that of the Governor-General (made over to him by Sir
Henry Hardinge, who reluctantly remained behind), and
supported by two squadrons of the 5th Light Cavalry, then
made a reconnoissance in front, and soon met Major Broad-
foot and a party of Christie's Horse coming back, a little
downcast with the tidings that the village now coming into

Broadfoot.

1845.] A WELCOME SIGHT! 35

view had merely been occupied by the advanced picket
of the Khalsa Army, who had fallen back hastily upon their
own main body ; not, however, without carrying off Captain
E. Biddulph, of the 45th Native Infantry, who had tlie
evening before got so far on his way in a gallant but impru-
dent attempt to join Tait's Irregulars at Ferozepore.

" The momentary excitement over, the weary, foot-sore
troops dragged themselves on to Moodkee, which they
reached at noon ; and what a welcome sight then met their
view ! Beneath the walls of the fort spread a wide, clear
tank of water ; and the reader who has not the memory of
that long march of twenty-one miles, with heavy sand under-
foot and the air thick with dust, disturbed by fifteen Halt and
thousand men, cannot paint the eagerness with which men l^Q^t. '
and horses rushed to the bank, and tried to slake a thirst
which seemed unquenchable.

*' In ten minutes the lake was a mass of floiting mud,
yet fresh regiments kept coming up, and fresh tliirsty souls
kept squeezing their way in, and thinking it was the
sweetest draught they had tasted in their lives. Between
two and three o'clock, the baggage of the troops was
befrianine: to struggle in, and the men to cook their
breakfast, when Major Broad foot again galloped into camp
with the news — this time true enough — that the enemy was
advancing in force in front.

" Away with knives and forks, and out with swords and iiow soon
pistols! Camels, elephants, camp-followers, and other lumber
to the rear! Trumpets sound to horse; bugles, drums and
fifes to arms; and the whole army, which but two hours
ago had made a march of unusual severity, now turned out,
as if fully recruited, to the battle. . . .

" Once more the Governor-General, with a courteous bow
that would have done honour to St. James's, waved his
dashing staff over to the brave chief of that brave army,
and then fell back upon the Infantry.

36 SIR TIERBEET B. EDWARDES. [1845.

The bnttle " '^^^'^ Artillery was in the centre of the front line,

ofMoodkee. ^^^^]^ ^j^^ Cavalry on either flank; the main body of the
Infantry, in contiguous columns behind, and a reserve in
rear of all. A mile and a half at least from their own camp
did the British advance in this order before they came
under the fire of the Sikh guns ; but then the ' long bowls '
came bounding in among them with deadly aim and that
peculiar ivhirr which makes the young soldier bob his
head. Now tumbrils begin blowing up, and Artillerymen
dropping from their saddles ; the mutual roar of cannon
reverberates over the plain, and smoke obscures the vision.
Closer and closer approach the hostile armies; and a staff
oflBcer, almost simultaneously from right and left, gallops
up to Sir Hugh, with a report that the Sikh Cavalry in
clouds are turning both his flanks. Eight and left he
launches his own Cavalry upon them ; right and left their
brilliant charge makes the enemy's Horse give way. The
British Infantry deploy and advance rapidly in line. A
finer sight no man ever saw than that deployment and
advance. The jaded men, worn out with forced marches
and want of food, forgot all their troubles in their eagerness
to close, and nearly the whole of an unusually large staff
might at one time have been employed in galloping up and
down the line to keep the regiments from doubling into
action.

" And now all hands are at it ! Cavalry charging
cavalry. Artillery thundering on the flanks, and In-
fantry exchanging a roar of musketry in the centre. The
battle is at its height ; it rages ; but the British still
advance; and it is a fact, which has not been noticed by
any writer yet that we have seen, not even by his Excellency
the commander-in-chief in his own despatch, that the
charge of the British Cavalry was the turning-point of the
battle of Moodkee. Up to that moment every arm of the
Sikh force. Cavalry, Artillery, and Infantry, had been

1845.] THE TURNINO-POINT OF THE BATTLE. 37

advancing; aud tliougb tlie Artillery and luluutry still
stood and struggled manfully after Lai Singh's cavalry had
fled, tjet they never gained another foot of ground, and the
last two hours of battle were a series of dogged stands and
skirmishing retreats on the part of the Sikh troops, of
sharp struggles, gun captures, and pursuits by the British,
over five miles of the worst ground that ever two armies
fought for. Night closed the contest, or rather the pursuit,
and the British army was left in possession of the field and
nineteen of the enemy's guns.

" Thus ended the battle of Moodkee, and the victory of Unequal

•^ numbers.

December 18, 1845, must be acknowledged to have been no
mean achievement. It is no easy matter, at any time, for
fourteen thousand men to thrash between thirty and forty
thousand ; nevertheless, as was the case in our early Indian
battles, the discipline was all on the side of the minority.
Those days have long passed away. We have now been
teaching the art of war to Asia for upwards of a century ;
and though not exactly reduced to the sad pass of that
celebrated grandfather who taught his grandson draughts,
* until at last the old man got beaten by the boy,'
yet there is no longer that vast disparity between the
discipline of the native and British Indian armies that we
can afford to give them, as of old, the odds which Clive
thought very fair at Plassy."

It was at this battle of Moodkee, when carryiufr Sir r.-iwanies
Hugh Gough's orders to recall the flank detachments back ^^^"" ^' "
tt) their line, that Edwardes Avas severely wounded by a
bullet through his thigh.

The following incident will be worth recording, as illus-
trating the feeling of brotherhood and kindness of which
Edwardes has written in the former chapter * — one of those
tender things to which even the stern scenes of a battle-field
can often bear witness.

Edwardes was riding along, on this occasion, on a fine

♦ At end of chap. i.

38 SJB IlERBERT B. EDWABDES. [1846.

clicsnut Arab charger that he had lately bought. The
blood was streaming from his thigh, and he was getting
faint, wlien he met a friend and brother officer* who

A friend on stopped him, and said, " Edwardes, you are badly wounded ;

field ^'^ ^' 8*^^ °^ ^ gun-carriage, and go into hospital. You can't ride
off the field." " IS o," said Edwardes ; " if I throw the reins on
my Ruby's neck, I shall never see him again. I will ride
on." And his friend, in a moment, tore off the long turban
he had twisted round and round his helmet, and bound up
his thigh with it to staunch the bleeding — no trifling act at
such a time, and in the midst of the exposure of a battle-
field on the plains of India.

With help of this, Edwardes rode safely off the field, and
went into hospital for his wounds.

As it is not our purpose to write a history of the Sikh
War, but only to touch upon those points and events of it in
which our biography is concerned, we need not pursue the
subject further than to tell, that when the second battle
(Ferozeshah) was fought, Edwardes was still in hospital ; but
he was sufficiently recovered to take part in the battle of
Sobraon, which closed the Sikh campaign.
He writes —

^ ^^j,l " It was yet dark, on the morning of February 10th, 1846,

contest ap- \v]ien the army of the Sutlei moved out at last from their

preaches. "^ "^

lines at Nialki, and advanced to a final contest with the
invading Kbalsa.

" Halfway between the British outpost at Rhodawala
and the Sikh camp stood three trees, the only ones upon
the plain. In the upper branches of these trees, the Sikhs
had erected muchaus, or platforms, for sentries to sit in, and
watch the movements of our troops at Ehodawala.

"A deep ditch and bank were thrown round the spot,

* The name of this officer deserves to be recorded. But alas! he is
gone from amongst us, and in a sad and cruel way. He was the Colonel
Holmes who, with his wife, was shot by his own men whom he trusted,
during the Mutiny of 1857. His wife was the daughter of Lady Sale.
Both were driving together in an opeu carriage, when one of his own
troopers rode up and shot them both dead, without a warning.

of S<jbr&on.

1846.] PLAN OF ATTACK. '.Vd

and it was easy to see from the iJritisli outpost that the
place was strongly occupied during the day.

'* About half a mile to the right of the muchans was the The b.ttie
village of Little Sobraon ; and here also the enemy had
posted a strong picket within an entrenchment. It was
necessary to drive in both these pickets before Sir Hugh
Gough could push forward his heavy guns within range of
the great Sikh entrenchment, and when detachments of her
Majesty's 62nd Foot stole cautiously down upon them in
the darkness and mist of the morning, they were both found
unoccupied, and were taken possession of without firing. It
was afterwards ascertained that these posts were held during
the day, and abandoned after dark in the evening ; and this
circumstance, added to a thick fog which deferred the
dawn, was very favourable to the British, enabling the
commander-in-chief to bring up his several divisiuns in
order of battle, and post his Artillery without any alarm to
the enemy, in whose camp might plainly be heard the light
song and rolling note of the nukaruh,* which told of deep
and false security.

" Sir Hugh Gough's plan of attack was as follow^s : — The
heavy guns were to commence operations by a cannonade
upon the entrenchment, into which, crowded as it was with
upwards of thirty thousand men, their fire was expected to
carry confusion and dismay. Sir Robert Dick's division, on
the extreme left of the British line, was then to advance
and storm the right or western corner of the Sikh position ;
General Gilbert's division, on the centre, and Sir Harry
Smith's division, on the right, were simultaneously to make
false attacks, with the view of diverting the enemy's atten-
tion from the real attack of Sir llobert Dick.

" Brigadier Cnreton, with a brigade of Cavalry and a
troop of Horse Artillery, was directed to threaten the ford
of Hurriki Puttun, about a mile distant from the eastern
* A keltleibuin.

40 SIR nEPiBERT B. EDWARDES. [1846.

corner of the entrenclimont, on the opposite bank of which
the enemy's Cavahy were posted.

"Agreeably to this plan, at about seven o'clock a.m. the
Artillery opened ; the fog rolled off, as if it were a curtain,
and the surprised KhTilsa at once heard and saw that the
avenger had come upon them. In an instant the Sikh
The drums beat to arms, and many rounds had not been fired

bes'inf/ from the British guns before an answering thunder from the
entrenchment told that the works were manned and the
struggle had begun.

" At nine o'clock the Artillery ofiScers reported that the
ammunition of the heavy guns was well nigh expended ;
and it is a fact that when Sir Robert Dick was hastily
ordered to advance, he moved up in the face of a furious
cannonade from the enemy, and under cover of a slackened
fire from his own side. (This was not the fault of the
Artillery officers, who had prepared as many rounds as the
shortness of the time between the arrival of the guns and
the battle would permit.)

" The attack was led by Brigadier Stacy, with her
Majesty's 10th and 53rd Eegiments, and the 43rd and 59th
Native Infantry, supported on the flanks by Captains Hors-
ford and Fordyce's batteries, and Lieutenant-Colonel Lane's
troop of Horse Artillery.

" Beyond all comparison, this was the finest attack of
the campaign.

" The Field Artillery galloped up and delivered their
fire within three hundred yards of the enemy's batteries ;
and the Infantry charged home with the bayonet, and
carried the outworks without firing a single round — ' a for-
bearance,' says the Governor-General, ' much to be com-
mended, and most worthy of constant imitation.' As it was
the finest attack, so also did it meet with the most deter-
mined hand-to-hand resistance which the Khalsa soldiers
had yet opposed to the British.

184G.] FIERCE RESISTANCE OF KIIALSA SOLDIERS. 41

" Like liglituiiif^, the real plau of" the attack seemed to
flash on the minds of all the desperate men in that
entrenchment, and, disregarding the distant feints of
Gilbert's and Smitli's divisions on their left and centre,
they rushed to the right to repel the real danger that was
upon them.

"In vain Stacy's brigade tries to withstand the mass,
which every moment is growing denser; in vain Wilkin-
son's brigade comes up to the support; in vain Ashburn-
ham's reserve swells the furious tide of the assault. It was
like the meeting of two mighty rivers, one swifter and one
deeper than the other ; and as the swifter for a moment
penetrates its duller neighbour's stream, then, yielding to
the overpowering waters, is rolled back and swept away, so
would the conquered trenches of the Sikhs have been
wrested again from the brave division of the British had
not Sir Hugh, with the intuitive quickness of a general's
eye, marked the crisis and the struggle, foreseen its issue. The crisis.
and ordered up Gilbert's and Smith's divisions to the rescue.
They advanced ; the enemy beheld it, and, returning
tumultuously to the posts they had abandoned, poured upon
these new enemies from every foot of the entrenchment a
destructive fire of grape, round shot, and musketry.

" In spite, however, of a loss unprecedented in so short
a time, these two indomitable divisions persevered in
storming what proved to be the strongest part of the
enemy's position ; and the entrenchment being thus carried
by the British at three different points, the gunners, who
drew their swords when they could no longer fire, were
bayoneted beside the guns they had so murderously served,
while the Cavalry and Infantry, driven from tliree sides
into a confused and disordered mass, but fighting to the
last, were inch by inch forced to retreat whore alone retreat
was possible.

" J^referring death to surrender, they recklessly plunged

42 SIE EEEDERT B. EDWARDES. [1846.

Death pre- iiito tliG rivcr. The bridge of which they were so proud,
sum'ndor. ^^^^ to which they had so confidently trusted, broke down
under the first party of flying horsemen, and became im-
passable; while the Sutlej, having risen seven inches in the
night, had flooded the ford. * In their efforts to reach the
right bank,' says the graphic narrative of the commander-
in-chief, ' through the deepened water, they suffered from
our Horse Artillery a terrible carnage,'

"Hundreds fell under this cannonade; hundreds upon
hundreds were drowned in attempting the perilous passage.
Their awful slaughter, confusion, and dismay were such as
would have excited compassion in the hearts of their
generous conquerors, if the Khalsa troops had not, in the
earlier part of the action, sullied their gallantry by
slaughtering and barbarously mangling every wounded
soldier whom, in the vicissitudes of attack, the fortune of
war left at their mercy.

" Sixty-seven pieces of cannon, upwards of two hundred
camel-swivels, numerous standards, and vast munitions of
war were left in possession of the victors." ("Papers,"
p. 77.)

" At half-past ten o'clock p.m. not a Sikh soldier was

left alive upon the British bank of the Sutlej ; and thus, in

little more than four hours, was fought the bloodiest battle.

The victory ^yith the Worthiest foe, and gained the completest victory,

recorded in our Eastern annals. . . .

" Thus ended, also, in awful and disastrous tragedv, the
Sikh invasion of British India. On the side of the British
there were killed 320, and wounded 3063. . . .

" The very lowest estimate of the Sikh loss is eight thou-
sand ; we have heard survivors of that routed host lament the
death of tivice that number. And those who, in cooler mood,
when the unsparing passions of war were still, revisited next
day the silent battle-field, and looked into those trenches
where their dead defenders lay in heaps ; or saw the Sutlej

18iG.] AWFUL SCENE OF A FIELD AFTER BATTLE. 43

fords choked with human bodies, and its swelling waters
still covered with bloody garments and the wreck of a great
army — recalling in awful vividness the mind's picture of
God's last judgment upon Pharaoh — will remember the
spectacle of destruction to the last day they have to live. . . .

"The Governor-General, though suffering from a severe
fall, and after riding all day about the field, returned to
Ferozepore on the afternoon of the 10th, within a few hours
after the action had ceased, to superintend the passage of the
Sutlej by our troops." (" Papers," p. 08.)

" Six regiments of Native Infantry crossed the Sutlei 0"'' troop*'

° •' "^ cross the

that very evening. Sutlej.

" The commander-in-chief broke up his camp next day
and marched to Utari ; and on the 14th the whole army of
the (Sutlej was encamped at Kussiir, in the Punjab, within
thirty miles of the capital. . . .

" That evening there arrived from Lahore a stranse
triumphal procession of three elephants and a buggy, loaded
with European prisoners, who had been taken by the Sikhs
in the affair of Buddowal, and now sent in by Golab Singh
as a peace-offeriug to the victors, at whose feet his country
was prostrate. Deputies from Lahore had arrived at Feroze-
pore, and peaceably demanded an audience, of the Governor- The Sikhs
General two days before the battle of Sobraon. They were terms of
told with becoming dignity that theij would he received after l'^"*^^*
the battle. On the 11th they had the audience they desired,
posted back to Lahore, and returned again to the British
camp at Kussur. They were followed, on the 14th, by Rajah
GolTib Singh, Dewan Dinanath, and Fakeer Niir-ud-din, with
full credentials from the AFaharajah, and empowered to
agree, in the name of the ]\[aharajah and the (rovernment,
to such terms as the Governor-General might dictate."
(" Papers," p. 08.)

" ' I received the Rajah in Durbar,' writes the Governor-
General himself, ' as the representative of an offending

44 SIR HEBBERT B. EDWARDES. [1846.

Government, omitting the forms and ceremonies usually
observed on the occasion of friendly meetings, and refusing
to receive, at that time, the proffered nuzzurs and com-
plimentary offerings.' " (" Papers," p. 68.)
(Vnipioto " Thus humbled, the chiefs were handed over to the

Nu mission, gjjjgf secretary and Governor-Greneral's Agent, Mr. Currie and
Major Henry Lawrence, to learn their fate. Closeted with
these, they remained the greater part of the night in con-
ference ; but before they separated, a paper was signed by
them to the effect that all that had been demanded would
be conceded." (" Papers," p. 69.)

" On the 17th, the Maharajah himself came in to make
his submission ; but the Governor-G-eneral had appointed
the meeting to be at Lulleani, ten miles further on, and
Alexander was in no haste to see Darius humbled. An
account of the interview is given in the ' Papers ' so often
quoted (p. 70), and all that is essential to note here is, that
the offending sovereign came in disgrace, and went away in
honour. Negotiations stopped not the advance of the
British army, which, unopposed, pushed on to the capital.
The Sikh army, indeed, was broken in every sense, body
and soul. Some eight or ten thousand — doubled, quad-
rupled by report — still held together, about twenty miles
from Lahore, but herding rather like frightened deer than
Khalsa warriors. The invaders were invaded; and those
who, in the intoxication of their pride, talked so lately of
carrying their baby-king to Delhi, had now not a sword to
draw in defence of their native land. . . .

" On February 20, the army of the Sutlej encamped on

the plains of Mean ]\reer, in the suburbs of Lahore, the

scene of Jowahir Singh's murder ; and it is impossible not to

contrast our conduct in victory with wliat would have been

^'°"" , theirs had they reached the capital of Hiudostan. We had

(oiboar- just cause, most assuredly, to feel resentment against a

discipline, people who had invaded our territories, and endangered

184G.] ATTITUDE OF THE ABMY BEFORE LAUORE. 45

even the safety of British India ; yet there might be seen

our generals forbearingly encamped, three miles from the

rich city which the fortune of war had placed at their

mercy, and punishing with dismissal or flogging any

soldier or camp-follower who dared to enter it for the

gratification even of his curiosity.* And is there any one

who doubts that if the Sikh army had been successsful at A contrast

Moodkee or Ferozeshah, and penetrated as far as Delhi before °°

another army could be brought to oppose tliem, the streets

of the imperial city, though no longer offering the same

gorgeous temptation to a lawless and greedy soldiery, would

have run with the blood of the inhabitants and been as

completely and brutally sacked as ever it was by the army

of Nadir Shah ? The lofty, dignified, and magnanimous

attitude of the British army before Lahore did honour to

the European character ; and the forbearance of the troops,

to British virtue and discipline. Proclamations were issued

to calm the terrified people of the Punjab ; and as one by

one the chiefs and officers came in, they were received by

all in the British camp with the kindness and consideration

their gallantry deserved.

" Dark looks there were among them, bespeaking broken Bearing of
hopes and smothered longings for revenge ; but oftener * ^ ' *'
there was a subdued yet manly bearing, as free from boast-
ing as from bending, which none could behold without
admiration. In later days, this was more especially re-
markable among the Sikh sepoys, who, coming to their
pay-tables through or near our ranks, bore themselves with
a soldierly resignation which could scarcely have been ex-
pected from the vaunting, conceited Khalsa.

" The Durbars and the Treaties therein ratified ; the
stately restoration of the young Maharajah to his throne ;
and the leaving of a British force at Lahore, at the earnest

* See Government Order, Army of the Sutlej, of date February 20,
1846.

46 SJn IlEUBERT B. EDWARDES. [1846.

solicitation of a tiiuiil j\riiiistry ; — is it not all put before
the reader with graphic vividness in the minutes of Mr.
Currie* and the despatches of the Governor-General (Lord
Hardinge) ? . . .

'* The country was at his feet, and few people, when they
come to consider the details of the story, will deny that
the Governor-General was wise to refrain from annexing the
Punjab. To us his forbearance seems more than wise; it is
eminently magnanimous, merciful, and patriotic." f

Treaty of The Treaty of Byrowal was ratified on March 11, 1846,

lATfi"^'' ^^^^ ^y ^^^^^ treaty the independence of the Punjab was pro-
longed, subject to the continued occupation by the British
troops.

" The interposition of British influence," so the
Governor-General declared in a subsequent despatch, " will
be exercised for the advantage of the people, and the
success of their interposition will be assisted by the con-
fidence and cordiality with which the Sirdars will co-operate
with the British Eesident.

"That officer, Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Lawrence, is
well known to the chiefs by his energy, talent, and in-
tegrity ; by these qualities he has conciliated their good
will and respect. . . .

" A Council of Regency, composed of leading chiefs,
will act under the control and guidance of the British
Resident.

" The Council will consist of eight Sirdars ; and the
members will not be changed without the consent of the
British Resident, acting under the orders of the Governor-
General.

" The power of the Resident extends over every depart-

* Afterwards Sir Frederick Currie.

t From Edwardes's article in the Calcutta Review, No. 46, " The
Sikh Invasion of British India."

181G.] END OF THE FIRST SIKH WAR. 47

ment and to any extent. A military force may be placed in
snch forts and posts, and of such strength, within the Lahore
territory, as the Governor-General may determine.

" The terms give the British Kesideut unlimited authority
in all matters of internal administration and external relation
during the Maharajah's minority, which would terminate
on September 4, 1854." *

By this treaty Henry Lawrence was left, in all but the
name, the reigning power of the magnificent realm of the
" Five Eivers " (or Punjab), the ancient kingdom of Porus,
the original " India " of the Greeks and Persians.

As regards the country, Mr. Arnold, in his " History of
Lord Dalhousie's Administration of British India," thus sums
up the results of Lord Hardinge's Government —

" Writing on the Ganges in the last month of 1847, the Results of
Governor-General was able to report the Punjab (to the ^^rdincre's
Secret Committee) as perfectly tranquil ; but for the anange-
perilous passions of the Queen-Mother, he could boast to
make over the peninsula free from any disturbing cause.
Our supremacy beyond the Sutlej was declared to be as
real as if it were loaded with the real responsibilities of
annexation."

Well aware that the Sikhs were to be trusted only as far
as they were under control, Lord Hardinge doubled the
garrison of the north-w^est. He left on this side and on that
side of the Sutlej more than fifty thousand men and sixty
guns.

This digression seems necessary to explain the position
of increased power and responsibility in the affairs of the
Punjab at this time, and also to give a picture of the people
and of the country in wdiich Edvvardes's lot is now cast.

Life has made a great stride with him. He is in stirring
times, and invested with great responsibilities ; and his was
a nature that rejoiced in difiiculties, and, when danger showed

* At this time the Jullundur Doab was annexed, and Henry Lawrence

made his brother John its Commissioner.

meut.

48 SIR HERBERT B. EDWARDES. [18 IG.

itself, seemed to spring up with even greater vigour, energy,
and resource. He has now found tlie field he sought for, and
it proved a training-ground for the after-life which follows.

Before this chapter is closed, that tells the story of the
conquered Sikh nation, it may be of interest to quote from
a local journal an account of the " Koh-i-noor " or Mountain
of Light, the great jewel of the Lahore treasury, which fell,
at the end of the Sikh Wars, into the possession of her
Britannic Majesty ; for it seems by its history as if the Koh-
i-noor carried with it the sovereignty of Hindostan.

It was consigned to the care of an English officer. Major
Mackeson, to be brought home to the Queen ; and we quote
from the Times' account of his arrival in England, July 1,
1850—

" Her Majesty's steam-sloop Medea has just arrived at
Portsmouth, with a freight more precious, in nominal value,
than was ever carried from Peru to Cadiz. Major Mackeson,
one of her passengers, a meritorious and distinguished officer,
brings with him that famous diamond of the East called, in
the fondness of Asiatic hyperbole, the Koh-i-noor, or Moun-
tain of Light, which after symbolizing the revolutions of ten
generations by its passage from one conqueror to another,
comes now, in the third centenary of its discovery, as the
forfeit of Oriental faithlessness and the prize of Saxon valour,
to the distant shores of England.

" It was in the year 1550, before the Mogul dynasty had
been established by the prowess of the great Akbar, that this
marvellous stone was first brought to light in the celebrated
mines of Golconda. The kingdom of this name constitutes
one of the five Mohammedan States which towards the close
of the fifteenth century had been formed in the Deccan. The
dia]iiond-mines which have rendered it so famous in story
were situated at some distance to the east of the capital city,
near the present station of Condapilly, and are now in our
possession, though they have long ceased to reward or invite
the labours of treasure-seekers. When the Mogul Princes
extended their pretensions to the sovereignty of the Deccan,
Kootub Shah, the Kincj of Golconda, was brought into collision
with Shah Jehaun, the reigning Emperor, and father of the
great Aurungzebe. Kootub Shah's Prime Minis^r at this

1846.] EISTOBY OF THE KOH-I-NOOR. 40

period was the famous Meer Jumla, a statesman who to
political abilities of unusual excellence added a singular
knowledge of precious stones. He had, in fact, been at one
time a diamond merchant, and was, therefore, peculiarly-
competent to appreciate the treasures of Golconda. It
happened, too, that Shah Jehaun himself was a connoisseur
of scarcely less skill, insomuch that when at a later period
he had been dethroned and imprisoned by his father, and a
doubt had been created respecting the value of a certain ruby
in the Imperial treasury, the gem was actually transmitted
to the deposed Prince for his inspection and decision. Two
such characters were well fitted for the transaction which
ensued. Shah Jehaun took up the cause of Meer Jumla
against his sovereign, and the Koh-i-noor passed from
Golconda to Delhi.

"While the kingdoms of the Deccan were successively
absorbed in the cuhninating dominion of the Moguls, the Koh-
i-noor rested among the treasures of Imperial Delhi, where,
on November 2, 1665, it was seen by the French traveller
Tavernier, who, by the extraordinary indulgence of Aurung-
zebe, was permitted to handle, examine, and weigh it, being
the first, and till now, probably, the last European who had
ever enjoyed such a privilege. The Great Mogul sat on his
throne of State, whilst the chief keeper of the jewels produced
his treasures for inspection on two golden dishes. The mag-
nificence of the collection was indescribable, but conspicuous
in lustre, esteem, and value was the Koh-i-noor, Sometimes
worn on the person of the JMoguls, sometimes adorning the
famous peacock throne, this inestimable gem was safely
preserved at Delhi until, in 1739, the empire received its
fatal blow from the invasion of Nadir Shah, Among the
spoils of conquest which the Persian warrior carried back with
him in triumph to Khorassan, and which have been variously
estimated as worth from thirty to ninety millions sterling,
the Koh-i-noor was the most precious trophy, but it was
destined to pass from Persia as quickly as that ephemeral
supremacy in virtue of which it had been acquired. Nadir
Shah had entertained in his service a body of Afghans of
the AbdaUee tribe under the leadership of Ahmed Shah,
who also served his master in the capacity of treasurer, and

VOL. I. E

50 t^lR JIEUBKRT B. LDWAltDES. [1846.

when the Persian conqueror was assassinated by liis subjects,
the Afghans, after vainly endeavouring to rescue or avenge
him, fought their way to their own frontiers, though only
four thousand strong, through the hosts of the Persian army.
In conducting this intrepid retreat Ahmed Shah carried off
with him the treasures in his possession, and was probably
aided by these means as well as by his own valour in consoli-
datincr the new State which, under the now familiar title of the
Doorannee empire, he speedily created in Cabul. It seemed
as if the Koh-i-noor carried with it the sovereignty of Hin-
dostan, for the conquests of Ahmed were as decisive as those
of Nadir, and it was by his nomination and patronage that
the last Emperor ascended the throne of the Moguls.

"At the beginning of the present century the treasures and
power of Ahmed were vested in the person of Zemaun Shah,
subject to the incessant assaults of his kinsmen. One of these
at length proved successful, and in the year 1800 Zemaun
Shall found himself a prisoner at the disposal of his brother
Shah Shuja, the identical puppet, forty years later, of our
famous Cabul expedition, so that we are now brought down
to modern times and characters. Shah Shuja presently
ascended the throne of his brother, but the treasury of Cabul
was wanting in its most precious ornament, till at length,
ingeniously secreted in the wall of Zemaun Shah's prison,
was discovered the Koh-i-noor. It was eight years after this,
while the Doorannee monarchy was still formidable enough
to inspire the Powers of the East with uneasiness, that Mr.
Elp^hinstone, accredited by Lord Minto to the Afghan prince,
betook himself to ivhat ivas then the remote and unknown town
of Feshawur, where, at his state reception^ the Koh-i-noor again
flashed, after an iiitcrval of so many years, upon the dazzled
eyes of a European. Shah Shuja, afterwards the client and
pensioner of the East India Company, was dressed on this
occasion in a green velvet tunic, fitting closely to his body,
and seamed with gold and precious stones. On his breast
was a cuirass of diamonds shaped like two flattened j^gMrs-c?e-^^s,
and in a bracelet on his right arm blazed the priceless jewel
of Golconda. The Prince gave a gracious audience to the
Ambassador, and Mr. Elphinstone retii'ed, but the Koh-i-noor
was not fated long to continue in the divided and tottering
fariily of the once-powerful Abdallees.

184G.] HISTORY OF THE KOIII-NOOIL 51

" The Embassy had scarcely recrossed the Indus when
Shah Shuja was expelled from Cabul, though he contrived to
make this far-famed diamond the companion of his flight.
After many vicissitudes of exile and contest, he at length
found an equivocal refuge under the protection of tliat
powerful chieftain who had now consolidated the dominions
of the Sikhs into a royal inheritance for his own family.
Runjeet Singh was fully competent either to the defence or
the restoration of the fugitive, but he knew or suspected the
treasure in his possession, and his mind was bent upon acquiring
it. He put the Shah under strict surveillance, and made a
formal demand for the jewel. The Doorannee Prince hesi-
tated, prevaricated, temporized, and employed all the artifices
of Oriental diplomacy ; but in vain. Eunjeet redoubled the
stringency of his measures, and at length June 1, 1813, was
fixed as the day when the great diamond of the Moguls
should be surrendered by the Abdallee Chief to the ascendant
dynasty of the Singlis. The two Princes met in a room
appointed for the purpose, and took their seats on the ground.
A solemn silence then ensued, which continued unbroken for
an hour. At length Eunjeet's impatience overcame the
suggestions of Asiatic decorum, and he whispered to an
attendant to quicken the memory of the Shah. The exiled
Prince spoke not a word in reply, but gave a signal with his
eyes to a eunuch in attendance, who, retiring for a moment,
returned with a small roll, which he set down upon the carpet
midway between the two chiefs. Again a pause followed,
when at a sign from Eunjeet the roll was unfolded, and there
in its matchless and unspeakable brilliancy glittered the
Koh-i-noor.

" In this way did the ' Mountain of Light ' pass in the train
of conquest, and as the emblem of dominion, from Golconda
to Delhi, from Delhi to IMushed, from Mushed to Cabul, and
from Cabul to Laliore, verifying by the esteem which it every-
where commanded the perspicacity and judgment of Meer
Jumla (who is the Mirsimola of Tavernier's travels) and the
Prince Shah Jehaun. Excepting the somewhat doubtful
claims of the Brazilian stone among the Crown jewels of
Portugal, the Koh-i-noor is the largest knovm diamond in the
n^orld. When first c^iven to Shah Jehaun it was still uncut,

52 SIR IIEllBEttT B. ED WARD ES. [1846.

weighing it is said, in that rough state, nearly eight hundred
carats, which were reduced by the unskilfulness of the artist
to 279, its present weight. It was cut by Hortensio Borgis, a
Venetian, who, instead of receiving a remuneration for his
labour, was fined ten thousand rupees for his wastefulness by
the enraged Mogul. In form it is ' rose-cut ' — that is to say,
it is cut to a point in a series of small ' facets,' without any
tabular surface. A good general idea may be formed of its
shape and size by conceiving it as the pointed half of a small
hen's Qg(^, though it is said not to have risen more than half
an inch from the gold setting in which it was worn by
Kunjeet. Its value is scarcely computable, though two
millions sterling has been mentioned as a justifiable price,
if calculated by the scale employed in the trade. The Pitt
diamond brought over from Madras by the grandfather of
Lord Chatham, and sold to the Eegent Orleans in 1717 for
£125,000, weighs scarcely one hundred and thirty carats ; nor
does the great diamond which supports the Eagle on the summit
of the Eussian sceptre weigh as much as two hundred. Such
is the extraordinary jewel which, in virtue of conquest and
sovereignty, has passed into the possession of England. It
was prudently secured among the few remaining valuables of
the Lahore treasury at the commencement of the last insur-
rection, and although even its nominal value would be an
inadequate compensation for the cost of the Sikh Wars, we
may look upon its acquisition as a fitting symbol of that
supremacy which we have so fairly won."

CHAPTER III.

1846.

THE "RESIDENT" AND HIS " ASSISTANTS "—CASHMERE-
GOLAB SINGH.

" Chase brave employments witli a naked sword
Throughout the world. Fool not ; for all may have,
If they dare choose, a glorious life or grave."

George Herbert.

( 55 )

CHAPTER III.

Edwardes's experience of war as Sir Huiili Gontrli's aide-de-
camp was of short duration ; for Henry Lawrence, coming up
to Simla on his way to take up his post at Lahore, met
Edwardes there for the first time, and asked him to go with
him to Lahore as Assistant-Eesident.

Lahore was the capital of the Sikh kingdom of Runjeet The state
Singh. Eunjeet Singh had died, and his heir, Dhuleep Singh, ^^ Lahore,
was a cliild. The actual government devolved upon a
"regency," which was, as has been seen already, most dis-
astrous for the country — composed of the Queen-Mother,
and corrupt Sirdars, whom she ruled in profligacy and vice.

Henry Lawrence undertook the post of Resident at this
Sikh Court with the earnest desire of guiding the Sikh
Government to learn how to govern themselves, and to build
up an Empire in the midst of violence and intrigue, by teach-
ing them to rule wisely, for the good of their country.

To assist him in his labours, he looked out for himself a
band of young men, chosen wherever he could find them, who
he thought would enter into liis views and work heartily with
him in this chivalrous endeavour to raise the Sikh Govern-
ment to govern wisely and justly, and to protect the weak
and the oppressed from tyranny. And in this aim and object
Herbert Edwardes sympathized most truly.

He thus became the first Assistant to the Resident of
Lahore, in 184G. The rest of the Assistants were Jolin Reid
Becher, John Nicholson, James Abbott, Reynell Taylor,
Edward Lake, George McGregor, Arthur Cocks, Harry
Lumsden, George Lawrence, L. Bowring (afterwards from
time to time added to) — all rare men, who haxo. done great

56 sin JIERBEBT B. EDWAEDES. [18 !G.

deeds for India's good, and who live in history ; so that the
bare mention of tlicir names here ^vill suggest to the reader
who has only studied India as a matter of history a long list
of noble deeds and services ; while, to those who are living
still, it speaks of a noble brotherhood of brave men and true.
Henry Henry Lawrence, writing to his friend Sir John Kaye,

Lawrence gjjjjj^ " J ^.^g ygj-y fortunate in my Assistants, all of whom
Assistants, wcro my friends, and almost every one was introduced into
tlic Punjab through me. George Lawrence, McGregor, James
Abbott, Edwardes, Lumsden, Nicholson, Taylor, Cocks, Hod-
son, Pollock, Bowring, Henry Coxe, and Melville are men
such as you will seldom see anywhere, but, when collected
under one administration, were Avorth double and treble the
number taken at haphazard. Each was a good man ; the
most were excellent officers."

Of this band of young men, all whom Colonel Henry
Lawrence personally attached to himself, and by whom he
was always greatly beloved, he made Edwardes the first,
placing him in the position of a private secretary, for closer
personal intercourse and working together ; and so they were
generally found occupying one room, and were drawn to-
gether in great affection, and in a growing admiration of each
other's qualities.*

This was the congenial work that Edwardes had been
longing for, and it opened the door at once to the larger
sphere of work and interest that he had desired to find.

Heart and soul he threw himself into it, sympathizing
entirely with the large views and unsparing philanthropy
with which Henry Lawrence entered upon his work for the
good of the people, seeking to elevate them, to teach the
rich and the powerful hoiv to govern, and to protect the poor
and the oppressed against their oppressors.

* There is a note of tliis time written by Henry Lawrence's wife, who
was then ia England. Writing to Edivardes's aunt, she says, "Your
nephew is a very highly valupd assistant and friend of my husband, who,
in writing to me, says, ' Edwardes has left me. We have now been five
montlis together iu close fellowship, the last three months even sleeping
in the same room. Taking him all in all, bodily activity, mental cultiva-
tion, and warmth of heart, I have not met his equal in India.' . . . We
had admired 'Brahmiuce Bull ' long before we knew Mr. Rdwardes.

" (Signed) Hoxoria Lawrence."

1846.] EARLY DAYS IN THE rUNJAB. 57

These days were like the ohlen chiys of chivahy— like
nothing that can be now in the country.

Great power and great opportunities for accomplishing
great good, this was just the field for developing great men
with large desires for good, and this was just the field that
Herbert Edwardes had sighed for, and had wondered w^here he
should find it. He always liked to call Henry Lawrence " the
father of his public life," and he loved to trace the influence
for good that he received from him. The affectionate interest
then begun, ended only with the death of Sir Henry Lawrence,
in 1857.

If it is asked why such days cannot be again, it may Early days
be answered, because the Punjab is governed in a totally ^abruie""*
different manner now. These were its early days. At this
time the Punjab was the scene of the anarchy and misgovern-
ment that ensued upon the death of Runjeet Singh, and the
mission of Henry Lawrence was to steer the ship of the
Punjab out of those troubled waters into calmer seas. And
honestly he strove to do it ; and this brave band of young
men put all their strength and power to the work with him.

But nothing could stave off the annexation of the
country beyond a few years ; and it was with real sorrow that
Henry Lawrence found his chivalrous scheme of leading the
Sikhs to good government fail at last, and the necessity arise
for England to take the government on herself.

Then Colonel Lawrence became the President of a board *
appointed Ijy the Governor-General, and ruled the magnificent
province with the wisdom with which he had been unable to
inspire the corrupt and vicious Court at Lahore to govern
their country for themselves.

But in these early days (even after annexation) things
were in a very different state to wdiat they can ever be again.
These were the days of the Court of Directors and Board of
Control in England, and not the Secretary of State in Council,
under her Most Gracious j\Iajesty's Government. The
countries have been brought nearer together. England now
governs, and India is governed //-o??; Enrjlnnd. The Secretary
of State for India, at Westminster, now rules the Governor-

* The " board " cousisted of three members, Sir Henry Lawrence being
President.

58 SIR nEEBEBT B. EDWARDES. [1846.

General, or Viceroy, and sends his orders through the
telegraph, or cancels orders which the Viceroy may have
given if he does not approve of them.

In former days it was the Court of Directors who
appointed the Governor-General, and he was an autocrat.
He did what he pleased, and if tlie Court of Directors did
not approve of any of his acts, and thought the matter of
sufficient importance to interfere, they would, w4th the
sanction of the Board of Control, recall him, and send out
another. But they did not interfere with Ids authority ex
officio. And as the Governor-General was despotic under this
old regime, so, in every grade, the members of the Govern-
ment of India were more independent in their respective
authorities, and rulers had more power for good (and perhaps
for evil too).

And so the Punjab, being a new country, was in a
wild and free state, and uncivilized, and Colonel Henry
Lawrence was free to make his own laws, and to give
his own rules and orders to his subordinates unfettered to
a great extent ; giving them also powers and liberty to act
for themselves, in the same relative proportion, in carrying
out their duties. And he laid out before them great ends to
accomplish, lea\'ing them entirely to their own discretion and
resources how to bring about the desired result.*

Now everything is done in a perfectly different way.
Everything is tied up with red tape, and is done by " rule,"
and all the rules are numbered, and men ran be machines.
There is, consequently, less of that personal individuality
that so strongly stamped the Government in those early days.
This is why Henry Lawrence chose his staff, and gathered
such a band of young men around him as he could trust, in
command and power.

And here we see how the Punjab came to take such a

* Only the other day, in conversation with one of these "old assist-
ants," he remarked, " What days those were ! How Henry Lawrence
would send lis off to great distances ; Edwardes to Bunnoo, Xicliolson^to
Peshawiir, Abbott to Hazara, Lumsden somewhere else, etc., giving us a
tract of country as big as half of England, and giving us no more helpful
directions than these, 'Settle the country; make the people happy; and
take care there are no rows ! ' " And how well they carried out his orders
has become " the early history of the Punjab." — E. E.

184G.] HENRY LA WHENCE AS A LEADER. 59

high stand of honest and cliivalrous work, stamped as its Henry
government was from tlie first with tlie impress of the noble Lawrence
and cliivalrous and heroic character of Henry Lawrence, stamp

The sense of rcsjwnsihUiti/, so congenial to a noble "P^i^ho
nature, roused all the energies of these young men ; and this
was just the field to call out all the great qualities of a man,
and to make him fertile in resource and self-reliant ; to draw
out, in fact, all that was in him.

Never Avas a man more willingly, more ably, and more
heartily served than was Henry Lawrence, by all this chosen
band of assistants ; and never was such a bright band of
noble spirits raised up and called forth to any work, as was
seen in these early days in the Puujalj.

One secret of the attraction that there was about Henry One secret
Lawrence, as the leader of this chivalrous band of young ^jon^^the
men, was the generosity of his nature. His heart took delight leader,
in awarding praise where praise was due, and in acknow-
ledging the value of every man's work ; not only applauding
it himself as he thought it deserved, but letting the Govern-
ment in Calcutta know the value of the services done by their
hand. This sympathy cheered them on and encouraged them ;
and his personal influence on them served to inspire their
devotion both to him and to their work.*

Edwardes now laid aside the routine of regimental life,
which was never to be taken up again ; and the desires and
aspirations after a larger field and a deeper life were about to
be satisfied.

An extract from a letter of his, at this time, may serve
to encourage some young reader in similar circumstances.
Edwardes writes —

"I landed in India in January, 1841, without cither
friends or interest, and for the instruction of those who
think it is of no use to study either the languages, history,
or policy of British India, unless the Governor-General

• This quality was one groat difTorcnce between the two brothers
Lawrence (Sir Ilonry and Sir John); and it explains the difference in the
feelings with which they insi)ired those who loved them and who served
under them both. Both men had great qualities, but the two characters
were totally different.

CO SIB HERBEBT B. EDWABDES. [1846,

happens to be their grandfather, I record the fact that at
the close of 1845 I was promised the first vacancy in the
Judge xVdvocate-General's Department of tlie Bengal Pre-
sidency, and have good reason to believe that I was to have
had the second under the Governor-General's Agent on the
north-west frontier. But before either of these occurred,
his Excellency the commander-in-chief, then Sir Hugh
Gougli, Bart., honoured me by making me an aide-de-camp
on his personal staff — a step to which I gratefully acknow-
ledge that I am indebted for all the opportunities of suc-
ceeding years."

Depnteti to In the autumn of 1846 Lieutenant Edwardes was deputed

the Court of ]^„ Colonel Henrv Lawrence to the Court of Jummoo, to aid

Cashmere. . ^ " .

Maharajah Golab Singh, the Governor of Cashmere, in the sup-
pression of Sheikh Imam-iid-din, who had revolted, and headed
a rebellion against the new governor, to whom the country of
Cashmere had lately been assigned by the English for a large
sum of money (a crore of rupees), as part of the indemnity for
the war, which the bankrupt Sikh Court at Lahore was unable
to pay to the conquering power in any other way.

The Eesident was bound to support Golab Singh's rights
against the rebel chief; and Edwardes was sent by Henry
Lawrence to give him assistance. To effect this, Edwardes
opened negotiations with the Sheikh himself, whom he in-
duced to submit and to deliver up the secret orders to rebel,
which he had received from Eajah Lai Singh, the favourite of
the Queen-Mother at Lahore.

On this the Sheikh was permitted by Henry La"v\Tence to
surrender, and, giving himself up to Edwardes at the foot of
the Cashmere Hills, was by him conducted to Lahore.

On the evidence of the papers thus obtained, Eajah Lai
Singh was brought to trial under the walls of Lahore, was
deposed from his place in the Sikh Ministry, and banished
from Lahore to Hindostan.

A vivid picture of the intrigues of the Sikh Court, and a
graphic picture of the Cashmere events of this period we find
in a letter of Edwardes, MTitten to a friend in England, dated
Rihassee, a mountain fortress above Jummoo, the capital of
Maharajah Golab Singh's dominions.

184G.] LETTER FROM CASHMERE. Gl

" Soi-teiubcr 21, 184G.

" My dear Powles,

" I have not heard from you again since I wrote Cashmere
last, but I have got hold of such a character here, such a "' ** "'
rare specimen of human nature, that I must add him to your
gallery of life's experience and send him home, as natural-
ists would a uiiicorn or a flea with two sets of teeth.

" You know how much it has been the fashion of late
years to discover that oral tradition has been acting on
a deliberate system of deceit, and handing down to us
as historic personages mere men of straw. We have been
reared up amid an atmosphere of biograpliies, inhaling and
calling it life ; and now these wicked chemists insist on
analysing it in our very lungs, and swear it is destitute of
the oxygen of truth. Experience, familiarity with the
actual, has certainly a sad tendency to shake one's con-
fidence in history. It shows us that real events are always
wanting in that completeness and roundness with which they
are recorded.

" The historian never gives you one or two acts of
a play without all the others ; he would be ashamed to
take your money at the door of a revolution and not show
you every scene, from the ringing of the prompter's bell
to the fall of the curtain.

"This is not life; the world, as Tom Moore sings,
is * half in shade and half in sun,' and we see, at
best, but one-half of anything upon it. The rest is guess-
work. But to apply these rambling observations. In our
childhood there was no character in history supposed to
be better established than that of hump-backed Richard
of Gloucester. Shakespeare was history. Latterly, how-
ever, doubts have been thrown upon the fidelity of his
picture, and Bulwer in a late work (of fiction truly, but
such fiction as an imaginative mind weaves out of facts) has
boldly put forth his likeness of the young Prince, painte(l
in very different colours.

G2 SIR HERBERT B. ED WARD ES. [1846.

" One of the arguments for disbelieving Shakespeare has
been the incredibility of so deep a vilhiin as his * llichard.'
Now it has fallen to my lot to become the best of friends
with just such a man in the flesh — a real, live villain, I
feel as proud as Professor Buckland when he picked up the
enormous ammonite.

" In my last letter I think I must have told you that
I was expecting to be sent to Lahore, to relieve Major
McGregor, It happened as I thought, and in the hottest
and most feverish month of the year, when the Spirit of
Water has shot his last arrow at him of Fire, and the Sun
comes forth again like aroused Achilles, flaming across the
plain and withering up the souls of the rivers, I bid adieu
to the Himalaya (region of eternal spring), and plunged
into the seething plains. A man leaping from an iceberg
into Hecla may, if he survives it, appreciate my public
spirit ! I reached ' the bloody capital ' on September 3,
and on the 7th was ordered off again to JAmmoo.

" Without meaning to be insulting, but determined to
be communicative, I take it for granted that, like the rest
of the English gentlemen who live at home at ease, you
are profoundly ignorant of Oriental geography. I take
upon myself, therefore, to inform you that Jummoo is
about seventy or eighty miles north of Lahore, which latter
city I assume as a given point of knowledge in your brain ;
for I'll lay my life you looked it out in Carey's atlas last
winter, and referred to Dr. Butler for its alias amongst the
Macedonians.

" Well, Jummoo is the residence of Maharajah Golab
Singh, King of the Kohistan (hill country) and Cashmere
countries, which, I dare say you have not forgotten, were
acquired by our brave armies in the last campaign as
indemnity for invasion, and afterwards, with that strange
mixture of political wisdom and imperial generosity which
makes the English in India incomprehensible to natives,

18 IG.] MAUARAJAH GOLAli SINOWS INTRIGUES. G3

were given away again to their present possessor, a subject
formerly of the state from which we took them.

" By the treaties then concluded at Lahore, the Sikhs
were bound to make over all the ceded districts to us,
or whomsoever we might appoint. We appointed Golab
Singh. Now you can easily imagine the jealousy which
would be felt by a native power at giving over, in sackcloth
and ashes, a rich tract of its territory to one who, yesterday,
was a subject of its own — a powerful subject, all but
independent, but still a subject acknowledging, perhaps,
a more perfect allegiance than he paid. Hence began
intrigues, and month after month passed away without — for
some reason or otiier which was quite reasonable — Golab
Singh being in possession of Cashmere.

" By a singular fatality also, Golab Singh commenced
an intrigue with the Sikh Governor of that province. His
name is Sheikh Imam-iid-diu, and he is supposed to be
immensely rich from the accumulated plunder of his own
and his father's administration.

" Golab Singh is a miser, and contemplated with regret
the approaching departure from his dominions of so much
wealth. It seemed to him like rooting up the mountain
in which lie his mines of iron, lead, and other precious
metals, and transplanting it into an enemy's country. So
ho spoke the Sheikh fair, and offered to keep him on
as Governor of Cashmere. Here, then, was the former lord
of that province telling the Governor that if he wanted
to prove his lidelity he must not come away, and the
present lord begging as a favour that he would stop ! He
took them both at their word, and set up for himself!

" He is a youug man, with all the qualities which win
popular applause, and less than the usual share of those
vices which, in the East, make governors detested.

"The people, who looked forward with horror to the
rule of Golab Singh, declared like one man in his favour,

64 sin II ER BERT B. ED WARD ES. [1846.

and the refugee scions of old depressed and ruined royal
families in the surrounding hills flocked round him with
their scanty band of faithful ruffians, and determined to win
back, under his banner, some of their ancient lands.

" This revolution, or rebellion, broke out in the end
of August ; and scarcely had I reached Lahore when the
news came in that the rebels had set upon a small body
of the royal troops, murdered * the Lord-Lieutenant,' and
driven the rest of the Maharajah's army to take refuge in
the ' Hurree Purhut,' the Acropolis of Cashmere.

" Our Government w as aroused. Interference could no
longer be deferred, and I was ordei-ed off to Jummoo to
offer the Maharajah aid, and (how you will laugh !) ' advise
him at the present juncture ! ' A lieutenant of Foot
advising the King of the Mountains !

" Such is India. It is, however, I am aware, no ordinary
chance, and I am the more grateful to Colonel Lawrence,
the Governor-General's Agent, for entrusting me with the
mission.

*' I arrived here on September 20 (this is two marches
from Jummoo, a mountain villa of the Mountain Csesar),
and hard at work have I been ever since, stirring up the
sleeping lion.

" To show you that I have not much leisure, I began
this on September 24, and am now writing this line on
October 6.

" What have I effected since I came ? 1 have forced
Golab Singh to abandon intrigue and take to a sharper*
arbiter of quarrels — the sword. He is collecting his army,
and marched from here yesterday on his road to Cashmere.

" Our Government has made the Sikhs send two divisions
to assist him ; and an army of our own is coming up in the
rear to menace or to strike, as circumstances may require.

" I follow and join the Maharajah's camp to-night.

" You are a man of peace, and will naturally ask some-

1810.] ON ASIATIC lUrLOMACY. (i.'>

wliiit gravely if I have inailc iiu dTurt to settle this nialtcr
without bloodshed ? Yes, I have o(Teicd the Sheikh his life,
and a fair trial for his property, if he eonies in to me
without striking another hlou. JJiit I have not waited for
his answer.

" There is no arguing in this country without foree to
baek you. A rebel never gives in till the avenger is within
a nuireh of him. If you have his life at heart, threaten to
take it. ' Make a pass ' at your enemy's liver, and your sword
goes over his shoulder ; for he kneels to eseape it.

"This very day ought to bring me the Sheikh's reply,
and it is in an anxious interval that I am now writing to
you.

"As far as my own judgment goes, I think he will come
in ; but the more I see of Asiatic character and European
di[)lomacy, the more convinced am I that ice have no means
of judging correctly of the conduiit of natives.

" The principles on whicli they argue are so widely difter-
eut, the axioms from which they start are so opposed to ours
that it is impossible we can ever come to the same conclu-
sions. Long experience and familiarity with the natives
may and must do something to give us a clue to their modes
of thought ; but it does very, very little.

" When we think we have estimated them rightly, some
new prejudice, or some old superstition, an almost impossible
suspicion, or a downright mad contrivance, flits before their
eyes, and leads these grown-up children in full chase after a
feufoUet.

"Their utter depravity is one thing which always
involves natives in a mesh of their own spinning. They
cannot iunigine such a thing as honesty for honesty's sake.
The English in India are renowned for truth; i.e. in its
narrow sense — truth of the tongue, not of the heart and
mind. They say we always perform our promises and make
good our tlireats. But when we perform some romantic act
vol-. I. F

66 sin jir.niiKnT n. kdwaudks. [i846.

of good laitli (stu'li as payiiio- a banker wlio lias lost your
note of hand), tlicy look puzzled, sliako tlioir heads, and
say, 'Well, it is very funny. T wonder wliat his reason
was.'

" Thus, in great affairs of State, when a Governor-General
with slow dignity keeps on the even tenor of his way in all
integrity, marching upon a point of diplomacy which he has
openly avowed, the native Prince with whom he deals cannot
believe that he wants what he asks, or is going where he
says, but suspects treachery, and becomes guilty of it him-
self. He perishes, and with his last breath says, ' That
cunning Governor-General ! '

" I have laid it down, therefore, as a rule on which I mean
invariably to act, so long as health and fortune keep me in
the political department of this country, never to assume that
a native will do anything, but hope that he will do the
test, and 2)repare for his doing the worst.

"But 'Where is the villain? Let me see his face!' I
think I hear you exclaim. My dear Powles, I could not
think of showing you my royal tiger till I had kept you
standing at the door of his den for some while, to excite your
curiosity. But now you may ' walk up,' as the showmen say,
and behold Maharajah Golab Singh.

"I shall describe him to you like the little guide at the
Bodleian, whom well do I remember standing before the
picture of King William and Queen Adelaide, and inform-
ing us accurately, in the same breath, of their birthday and
the price of the frames. When shall I again stroll with you
through the Bodleian ?

" It is now nearly forty years ago since a courtier in some
favour with Runjeet Singh, the old lion of the Punjab, made
interest for a young relation of his own, named Golab Singh,
and got him enlisted in one of the Cavalry regiments, on
the humble pay of Rs.20 a month.

" The Punjab Cavalry was famous ; it had earned for

iHKi.] liUNJEICT SISCIirS TIlOOPERS. <)7

itself a name, and for Ilunjeet a kingdom; and its ranks
were filled by the yeomen of tlie land, who took a pride in
their loader, and were in turn rep^arded with partiality.

" On a spring morning, when tlie green meadows between
tlio palace at Lahore and the llavcc River invited ltunje(,'t
out to see these troops at exercise, a more gallant spectacle
could perhaps not have been imagined than the Sikh
Ghorchurruhs pouring in clouds along the plain, with
their long tapering bamboo lances bending in the air, their
many-coloured scarves flaunting saucily about, their silver-
bossed shields rattling against sword and pistol, and their
large well-managed horses gaily caparisoned, bounding to
the spur or curvetting at the rein. ' Wall ! Wah ! Shah-
bash ! ' (* Well done ! ') * Bravo ! ' would shout the energetic
liunjoet, as his keen one eye watched the liglitning wheels
of two young scamps \\\\o, with Oriental licence, had escaped
from the ranks, and were chasing each other with quivering
spear across the grass.

" ' Let them be rewarded. The young fellows ride
well ! '

" For one service or another there was scarcely a trooper
(in the later years of Ilunjeet Singh) who had not one or
more grants of land, from a icelV s-ivatering of the ground
to a village. (' A icell of land ' is an idiom in this country ;
it means as much as can be cultivated with so much water.
It is Oriental, and, I think, picturesque.) It must not be
concluded, therefore, because our hero Golab Singh enlisted
as a common trooper, that therefore he was a peasant or of
low extraction.

" On the contrary, he was a young cadet of an old but
])oor family in the Kohistau or hill country, the Highlands
of the runjab; and to this day I know not whether he is
prouder of having gained a kingdom for himself, or of
having ha<l a royal great-grandfather.

" Ho was a remarkably fine an<l powerfully m.id(^ man,

G8 SIR nEUBEUT B. EDWARDES. [1816.

with a handsome face, and a head of hair and beard like a
lion, and as black as the plumage of the raven. He could
sit like a Centaur on an uidjroken colt ; and at (iftecn, killed
five men in a skirmish with his own sword.

"Runjeet contemplated him with deliy;ht. He was just
the stuff of which a conqueror makes up his army.

" Golab Singh had two brothers younger than himself,
Dhyan Singh and Soochet Singh. They were cast in the
same mould, and, when old enough, found no difficulty in
joining their brother Golab in Runjeet's Guards.

" If these men had had but only common sense, they must
have risen in such a service, where the sword cut every
courtier's way to fortune. But they had more — two of them,
at least. Golab and Dhyan Singh had rare though rude
abilities, indomitable ambition to turn them to account,
and few scruples to stop them in their path. From troopers
they became commanders ; from commanders, generals ; from
generals, governors ; from governors, kings. A Maharajah is
a king of kings, and kings are his chief servants.

" The three Jummoo brothers, as they were called, were
the ministers of Runjeet, He conferred on them, bit by bit,
a large portion of the Kohistan ; they held his most
profitable governments ; they conquered provinces, and
shared the spoils. In short, they became the three chief
men in the warrior-court of Runjeet Singh ; they were all-
powerful in the Punjab ; and when Runjeet, full of honours
and disgraces, worn out with years, and toils, and debauch-
eries, died, and left his kingdom to an idiot son, the father's
prime minister, Dhyan Singh, became, in fact, the head of the
Empire.

" Then began that series of political crimes which ended
the last campaign, in the extinction of national independ-
ence ; for who can call the Punjab independent now ?

" Now,Nihal Singh, the heir-apparent, poisoned his dotard
father. Golab Singh was the young Prince's chosen mentor,

18k;.] sikii court inteigues. 0!)

and is not above the suspicion of having instigated the dued.
But mark the speedy retribution.

" Now, Nihal Singh had been out to the burning of his
father's corpse, and, mounted on an ehq)hant, in a gohlen
howdah, with Goldh Singlis son at his side, was passing under
an arcliway of the palace gates, on his return — a King ! A
8U(hlen crash, a beam falls from the arched roof, a scream,
and the Prince and his companion lie bleeding on the
ground, the former dying, the latter dead.

"Who did the deed? Chance! says everybody in the
crowd. Dhijdn Simjh! thought everybody in the kingdom.

" He was an ambitious man, and Nihal Singh showed as
a boy that he would not * brook a rival near the throne.'
He died, therefore, of his wounds.

" Dhyau Singh then made common cause \\ ith one of
Ivunjeet's wives, who liad a son of more gentle disposition,
named Sher Singh.

" Grolab Singh and his party shut themselves up in the
palace, and resisted his entrance. The army sided with the
young Prince. A storm ensued. Three days did the stout
Golab maintain himself against the Sovereign and his army,
and not till the gardens beneath were strevn with dead
did he agree to compromise. A short time passed on, and
again the minister intrigues to change the Sovereign, and
hires Ajeet Singh, a Sikh Sirdar, to 'do the deed.'

" There is a review, and Sher Singh sits at the window of
a summer-house to see the manceuvres of his troops. Ajeet
Singh's regiment performs to admiration. He approaches,
and presents a double-barrelled gun in grateful acknowledg-
ment of the Prince's praise. Sher Singh stoops to receive
it ; and the assassin, turning the muzzle round, discharges
the contents of botli barrels into his breast ! Dhyau Singh,
by a strange coinci(k^nce, arrives, not hiouing icliat is going
on. He is astonished — shocked, but takes the murderer into
his carriage, and drives him home. They quarrel on the

70 ,Sin IlERDERT B. EDWARDES. [181G.

road. Ajcct Singh stabs Dhyaii Singh to the heart. Dhyan
Singh's son, a buhl boy named lleeia Singh, summons the
Army round him to avenge his fatlior's death.

" The murderer takes refuge in the palace, is pursued,
attempts escape by letting himself down by a rope from a
window, and is shot by twenty bullets before he reaches
earth.

" The throne is vacant. Another mother is sought in the
harem of the great Runjeet, and forth comes the Rani
Junda (whose name for ambition and debaucheries will be
recorded with those of Messalina, Faustina, and Catherine II.)
and her son Dhuleep Singh, the present boyish Maharajah of
the Punjab.

"Heera Singh, the son of the late minister, becomes
minister himself, and lover of the Queen. He rules ably,
but is intoxicated with pride at his own success.

" The soldiers call for his uncle, Soochet Singh, whose
daring gallantry and coxcomb loves have made him their
darling. He hastens down from Jummoo to pluck his
nephew from the council board. Heera Singh wins the
army back again with gold ; they surround the man they
have invited ; he disdains to fly, and dies upon a heap of his
treacherous assailants.

" One alone of the three great brothers then remained —
the subject of this narrative, Golab Singh,

" Had he less ambition than Dhyan or Soochet Singh
that he remained in his mountain fastness, and ventured not
into the arena where the Sikh chiefs, like gladiators,
contended for political power ? I should say that he had
Tfiore. But though he had as much courage as his brother
Soochet, he did not, like him, court danger for the
pleasure of the strife ; and fully as covetous of power as his
brother Dhyan, he did not, like him, think that it could
be won at Court; which was a sand too shifting for the
foundation of a fortune, and where there were so many

181G.] CHARACTER OF GOLAB SINGH. 71

enemies to be removed that to escape them all woukl have
been a niiraclo. J lis was the cunning of the vulture. He
sat ajjart in the clear atmosphere of passionless distance,
and witii sleepless eye behcM the lion and the tiger
contending for the deer. And when the combatants were
dead, he spread his wings, sailed calmly down, and feasted
where tiny fought.

*' Detestable as I think the character of Golab Singh,
I cannot but admire the unity of design, strength of purpose,
and untiring patience of his career. He began struggling
with the world as a boy, and his beard is now groy ; yet
he has watched and waited, waited and watched, the ups
and downs of life till he saw that it was his turn. He
knew it must come, from the signs of the times ; and,
without fretfulness or impatience, he let youth and man-
hood both fleet by, certain of age bringing the opportunitij.

" The last struggles of the Sikh em})ire are briefly
chroDicled in an article I have written for the Calcutta
Review, No. XL, just published. From it you will see the
events that led to the war with the British in 1845-4G.*
In this place I will merely add that the love of Heera Singh
for the Queen-Mother ceased when he had made it a stepping-
stone to the Vizarut.

" She supplied his place with a clerk in the Treasury,
named Lai Singh. Heera Singh was ass enough to flout
him.

" The woman — piqued woman ! — rose in arms, compassed
his death with a revolution, and set up her brother, Jowa-
hir Singh, in his place. Jowahir Singh was drunk all day
and worse all night. The state was ruled by the Queen-
]\[other and Lai Singh, no longer clerk, but King, a llajah
of the Empire.

" Disgusted with his excesses, the Army rose and
murdered Jowahir; and the Queen, to save herself and
* Fruiu tliis \vc li;ive seen extracts in chap. ii.

/2 srn TiLunKiiT n. kdwaudki^^. [isio.

lover, with matchless courago and resource incited the mad
soldiery to carry their arms across the Sutlcj.

" A curious spectacle was tlieu presented — the Queen
at Lahore, watcliing tlie destruction of her Army ; Golab
Singli at Jummoo, watching the destruction of the Queen !

" You know the rest. The British, in a brilliant campaign
of sixty days, drove back the Sikh army, after beating them
in four pitched battles, and crossed the Siitlej marshes of
the great empire of the Punjab.

" I know not in all history a parallel to the generosity
then displayed by the British Government. Reflecting on
the long and sincere friendship of Runjeet Singh and the
childliood of his descendant, the present Maharajah, the
Governor-General waived the conqueror's right, and reseated
Dhuleep Singh upon the throne.

" The Cis-Sutlej territory of Lahore, on which the
invaders had landed, and the JuUundur Doab, a rich tract
of country adjoining the British hills, was taken by the
British as indemnity for the war ; and the fertile province
of Cashmere was conferred on Golab Singh as a reward for
not aiding in the invasion.

"Here, then, is our Hero — the sagacious, far-seeing
time-observer — an independent King at last ! nay, a king
of kings — for he is a Maharajah !

" This is the outline of his career, but how fearful is the
filling-up ! — the crimes of duplicity, treachery, abuse of
power, and savage destruction of human life with which he
has cleared his way step by step and left himself alone —
infamous even in the Punjab !

" He has himself recounted to me how, when sent by
liunjeet to subdue a turbulent province, he seized ' a few '
of the chiefs, flayed them alive, stuffed their skins with
chaff, and hung them up imur eneourager les autres. ' Some-
times when I wished only to frighten a man,' he says, * I had
him scalped, all hat a little piece, and just as he thought ho

1840.] aOLAD SINGH. 7."»

Avas really going to be killed, 1 put lii.s scali» on again,
and let him go!' This he tells with a bland smile, as if
talking of peeling apples. On another occasion, when the
men of a district ran away, he set a price upon their heads
and had them hunted down. And when the wives of the
murdered men, now left destitute, came to beg for mercy
in a body, he sold them to his soldiers, and so recovered the
money which he had paid for their husbands' heads.

"There is hardly a noble family in the hills into which
he has not carried, at one time or another, death by poison,
assassination, or intolerable imprisonment.

" And now that you have read all this, doubtless you
think that cold-hearted ambition is the ruling passion of
this man's mind. Strange to say, he has one stronger still
— that of avarice, which, if possible, has led him to inflict
more misery than his ambition, because it has found
vent in his Government, and has soalced down to the imor,
like salt water overflowing a meadow and withering the
roots of the green grass, long after it has disappeared from
the surface.

" His appetite for money is perfectly insatiable. Already
his riches are not to be counted ; stored here and there,
some in forts, and some in the forest or the mountain-side,
and those who stored disappearing, so 'tis said, and dying
unaccountably, leaving him sole possessor of the secret of
his hoards. And now he Is a Kimj, and has a wide field
wherein to reap.

" Every living man is to him a blade of golden corn,
which he will never leave till he has gathered, and threshed,
and winnowed, and garnered.

" He has declared himself the great factor of his king-
dom. Everytliing between heaven and earth, and the
metals under the earth, are his. Everything made *or
produced goes to him at an insignificant cost, and is retailed
by the a<jents of the Emperor at hundredfold profit. Thus

74 A//,' IIKni'.KRT Jl. EhWAliDES. [\MC,.

producer aud consumer are at ouce oppressed, and the
Sovereign, as an individual, thrives!

"In this country it is the custom for a subject never to
approach his k)rd without an offering called a nuzzur.
Maharajah Golub Singh understands this well, and, instead
of doing as the English do to the poor or the middle
classes, viz. touch the present as a symbol of acceptance,
witliout taking it, you see him riding about on a little
ambling pony through the by-lanes of his hills, catch
sight of a poor wretch ploughing in the distance, and beckon
him up to hira on purpose to get his nuzzur.

" The miserable man feels in his waistband for a piece
of silver. Ah ! there is a rupee ! He runs up to the JMalia-
rajah, and presents it trembling. Golab Singh, in an absent
manner, slips the money into his girdle, asks after bis wife
and family, exhausts all the resources of his accomplished
manner on making the man think he really cares a fig for
him ; and then, riding on, he tells you, with a chuckle, tiiat
' that poor devil's field only produces five rupees,' so that
he has just robbed him of one-fifth of his harvest ! That
he considers a feat ; and certainly it is the legerdemain of
the devil !

" Having now thrown off the picture of the King of
Cashmere for your own private gallery of human nature,
I think you will exclaim, 'How could the English make
a King of such a scourge ? ' The answer is that it was
one of those political necessities which are deplored, but
cannot be avoided without embracing a still greater evil.

" The chief person in the framing of the Treaties which
ended the campaign in February, 1846, was Colonel Henry
Lawrence, whose assistant I am now ; and I am sure the
public voice will bear me out in asserting that he is the
most benevolent and philanthropic man in India. It is fair
also that I should a<ld that lie does not (or did not) believe
Golab Singh to be the monster I have above depicted.

"In his own book, 'The Adventurer in the Punjab,' he

IHIO.] SIIEIKII IMAM-UD-DIN SURRENDERS. ( •>

describes him to be a bad man ; but most Sikh cliiofs wore
bad men ; their school was one of tyranny and barbarous
disregard of human life and all finer human feelings. In
the course of my late residence at his Court, however, I
saw the heast in his lair; and I prophesy that Cashmere,
now reduced to nearly the lowest point of misery which
men endure before they expatriate themselves for ever,
will, under his iron rule, be depopulated in a few years !

"Oh, what a field is that valley at this moment for that
noble animal, a Just ruler ! In five years I would under-
take to raise its revenue to a million, and its people from
Irish poverty to what Providence designed them to enjoy —
scriptural milk and honey.

" Tins brings me back to the unfinished thread of the
Cashmere Insurrection.

'* On October 19, Meerza Fukeer Oolluh of Rajawur,
the mainstay and ally of Sheikh Imam-iid-din, came in to
me and submitted.

" The army still advanced, and had reached the foot of
Barangulla Pass into Cashmere, when the rebellious Sheikli
wrote to say he would meet me at Barangulla, on October
30. This was a niarcli ahead of our Army.

" I went with two regiments to guard against treachery.

"Late at night, Imam-iid-din, worn out with a forced
mountain-march of forty miles, in the course of which he
had been drenched in a snowstorm, arrived ; and, sur-
rounded by his officers, made his submission to the British
Government (which I hope you can imagine me repre-
senting !).

" On November 1, I had the pleasure of conducting him
to the tent of Colonel Lawrence, the Governor-General's
Agent, who had a few days before come up with the army.

" And thus ended the rebellion.

"At this present (November 11), I am on my road to
Lahore, in charge of tlie Sheikh and his army — leading, in
fact, my own bear into town.

7(1 <S7/; iiKiniKirr b. edwardes. [ihig.

*' Now, you know, if I were an ancient Roman I should
be entitled to 'a triunipli,' and should enter tlie city in.
a gold chariot (the original of our ' glass fly ' ?) with
Sheikh Imam-iid-din and his lieutenants darbied and
mulllled, and a shopful of Cashmere shawls held up on
yard-measures waving gloriously cheap in the air. A band
of Cashmere virgins — or mayhap old women, for lack of
them — would announce my advent with songs of ' lo
triumphe ! lo triumphe!' and the senators (now called
Lai Singh, Tej Singh, Deena Nath, Bhuggut liam, and
other unpatrician names) would be Manlii and Fabii,
coming out in snowy togas — or what moderns vulgarly
call clean shirts — to welcome my return !

"As it is, I shall be challenged by a black sentry, who,
ten to one, won't let me into Rome — I mean Lahore — ■
without the countersign.

" This comes of not being one's own ancestor ! . . .

" Before closing this enormous budget, let me acknow-
ledge your kind letter of July 29, written in the sunny
isle of Jersey ; which reached me when I was up to my
elbows in the Kebelliou. ... It set me thinking about
our different lots — yours all peace ; mine all unrest, excite-
ment, struggle, and turmoil ! . . .

" These barbarous phases of society, into which an
educated man descends as into a pit of lions, have, after
all, a wild, almost terrible interest. There is something
noble in putting the hand of civilization on the mane
of a nation like the Punjab (if I may borrow Spenser's
allegory), and loohing down brute passions.

" What a victory ! to bind a bullying people with a
garland — to impose security of life, good order, and law
as fines, upon a whole nation, for their offences against the
tranquillity of the human race !

" Yours ever affectionately,
" (Signed) Herbert B. Edwardks."

117/)- WAS CASHMERE GIVEN TO C! OLA 11 SlSdll; 77

Ib it iiecussiiiy to say soinctliiiig, heforc we pass on, uu
tlie su1)ject of giving over the beautiful province of Cash-
mere to Gohil) Singh, of whom we liave been reading li«jw
cruel a character lie bore ? (But of which of the Sirdars
could the historian paint a fair and unsullied picture ?)

We can fnid sonic explanation in Ivlwardes's words on
this subject.

" It is often ashed, Why was Kajah Gohil) Singli so higldy
honoured and so lavislily rewarded lor WxsdouUe treacliery —
to us, in sending food and amnuinition to tlio Sikhs ; to
his countrymen, in betraying the cause he vohmtcered to
advocate ?

" Tiie premises assumed being incorrect, it is only
logical tluit the conclusion should be false.

" Rajah Golab Singh sent no supplies to the Sikli army ; Rajah
he only promised to do so — in itself almost a warrant that singh.
they never went, even if we knew not, from other sources,
that he sent not a man, nor a grain of corn, nor a pound of
powder. He only came to Lahore after repeated and press-
ing calls; and when there he told the Durbar, the chiefs,
and the soldiers that ' they were asses ; that, if they wanted
peace, he, wlio had taken no ixtrt in hostilities, would plead
for them; and, if they wanted war, they might go to ruin
their own way.'

"He was taken at his word, and yet not trusted. Nomi-
nally plenipotentiary, he was associated with the most astute
servants of the Durbar, and the fault, therefore, is not his,
if the terms they jointly made were such as the IMaharajah
found himself unable to fulfil, except by the cession of more
territory.

" And when the Britisli Government had become pos-
sessors of Cashmere and Jiimmoo, Gohib Singh had an
undoubted right to })urchase, as they to sell it. In ex-
change for a crore of rupees they took it; and in exchange
for a crorc of rupees they parted willi it again. . . .

78 ,S/Ii llERnEllT JJ. EDWAllDES. [ISlfi.

"Two tilings are at all events certain. First, that the
])urbar, though pnhlicly poor, was privately rich; as minis-
ters, they had an exhausted treasury; as individuals, they
had stores of wealth. . . .

" To talk of the want of patriotism or treachery of Golab
Singh — the last of a Sikh-murdered family — is worse thau
idle. . . .

" Second, it was infinitely better, not only for us, but
for the people of all ranks in the Punjab, that Golab Singh
should be out of it. He could only have wished to be
Wazir, that he might realize at last the schemes of aggran-
dizement which his ambitious heart had for years been
scarcely able to contain. It is, indeed, difficult to conjecture
whether wisdom would have prompted him to aim only at
the independent sovereignty of the hills, which, as a subject,
he had so long monopolized ; or avarice, his ruling vice,
have tempted him to sit upon the throne before w^hich he
was once proud to bow. But his road to either object would
have been the same.

" The impoverishment of the Punjab would have pre-
pared the way for its division or its conquest, and the hearts
of all classes of the people, from the Sirdar to the ryot,
would have been gradually broken by fines, confiscations,
and extortion."

While Edwardes was conducting Sheikh Imam-ud-din
to Lahore to take his trial, Colonel Lawrence proceeded to
Cashmere to see Golab Singh established in his new possession.
During his absence Edwardes was left in political charge at
Lahore ; and for his exertions in appeasing a second religious
tumult in the city, he received the thanks of the East India
Company.

CHAPTER IV.

1847—1848.

BUNNOO— TREACHERY AT MOOLTAN— BATTLE OF
KINYEREE.

" I have asked you to hear this story to-day, not that we may learn
only how battles may be won (we find out generally with more or less
of blunder how to do that), but tliat we may learn the happier lesson,
how man may be won ; what affection there is to be had for the asking ;
what truth for the trusting ; what perennial honour for a moment's
justice; what life-long service for a word of love." — John Ruskin.

( 81 )

CHAPTER IV.

The chivalrous scheme of guiding the Sikhs to govern their Hemy
own country, which Heury Lawrence strove so hard to carry chivdrous^
out, was found to fail so far, that it became necessary to scheme
exercise a more firm control for the suppression of anarchy, '"rt,'"
and to prevent, if possible, impending ruin.

But this was not possible, even with tlie energy and
chivalry of Henry Lawrence and his band of assistants, who
all worked heart and soul with him.

AVhen the catastrophe came, it was (in Edwardcs's own The causes

words)— of failure.

" Not brought about by the natural process of gradual
decay. India has not been looking on at the affecting
spectacle of an ancient dynasty sinking feebly and peace-
fully into the grave, but at the violent agonies of a young
and profligate state, which has died by its own hand in the
mad moments of a national debauch."

Kaye describes the position of afUiirs thus : " 111 sup- Pressure of
ported l)y a corrupt antl selfish Durbar, Lawrence and his
assistants had been gradually compelled to come forward,
far more than they desired, in the character of administrators.
Instead of cuuiining themselves to the work of advising and Forcing the
instructing the Sikh officers, and preparing them to take, on Epgl's'i
the Withdrawal of the liritish, tlie entire government into tion of
their own hands, our English officers had often been necessi- afla'>"s-
tated, in spite of tlieir lionost endeavours to remain in tlic

VOL. I. G

/sin HERBERT B. EDWARDES.

[1847.

EtTorts to
develop the
resources
of the
country.

New code
of laws.

Henry
Lawrence
takes leave
to England.

Edwardes
deputed to
Bunnoo.

Object of
the expedi-
tion.

Plans pro-
posed.

background, to assume a more prominent position in the
actual direction of affairs.

"The formality of the Sikh Durbar was there, but the
real administration was our own ; and the Inroad stamp of
British beneficence was upon it.

" After the maintenance of general tranquillity, the de-
velopment of the resources of a neglected co\mtry was the
chief thought of the English officer ; and he worked as
strenuously towards the attainment of this great end as
though the country had been actually our own.

" The whole country had been surveyed and the system
of taxation laid down on fixed principles ; the fiscal and
excise systems had been readjusted, and oppressive duties
and Government monopolies of all sorts abolished. A census
had been made, and the population and trades of Lahore
determined ; and the Durl^ar had sanctioned the outlay of
£30,000 on roads and bridges, to be increased to £60,000
when the state of the country allowed." (Buist's "Annals
of India" for the year 1848.)

To this it may be added that Colonel Henry Lawrence,
anxious to have a very simple code of laws, founded on Sikh
customs, reduced to writing, and administered by the most
respectable men from their own ranks, assembled for the
purpose, at Lahore, some fifty Sikh heads of villages — grey-
beards, of good local reputation, under the immediate super-
intendence of Lena Singh, one of the Sikh Sirdars ; and they
had prepared a code, when Colonel Lawrence was compelled
by ill-health to proceed to England for a time.

Edwardes had not been long at Lahore when he was
detached on special duty to Bunnoo, by Colonel Lawrence.

It was in February, 1847, that he M'as deputed, in com-
mand of a Sikh force, to make, if possible, an amicable
financial settlement of Bunnoo, an Afghan valley, west of
the Indus, which had long been in arrears of revenue, and
had failed to pay its annual tribute to Lahore ; and Eunjeet
Singh, " The Lion of the Punjab," as he was called, had been
unable, for a quarter of a century, to bring them to
obedience.

Edwardes proposed to the Eesident the plan of a regular
military reduction and occupation of the valley ; and this

1817.] DEPUTED ON SPECIAL DUTY TO DUNNOO. 83

])lan, recommonded by the Piosident, and approved l)y the
(loveriior-CJeneral (Sir Henry Ilardinge *), was at once en-
trusted to Edwardes to carry out.

He was despatched with five liundred men and two troops Military
of Horse Artillery, and in the brief space of three months he
levelled the walls of four hundred fortified villages, built a
strong fortress in their stead, and ran a military road through
tlie heart of the valley, by these means entirely subjugat-
ing it.

His own words tell the story best, and the details are
fully described in " A Year on the Punjab Frontier," which
he published when he was at home in 1850. He says in the
preface —

" This book is simply what it professes to l)C— the result ^ I'loodiess

i •' ^ conquest.

of a Inisy year, on an important frontier, in a country and
at a crisis which have excited the national attention of
Englislimon. In writing it, the object I have in view is
to put on record a victory which I myself remember with
more satisfaction than any I helped to gain before Mooltan
— the bloodless conquest of the wild valley of Bunnoo. It
was accomplished, not by shot or shell, but simply by
balancing two races and two creeds. For fear of a Sikh Balancing

1 •! ^^^ races

army, two warlike and independent Mohammedan tribes and two
levelled to the ground, at my bidding, the four hundred "■'^*^'^^-
forts which constituted the strength of their country ; and,
for fear of those same Mohammedan tribes, the same Sikh
army, at my bidding, constructed a fortress for the Crown,
which completed the subjugation of the valley.

"It was a year of intense labour in great public duties,
with never any certainty of life for four and twenty hours."

This i)eaceful subjugation of the valley of Bunnoo de-
mands our attention.!

* He became Lord Ilardinge in May, 184G.

t From "A Year on the Punjab Frontier" we extract a description Description
of Bunnoo. " In spring it is a vegetable emerald, and in winter its many- of the val-
colourod harvests look as if Ceres had stumbled against the great Salt ^^J^
Kange, and spilt half her cornucopia in this favoured vale. Most of the

84 SIJi HERBERT B. EDWARDES. [1847.

Ill the district of Bunnoo, at Akra and Kliafr-Khot (by
translation " The Infidels' Fort "), and profusely scattered
over other provinces of the Punjab, occur the remains of
Grseco-Bactrian cities, vestiges of the conquering steps and
permanent dominion of Alexander and .his Macedonians.

In the second Cabul Campaign, the monument erected by
Alexander over his favourite horse Bucephalus, was passed
by the British army in nearly as perfect a state as the day
when it was erected, and Greek coins were found on the
spot.

These ancient " mounds " are frequently met with in

different parts of these wild frontier lands, and mark the

course of this great warrior of old.

Mingling of Some of the pieces of ancient stone-carving found dis-

the lines of ^jnctlv show the mingling of the stiff figures of Indian

Buddhist -^ 1 r-i •

andGrecian sculpturc with the morc graceful lines of Grecian art.

*'■*• A photograph, representing some of these Buddhist and

Grseco-Bactrian heads, collected and placed in the museum
at Lahore — some of them dug out of ruins at Taxila (now
" Shah-ki-deyree," or the Mounds of the Ejings), in the Eawul
Pindee district — will enable the reader to trace this for
himself.

"What a pity that such treasures as these, and others like
Akra, in Bunnoo, whether Greek or Buddhist, should lie
at our feet, as full of meaning as the obelisks of Egypt, and
not, like them, be forced to give up their secrets !

About this time, a friend, having felt inclined to shrink
from the first proposal to undertake a certain responsibility,
draws from Edwardes a letter on the subject, which exhibits

fruits of Cabul are found wild, and culture would bring them to perfection.
As it is, the limes, mulberries, and melons are delicious. Roses, too,
without which Englishmen have learnt from the East to think no
scenery comj^lete, abound in the upper part at the close of spring.

"Altogether Nature has so smiled on Bunnoo that the stranger thinks
it a paradise ; and, when he turns to the people, wonders how such spirits
of evil ever found admittance.
Its people. " The Bunnoochees are bad specimens of Afghans. Could worse be

said of any human race? They have all the vices of the Puthans rankly
luxuriant, the virtues stunted. The introduction of Indian cultivators
from the Punjab, and the settlement of numerous low Hindoos in the
valley, have contributed, by intermarrying, slave-dealing, and vice, to
complete the mongrel character of the Bunnoo pe >ple."

;i;ii| ]■ OF GR^COltACTKI.W IIKAIi

1817.] IlEADINESS TO UNDERTAKE RESPONSIBILITY. 85

a pliase of his own character ; and the circumstances that
called it forth need not to be further entered upon here.

" Camp Biiunoo, December 17, 1847.

" ]\Iy dear ,

"... Concerniug the other matters treated of in your
letter, 1 am not offended that you felt uncertain of my
sympathy or ridicule. In this world we know little of our
neighbours, and, as it was in tlie days of Wiekliffe, so
it seems to be pretty much now, that those who have Bibles
are obliged to hide them.

" To me the principles you avow seem the highest on
which either a public or ])rivate person can act in all situa-
tions of life ; and if you have succeeded in so disciplining
your mind as to see God in everything, and realize His
jiresence around and al)out you at every hour of the day, and
refer all questions of life and duty, great or small, to
the awful tribunal before which you thus perpetually are
standing, — why, you are, in my opinion, as much to be
respected as envied by every right-thinking man.

"But excuse me if I ask you whether the fears you
express of encountering responsibility are consistent with
your reliance on the overruling Power which drives events
before it like so many straws? Are you not, with so happy
a morale, the last man who should feel a moment's uneasiness
under any amount of responsibility imposed upon you ?

" I do not say that it follows that, because you trust
in God, you must succeed. The inscrutable laws which
are made for a world's conduct cannot turn aside for an
individual ; and it is well known that the best men are
often most unfortunate in life. Means also are prescribed
for the working out oiends ; and the plans of a fool, however
good his intentions, by accident only occasionally meet with
the same success as those of a wise and prudent man.

" The reverse would be a miracle, and the infatuated
bigot who, on the strength of his intense trust in God .should

86 ,577? HERBERT B. EDWARDES. [1847.

undertake to a('Conij)lisli ends without the visible material
means (siieh as an uneducated man to read Hebrew, a
civilian to manoeuvre an army, a tailor to make shoes,
a divine to excel in handicrafts which he had never learnt,
or a woman to lift up the Pyramids), would assuredly, in
these days of no-direct Divine interferenco, be doomed to
bring shame on himself and ridicule on his religion.

" But to take the instance in point. Possessed of sound
sense by nature, and more of the advantages of education
than fall to the lot of most men, you are furnished with
adequate means for the accomplishment of any ends short
of the highest flights of that semi-inspiration genius. And
therefore I think you should have more self-confidence than
I ; and while I blame you greatly for the feelings you
entertain upon this particular point, I feel ashamed almost
at the calmness — no, not calmness, more than that, the
enthusiasm — which possesses me whenever great trust is
laid upon me.

"For the first time I begin to ask myself if this is
presumption and windy self-conceit ? If the result of my
self-examination is to make me a moral coward, I shall
never forgive you ! . . .

"The result will very likely be that . . . ivill come,
and I gather from your note that you will accuse yourself
of having thus interfered with your destiny, instead of
leaving it to be decided for you by others. . . .

" That lack of confidence and those misgivings I hold,
in your case, to be self-imposed delusions, which you might
blow away like tobacco-smoke ; which you ought to and ivill

conquer ; for, depend upon it, my dear , they will else

be frightful stumbling-blocks in your public path ; and that
a continual mental struggle, however lofty and virtuous
be its aspirations, is not the frame of mind in which to
watch over the ' respublica.' . . .

" I have written this in the midst of a thousand inter-

1847.] TRIBES RESIGN THEIR INDEPENDENCE. 87

riiptions, and if any expression seems harsh, pray pass over
it the sponge of forgiveness.

" Believe me, ever, my dear ,

" Yours very sincerely,
"(Signed) Herbert 13. Euwardes."

On December 17, 1847, the powerful, brave, and liitherto The tribes
unconqucred Vizecree tribes resigned their indei)endence and resign

1 -1 T -lie 1 • their inUe-

consented to pay tribute. On December 18, the loundations pendence.
of the fort of Dhuleepgurgh were laid. On May 5, the people
and chiefs were ordered to throw down their forts, about four
hundred in number.

These chief results had l)een accomplished in less than Results,
three months ; but besides these, a new town had been founded,
which to this day is flourishing ; a military and commercial
road made through a roadless valley ; tracts of country, from
which the fertilizing mountain streams had been diverted by
lawless feuds, had been brought back to cultivation by the
protection of a strong Government ; others, disputed and l}'ing
waste, had been settled and occupied and sown once more ;
canals had been designed and cut, turning a desert into a
fruitful land ; while, still nearer to civilization, a people who
had worn arms as we wear clothes, and used them as we use
knives and forks, had ceased to carry arms at all, and, though
they quarrelled still, had learnt to bring their differences to
the bar of the civil courts, instead of the sharp issue of the
sword. In a word, the valley of Bunnoo, which had defied
the Sikh arms for twenty-five years, had in three months been
peacefully annexed to the Punjab and subjugated without a
shot being fired. This was a conquest of peace, won by
influence — personal influence — such influence as every
political officer should exercise in the country under his
charge. As I'ldwardes says —

" Such I am proud to think every other assistant to the PersoiLil

Tt • 1 Ti 11 -I'l- !•• n influence.

Kesident at Lahore had acquired in his own district. See
how the Hazara tribes took James Abbott for their Khan !
See how the Eurofzaes loved Lumsden ! See how the men

88 SJPi TIEUnERT n. EDWARDES. [1847.

of Rawul rindeo followed Nicholson ! When the Mooltan

Kebolliou first broke out, I had been, off and on, about a

year among the Trans-Indus people. I had gone to them

at the head of great armies, on great errands, and met with

great success. A master who had confidence in me entrusted

me with almost despotic power, for good or evil ; and I trust

the people never saw me wield it except for good. I found

five different countries oppressed by one tyrant, and removed

liim. I found three chiefs in exile, and restored them.

Those countries and those chiefs rallied round me in the

hour of need, and were my army.

Civilized "Another source of influence was fixedness of purpose

civil"zTd — a, determination to make many barbarian wills give way

govern- ^ ^^^ ll^^^ ^^^g civilizcd. In British India, the mind of

ment con- '

tiasted. Government is registered in laws and regulations for tlie
people's good. . . .

"Far different is the condition of the half-subdued
frontier of an ill-governed native state. There laws exist
not, and he who rules must rule the people by his will.
If his will be evil, the people will be far more miserable
than it is possible for any people to be in the corner of
British India which is administered with least ability ; but
if his will be good as well as strong, ' happy are the people
that are in such a case ; ' for a benevolent despotism is the
best of all governments.

" In my little sphere I gave my whole soul to the

establishment of that vast and priceless blessing, peace ;

and can truly say that no man assisted me without being

rewarded, and no man opposed me without being punished.

This was well known ; and when I held up my hand for

soldiers, the soldiers came ; and when I turned my back

upon the province during an imperial war, peace still

reigned undisturbed behind me." *

* A local journal, culled the Indian Public Opinion and Punjah
Tirnea, makes the following comments upon these times and events : —
" The success with which Edwardes reduced the turbulent valley of

18n.] ON INFLUENCE. 89

In illustration of the forcj^oing remarks may be fjuoLed in iiiustra-
the lolhnving happy ending of a lung-susLained " boundary ^"'"•
feud : " *—

" Knowing their superstitious natures, I called in a holy Settling a
priest, and explaining to him my earnest wish to put an end f^^j ^'^^
to this bloody strife, I l)ade him take up his Koran, and
follow mo to the bank of tlie Indus, where I had already
assembled the chiefs and followers of the contending sides.
Then, leading in the priest, I addressed the assembly,
recounted the forays of the last few years, and the barren
fields and desolate hearths they had occasioned ; the con-
sequent poverty of the people, and resentment of the
Government ; and my own determination to treat either
party as an enemy who should in future bring disgrace
upon my head, by appealing to the sword, instead of me,
for justice.

" 'You Jcnoiv your own boundaries w'ell enough,' I said;
* they are written down in your hearts, though you say you
have got no papers ; and Allah sees them, though I cannot.
This holy man will swear you both on the Koran. Tell him
a lie at your peril. Declare your boundaries now, once
for all, and I will see you stick to them. Then there will
be peace ; and you will all cultivate, and get rich, and be

Bunnoo to obedience, persuaded the wild tribes to pay revenue, and pulled
down the lour hundred forts in the valley, was, in our opinion, a greater
proof of genius tliau all his victories over the troo])s of Dewan Moolraj.

" The difllculty of the undertaking can hardly be exaggerated. Tho
Bunuoochees had never, voluntarily, paid a rupee of revenue. A Sikh
army, it is true, every two or three years, made a raid npon the valley,
and carried olf whatever they could jjlunder ; and this they called
collecting the revenue. And yet, at tho persuasion of Edwardes, these
wild, lawless people submitted, and beat their swords into ploughshares.
The forts were all pulled down by a certain day ; and Bunnoo has, ever
since, been as peaceful as any district on the frontier. Edwardes had
immense influence over natives; and it was a remarkable sight to see
him in a 'jirgah,' or council, arguing with the chiefs, persuading and
gesticulating with such good luimour and skill, that he generally won
them to his side of the argument before he had finished."

* Their quarrels are generally about land.

90 sin jiKiujEiiT n. euwaudes. [1817.

good friends with Grovernment, and there will be no
necessity for an army to come with guns, and blow all
your villages away like a whirlwind. As for the past,
everybody's honour is satisfied. The Kusranees pride
themselves on being thieves, and tliey stole the Ooshtu-
rannees' cattle ; the Ooshtuicuinecs pride themselves on
being brave, and they killed the Kusranees in the fight.
Now begin a new score ; shake hands ; and when you
have done swearing, come along to my tent, where there
is a new turban for every follower, a shawl for every chief,
and a good dinner for everybody.' I then left them to the
priest, who frightened them dreadfully, I was told ; and
then made them sw^ear on the Koran to keep the peace
and their own boundaries ; after which they all got dresses
of honour, and dined together without stabbing any one.'

" Once only during the war did I hear of this peace
being disturbed. Futteh Khan, Ooshtiirannee, followed me
to Mooltau, with all his retainers, and one day he came
to me, boiling with rage, and requested a furlough — so
many days to go home, a day to stay and shoot a Kusranee
who had stolen one of his goats, and so many days to
come back again. On his honour he wouldn't overstay his
leave, and hoped there would be no fight while he was
away !

" I had very great trouble to prevent his going, and he
was sulky for a long while afterwards at having been made
to pocket an affront ; however, I have little doubt that he
has shot the man since."

Terms of By the Treaty of Byrowal, which was concluded in INIarch

Jh^Treaty ]^847, Lord Hardingc had undertaken that the Punjab should
be managed during the minority of ]\Ialiarajah Dhuleep
Singh. Lord Hardinge engaged to control the civil internal
administration of the country and to maintain tranquillity
within, as well as to provide for its external security ; and
this he engaged to do at the especial instance of the Lahore
Sirdars.

18i8.] AONEW AND ANDKItSON. 01

The coiisei[iieiice of this iimiui^eiueiit was that a peace Peace en-
ensued in the I'uiijalj to which it had Ltiig been a stranger.

]iut ill A] nil, 1848, occurred the treacherous murder, at Howdis-
MooUaii, of two young Englislimcn, Mr. Vans Agnew, of the t"'^'^^'*-
Civil Service, and Lieutenant W. A. Anderson, of the 1st
Bombay Fusiliers —

"Young men of great promise and who liad already Agnew an.i
distinguished themselves. Tlie former is described by the ^^ '"''"*""■
Acting-llesident at Lahore, Sir Frederick Currie (Henry
Lawrence was obliged by sickness to take leave to England
in 1847-48), as 'the oldest political officer on this frontier,
and a man of much ability, energy, and judgment, with
considerable experience in administrative duties.' . . . And
Lieutenant Anderson is spoken of as an excellent Oriental
scholar, who was for some time Deputy-Collector in Sindh
under Sir Charles Napier, and has travelled through the
whole of the IMooltan districts." *

These two young men were chosen at Lahore to proceed Truth
to Mooltan on special duty. And here conies in a romance t^a'n'Hc^-
of history, more vivid and exciting than any romance of tion.
fiction.

IMoolraj Avas the Governor of IMooltan under the Sikh Moolraj
Government ; but failing in his payment of tribute or in his ^eg^en^"
faculty for wielding independent authority, and, from the
protection afforded by the English power at Lahore, being
unable to oppress his people to his heart's content, he came
to Lahore and pressed upon the Durbar his proposal to resign.

Every opportunity was given to him to recall his wish to
be relieved of his office as Dewan or Governor of Mooltan,
l)ut \\v. persisted in it.

It was therefore arranged that two English officers should
go to him two months before his resignation ; that he should
instal them in charge, and initiate them himself.

It was at his own earnest desire, and not in any way to
take his government from him, that they were sent. And

* See Blue-Book, ['age 120.

92 sin iiEnnERT b. ebwahdes. [i848.

this, nftor repeatedly giving liiin tlic njitioii of retracting his
iirst voluntary proposal.

These remarks are made to show the treachery of the
deeds that follow.

As Edwardes says —

" Into tlie elear hearts and open acts of the British officers
you may look for ever, and find no cause for the rebellion.*

" The hot weather was beginning, and they were induced
by tlie heat to proceed by water, while their escort marched
by land. The Sikh escort f consisted of about fourteen
hundred men, the Goorkha regiment of Infantry six hundred
strong, seven hundred Cavalry, and one hundred Artillery-
men with six guns.
Arrival and " They all met together at Mooltan on April 18,

ment. and encamped in the Jiiedgah, a spacious Mahommedan

building within cannon-shot of the north face of the fort,
and about a mile from Moolraj's residence, which was a
garden-house outside the fort, called the Am-Khas.

" Early on the morning of April 19 the two British
officers and Sirdar Khan Singh | accompanied Moolraj
into the fort. They were shown all over it ; received the
keys ; were invited by Moolraj to install their own Goorkhas
in possession, and plant their own sentinels. Tney mustered
Moolraj's garrison, who seemed angry at the prospect of
losing employment ; allayed their fears with promise of
service, and prepared to return, Mr. Agnew speaking
kindly to them, and assuring them that they should be kept
in their present service and their present grades.

" The whole party then mounted, Mr. Agnew going on

with Moolraj, followed by Lieutenant Anderson with Khan

Singh. They passed forth, and on to the bridge over the

ditch. Two soldieis of Moolraj were standing on the

bridge.

* " A Year on the Punjab Frontier," vol. ii. page 58.
t All Datives. % The uew Nazim.

1848.] TIIEACIIERY AT MOOLTAX. 03

"One of them, named Umoer Chiind, j^;i/e(l for ;i momont
at the two umirmcd Eiiglislimcn, and then struck ]Mr. Agnew
80 unexpectedly with a spear in the side that ho unhorsed
him, and Agnew sprang to his feet ; at the same instant
]\r()ulnij's horse reared, and he forthwith I'ode off to the
Am-lvhas, making no attempt to interfere.

"Agnew, who was ignorant of fear, struck liis as.-jaihmt
with tlie riding-stick in liis hand. The ruffian threw away
liis sjiear, and, rusliing in with liis sword, inflicted two
severer wounds. He would probably have killed jMr. Agnew
on the spot had he not been knocked into the ditch by
a horseman of the escort. The scuffle was now known ; the
crowd pressed round to see what was the matter. News was
cariied back into the fort that swords were out on the
bridge ; an uproar rose within ; and in another moment the
whole garrison came pouring forth.

" ]\[oolraj had got safe back to the xVm-Khiis. Nor was
this all ; his own personal Sowars turned back ludf-u'ciy, and
j)ursued Lieutenant Anderson, who had, till now, escaped.

"Who can tell now who ordered them to go back ? These
men sought out Anderson, attacked and cut him down with
swords, so that ho fell for dead upon the ground, where he
•was found afterwards by some of his own Goorkha soldiers,
who put him on a litter and carried him back to the Eedgah.
]\Ieanwhile Sirdar Khan Singh extricated Agnew from the
mob, lifted him on his own elephant, and hurried away,
roughly binding up his wounds as ho went along.

"The road lay past the end of IMoolraj's garden, but Mcohaj's

. , 1 1 1 J2 1 COIuluct.

findinir e;uns were bemjr drawn out and matchlocks tired,
they took another road. iNFoolraj was inside. If he had not
ordered them to fire, how came they to do so ?

" At the Eedirah, whence they had started, the two friends Meeting of

IT 11 i-p the two

met. A sad meeting for them, who had gone out full of life, friends.
and health, and zeal to do their duty. Their wounds
dressed, Mr. Agnew drew up a report of these occurrences to

wai-coun-

04 Sm HERBERT B. EDWARD ES. [1848.

Appeal to the Resident at Lahore ; addressed a letter to Moolraj,
'' expressing a generous disbelief in his participation, but
calling on him to justify this opinion by seizing the guilty
parties, and coming himself to see them at the Eedgah."

This Avas at eleven, and at two Mr. Agnew wrote off to
Edwardes and Cortlandt for assistance.*

His reply. " ]\[oolraj briefly sent a message he could neither give up

Conduct of tlie guilty nor come himself. Agnew behaved with con-
lishmen." summatc calmness and heroism. He pointed out to the
messenger how absolutely indispensable it was for Moolraj
to come to them, if he wished to be thought innocent. But
IMoolraj never came, and his message briefly advised them
to see to their own safety.
Moohaj's "The messenger on his return found his master now

presiding in a war-council of his chiefs. The Puthans of
the garrison were setting their seals to an oath of allegiance
on the Koran ; the Hindoos, on the Shastras ; the Sikhs, on
the holy Grunth.

" The Sikhs were fastening a war-bracelet on the wrist of
JMoolraj himself!

" On the evening and night of April 19 the whole of the

* A transcript of poor Agnew's last wordsmay be added in a note.
The original is still preserved, scrawled ia a hurried hand.

" Mooltan, 2 p.m. April 19.
"My dear Sir,

" You have been ordered to send one regiment here. Pray let
it march instantly, or, if gone, hasten to top speed. If you can .spare another,
pray send it also,

" I am responsible for the measure. I am cut up a little, and on my
back. Lieutenant Anderson is much worse. He has five sword-wounds ;
I have two in my left arm from warding sabre-cuts, and a poke in the
ribs with a spear.

" I don't think Moolraj has anything to do with it. I was riding with
him when we were attacked. He rode off, but is now said to be in the
hands of the soldiery.

" Hum Singh and his people all right.

" Yours in haste,
" (Signed) P. A. Vans Agnew.

"To General Cortlandt, or Lieutenant Ivlwardes, Bunnoo."

Irfl8.] MOOLItAJ DECLARES REBELLION. W')

carriiifj^o-cattle of the officers and tlieir escort, wliicli were
out grazing, were carried off. No flight was pos-*ible. But
tliese brave men thought not of flight.

" ]\rorning broke, and IMr. Agnew made one last effort to
avert tlie coming tragedy.

"Ho forwarded to I\rooIraj's officers the puruannas of the Lastappcnl
Maharajah, ordering them to make over the fort to Sirdar "" ^^^'
Khan Singh, and obey all ]\[r. Agnew's orders.

" The messengers found Moolraj again engaged in council
with his chiefs and organizing the rebellion.

" These messengers were told Moolraj was their master,
and they would only obey him. Tliis extinguished hope.

"Agnew wrote to the British Agent at Bhawulpoor to
bring troops to his assistance, intending to hold out in the
Eedgah till this reinforcement could arrive.

" All disguise was now cast aside. The guns of the
fort opened on the Eedgah. The Lahore Artillerymen
refused to serve the guns. The fire of the rebels never
slackened. ...

" And now arrived an Embassy from Moolraj in return
for ]\Ir. Agnew's. IMoolraj invited the escort to desert the
Ihitish officers, and promised to raise the pay of every
soldier who came over.

" One Golab Singh, commandant of the Ghorchurruhs of
the escort, led the way, and went over to Moolraj, who
tricked the traitor out with gold necklaces and bracelets,
and sent him back as a decoy. In vain Mr. Agnew
bestowed money on the troops to hold out for three days
only. It was honest money.

" The troops went over — Horse, Foot, Artillery ; all had
deserted by the evening, except Sirdar Khan Singh, some
eight or ton faithful horsemen, the domestic servants of tlio
British officers, and the moonshees of their office.

"Beneath the lofty central dome of that empty hull, so
strong and formidable that a very few stout hearts couM iiave

96 sm iJEnnEirr n. ejjwahjje.s. [isis.

defemled it, stood this luiscrablu group, around the beds of
tlie two wounded Englishmen. All hope of resistance being
at an end, IMr. Agnevv had sent a party to ]\loolraj to ask for
peace. A conference ensued, and in the end it was agreed
that the ofTicers were to quit the country, and that the
attack upon them was to cease. Too late !

" The sun had gone down, twilight was closing in,
and the rebel army had not tasted blood,
A cry fur " xVu indistinct and distant murmur reached the ears of

the few remaining inmates of the Eedgah, who were listen-
ing for their fate. Louder and louder it grew until it
became a cry — the cry of a multitude for blood !

"On they came, from city, suburbs, fort — soldiers with
their arms ; citizens, young and old, and of all trades and
callings, with any weapon they could snatch.

" A company of Moolraj's Muzbees (or outcasts, turned
Sikhs) led the mob.
A cruel " It was an appalling sight, and Sirdar Khan Singh

beireed of Mr. Agnew to be allowed to wave a sheet and

DO O

sue for mercy. AYeak in body from loss of blood, Agnew's
heart failed him not. He replied, 'The time for mercy is
gone ; let none be asked for. They can kill us two if they
like, but we are not the last of the English. Thousands of
Englishmen will come doivn here ivhen we are gone, and
annihilate Moolraj and his soldiers, and his fort. . . .

" The crowd now rushed in with horrible shouts, made
Khan Singli prisoner, and, pushing aside the servants with
the butts of their muskets, surrounded the two wounded
officers.

" Lieutenant Anderson from the first had been too much
wounded even to move ; and now Mr. Agnew was sitting by
his bedside, holding his hand, and talking in English.
Doubtless they were bidding each other farewell for all
Time.

" But the time was short.

1818.] SCENE IN MOOLRAJ' S COURT. 07

" Goodhur Sinirli, a Muzbee, so deformed and crippled The end of

° • 1 1 the tragedy.

with wouuds that he looked more like an imp than mortal
man, stepped forth from the crowd with drawn sword, and,
after insulting ]\Ir. Aguew with a few last indignities, struck
him twice upon the neck, and with a third blow cut off his
head. Some other wretch discharged a musket into the life-
less body.

" Then Anderson was hacked to death with swords ; and
afterwards the two bodies were dragged outside, and
slashed and insulted by the crowd, and left all night under
the sky. . . .

" Morning assembles the crowd again ; no longer furious,
but content. Whither go they ? To the Am-Khas,
Moolraj's palace, for he is now a king. . . .

" There sits the arch-rebel, in High Durbar, taunting Scene in

iloolraj's

Sirdar Khan Singh, late his rival, now his prisoner. Goodhur court.
Singh, the murderer, approaches, and presents a head — noble
still in death. The crowd make way for him as for some
good man, and call him the second prophet. UmeerChund,
who assaulted Agnew at the fort, is called the first.

" Moolraj rewards the second prophet with an elephant,
some money, and the horse bis victim rode ; and long after-
wards poor Aguew's servants, peeping from their hiding-
places in the suburbs, could see their master's assassin
capering through the street on their master's well-remem-
bered horse.

"The head was then thrown into the lap of Sirdar
Khan Singh, who is told to 'take the head of the youth he
had brought donn to govern at jMooltan.'

" The Sirdar, thinking over many kindnesses and benefits
he had received at the hands of Mr. Agnew, burst into tears.
The head was immediately taken from him. It was not
allowed to be wept over. Indignities followed which it can indignities

c\ PC • \ 11 tothemur-

serve no good purpose to repeat. Sufnce it that, as all dered Eng-
things pall in this world, so Moolraj and the multitude ''^•*™®°'

VOL. I. H

98 SIR HERBERT B. EDWARD ES. [1818.

outside at last grew weary of dishonoui'iug the murdered
Englishmen.

" Moolraj ordered them to be buried, and they were laid
in a hasty grave among the tufts of grass by the Eedgah,
near the place of their murder.

" Twice the people of Mooltan tore them up, to rob them
of the clothes that wrapped them. A third time they were
buried, and a sentry placed over the spot till they were for-
gotten by their murderers,
Mooiraj's " Such was Dowaii Moolraj's rebellion in its rise. Can

rebellion in r, i • i • i- n o

its rise. any one pity such a rebel in his tall t

" Moolraj is not less a murderer because he was one
on a large scale, and murdered with an army instead of a
kitchen-knife. He was the assassin of his invited guests;
the traitor who dethroned the dynasty under which his
family rose from insignificance to honour; the rebel who,
striking selfishly for his own independence, ri vetted the
chains of his country."

The commotion caused by this event was not limited to

Mooltan, but spread from thence into other provinces, and

resulted in a general insurrection of the Punjab.

Agnew's AVhile this terrible scene was enacting at Mooltan, poor

letter Agiiew's letter, written on April 19, 1848, was making its

reaches o ' .

Edwardes, way to Edwardes's camp. It reached him on the 22nd, and
at once he hastened to their succour.
Edwardes tells the story —

" It was towards evening of the 22nd, at Dera Futteh Khan,
on the Indus, that I was sitting in a tent full of Beloochee
zamindars,* who were either robbers, robbed, or witnesses
to the robberies of their neighbours, taking evidence in a
trial. Loud footsteps, as of some one running, were heard
without, came nearer as we all looked up and listened, and
at last stopped before the door. There was a whispering,
a scraping off of shoes, and brushing off of dust from the
* Owners of land.

1848.] AGNEW'S LETTER liEACHES EDWARDES. 09

wearer's feet, and then the purdah (curtain) of the door
was lifted, and a kossid (running messenger), stripped to the
waist and steaming with heat, entered and presented a letter-
bag, whose crimson hue proclaimed the urgency of its
contents.

" * It was from the Sahib in Mooltan,' he said, ' to the
Sabib in Bunnoo ; but as I was here I might as well look
at it.'

" I took it up, and read the Persian superscription on the
bag: *To General Cortlandt, in Bunnoo, or wherever else
he may be.'

" It was, apparently, not for me, but it was for an officer
under my orders, and the messenger said it was on important
public service. I had, therefore, a right to open it, if I
thought it necessary. But there was something in the
kossid's manner which aliJce compelled me to open it and
forbade me either to question him before the crowd around
me, or show any anxiety about it.

" So I opened it as deliberately as I could, and found an
English letter enclosed, directed to either General Cort-
landt or myself. It was a copy taken by a native clerk of a
public letter addressed to Sir Frederick Currie by Mr. P.
Vans Agnew, one of his assistants on duty at Mooltan, with
a postscript in pencil, written by Mr. Agnew and addressed
to us.

" Appended is a faithful fac-simile, which will be re-
garded with mournful interest as the last tracings of a hand,
ever generous, ever brave, which held fast honour and pul»lic
duty to the death.

"During the perusal of this letter I felt that all eyes
were upon me, for no one spoke, not a pen moved, and there
was that kind of hush which comes over an assembly under
some indefinite feeling of alarm. I never remember in my life
being more moved, or feeling more painfully the necessity of
betraying no emotion. After lingering over the last few

100 SJIi HERB E It T B. EDWAIWES. [1848.

sentences as long as I could, I looked up at the kossid, and
said, ' Very good ! Sit down in that corner of the tent, and
I'll attend to you as soon as I have done this trial.' Then
turning to the gaping moonshees, I bade them ' go on with
the evidence ; ' and the disappointed crowd once more bent
their attention on the witnesses. But from that moment
I heard no more. My eyes, indeed, were fixed mechanically
on the speakers, but my thoughts were at Mooltan, with my
wounded countrymen, revolving how I ought to act to assist
them." *

His design Although he had at his disposal only a single Infantry

for relief, native regiment, and an inadequate force for such an enter-
prise, he conceived the daring design of driving the rebel
Moolraj into his fortress of ]\Iooltan, and of rescuing the
whole of the country around ]\Iooltan from his grasp. But
his first act was to send off a letter in reply to Agnew, to
assure him that he should lose no time in hastening to his
assistance.

" Camp, Dera Futteh Khan, April 22, 1848.
Reply to " My DEAE AgNEW,

"Your letter of April 19 to General Cortlandt
reached my camp at three p.m. to-day, and I fortunately
opened it, to see if it was on public business.

" I need scarcely say that I have made arrangements for
marching to your assistance at once. I have one Infantry
regiment and four extra companies, two Horse Artillery
guns, twenty zumbooruks ; f and between three and four
hundred horse. This is a small force, but such as it is you
are welcome to it, and me.

" Your position is one of immense peril ; but God will
bring an honest man out of worse straits, so trust in Him,
and keep up your pluck. . . . Rely on it, it shall not be my

* "A Year on the Punjab Frontier."
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1818.] MEASURES TAKEN AOAINST MOOLRAJ. 101

fault if we are a day later than the 27t]i ; but the very
suiind of our approach will be a check to your rascally
enemies ; and to you as refreshing as the breeze which
heralds the rising suu at morning.

" If you are pressed, pray bring away Anderson, and join
me. AVith all my heart I hope you are both safe at this
moment. Write — write ; and believe me, with the sincerest
wishes, in weal or woe,

" Yours aye,
"(Signed) Herbert B. Edwardes."

The cheery ring from this glowing Iieart would have Too late!
encouraged the brave fellows if it had ever reached them.
But they were past all succour before Edwardes's return-
messenger reached Mooltan.

Startled from his plans of legislative improvement and Measures
moral regeneration in Eunnoo in this rough \?ay, Edwardes aLi^nst
quickly set himself to raise the mountain tribes, to discipline Moolraj,
raw levies, with the view to drive back the rebel chieftain
behind the very walls of the fortress from whose citadel
lie had long oppressed the surrounding country, and within
which he had now crowned his oppression of his own people
by murder and rebellion.

How Edwardes gathered his army, and maintained and How fed
]xaid his soldiers, may best be told in his own words. We '^° ^^' *
liave already noted how, when he held up his hand for
soldiers, the soldiers came ; and now he had real need of them.
The force that he raised, was fed and paid out of the revenues
of the country which it conquered.

" I commenced tlie war," he says, " with a few thousand
rupees in hand, and maintained it for nine months with
an expenditure, civil and military, of two lakhs of rupees
a month, without receiving more than one lakh from the
Sikh and another from the British Government.

" Commissariat I had none at first ; but the war was
in a fat country, and to find corn we had only to find money.

102

SIR HER BERT D. EDWARDES.

[1848.

Geneial
Cortlandh

Wild dis-
cipline.

Existing
rivalries
controlled.

Concernine
plunder.

" In the extensive financial arrangements which such
wants and expenditure required, I was assisted more than
I can sufficiently express by General Cortlandt, one of
the best coadjutors ever man had. The soldiers, being poor,
were paid regularly every fortnight throughout the war.

" As to discipline ; there was no time to attempt what
regular soldiers call discipline. The men had to fight
the day after they were enlisted, and they could only fight
their own way. All I did was to make the best of their
way ; to draw tight such discipline as they had.

"So while Foujdar Khan gathered all his ]\rooltanee
Puthans around him, I encouraged Futteh Khan To-
wannuh to summon his father's friends.

" Bitter and deadly hatreds and jealousies raged between
them ; but separate ends of the encampment were assigned
to each, and morning and evening, when I held Durbar,
native fashion, on the ground, to please my men, the various
officers of either party ranged themselves behind the young
Mullick or Foujdar, on opposite sides of the carpet, and
viewed each other with subdued resentment. Occasionally
a rush would be made by both parties to get on my right
hand, but by equal kindness and access to both, by equal-
izing their pay, and advising them in their squabbles, I
soon got them to lie down together like the lion and
the lamb, and at last, little more of their former enmity
remained than served as a useful rivalry in the field.

" With regard to plunder ; discipline was steadily en-
forced. Had the smallest offence of this kind been over-
looked, the whole force would have become a band of
robbers, and I made instant and severe examples of every
offender. If a soldier ivanted his discharge without pay, he
had nothing to do but to go to a field and steal a sugar-cane,
when he was followed by the screaming husbandman to my
tent, and took the consequences.

" It is a pleasing reflection to me that, under the pro-

1848.] EFFEQTIVE DISCIPLINE SAVED CROPS. 103

tection of the irregular force, while blockading Moolraj, Effective

., 77/'77 Tir? discipline

Moolraj s tenants saved the fields around Mod fan. saved the

" As to fighting ; this is a very easy matter if men Moo'haJ'g
are brave, and ou the Indus frontier the population lived *^<^°^'»'s-
in a state of feud. . .

" As for a reserve ; I never permitted such a thing. A Reserve,
regular army may rally and return to the charge.

" I have seen my own glorious corps, the 1st Bengal
Fusiliers, return a third time to the attack of a Sikh
entrenchment higher than their heads, after two cruel
repulses, and with two hundred of their men and officers
down on the ground. That was at Sobraon. Did they
get in? Of course they got in. Such troops must get in!
But it is a very different thing with undisciplined armies.

"They are either successful or defeated at once. There
is no middle course ; no doubt about the matter. No reserve
will ever stop their flight; but the 'reserve' will run, and
run, with the advance that has been repulsed.

"The force was kept together during nine months of
varying success, by regular pay and kind treatment.

"The officers I learnt to know well — their characters, influence.
their circumstances, and their wants ; and by living the
same life they did, wearing the same dress, talking the
same language, and sharing with them all dangers and
fatigues, they became attached to me and I to them.

" I believe that, when the war was over and we had
seen our mutual enemy subdued, to part was a mutual
sorrow.

" Wild, barbarous, indififereut to human life, they were
yet free, simple as children, brave, faithful to their masters,
sincere towards their God. During the wholo war I
never lost by desertion one man of all whom I had
enlisted. . . .

"The crowded city has its virtues, but so has the desert
and the mountain ; and he who walks the world aright will

04 Sm II Eli BERT n. EDWAHDES. [1848.

find sometLing good wliercver be finds man, and nothing
barren from Dan to Beersheba." *

This was the material with whicli Edwardes prepared to
do his work. The generous confidence, as well as the
vigorous hand and the masterly intellect with which he
performed it, tell their own tale.

He saw the disastrous consequences of defeat on the
frontier and of delay, which would allow IMoolraj to get
possession of the country, collect the revenue, gather recruits,
and strengthen himself at Mooltan. And if the British army
could not take the field till after the rains, all our difficulties
would only increase.

* Archdeacon Hare, in his "Guesses at Truth," p. 411, has noticed
with approval Edwardes's confidence in his fellow-men. He says, " I cannot
deny myself the pleasure of confirming what is here said, by the authority
of one of those great soldiers and statesmen whom our Indian empire
breeds, and who has exemi)lified the power of these principles by his own
wonderful achievements, both pacific and military, on the banks of the
Indus. Llajor Edwardes, in his 'Year on the Punjab Frontier,' after
speaking of an expedition he undertook into the country of the savage
Yizeeree tribes, relying on the honour of one of their chiefs, adds, ' I
pause ujxin this apparently trifling incident for no foolish vanity of my
own, but for the benefit of others ; for hoping, as I earnestly do, that many
a young soldier, glancing over these pages, will gather heart and encour-
agement for the stormy lot before him, I desire above all things to
put into his hand the staff of confidence in his fellow-men.

" Candid and generous and just,
Boys care but little whom they trust, —

An error soon corrected ;
For who but learns in riper years
That man, when smoothest he appears,
Is most to be suspected ? " —

is a verse very pointed and clever, but quite unworthy of the " Ode
to Friendship," and inculcating a creed which would make a sharper
or a monk of whoever should adopt it. The man who cannot trust
others is, by his own showing, untrustworthy himself. Suspicious of
all, depending on himself for everything, from the conception to the
deed, the ground-plan to the chimney-pot, he will fail for want of the
heads of Hydra, and the hands of Briareus. If there is any lesson that
I have learnt from life, it is that human nature, black or white, is
better than we think it, and he who reads these pages to a close will see
how much faith I have had occasion to place in the rudest and wildest
of their species, how nobly it was deserved, and how useless I should have
been without it ' (from ' Year on the Punjab Frontier ')."

1848.] STRENGTH OF ARMY OF MOOLIiAJ. 105

" The only move wbicli can save tliis frontier," Edwardes
writes, "is, in my opinion, the advance of ]iha\vul Khan's
army across the Sutlej, so as to threaten Mooltiin, and oblige
Moolruj to recall his frontier expeditions."

He writes to the Kesident at Lahore —

" 1 see by the papers that the idea has got about
that Moolraj has sixty thousand soldiers ; at present
he has not more than ten thousand. But if Mooltan is
not invested, however slightly, and a few months elapse
before any steps are taken to check his present career of
iujpunity, those who best know the military resources of
this frontier are quite of opinion that he may gather fifty
thousand; from what I see, I quite agree with them."*

The scenes rapidly deepen in interest, but they are fully
told in Edwardes's own book ; and our space obliges us to
content ourselves with a glance only at some of them — a
hasty sketch and a few extracts. Those who want to follow
him closer tlirough these nine months of scenes of danger
and of chivalry, should take up liis " Year on the Punjab
Frontier," and they will not be disajipointed.

" General Cortlandt was already co-operating nobly
with Edwardes, and none saw clearer than he to what end
events were tending; none new better the value of every
hour."

Now comes a letter from the Resident at Lahore (June
5, 1848)—

" The account you give of your force is highly satis-

* In the Calcutta lieuiew. No. 43, April, 1854, tliero is au article
by Sir Henry Lawrence (in answer to some assertions made by Sir Charles
Napier), in which he says, writing of Edwardes, " Since the days of
Clive no man lias done as Edwardes, nor do I know many who could and
would have acted as he did, on the Mooltan outbreak. Few indeed, with
his means, wouhl have taken the same decided step, and fewer could liave
carried it out."'

lOG SIB nERBERT B. EDWABDES. [1848.

factory, and reflects the greatest credit ou your zeal and
perseverance, ^Yhicll have raised the greater part of it and
made it what it is in the short space of a month."

And to the Secretary of the Government of India, by the

same, and same date —

*'I forward a letter from Lieutenant Edwardes. His
Lordship will perceive that this enterprising and energetic
oflicer has entirely succeeded in performing the duty
assigned to him of getting possession of and holding the
whole of the Mooltan districts Trans-Indus."

Edwardes writes to the Eesident —

Nawab of " I havc Urged Bhawul Khan to put his troops across

pore CO- the Sutlej, and co-operate. . . . The Nawab has a very fine

operates. Yi^Wq force of from ten thousand to twelve thousand men,

well equipped and disciplined, and composed almost entirely

of fighting Puthaus. . . . He is desirous that a British

o£Scer should be with his force."

Lieutenant Edward Lake (Engineers), Acting Deputy-
Commissioner at Jullundur, w^as deputed to Bhawulpore.

The Eesident writes : " He is a very intelligent, active
officer, with great knowledge of the natives, and peculiar tact
in managing them and gaining their regard."

Here, then, were two brother-assistants of Henry Lawrence's
old band at work together again.

Xn old " Lieutenant Lake was, in fact, constituted the Com-

friend mandcr-in-chief of tbe Daoodpootra army," says Edwardes.

the scene.

How well he justified that unusual trust, to the mutual
honour of his own Government and that of the troops he led,
appears abundantly in Edwardes' s reports.

He gives the following testimony to his friend, and the
insertion of it may be pardoned now.

"By his instructions from the Resident, he was not put

1848.] FRIENDS IN COUNCIL. 107

under my comruancl. It seemed enough to tell Lim * to
co-operate accordiug to his own judgment and discretion.'
But he did more. Events brought us irresistibly together.
Before Lieutenant Lake could reach his army, I had crossed
the Chenab, and saved the Dauodpootras from a disastrous
defeat at Kinyeree ; and, finding me in the successful
execution of my own plans, Lake at once put himself under
my command, and, without one selfish thought, devoted his
rare abilities and energy to second the operations of another.
I felt the generosity of the action then ; but I do more full
justice to it now, when I can look back calmly on those
stormy times, and remember how impossible it was that two
younfr heads should always think alike, however true tlieir F'ien'is m

JO J ' council.

hearts kept time ; yet never was there anything but unity of
action in the field.

" Seldom, indeed, did we differ, even in the council-tent ;
but if we had two plans, Lake manfully exposed the weak-
nesses of mine, and if I \\as not to be convinced (as I own
I very seldom was), he gave up his own better judgment,
and made mine perfect by the heartiness of his assistance
in giving it efi'ect.

" My peaceful readers, whose experience of ' heroes ' has
happily been confined within the limits of the biographical
dictionary or the smooth historian's page, may think so
well of soldier-nature as to deem Lake's magnanimity and
lack of jealousy a thing of course ; but others who have
lived in camps will know both its rarity and its value, and
esteem it the most unfading of the laurels won by Edward
Lake under the walls of Mooltan. ' Better is he that ruleth
his spirit than he that taketh a city.' "

Nothing so mean as jealousy could exist between two
such noble spirits and firm friends. It is dwelt upon here
in a parenthesis, as a pleasant picture of Indian life.

But it was one only out of many ; for all the band of A giimpso
noble brotherhood gathered at Lahore under Henry Lawrence

108 SIR nERBERT B. EDWARDES. [1848.

the As- iu 184G, and since scattered over the wild country, are doing
sustauts glorious work — Lieutenant Key ncll Taylor iu Bunnoo; Major
George Lawrence and Nicholson in Peshawur; Captain James
xVbbott in Hazara ; John Becher at Batala, and all rejoicing
in each other's success. There was no rivalry, but in achiev-
ing good results.

On June 10 the Eesident at Lahore wrote to Edwardes,
giving him carte-hlanche to act as he thought best, and on
June 18 was fought the first battle with Moolraj's troops —
the l)attle of Kinyeree.

Battle of " The rebel army of from eight to ten thousand Horse

vinjLiee. _^^^ Foot and ten guns, commanded by Moolraj's brother-in-
law, Rung Ram, and the Daoodpootra army of about eight
thousand five hundred Horse and Foot, eleven guns and
thirty zumboorahs, commanded by Futteh Mahommed
Khan, were on the left bank of the river.

"My force, consisting of two divisions (one of faithful
regulars, Foot and Artillery, of the Sikh service, about
fifteen hundred men and ten guns, under General Cort-
laudt ; and another of about five thousand irregulars. Horse
and foot, and thirty zumboorahs, under my own personal
command), was upon the right bank, on June 17.

" A strong division of three thousand Puthan Irregulars
crossed that day, and Foujdar Khan (who by this time had
become the Adjutant-General of the Puthan levies) led them
on to join the Daoodpootras, which they did a little before
sunrise."

Edwardes determined to cross with the rest of the force
the following morning. His own pen will tell the story best.

June 18. " I slept that night on the right bank, intending to take

Kinyeree. o^^r a sccoud divisiou as soon as the fleet returned from its

first voyage. But at six a.m. on the 18th no fleet was to be

seen. Two little ferry-boats had, however, come up from

another ferry, and getting into these, with a few horsemen

1848.] OPENING OF FIRE. 100

and servants, and leaving General Cortlandt to pass the rest
of the force over as rapidly as he could, I pushed ofT for
Kinyeree.

" About a hundred yards from the left lank I was Opening ^f

•' _ the nre.

roused from a * brown study ' — not unnatural amid plans so
doubtful in their issue, so heavy in their responsibility — by a
burst of Artillery within a mile or two of the shore. A
second cannonade replied, was answered, and replied again,
and two t^iU opposite columns of white smoke rose out of
the jungle, higher and higher at every discharge, as if each
strove to get above its adversary ; then broke and pursued
each other in thick clouds over the fair and peaceful
sky. . . .

" Gazing at this unmistakable symbol of the fight below, Different
I could scarcely forbear smiling at the different specula- tfo'i^rcaused
tions of my companions in the boat. The servants, men of thereby.
peace, declared and hoped it was only a salute fired by the
Daoodpootras in honour of the allies who had just joined them;
but the horsemen knit their brows, and devoutly cried, * Al-
lah ! Al-lah ! ' at every shot, w ith an emphasis like pain on
the last syllable. They quite felt there was a fight going on*

" For my own part I felt so too ; and as I stepped on
shore, and buckled the strap of my cap under my chin, I
remember thinking that no Englishman could be beaten on
June 18.

" Nor am I ashamed to remember that I bethought me Trust.
of a still happier omen and a far more powerful aid — the
goodness of my cause, and the God who defends the riglit.
A young lieutenant, who had seen but one campaign, alone, Discoumge-
and without any of the means and appliances of such war as ™'^"**
I had been apprenticed to, I was about to take command,
in the midst of a battle, not only of one force whose courage
I had never tried, but of another that I had never seen ; and to
engage a third, of which the numbers were uncertain, with
the knowledge that defeat would immeasurably extend the

110 SIB UEBBEIiT B. EBWABDES. [1848-

rebellion which I had undertaken to suppress, and embarrass
A critical \\^q Government I had volunteered to serve. Yet, in that
great extremity, I doubted only for a moment — one of those
long moments to which some angel seems to hold a micro-
scope, and show millions of things within it. It came and
went between the stirrup and the saddle. It brought with
it difficulties, dangers, responsibilities, and possible con-
sequences terrible to face ; but it left none behind.

" I knew I was fighting for the right. I asked God to
help me to do my duty, and I rode on, certain that He would
do it.
Who shall " On the shore not a creature was to be seen ; so we had

guide*"? to take the smoke and roar of guns for our guides to the
field of battle. But how to find out my own side was a
difficulty, and not to fall into the hands of the enemy. On
one side the firing was regular, and apparently from guns
of equal calibre ; on the other side, irregular and unequal,
as if from guns of different sizes. Obliged to choose between
them, I paid the enemy the compliment of supposing their
guns would be the best, and those of Bhawul Khan the
worst, and rode straight through the jungle to the latter.

" At the village of Kinyeree I got a wretched peasant to
put us on our road, though he would not go a yard along with
us ; and soon we met a horseman who had been despatched
by Foujdar Khan to tell me what had happened and con-
duct me to the field. . . .

"From him I learnt that Kung Ram, the rebel com-
mander, had taken up a strong position on the salt-hills of
the village of Noonar, and then opened on the allies. Hot-
tempered, brave, but ignorant of fields, and consequently
rash, the Daoodpootra levies lifted up their voices in one
vast shout of their master's name, then rushed impetuously
forward, without waiting for an order or asking for a plan.
Their very baggage was mixed up with them ; the Artillery
was entangled ; and the fire which poured down upon them

1848.] THE GENEBAL OF THE ALLIES. 1 1 1

from the heights of Noonar was so diflferent from the match-
lock volleys of their own border warfare, that they staggered,
stopped, and finally fell back in a mass of confusion upon a
village in their rear. . . .

" It was at this moment of confusion that I arrived at the
field — a plain covered with jungle, amongst which loaded
camels were passing to the rear, out of range of the enemy's
guns, and detachments of wild-looking warriors, with red
hair and beards,* were taking up a line of posts. Suddenly A pleasing
a European stepped out of the crowd, and advanced in a
hurried manner, wiping his forehead and exclaiming, ' Oh
sir, our army is disorganized ! ' — a pleasing salutation on
arriving at a field of battle ! He then told me his name
was Macpherson, and that he commanded one of the
Nawab's two regular regiments. I asked him where his
general was. He laughed, and pointed to a large peepul
tree, round which a crowd gathered. I galloped up, and,
looking over the shoulders of the people, saw a little
old man, in dirty clothes, and with nothing but a skull-cap
on his head, sitting under the tree, with a rosary in his
hands, the beads of which he was rapidly telling, and
muttering in a peevish, helpless manner. ' Ulhumdoolillah ! TheGenemi
Ulhumdoolillah ! (' God be praised ! God be praised ! ')
apparently quite abstracted from the scene around him,
and utterly unconscious that six-pounder balls were going
through the branches, that officers were imploring him
for orders, and that eight or nine thousand rebels were
waiting to destroy an army of which he was the General.

" He had to be shaken by his people before he could
comprehend that I had arrived ; and as he rose and
tottered forward, looking vacantly in my face, I saw that
excitement had completed the imbecility of his years, and
that I might as well talk to a post.

* The Daoodpootras are fund of staining their hair red, as others are
of stainius it black.

112 SIR HERBERT B. EDWARDES. [18J8.

"Turning, tbcrefore, to the many Lnive and experienced

oflBcers of his staff, and to Peer Ibralieem Kiian, who now

came up, I learnt the general nature of their position ; and

A critical then struck out a plan for the day. ' Nothing,' I said, ' can be

emeigeac). ^^^^ ^^.^^l^ ^^ army SO disorganized as this, or with guns such

as Peer Ibraheeni describes yours to be. The enemy has

taken up a strong position, and will probably prepare to be

attacked. It is not likely that he will attack us until he

thinks we don't mean to attack him. I will write to

Faces the General Cortlandt to send over the guns, and not a move

po,i ion. jjjust be made till they come. In the meanwhile, occupy

yourselves with recovering the order of your force, make the

whole lie down in the jungle, keep them as much under

cover as possible, and let your Artillery play away as hard

as they can on the enemy's guns. Above all, stand fast

and be patient.'

" I then betook myself to the left where my own three
thousand men were posted ; and as I rode down the
Daoodpootra line, and received the loud greetings of the
soldiers, I saw how timely had been my arrival. I had
not joined them in a moment of triumph, but of trial.
They found their ally for the first time when (in Asia at
least) allies are most seldom found — in the hour of diflSculty ;
and seeing a single British officer come amongst them to
share dangers they were encountering for the British
Government, they felt its justice, and took heart again. . . .
Fniijdiir " I found mv own three thousand men, who had stuck

good ally, their standards upright in the turf, and were lying down in
a beautiful line between them. This was the work of Foujdar
Khan, and I loudly praised all the otlier officers as they
flocked around me,

" I now dismounted from my horse, and asked, without
much hopes if any one had got pen and paper.

" ' Sahib ! ' replied a well-known voice behind me, and,
turning, I beheld Sudda Sookh, the monnshee of my office,

1848.] A FAITIIFL'L MOONSIIEE. 11 .'J

pulling out a CasLmere penbox {unn liis girdle, just as f]ui<.'tly
us if he bad been in Cutcherry. He had no sword or other
implements of war, but merely the writing materials, with
which it was his duty to be furnished ; and, though he
looked si'rious and grave, he was perfeetly calm amid the
roar of hostile cannons and men's heads occasionally going
off before his eyes.

" ' What are you doing here, Sudda Sookh ? ' I asked A faithful

nidonsht'c,

in astonishment. Sn i.b

"He put up his hands respectfully, and answered, 'My "" '"
place is with my master. I live by his service; and when
he dies, I die ! ' A more striking instance of the quiet
endurance of the Hindoo character I never saw.*

" Seating myself under a bush, I wrote two short notes to
Cortlandt, informing him of our critical position, and my
belief that I could hold out until three p.m., by which time
be must send me guns, or the battle would be lost.

" They were written at eight, and what I had engaged
to do was to stave off Rung Ram's army for seven hours.
Those seven hours I should never forget if I lived
seven centuries.

"The firing on both sides continued for six hours with- Diflkulty
out slackening ; and though the Daoodpootra Artillery drew ^ '^'' '^"^'"'
the heaviest fire to the right of our line, yet my Puthaus
got so much more than they were ever used to in the
petty raids of their own frontier, that they were continually
springing up and demanding to be led on against the enemy.
* Look here ! ' they cried ' and there, and there ! ' (pointing to
men as they were hit). ' Are we all to be killed without a

* Tliis fine fuUow was the moonsliee who fir.->t tauglit Edwardes
languages when he was a subaltern with his regiment, and lie became so
attached and faithful that he never left his service, but was the head
niooushee In his udice to the last day of Edwanies's labours in India. He
was a man of noble bearing and tlio strictest probity, never taking a
bribe nor falling into any native vices. He was renowned as a good man,
and universally respected,

VOL. I. I

Hi ;S77i' HERBERT B. EDWARDES. [18.18.

blow? What sort of war do you call this, 'where Ihere is
iron on one side and only flesh and blood on the other ?
Lead us on, and let us strike a blow for our lives! '. . . Then
the officers crowded round, and every one thought he was a
general, and if only I would listen to liim (pulling me by
the sleeve to interrupt my rebuke to some one else), the
battle would be mine.

" But of all the advisers, I must do them the justice to say

that none counselled a retreat. Every voice was for attack.

Wait for " Foujdar Khan and one or two others alone supported

the guns. . . • p /^ i i j

my opinion, that we must wait lor Lortlandt s guns.

" Happily I had no doubt or misgiving in my own mind.
I never bad a clearer conviction in my life than I had that
day that I was right, and they were wrong ; and with a
patience, which in the ordinary affairs of life I never had
possessed, I strove hour after hour to calm the rash and
excited throng, and assure them that when the proper
moment should arrive, I myself would lead them on.
Thestiain. "And SO I sat out those seven hours under a June sun,

with no shade but that of a bush, and neither a drop of
water nor a breath of air to lessen the intolerable heat. . . .

" The enemy at last were not to be kept back, but
advanced with such an overpowering strength in Cavalry
and Artillery that a desperate expedient became necessary.

" Imploring the Infantry to lie still yet a little longer,
I ordered Foujdar Khan and all the chiefs and officers who
had horses, to mount, and, forming themselves into a
compact body, charge down on the rebel Cavalry, and
endeavour to drive them back upon the Foot. ' Put off the
fight,' I whispered to Foujdar Khan, 'or not a man of us
will leave this field.'

" Gladly did these brave men get the word to do a deed
so desperate ; but with set teeth I watched them mount,
and wondered how many of my choicest officers would come
back.

1848.] THE WELCOME QUNS. 115

" Spreading their liuuds to heaven, the noble band a moment
solemnly repeated the creed of their religion, as though it bravery.
were their last aet on earth ; then passed their hands over
their beards with the haughtiness of martyrs, and, drawing
tlieir swords, dashed out of tlie jungle into the ranks of the
enemy's horse, who, taken wholly by surprise, turned round
and fled, pursued by Foujdar and his companions to within
a few luin(hed yards of the rebel lino, which halted to
receive its panic-stricken friends.

" In executing this brilliant service Foudjar Khan
received two wounds, and few who returned came back
untouched. IMany fell.

"The purpose, however, was completely answered. . . , At The wcl-
that moment of moments might be heard the bugle-note of '^°"'*' S"ds.
Artillery in the rear. ' Hush ! ' cried every voice, while each
ear was strained to catch that friendly sound again. Again
it sounds, again, and there is no mistake. The guns have
come at last, thank God !

" Quick, quick, orderlies, and bring them up. There's
not a moment to be lost ! Now, ollicers, to your posts ;
every one to his own standard and his own men. Let the
Infantry stand up and get into as good a line as the jungle
will allow ; let none advance until I give the word, but
when the word is given, the duty of every chief is this, to
keep the standard of his own retainers in a line with the
standards right and left of him. Break the line, and you
will be beaten ; keej) it, and you are sure of victory.*

" Away they scattered, and up sprang their shouting
brotherhoods. Standards were plucked up and shaken in
the wind, ranks closed, swords grasped, and matches
blown, and the long line waved backwards and forwards
with agitation as it stood between the coming friend and
coming foe.

* This is tlio only mainjcuivu I ever alteiiiiited to instil iuto that
inipaticnt mass."

ilG ,S7A' li Ell U FAIT 11. EDWARD ES. W'6^'6.

Thcclaih. " LouJer and lousier grcw the murmur of llie aJvaneiiij;

rebel host, more distiuct and tdear the bugles uf the friendly
guns. And now the rattling of tlie wheels is heard, the
crack of whips and clank of cliains, as they labour to come
up. The crowd falls back, a road is cleared, we see the fore-
most gun, and amid the shouts of welcome it gallops to the
front.

"Oh, the thankfulness of that moment! the relief, the
weight removed, the elastic bound of the heart's maiuspring
into its place, after being pressed down for seven protracted
hours of waiting for a reinforcement that might never come !
Now all is clear before us. Our chance is nearly as good as
theirs; and who asks more?

Cort- " One, two, three, four, five, six guns had come ; and

lief^ panting after them, with clattering cartridge-boxes, might

be seen two regiments of Regular Infantry — Soobhau Khan's
corps of Mussulmans, and General Cortlandt's Sooruj Mook-
hee. It was well thought of by the General, for I had only
asked for guns; but he judged well that two regiments
would be worth their weight in gold at such a pinch.

" There was scant time for taking breath, for the enemy
was close at hand ; so, bidding the guns come with me, the
two regiments to follow on the guns, and the whole Irregular
Cavalry line advance steadily in rear, under command of
Foujdar Khan, I led the Artillery through the trees on to
the cultivated plain beyond. There we first saw the enemy's
line. . . .

The Clash. " Iiound went our guns, and round went theirs, and in

an instant both were discharged into each other. It was a
complete surprise ; for the rebels believed truly that all the
guns we had in the morning had left the field with the
Daoodpootras,* and of the arrival of the others they were
ignorant. Down sank their whole line among the long

* Who had slipped away and retired towards the river witliout any
orders or necessity.

1818.] FIRE cmAPE INTO EACH OTHER. 117

stalks of tlie sugar-cane; and, as we afterwards learnt from
a Goorkha prisoner, the fatal word was passed that * the
Sahib had got across the river with all his army from Dera
Ghazee Khan, and led them into an ambush.'

"To and fro rode their astonished and vacillating
colonels ; and while the guns maintained the battle, the
intelligence was sent by swift horsemen to tlic rebel general.
Hung Warn, who, seated on an elephant, lookeil safely down
upon the fight from the hills around the village of Noonar.

" Meanwhile the Sooruj IMookhse and Soobhau Khan's
regiments had come up, closely followed by the line ; and I
made the two former lie down on the left and right of the
Artillery, and the latter halt under cover of the trees.

" The gunners were getting warm. * Grape ! grape ! '
at length shouted the commandant ; ' it's close enough for
grape.' And the enemy thought so too, for the next round
rushed over our heads like a flight of e;iglos.

" And there, for the first time and tlie last in my short
experience of war, did I see hostile Artillery firing grape into
each other. It was well for us that the enemy were taken
by surprise, for they aimed high and did little mischief.
General Cortlandt's Artillery were well trained and steady,
and their aim was true.

" Two guns were quickly silenced, and the rest seemed A charge,
slackening and firing wild. A happy charge might carry
all. I gave the order to J^oobhan Khan's regiment to attack ;
and away they went, Soobhan Khan himself, a stout heavy
soldier, leading them on, and leaping over bushes like a
boy. Before this regiment could reach the battery, an
incident characteristic of Irregular troops occurred : a cluster
of half a dozen horsemen dashed out from the trees behind
me, and, passing the regiment, threw themselves on the
enemy's guns. Their leader received the ball full in his
face, and fell over the 'cannon's mouth.' It was Shah
Niwaz Khan of Esaukhevl, whose family I had recalled

118 ^TR lIEnnEUT U. KDU'ARDES. [1848.

from exile to rule over tlioir own country. Tlie regiment
followed, and carried at the point of the bayonet the only
gun which awaited their assault.

" Another gun lay dismounted on the ground.

" While this was doing, our guns poured grape into the
cover where the rehel Infantry were lying, and these, hearing
their own Artillery retire before Soobhan Khan's charge,
retreated hastily through the high crops with which the
fields were covered, but suffered heavily from the fire behind
them, and formed again in great confusion when they
reached their guns.

" At this point a small body of Cavalry were approaching,
and I asked an orderly if he knew who they were.
A nanow " J{q thought thcv were Foujdar Khan and the mounted

escape. o .^

chiefs of the Puthans, and I had just turned my horse to
ride towards them with an order, when a single horseman
advanced, and, taking a deliberate aim, discharged a match-
lock at me within fifty or sixty yards.

" The ball passed first through the sleeve of the brown
holland blouse wliich I had on, then through my shirt, and
out aerain on the other side through both, and must have
been within a hair's-breadth of my elbow.
The crash " Aud now I gavo the word for the whole line of wihl

Puthans to be let loose upon the enemy. One volley from
our battery, and they plunged into the snKjke-enveloped
space between the armies, with a yell that had gathered
malice through hours of impatient suffering. The smoke
cleared off, and the Artillerymen of two more rebel guns
were dying desperately at their posts ; their line was in full
retreat upon Noonar, and the plain was a mass of scattered
skirmishers.

" Once more our Artillery galloped to the front and
harassed the disordered enemy. In vain the rebels tried to
rally and reply. Our Infantry was on them, and another
and another jj^un wore abandoned in the flight.

of conflict.

1848.] COMPLETE liOUT OF THE ENEMY. 119

" Txnw% Ram, tlieir general, had long since fled. ]\[ool-
raj's rutliiui Cavalry, who had stood aloof throughout the
battle, were supposed to have gone over; the regular regi-
ments, and especially the Goorkhas (who had deserted Agnew
and Anderson at ]\rooltan, and now fought with halters round
their necks), had borne the brunt of the day, and suffered
heavily. IMore than half the Artillery had been lost.

" The pursuit was hot, and fresh and overwhelming
numbers seemed to be pouring in upon both flanks ; for at
this juncture the Daoodpootras had come up again, and were
burning to retrieve their place.

"Tlius, without a general, without onler, and without Complete

' b » ^' _ rout of

hope, the rebels were driven back upon Noonar ; and, having the enemy.
placed its sheltering heights between them and their pur-
suers for a moment, they threw aside shame and arms, and
fled, without once halting, to jMoolian.

" But of ten guns that the rebels brought into the field
of Kinyeree, but two returned to INFooltun.

"Their camp at Noonar and all their ammunition fell
into our hands, and the former furnished many of our
Irregular levies with tents for the first time.

" And so ended the battle of Kinyeree, which began a
little after seven a.m., and was not decided till half-past
four p.m.

" At five p.m., after nine hours' constant exertion of mind Happy con-

111 1 n T 1 I 1 • • elusion.

and body under a fiery sun, 1 leave the reader to imagine
the feeling of thankfulness with which I sat down at Noonar,
on the very ground occupied by ]\roolraj's army in the
morning, and penned a hurried despatch to the Resident,
announcing our victory."

Edwardcrf ends liis desjiatch to the iJe.'^ident —

"God be praised for a most signal victory, gained under
the most discouraging circumstances; but to be followed, I
hope, by most encouraging results."

120 sin IIERDFAtT B. EDWAllDES. [1848.

('■niousco- rpjjj^ y^^^^^^ ^^ KinYorcc has been called " the Waterloo of

iiiLulence. -^

the ruiijab," havin<f been fought on the glorious anniversary,
June 18 ; nor can we fail to notice a second coincidence in
the timely arrival of Cortlandt's guns, which, like Bliicher's
at Waterloo, turned the tide to victory.

]\Ioolraj was thoroughly disheartened. This force was his
" all ; " he had more guns, but not any more field-pieces.
An inde- Another account of this battle has been given by an eye-

witness, witness,* an officer attaclied to Edwardes's Brigade, who
writes —

" There can be no doubt, had not Moolraj met with defeat
at this time, the whole of the Punjab would have been in a
blaze, and all the richest districts of Mooltan would have
fallen into the hands of the enemy. But, happily, Edwardes
was in the country, on the right bank of the Indus, opposite
Leiah, with two guns, three hundred Horse, four companies of
Foot, and one disaffected Sikh regiment.

"Edwardes crossed to Leiah, and commenced collecting
the revenue, whereupon IMoolraj sent ten thousand men and
ten guns to attack him. Edwardes was naturally obliged to
retreat, and take up his old ground on the right bank of the
Indus, securing all the boats. At the same time, he wrote to
General Cortlandt (Xizam of the district of Bunnoo) to come
to his assistance, which he did in six days, with six guns, one
regiment of Eoot, and one hundred Horse.

"At Dera Eutteh Khan, Edwardes added, in ten days,
two thousand men to his force, and Cortlandt moved towards
Sungur with six guns, two regiments of Eoot, and a few Horse ;
Edwardes remaining to prevent the enemy from crossing the
river at Leiah. On the day Cortlandt marched down the
right bank of the Indus towards Sungur, the enemy made a
corresponding movement on the left bank, and encamped
opposite to Cortlandt at Sooltan Khan. Next day Edwardes
dropped down the river in boats, and joined General Cort-
landt. In this way Edwardes and Cortlandt reached Dera
Ghazee Khan, where a small friendly force was quartered :
the enemy, as before, encamping on the opposite bank.

* Copied from a letter written by an ofBcer attached to Lieutenant
Edwardes's Brigade to an English newspaper, dated Camp, Sooruj Roond,
Mooltan, October 26, 1848.

18i8.] BATTLE OF KINYEREE COMMENCED. 121

" On the march to Dera Ghazee Klian, Edwardes raised
four thousand men, his whole force amounting to seven
thousand.

" Early on the morning of the 18th, Edwardes hastened
to cross the Chenab himself, but before he had reached the
opposite ])ank the enemy commenced the battle of Kinyeree
by attacking the Bluiwulpore army. Edwardes soon joined
his men, and took up his ground on the left of the line. At
seven a.m. the whole of the Bhawulpore and enemy's g-uns were
engaged, and a well-directed fire was kept up lor six hours,
when the enemy advanced, pouring in grape and musketry,
which compelled the Bhawulpore force to fall back and with-
draw their guns.*

" Edwardes's small force was consequently (three thousand
men)left to maintain its ground between the two armies, and the
enemy immediately brought all his guns and Infantry against
it. Edwardes had the greatest difficulty in keeping his men
from advancing ; but by riding up and down the line, and
constantly assuring the native officers that the guns were
being brought up, and by ordering the men to lie down, he
succeeded in holding his position until nearly three p.m., when,
finding that all must be lost in a quarter of an hour if some-
thing were not done, he collected the few Horss he had
(about a hundred) and made a headlong charge into the
enemy.

" For a few minutes they were checked, or rather surprised,

* This rather exaggerates the valour of the Bhawulpore troops, who
" retired" into safety, and came up at the end of the fight, and in time
for the victory. We have seen the true picture, sketched by Edwardes's
own pen, of the entire inefficiency of their General in command to lead
them in the hour of difficulty. But the allies were soon to be reinforced,
and their value secured, by the arrival of Lieutenant Lake to command
them. On June 28, he started to ride from Bhawulpore into Edwardes's
camp ; broke down in the heat and had to iialt,and reached it in the evening
of the 28th, " with the thermometer at 120 degrees inside our tents," — " a
very valuable acquisition," says Kdwardes.

Lake had written, " Don't fight any more battles, like a good fellow,
till I join you," adding, " Let me know if there is any immediate prospect
of a fight, and I can join you in one ni'^jht." Edwardes adds, " This was
indeed delightful news. Old Futteh Muhommud would be now put on
the shelf. I should get an able colleague in his stead, and many a weary
hour would be wiled aw.ay in the society of one of my best and most
accomplished friends."

122 ,S7A* IIEBBERT D. EDWARDES. [1848.

and the remaining Horse had scarcely returned to their ranks
when two of Cleneral CorLhuidt's regiments, with six gims,
came up. No time, as may be supposed, was lost in bringing
them to bear ; no gun discharged that did not make dreadful
havoc amongst the enemy, Edwardes himself pointing some
of the guns, and riding everywhere to encourage the men.

" It was soon apparent that the enemy's fire began to
diminish, and p]dwardes, thinking this a favourable moment,
ordered the whole of his men to cliarge ; and then began one
of the fiercest hand-to-hand fights — short-lived, it is true, for
the enemy were soon completely routed and driven off the
field, leaving eight guns and the whole of their baggage in
the hands of the victors. For want of Cavalry the pursuit
could not be carried far ; but the enemy did not attempt to
make head again, but retreated upon Mooltan, with all the
haste he could make, whither Edwardes and Cortlandt
followed him."

CHAPTER Y

1848-1849.

BATTf.E OF SUDDOOSAM— RETRIBUTION— THE FALL OF
MOOLTAN.

" Some say that the age of cliivalry is past, that the spirit of romance
is dead. The age of chivalry is never past so long as there is a wrong left
unredressed on earth, or a man or woman left to say, 'I will redress that
wrong, or sj^end my life in the attempt.' The age of chivalry is never
past so long as we have faith enough to say, ' God will help me to redress
that wrong, or, if not me. He will help those that come after me ; for His
eternal will is to overcome evil with soud.'" — Charlks Kingsley.

( l^'"^ )

CHAPTER V.

Ox June 29, 1848, the allies were encamped near Sooruj
Koond, about three miles from Mooltan, to the west of a
large deep canal. Tlie enemy had taken up his ground
within two miles of the city, and to the east of the same
canal, defending the two bridges M'ith his remaining gims.

Early on the morning of July IJ Edwardes moved towards
Tibbee, on the north-west of the fort, and jMoolraj marched
in the same direction, to prevent Edwardes attacking the city
of Mooltan.

The allies were about to encamp at Tibl)ee when the
enemy crossed the canal, and offered them battle. This was
at noon.

Lieutenant Lake, commanding the Bhawulpore troops,
forming the left of the army, immediately marched to secure
some high ground in his front ; General Cortlandt, com-
manding the centre, marched on the enemy's flank, and
Edwardes moved to the left, threatening the enemy's rear.

This battle of Suddoosam commenced by Lake opening Battle of
his guns at grape distance, the enemy returning his fire with Suddoosam
great spirit, which was kept up for some time. When Cort-
landt and Edwardes got into position, the battle became
general, and lasted for six hours. The enemy fought with
desperation ; and, altliough compelled to retreat early in the
day, they took advantage of every favourable position, anil
did not relinquish it without a struggle.

About four p.m., orders being given for th(! whole line to
advance,* and a shower of grape being thrown in, the enemy

* " At Suddoosam, Moolraj commanded in person. He got a (aW from
his elej'haiit from a sliot catchiiiE; his howdah, mounted his horse, and
retreated precipitately from tlie field. Once moved, the day was ours;

126 SJn JlEliBEIiT B. EDWARDES. [1848.

were routed in cvciy (lircclioii, :iii(l (hi\c'ii into Mooltan,
leaving two guns and nundiers of killed and wounded en the
field.

An extract from the Tunes of that period may Ije interest-
ing here —

" We cannot forbear from a few words of congTatiilation
and acknowledgment upon the admirable, but not extraordi-
iiafy, service which a young subaltern has just rendered to
the Indian Government, in the revolt of Mooltan. We say,
not ' extraordinary,' because the history of British India is full
of examjdes showing how individual resolution and altilities
are developed by the noble opportunities and the munificent
encouragement which the service of the Company combines.

" Otherwise this summary termination by a single lieu-
tenant of a war for which an army of ten thousand men was
expeditiously mustering, is an achievement as well entitled
to be termed extraordinary as any which our columns have
ever chronicled.

" Lieutenant Edwardes, who is the same officer whose
intuitive sagacity and acquaintance with native character
rendered his services so useful during our demonstrations
against Cashmere and our negotiations with its mysterious
chieftain, chanced to be stationed in the Lower Punjab at the
moment of the outbreak in Mooltan.

"Acting as officers are expected to act under the traditions
of Clive, and in a country where an isolated subaltern is
frequently the responsible Governor of a province, he ad-
vanced at once with the little troop under his command, on
the unexpected duty of saving two of his countrymen, over-
awing the great city (of Mooltan), and chastizing an insurgent
chief, Moolraj, at the head of an unknown force.

fur the native army that retires is lost. The enemy are said to have
suffered very heavy loss, increased by a cruel and treacherous act of tlie
Dewan's. Between the field and the city runs a large nullah (ditch, or
stream), and there is but one bridge at that part of it which is nearest
Suddoosam. No sooner had Moolraj got across this bridge himself with
his Artillery, than he planted two guns upon it, to stop his own soldiers
from retreating. The majority of the enraged fugitives forced the barrier
with some loss, but many of them tried to swim the nullah, and were
drowned. Hundreds never re-entered Mooltan, but struck off into the
country, and have probably gone to their homes." — H. B. E., " Year on
the ruiijab Frontier."

18 IH.] DESCIiirTION OF AN EYE-WITNESS. 127

"][c was too late to effect liis main o])Jecl (which was to
save the lives of Agnew and Aiulersoii), but he lield his
own against every attack, destroyed by detached encounters
the prestige which the successful murders of these two
fifficcrs was lending to tlie insurgents, and zealously availed
himself of his peculiar skill and opportunities to recruit Ijy
extempore levies the force under his disposal.

" Out of the mixed ])(»puhitiou of these hosts it seems
that the Sikhs alone displayed any inclination to the cause
of Moolraj ; and these mainly, we doubt not, were of the
(lis])aiuled and broken troops of the Queen-Mother's army.

" The Puthaus, or Afghans, from the west frontier, and
the Beloochees, or people of Beloochistan, who preceded us in
the conquest of Sindli, and who form a considerable element
in tlie present population of that province and of the
Southern Punjab, both Mohammedans by creed, evinced a
decided preference for our standard, and took service so
freely under Lieutenant Edwardes (or other district com-
manders) that that officer soon counted a disposable force of
six thousand men, heartily inclined to the work in hand.

"Thus strengthened, he assumed at once the character
with the capacity of a general, and commenced operations
by opening communications with our steadfast ally Bhawul
Khan, who had already crossed the Sutlej against IMoolraj,
but so indiscreetly that the superior forces of the latter had
caused him some losses.

" Lieutenant Edwardes, however, contrived to cross suc-
cessively the Indus and the Chenab, effected his junction
with the Bhawulpore force, and deliberately awaited the
formidable enemy, against whom all the cantonments between
Lahore and Umballa were busily coiitii1)iiting their con-
tingents.

" Nor did he wait in vain. On June 18, a day of brilliant
omen (for, as he said, ' no Englishman can be beaten on
June 18 '), he was attacked by the whcde force of Moolraj, and
after a battle, of which the duration shows the severity, he
remained master of the field, having utterly routed the
enemy, captured more than half of his guns, and finished
the war.

" Few battles of Indian histurv will be mure remarkable

128 SJJi IlERBEllT n. EDWAUDKS. [1818.

than this. Several of the iiinst famous engagements of our
early career were decided by the mere manifestation of
courage. Plassey was a cannonade, far more bloodless than
that of Valmy ; its characteristic was the then unwarranted
resolution of Clive to assault an army which could have
buried his six battalions under their turbans. And, even in
the more costly conflicts of Munro and Wellesley, there was
actually a European regiment to bear the brunt and do the
business of the day.

" But Lieutenant Edwardes, like Clive at Arcot, appeared
first to have made his army, and then to have led it to
victory. He successively attracted, enlisted, organized, and
manoeuvred his army, and led it to triumph, within the
compass of a few weeks.

" These are the events that teach us that our service
wants nothing but what we trust it may long want — oppor-
tunity ; and that we shall have Pictons and Crawfords
again in plenty, if ever the first trumpet of war should un-
fortunately sound." — {Times quotation.)

Results of " The result of these two battles is, it is said, that Moolraj

the battles, (jig^^.^gts the whole force which fought on the 18th, and is

not inclined to let them into the fort, but means to encamp

them under its walls. So treated, they will probably melt

rapidly away.

" In a few days the task assigned to this army will be
accomplished ; and Moolraj and his rebels will be confined
to the fort of Mooltau." (Lieutenant Edwardes to the
Kesident at Lahore.)

In generous praise, Edwardes forwarded to the Resident
a notice of the services of the officers who were with him
at this time.

To the Resident at Lahore.

" July 2, 1848.

Lieutenant "Lieutenant Lake will himself give you an account

of the share taken in the battle of Suddoosam by the

Daoodpootras, but it is for me to inform you how much

1848.] EQUESTRIAN VICISSITUDES. 129

their good service was due to the judgment with which ho
took up their successive positions, and the confidence which
they could not but imbibe from witnessing his personal
intrepidity under the hottest fire. To hira and General G.-nerai
Cortlaudt your warmest praise is due.

"The latter maintained a solid and unshaken centre
throughout the day, and handled his regular regiments and
Artillery like a good soldier and a brave man.

" To Fouidar Khan Alizve, who has throughout these foujdar

•^ , " ' ° Khau.

operations acted as my adjutant-general, and who, in spite
of a severe sword-wound received at Kinyeree, on June 18,
took command of the Cavalry yesterday at Suddoosam,
and directed their movements, I feel under the greatest
obligation, and at some future time shall lay his services
more particularly before you.

" Nothing could well be more different tlian the battles
of Kinyeree and Suddoosam.

" The battle of Kinyeree was, for a long while, one of Differences

Dct WGGQ

endurance ; that of Suddoosam, though it lasted from noon the battles
to sunset, was one of incessant action. In the former, it was a^d su^,'
my painful duty to keep still and quiet my men ; in the "^oo^a™-
latter, I did nothing but ride up and down the line, encour-
aging the different divisions to advance from point to point,
now driving skulkers out of a village or a corn-field, now
reproving a standard-bearer for letting other colours go
ahead of him, now hurriedly thanking Cortlandt for
pointing his own guns, now dashing off to keep an eye
on Sheikh Imam-iid-din.

" The equestrian vicissitudes I underwent that day are Equestrian

* "" vicissi-

truly ludicrous to remember, though very serious matters tuJes.
at the moment. I commenced the action on a big chesnut
Arab named Zal ; but, sulky at being so long without his
dinner, he refused to leap a canal, which had brought the
Artillery to a halt, and fell with me right into the middle.
Nor, with all my pulling and hauling, could I get him
VOL. I. K

130 STPi nEBBERT B. EDWABDES. [1848.

out, and I ^Yas obliged to leave him till the fight was over.
General Cortlandt then got me a bay horse from an officer
in his Artillery ; but I had not gone two hundred yards
when over he came backwards, and bruised me dread-
fully on the ground. A shot had grazed his nose.
Native "Fat Siidik Mahommed Khan, who was my aide-de-

"Tit'hfui camp all that day, next put me on a grey, belonging to one
to their Qf jj^jg Q^yjj followers, and this beast I had fairly ridden to a

salt. •'

standstill, when up came one of my own ' syces ' (native
grooms), with a grey Cabul horse of my own, called
Punch.

" ' What are you doing here ? ' I asked, for I had mounted
Lake on this horse in the morning. ' Lake Sahib has sent
it with his compliments, as he hears you have lost Zal,
and he has borrowed another horse for himself ! ' So I
finished the day upon Punch, and when the fight was
over I thanked Lake for the timely thought. Lake burst
out hxughing, and said, 'I send the horse back? Never!
That villain of a syce walked off with it, and left me
without any horse at all ! ' "

This is a good characteristic story of native servants, who
are " faithful to their salt," and will often serve their own
masters well, but have no idea of doing the same to another
servant's master ; and this good syce seems to have acted
upon that idea, and could conceive no reason why his master
shouldn't ride his own horse. His master's desire to horse
his friend was quite too romantic an idea, he thought, for
these times, to be indulged.

Another amusing and characteristic incident, romantic in
another way, may be told in Edwardes's own words.

Sadik Ma- <t I jj^ve mentioned Sadik Mahommed Khan. He was

hommed

Khan. a Servant of the Maharajah, appointed to do duty with the

Nazim of Mooltan, and, when tiie rebellion broke out, was
drawing pay from both. . . . Moolraj expected him to side with

18 IR.] WARNINGS OF TRAITOIiS IN THE CAMP. 131

hiin, but, though unable to escape, on account of his house
and family, lie refused to set his seal to the oath of rebellion
on the Koran, and the very day that I arrived befcjro
Mooltan, Siidik and his father took their hawks on their
wrists, and, under pretence of hunting, issued forth from the
city and joined me. It is an incident illustrative of those
strange uncertain times that, two days afterwards, he was my
faithful henchman at Suddoosam, and, being well mounted,
was often the only man by my side.

" Had he been a traitor, he might have killed me at any
moment. But I heard his story, believed it, trusted him,
and was rewarded by invaluable service throughout the rest
of the rebellion.

" Yet it was as hard to trust in those days as it was
necessary.

'•' The very moment before this battle of Suddoosam I Incideuts

,. . 1 T • J •^ f , of the war.

was dipping my head into a pail ot water, preparatory to
putting on a thick turban, so as to keep my brains cool
as long as possible in the sun, when Sadik Mahommed's
own uncle insisted on speaking to me.

" Lifting my dripping head out of the pail, I listened Unheeded
to the old man's solemn warnings to be on my guard; 'for,' of traitors
said h(.% ' all these men, like my nephew, who have come '" *^®
over from the enemy are here by Moolraj's orders and
consent. You are drawn into a trap. Half your soldiers
are friends, and half are foes, and, like rice and split peas,
they are all mixed up in one dish. If there is not some
treachery in tliis day's fight, my name is not Surbulund
Khan ! '

" The idea was not pleasant, and I soused my head under
water again, desperately ; but soon came up, wrung out the
water, clapped a turban over my wet hair, and thanked the
old gentleman for his information, which was too late to
be useful, mounted my horse, and — never found out any
of the traitors from that day to this ! "

132 Slli UEBBERT D. EDWARDES. [1848.

Anothov incident of the field al)ont tliis time had a more
painl'ul ending, but before we close this chapter it must be told.

'•' I was in the very act of writing, when a horseman
rode in from the picket, and reported that Moolraj's army
was crossing the bridge in the same order that they had
done before, and were coming on again to give us battle.

A real " Astounded, but unable to disbelieve, I beat to arms,

summoned the chief officers, ordered the line to be turned
out at once, and was holding a hurried conference with
Lake and Cortlaudt in my tent, while all three of us were
jumping into boots or buckling on swords or pistols, when
a second horseman from the picket entered. I had just
loaded my pistols, and went on cramming them into my
belt, while listening to the man's report. The hammer of
one got entangled, but, without looking to see what was
the matter, I seized the barrel in my right hand, and pulled
the pistol into its place. A loud report, a short pang, and
I had lost the use of my right hand for life ! The ball had
passed through the palm, and lodged in the floor at my
foot. But there was no time for regrets.

A false " The line had turned out, and Lake rushed to the field

to take my duty and his own. Nobly he would have done
both ; but I must own it was a great relief to me to hear
that, as our line advanced, the enemy retreated again behind
the city walls, and proved to have been only a party of
Cavalry sent out to reconnoitre our position. Had Moolraj
given us battle that day, the result must have been more
doubtful than it had ever been before. All Lake's attention
and guidance was demanded by his own undisciplined
Daoodpootras. He had had no time to become acquainted
with my men or they with him, and the accident which
had happened at such a critical moment to their cus-
tomary leader would have been an omen of certain defeat
to their superstitious minds.

1819.] RETRIBUTION. .133

" Even as it was, the occurrence was unfortunate, for
\shile it prevented me from being surrounded by my
officers, as I was wont to be all day, and confined me like
a prisoner to my bed, in Moolraj's 'hall of audience'
it was a subject of loud rejoicing and congratulation.
At first I was reported dead, and ]\Ioolraj made a present
to the messenger wlio brought tlie news, burying me
with the decent remark, that I was * a stout youth, and
it was a pity I should be cut off so young ! ' On hearing Moolraj's

disappoint-
that I had only lost my hand, he probably took the present ment.

back again and thrashed the messenger."

The good right hand could never use a sivord again, though
for other purposes it healed right well ; so the consequences
were serious, but the Directors of the Honoural^le East India
Company lionoured Edwardes with "a special grant" of £100
annuity, * with reference to his eminent services.' (The wound
not having been received in action, the grant had to be made
" special.")

Great were the troubles brought about by the deed of
treachery at Mooltan, and long-sustained were the labours by
which Edwardes succeeded in defeating Moolraj when he
came out to fight, or in keeping him shut up in his fortress ;
until the time came when the siege of Mooltan was under-
taken by the army of Eegular troops under command of
General Whish, with which Edwardes and his force of six
thousand men cordially and efiectually co-operated.

Then, too, followed retribution for the great crime which The retri-
on January 3, 1849 — nine months afterwards — redeemed the .,"*'°°-

^ _ trie crime.

promise of the dying Agnew and his brave companion, when,
in the certainty of his country's honourable regard for blood
so slied, the words rang out, " Thousands of Englishmen will
come down when we are gone, and will annihilate Moolraj,
his soldiers, and his fort."

"When the fort of ]\[ooltan was taken by the English
army, tluce companies of the very same regiment to which
Lieutenant Anderson belonged (tlie 1st Bombay Fusiliers),

134 SIR IlEBBEET D. EDWABBES. [1849.

under Captain Leitb, assaulted the ' Bloody Bastion ' or
Khoonee Boorj, . . . and soon made the city of Mooltan
their own.

" Then arose, from every crowded height and battery,
wlionce the exciting struggle had been watched, the shouts
of applauding comrades ; and through the deafening roar
of musketry which pealed along the ramparts and marked
the hard-earned progress of the victorious columns through
the streets, both friend and foe might hear that sound,
never to be forgotten, the ' hurrah ! ' of a British army after
battle.
Fall of " Thus fell the blood-stained city of Mooltan ! Where

are now the citizens who hooted on the murderers of Ander-
son and Agnew ? — the idolaters who, with fresh-painted
foreheads, and garlands of flowers in their hands, prostrated
themselves with joy before tlieir unconscious gods, and
thanked them for the death of the Christians ?

" ShamC' — shame-stricken ; hiding in holes and coiners ;

invisible, or kneeling in the mud for mercy — mercy from

the Christian conqueror, to whose countrymen they had

shown no mercy ! . . .

Mooiraj's " No sooucr did Moolraj see that the breach in the city

Ms own ° walls was carried by the British, than he closed the gates

defenders, ^f ^j-^g jp^j,^ upon the uusucccssful defenders of the city, and

thus left three-fourths of his army at the mercy of their

enemies.

"The indignant garrison of the city, deserted on one
side by the master whose miserable existence they had
prolonged, and pursued on the other up every street and
alley by the British, saw no hope left for them in IMooltan ;
and, scrambling over the western walls or issuing at the
Loharee gate, concealed themselves till night among the
Afghan suburbs ; then, under cover of the darkness, dis-
persed and fled, without gain or honour, to their distant
homes.

1849.] FALL OF MOOLTAN. 135

" Never did broken vessel, left liigli and dry on some The city
inhospitable shore after a storm, exhibit a more perfect dead.
wreck than the city of I\Iooltan on January 3, 1849. Its
streets were strewn with slain, chiefly Sikhs, whose long
religious locks, spread wildly out on the bloody ground,
gave their dead a demoniac look, which no one who has
walked over a Sikh battle-field can forget. So might some
Michael Angelo portray the hosts whom 'the spirits of
devils' shall gather together to be destroyed at Arma-
geddon.

" Soon, however, was this city of the dead alive again
with armed men. For it was determined to attack the fort.
On January 4, a brigade of the Bombay division marched
round and encamped on the north of the fort ; and, com-
municating by pickets and patrols with the Bengal division
on the east, and with a detachment of Irregulars on the
west, completed, for the first time, the investment of
Mooltan.

" Fast now were the toils closing in around Moolraj ; his
heart began to fail, and on the evening of January 5 he
made his first overture to surrender."

" Detvan Moolraj to Major Edivardes.

" January 5, 18-19.
" Having sundry representations to make before you, I Moolraj

seeks the

write to say that, with your permission, I will send a con- mercy he

fidential

you all."

fidential person of my own to wait on you, who will tell show.'^*^

" Major Edivardes to Deivan Aloolraj.

" January 5, 1849.

" I have received and perused your urzee. You say

you have sundry things to represent, and with my leave

will send a confidential person for that purpose. This I

cannot assent to. It is quite impossible. The time for

136 SIJl EEBBEBT B. EDWABDES. [1849.

that was April last. You then preferred war; now go
through with it, or, if you are unable, surrender yourself to
General AVliish. xVfter which you can represent anything
you like."*

Thus refused a parley by Edwardes, Moolraj appealed to

General Whish, hut still made Edwardes the medium of

communication.!

Jiooiiaj's ^^■, jr^s^;^ seeing his condition desperate, IMoolraj deter-

^"^ ' "^ " mined to surrender. He sent in his submission to General

Whish : " I ask only for my own life and the honour of my

women. You are an ocean of mercy. AVliat more need be

said?"

The The British general answered, " I have neither authority

general's ^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ j^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ j^^ cxccpt in Open war. The

Governor-General only can do this ; and, as to your women,
the British government wars with men, not with women. I
will protect your women and children to the best of my
ability."

Mooirnj Moolraj still delayed. All night the guns thundered on.

dered?" -At scvcn next morning Moolraj at last surrendered, and tlie
British batteries ceased firing.

Edwardes writes to the Eesident at Lahore —

" Camp, Mooltan, January 22, 1849.

Rehibu- " It is with heartfelt satisfaction that I announce to you

pie^teTiT' the surrender of Dewan Moolraj to Major-General ^Yhish

victor)'. ^^ jjjj^g ^]^jg morning, and the occupation by British troops

of the strong fortress of Mooltan, without the bloodshed of

an assault. . . . The flag of old England is now flying out

* Blue-Book, p. 531.

t The full details of the military conduct of the siege are not attempted
here, and it is not necessary to follow all the steps, neither can space be
afforded to do full justice to all the bravery of the arms engaged.

The reader is referred to the full details recorded in the "Year on the
Punjab Frontier."

Not only was it shared in by Regular and Irregular troops, but by
British seamen too. Commander Powell, of the Honourable East India
Company's Navy, had, from the first, largely assisted the operations
against Mooltan. — E. E.

1840.] EONOVR TO THE DEAD. 137

in the fresli breeze aud bright sunshine from the highest
bastion of the citadel.

" Dewan ]\Ioolraj is a prisoner in the tent of the Chief
Engineer.

" Tlie troops intended for the assault are now disarming
the garrison and protecting the women and children.

" I congratulate you and the Government of British
India on the extinction of the firebrand which raised this
flame in the Punjab." *

Thus ended the second siege of ]\Iooltan.
And were the two brave Englishmen forgotten in the
flush of victory ? Never. Edwardes writes —

" The bodies of those ollicers were carefully — I may say downing
affectionately — removed from the careless grave where they the .lead,
lay, side by side; and, wrapped in Cashmere shawls (with
a vain but natural desire to obliterate all traces of neglect),
were borne by the soldiers of the 1st Bombay Fusiliers
(Anderson's own regiment) to an honoured resting-place
on the summit of Moolraj's citadel.

"By which way borne? Through the gate where they
liad been first assaulted ? Oh no ! Through the broad and
sloping breach which had been made by the British guus
in the walls of the rebellious fortress of Mooltan."

They had safely trusted themselves to the honour of their
Government, the bravery of their country's troops, and the
affectionate remembrance of their brother officers ; and the
besieging army did not march away to other fields without
performing its last melancholy duty to the memory of Agnew
and Anderson.

Their services, their death, and its avenging were com-
memorated by Edwardes on a monument which he was
instrumental in gelling erected, " bv the surviving Assist-

* r.liic-IV.ok, p. 55.3.

138 SIR EEBBEItT D. EDWAIiDES. [1849.

ants to the Eesideiit at Lahore, to the memory of their
friends."

The following inscription on it was written by Edwardes : —

" On this, the farthest frontier of the British Indian Empire,

which their deaths extended,

lie the remams of

PETER VANS AGNEW AYILLIAM ANDERSON

of the and Lieut. 1st Bombay

Bengal Civil Service Fusilier Eegt.

Who, being deputed

by the Resident at Lahore, whose Assistants they were,

To relieve Dewan Moolraj

(Viceroy of Mooltan under the Sikh Empire),

at his own request,

of the Fortress and Government which he held,

were assaulted and wounded by the Garrison

on the 19th of April, 18-18 ;

and, being basely deserted by their Sikh escort,

were, on the following day,

with a signal breach of national faith and private hospitality,

most barbarously murdered

in the Eedgah, under the walls of Mooltan.

Thus fell these two young public servants,

full of youth, rare talents, high hopes, and promise of utility ;

even in their deaths doing their Country honour.

Covered with wounds, they could not resist,

but liand-in-hand awaited the onset

of a bloodthirsty rabble :

calmly foretelling the day when

* thousands of Englishmen

should come there to avenge their death,

and destroy Moolraj, his army, and his fortress.'

History records how the

prophecy was fulfilled.

1849.] MONUMENT TO AONEW AND ANDERSON. 139

After two separate sieges,
The Fort of Mooltan was surrendered to the British troops,

and the bodies of the two murdered officers

(which had been treated with the most savage indignities)

were, in all righteous vengeance,

carried through the breach

made by the British guns,

and buried, with military honours, on the summit

of the Citadel.

' Thousands of Englishmen '

stood round the grave.

Dewan ]\[oolraj

was brought to trial at Lahore, convicted of

murder, and sentenced to be hanged ;

But was recommended to mercy, and

finally ordered to be transported for life.

His Rebellion

was followed by an insurrection of the

Sikh people, and brought on

the Second Sikh War ;

which resulted in the Annexation of the

Punjab to British India,

and the restoration of peace,

after many years of anarchy

(with a brief interval),

to the countries between the Sutlej

and the Indus.

Thus did an overruling Providence
bring good out of evil.

The surviving Assistants to the Kosident at Lahore
erected this monument to the memory of their friends."

News of these successes were gladly received at head-
quarters, and it may be a fitting close to this chapter to note

140 sin HERBERT B. EBWARDES. [1848.

the terms in which Edwardes's services were acknowledged,
l)y a few extracts from letters received at this time.

From his ExceUencij Right Hon. Lord Gough, G.C.B., Com-
mander-in-Chief, to Sir Frederick Currie, Bart., Acting

Resident at Lahore.

" Simla, June 27, 18-18.

" I rof^eived yesterday copy of Lieutenant Edwardes's
letter to your address of 18th inst., and I beg to congratu-
late you very warmly on the complete success of all your
combinations, which have led to the very important victory
gained by Lieutenant Edwardes on June 18 — a victory that
does so much credit to all employed, especially to Lieutenant
Edwardes.

" I feel doubly interested in the career of this ofificer,
who served with so great satisfaction to me upon my personal
staff; and the sacrifice I made in giving him up is amply
compensated for by the benefit the public service has
derived from his ability, energy, and self-devotedness.

" (Signed) Hugh Gough."

From the Governor-General follows extract —

From the Secretary to the Government of hulia, to the Resi-
dent at Lfi.hore, Sir Frederick Currie, Bart.

" Fort "William, July 8, 1848.
" The account of the successful action has afforded the
highest satisfaction to the Governor- General in Council,
. . , and his Lordship desires me to convey to you, and to
request that you will convey to Lieutenant Edwardes, the
cordial expression of the approbation with which the Govern-
ment of India have regarded his proceedings ; their recog-
nition of the foresight and skill by which he effected a
junction with the Nawab's troops; and their high sense
of the steady gallantry by which he made good his oppor-
tunity, and achieved the important success whicli merits
these thanks."

1848.] DESPATCHES. 141

From the Acting-Resident at Lahore, Sir Frederick Carrie,
Bart., to Lieutenant Eduardes.

"Luboro, July 10, 1848.

" My dear Edwardes,

"It falls to the lot of few men to have the
opportunity of rendering such brilliant and useful service
to their country as you have been enabled to perform ; and
the gallantry, skill, and self-devotion with which you have
improved the opportunity afforded you must command the
admiration, while the great value of the services effected
will call forth the grateful thanks, of the Governor-General
in Council, as they do, in an eminent degree, my own.

"You have, indeed, performed most eminent and valuable
services, which his Lordship in Council will, I am sure,
appreciate as I do, and will greet with some hearty acknow-
ledgment.

"This second victory * is a very important one. It will,
I doubt not, have the effect of disheartening the followers
and partisans, open and secret, of the rebel Moolraj, and of
enabling you to confine him and his remaining army to the
city and the fort till a British force shall put a period to the
rebellion by crushing him in his stronghold. f

"(Signed) F. Cdrrie."

When the news reached England, Edwardes's masters, the
Court of Directors, were not behind in kind and appreciative
congratulations.

Extract of a despatch from the Honourable the Secret Committee
of the Court of Directors, to the Right Honourable the
Gove^'nor-General of India.

" London, August 2t, 1818.
"'Para. 8. — Of Lieutenant Edwardes it is impossible to
speak too highly. Commencing with a small body of troops,
* Of Suddoosam. t Copied fioiu Punjali Blue-Book, pp. 46-49.

142 SIB nEIiDERT B. EDWARDES. [1848.

scarcely trustworthy, he raised, within a month, a consider-
able force, whom he ins[)ired with confidence, and animated
by his own example to the most daring and successful
undertakings.

'• 'No dread of responsibility, no rumours of widespread
disaffection, no danger from open mutiny, no delay on the
part of allies, subdued his dauntless spirit nor slackened for
a moment his indefatigable exertions.

" ' We have perused all the details respecting the brilliant
exploits of that gallant officer, and do not hesitate to say, to
him we consider to be due the whole merit of the result ;
and that to him we are indebted for the favourable position
of British interests in the Punjab.

" ' We know not which most to admire, the prudence
or the energy, the skilful combination or the cool courage,
by which Lieutenant Edwardes, under circumstances most
discouraging, and with means apparently inadequate, has
performed services which will be for ever memorable in
the annals of British India.

" ' We most cordially concur in the praise bestowed upon

him by Sir F. Currie, and we desire that tliis expression of

our high approbation and esteem may be forthwith conveyed

to him.'

" True extract.

" (Signed) — Whylie,

" Assistant-Kesident."

It was very gratifying to him to receive from England a
letter from the late Governor-General, Lord Hardinge, who,
having given up the reins of government, was not officially
required to notice his deeds. He writes —

" South Park, September 4, 1848.

"My deae Edwardes,

" I have followed you in your glorious career with
the deepest interest and highest admiration. You have
shown, in the midst of great difficulties, a mind full of

1S48.] LORD EAUDINGE'S LETTEIi. 143

resources and a heart resolute to execute plans, in which
prudence and skill have been admirably combined with
boldness and gallantry.

" I congratulate you most heartily on your heroic deeds,
which place you at once in the rank of the most dis-
tinguished officers which the Indian or any army have
produced.

" My anxious desire is that you may be able to complete
your exploit, which has rendered the name of Edwardes so
honourable, without one leaf of your laurels being shared
by any other man ; and, as you use the i)en as skilfully as
you wield the sword, I shall in my retirement enjoy the
perusal of your journal at once attesting your well-
earned fame and stimulating others to follow your noble
example.

" I am also gratified that my anticipations of your
character should be verified. Two years ago, I wrote to
Colonel Sykes my opinion of my young political ; and I
trust that the Government and the Court of Directors will
mark by liberal and appropriate distinctions the sense which
the people of England, and the army, entertain of your
eminent services.

" It is not necessary that I should interfere, but I could
not refrain from expressing my confident expectations that
the rank of field-otlicer, the honour of the Bath, and some
token of public approbation, may be conferred upon you ;
and I know they will.

"My object in w'riting is merely the gratification of my
own feelings in expressing to you my appreciation of the
great merit and splendid qualities which you have shown,
and again most cordially to congratulate you on your success
and well-earned fanie,

" Always, my dear Edwardes,

" Very sincerely yours,
" (Signed) IIardinge."

144 SIR HERBERT B. EDWARDES. [1848.

The reply to this is so interesting, so genial, and so full of
life, that a few extracts may be made from it.

"Camp before Mooltun, November 14, 1848.

" My deae Lord Hardinge,

" I have, as you may suppose, received many
congratulations and kind letters of approbation from England
since the news of my humble victories crossed the seas.
Our own great Indian Government, a Cabinet Minister, and
troops of affectionate friends, have tried their best to spoil
me with overpowering thanks for merely doing my duty.

" But I can sincerely say that, setting aside out of the
comparison the effusions of dear relatives, deliciously ignorant
of facts, and who would probably have praised me just as
highly had I cleverly run away * from the horrid rebel,' no
letter has so gratified me as your Lordship's of September 4.

" Many and mixed feelings entered into this. Your
Lordship was Governor-General when I first entered the
Buieau Diplomatique ; and what a big word ' Governor-
General ' is ! "

" You were tlie giant that stalked over the great field of
the Punjab, and through the glorious scenes on the Sutlej ;
and I was one of the dwarfs who panted by your side — in
short, you were my master ; and scarcely have I worked out
my apprenticeship ere you condescend to take in me the
interest of a friend. But it is not this merely which has
made me get almost every word of your letter by heart.

" Naturally, I look upon your Lordship as the type of a
policy, as the conceiverof the glorious expeiiment of honesty
which will now annex the Punjab to British India without
one reproach of ambition, without even a Frenchman's sneer
at the ' improvement of a bad boundary ; ' and when the
Mooltan Rebellion first broke out, I felt certain that, in all
England, yourself and Colonel Lawrence were the two men
who understood its meaning, its bearings on our relations

1848.] SECOND SIKn WAR CHEW OUT OF DELAY. 145

with the Sikh pcoplo, and Jiow you had iwovided for such an
event being met.

*' I need not scruple to say that I do not consider the
way in which the crisis was met at its commencement in
April hist, us in accordance witli your Ijordship's policy, the
breathing spirit of wliich was vigour ; nor with your Lord-
ship's intentions and arrangements, as fully and minutely
laid down in a military memo, of the defence of the Punjab,
which I have often read over with Cohmcl Lawrence — of
which I have no copy, but which must be in the office of
both the Resident at Lahore and the General commanding
the Punjab division.

" A leading feature in that minute was its providing a
movable brigade for any possible emergency ; and I am
one of those wdio believe to this day, and perhaps ever sliall,
that had that brigade, under a fine soldier like Brigadier
Campbell, marched at once upon IMooltan (say on April 25),
the rebellion would have been nipped in the bud by the
escape and surrender of Moolraj. He never contemplated
resistance to poor Agnew, who was first assaulted by a sulky
sentry, and murdered afterwards in a vindictive outbreak of
a garrison which expected to be thrown out of service.

" As for a ' Punjab conspiracy ' — a * matured insurrection
of the Sikh people,' etc., my belief is that they never existed
until called into life by the timid policy which presupposed
them. Moolraj did not rebel because the Sikhs were ready
to back him up. The Sikhs backed up IMoolraj because
the British Government did not put him down.

" Intriguing truly never was wanting in the Punjab, and
the Queen-Mother, in particular, never ceased to * agitate ; '
but there was only an evil animus — there was no unity, no
head, no oligarchy even, no confidence among the aristocracy
in each other, nor among the soldiers in the aristocracy.

"The Sikh Insurrection was created out of tlie materials
collected to 'put down the Mooltan RebcUion. .

VOL. I. L

146 SIB nERBERT B. EDWARDES. [1848.

" It began with squadrons and companies, and grew into
regiments, whose impurity begot armies; but at last it
remains an unwieldy disorder, without a leader, without a
plan of campaign, without money to carry on one. Yet
there could have been no conspiracy without these things.

" Entertaining these views (which I may say here were
shared by every Assistant in the Residency), I cannot de-
scribe to your Lordship the sorrow, shame, and impatience
with which I thought of our Government enduring, not only
a rebellion, but the murder of its magistrates, from April
till October ! I felt humiliated as an Englishman in the
presence of every native round me ; and the exclamation
which rose to my lips a hundred times a day was, ' It was
not so in Lord Hardinge's time ! '

" At last I could stand it no longer, and conceived the
idea of first wrestling all the Trans-Indus provinces from
the rebels, by recruiting the warlike tribes whom Moolraj
had called to join him at Mooltan ; and, having effected that,
and put myself, in so doing, at the head of six thousand
men, to get the Bhawulpore Nabob given me as an ally, and
concentrate his forces and my own on Mooltan, so as to keep
Moolraj at home until the troops could come.

" It seemed to me that, with Moolraj a prisoner as it
were in his fortress, his rich provinces in my possession, and
my army at his threshold waiting for him to come out, the
spectacle would not be humiliating to our name, nor the
Sikh people have any encouragement to rebel.

" In these political feelings I know myself to have been
much influenced by the memory of your Lordship and Henry
Lawrence ; and though I found, amid the life-and-death
struggle which then ensued, no leisure to ivrite, I often
thought that both of you would hear through official
channels of my essay, and recognize your young pupil in
its spirit.

"And this, my Lord, is the peculiar pleasure which I

1848.] CAUSE OF FIRST FAILURE OF TUE SIEGE. 147

have derived from your letter. You could not have so
warmly thanked me for what I have done, had you not felt
sure I had done what you would yourself have ordered me
to do had you still been at the helm. . . .

" I cannot gather from your Lordship's letter whether
you shared the hopes of many sanguine friends that Moolraj
would surrender to me, of his own free will, a stronghold, in
July, which he has since been able to maintain against a
British army until November. Certainly you would not
forget the existence of the Mooltan Fort in the background,
and therefore will not be so disappointed at subsequent
events as those who did — who thought it a matter of course
that, if I could drive Moolraj into Mooltan, I could certainly
drive him out ; and to do so it is true that I only wanted
heavy guns.

"After the battles of June 18 and July 1, so thoroughly
dispirited was Moolraj, that any ragamuffin in my irregular
levies felt that we only wanted a few battering guns and
mortars to add the renowned fortress to our conquests ; and
this I wrote to the Resident.

" He also saw now a chance of closing the Mooltan
Rebellion, and betook himself to the military authorities.
Little did either he or I anticipate the delay which
followed.

" The guns could not be sent without British troops to
take care of them, and they could not get carriage under a
month.

" Ultimately it was the last week in August before
General Whish's force was assembled at Mooltau, and the
iirst week in September before the heavy ordnance arrived.

" Meanwhile, not only had jMoolraj recruited, hut a Sikh
force * had found its uay into Mooltan.

" To this latter we owe the failure of the siege. It
fraternized just as wo had established a battery within

* Shere Slosh's.

148

SIR IIEltBERT B. EDWARDES.

[1848.

breachiDg-distance of the city wall ; tiiid, in a moment, the
garrison was nearly doubled.

" This defection of Kajah Shore Singh has not failed to
bring much odium on me, and I have been compelled to reflect
in my own mind that the disappointment of a brave Division
naturally seeks something on which to wreak itself ; and, as
naturally, seizes on the nearest ' political,' and it must ever
be the painful lot of political ofEcers to be tongue-tied in
their own defence.

" I cannot stand in the market-places exclaiming, ' Rajah
Shore Singh and his army came not to Mooltan at my bidding,
but against it.' My remonstrances to Sir Frederick are
extant ; my written orders to the Eajah to halt, w^herever he
might be, bear the date of June.

" The Eajah marched on, in spite of orders, and when
he came I could only make the best of him.

" From July to September I was encamped on a plain,
between Moolraj in my front and Shere Singh in my rear,
with pickets watching both !

" Bitterly did I regret, too, that they did not both attack
me then ; for Lake would have taken one, and I the other,
with the utmost pleasure, and fought them, as Lord Nelson
said, * fore and aft.' "

Then follows further filling-up of details of the causes of
delay and the siege, into which we need not further go, and
concludes —

The gap
filled up
between
Moolraj's
crime and
punish-
ment.

" I must confess I have been much consoled by the
receipt of a long and most kind letter from Lord Dalhousie,
written long since the siege was raised, and in a strain of
unaltered satisfaction, so that, if I have not realized all the
expectations of friends at home, and economized a winter
campaign, I may still feel happy in having been useful
in a less degree — in having filled up the gap between the
crime and the punishment of Moolraj, and staved off the

1848.] THE CnANCEB OF WAR — AND BISTOIiT ! 149

Sikh lusiirrcction by ray successes from i\I:iy till Sep-
tember.

" Lord Gough believed tluat to do this it was merely
necessary to gazette the army of the Punjab for this latter
month ; but insurrections cannot be postponed, like tea-
parties, with a note, nor enemies be bound over to keep
the peace until it is quite convenient to you to fight.

" In self-defence, and not in boasting, I express my con-
viction that ' Kinyeree ' and * Suddoosam ' alone permitted
the British troops to pass the hot season in barracks.

" This much I have thought due to the interest your
Lordship has taken in my career. Now let rac tell you more
general news. . . .

" My Lord, yours sincendy,

" Herbert B. Edwardes."

This letter has an interest in its personal bearing which
will excuse its admission here, for it brings the subject into
a focus, and speaks for itself, explaining simply and honestly
the position that was forced upon Edwardes by circumstances,
and how he held it.

And when the army joined him, how cordially and effi-
ciently he co-operated with it, and brought his well-trained
levies to swell the regular forces and to complete the retribu-
tion — all this is known in history. But while we write, it
is amusing to remember a little incident which shows how
nearly it dropped out of history altogether.

"When the siege was over, and the despatches had to be
written, General Wliish called Edwardes to his tent, and
asked him pleasantly (as he was so ready with his pen) if he
would kindly frame his despatch for him.

This Edwardes did, with careful accuracy and pains; and
when lie took it to him, the general was pleased to see how
well the despatch read. Of course it told of everyl)ody's
deeds except Edwardes's own. lint what was Edwardes's
astonishment to find, when the despatch came out of the
office of the copyist, that the general had only topped and
tailed it, and there was not a word in it al)out himself and

150 SIB EEItBEItT B. EDWABDES. [1848.

all his force. Etlwardes might have passed the injustice over
for himself alone, but he could not for them ; and he took it
to the general, and pointed out the omission.

" Dear me ! " said he ; " and so it is ! Well, shall I add
a postscript to it now ? "

" Well, general," said Edwardes, " I don't think you can
get six thousand men well into a postscript, if you tried ! "

And so the general had to put them into a separate
despatch, and give an efficient and valuable portion of his
force before JMooltan the acknowledgment they deserved
so well.

So much for the chances of war — and history !

The accounts of Edwardes's successes and exertions, when
they reached England, were met not with acknowledgment
only, but with rewards.

The letters we have quoted from were followed quickly
by the communication of honours conferred by her Majesty —
a majority and the Companionship of the Bath.

From the Bight Honourable Sir J. C. Hohhouse, President
of the Board of Control, to Major H. B. Edivardes.

" India Board, Londou, September 7, 1848.

" Sir,

"I have great satisfaction in announcing to
you that, in consideration of your distinguished services
in your late actions with the Mooltan rebels, you have
been recommended to her Majesty by the Duke of Wel-
lington for a majority in the territories of Lahore.

" I beg you to accept my cordial congratulations on this
well-deserved promotion.

" I have the honour to remain,

" Your very faithful servant,
" (Signed) John Hobhouse."

And to this letter succeeded another —

1848.] HONOURS FROM HOME. 151

To Major E. B. Edwardes, C.B.

" India Board, London, October 24, 1818.

"Dear Sir,

" I liave again much satisfaction in announcins^
to you an additional honour conferred on you for your dis-
tinguished services at ^Fooltan.

" The Queen has been graciously pleased to ordain a
special statute of the Order of the Batli, for ap[)ointing you
an extra member of the military division of the third class,
or Companion of that Order.

" I congratulate you cordially on this distinction,
" And remain, dear sir,

" Your very faithful servant,
"(Signed) John Hobhouse."

A resolution was also passed at a meeting of the Court of
Directors to present Edwardes with a special gold medal, to
mark their estimation of his services.

From the Court of Directors of the Honourable East India
Company.

"At a Court held Wednesday, September 13, 1848.

" The Chairman having called the attention of the Court
to despatches from the Government of India, announcing the
military operations carried on against the rebel forces
of the Dewan of Mooltan, by Lieutenant, now Brevet-Major
Herbert B. Edwardes, of the Bengal Army, as communicated
to the Court by the Secret Committee, on the 23rd and
30th ult. ;

" Resolved, unanimously, that this Court do present to
Major Edwardes a gold medal, in testimony of their high
approbation of the important services rendered by him,
in raising and organizing large forces in a foreign terri-
tory, under circumstances of the greatest difficulty ; in
wresting, within a very brief period, an extensive tract of

152 SIR EERBERT B. EBWARDES. [1848.

country from the power of the rebels ; iu skilfully combining
his forces with those of un ally ; and in completely defeating
the troops of the enemy in two pitched battles ; thus
evincing the possession, in the flower of his youth, of all
those qualities which form and ennoble the character of the
Britisii officer."

This was coinmunicated to him as follows : —

" India Board, September 21, 1848.

" Sir,

"I am directed by the Commissioners of the
Affairs of India to acquaint you that they cordially
approve of the resolution passed by the Court of Directors,
on tiie 13th inst., proposing to grant to Brevet-Major Herbert
B. Edwardes a gold medal, in acknowledgment of the
distinguished services lately rendered by that officer in
the territories of Lahore.

" (Signed) Thomas Wyse."

These misolicited honours could not fail to be gratifying
to Edwardes, but his nature would not allow him to be
satisfied unless they were shared by others ; and, in his
reply to Lord Hardinge's letter of congratulation, he wi'ote —

Edward ..." Another of your Lordship's ' young politicals ' joined
me in the middle of all this fighting, Edward Lake, who was
deputed by Sir Frederick Currie to accompany the Bhawul-
pore army, and w^ho ultimately (by the infallible working
of Sir liobert Peel's principle of civilization swallowing up
barbarism whenever they come in contact) superseded its
commander. Lake justified every favourable opinion you
ever formed of him ; and in the fight of Suddoosam, on
July 1, made a bad array as good as the best. It has been a
source of great regret to me that as yet no notice has been
taken at home of either Lake or Cortlandt. I feel almost as
if I had been the means of injuring both, though I lost no

1848.] CORTLANDT AND LAKE. 153

o}>portunity, in my public or private letters, of ackuow-
lediriiiir how much of the success was due to them.

" General Cortlaiidt's situation is most peculiar, and his General

.. 1.11 Til 1 T -ii- \ Cortlandt.

conduct in it admiral)le. 1 declare tliat 1 consider liim the
only servant to the little Maharajah who has been * true to his
salt.' If ever it should lie in your Lordship's power, may I
hope that you will say a good word for a man who combines
in no ordinary degree the qualities of a good soldier and a
good civil oflicer,"

Although Edwardes was not at this moment satisfied by
the promotion of his friend Edward Lake, he had abundant
reason to be so afterwards ; for he lived to see him win
honours and renown, and rise to be Financial Commissioner
of the runjab, which office he gave up when he left India to
retire to England in 1866.

Nor does it appear that either he or General Cortlandt
were left out in tlie pultlic thanks; for tliere is a letter —

From the Resident at Lahore to Lieutenant Lal-e.

" Lahore, July 10, lb48.

" I have received the description of this second victory
gained by the forces of our ally, Nuwab Bhawul Khan. . . .
While I request that you will communicate to Futteh
Mahommed Khan Ghoree and the officers of the force my
appreciation of their courage and services, I feel that to your-
self my thanks and admiration are peculiarly duo, for the skill
and gallantry with which you directed the movements and
operations of the force, to which Lieutenant Edwardes bears
such ample testimony, and to wliich the success of the
Bhawulpore army is in an eminent degree attributable.

" 1 am satisfied that the CTOvernor-Geueral in Council
will af)preciate and acknowledge the great value of your
services on this important occasion."

154 SIR TIER BEET B. EDWARVES. [1849.

From II. M. Elliot, Esq., Secretary to the Government of India,
to the Honourable Sir F. Currie, Bart., Ading-Besident
at Lahore.

" Fort William, Calcutta, July 29, 1848.
" I am directed to request that you will convey to Lieu-
tenant Edvvardes and to Jjieutenant Lake the highest appro-
bation of the Governor-General in Council of their conduct
in the action, and the strong sense the Government entertain
of the gallantry, energy, determination, and skill which
these officers have displayed." *

Of General Cortlandt, the Resident writes in a public
letter to Edwardes — •

" Lahore, July 10, 1848.

" General Cortlandt has again distinguished himself.
His skill in managing his troops, and his intrepidity in
action, are in the highest degree creditable to him, and
entitle him to the warmest thanks of the Maharajah and
myself. . . .

" The Durbar have at my instigation, addressed a pur-
wanna to the officers and men of General Cortlandt's
regiment ; and have, in a proclamation to the troops of
their army, spoken of the conduct and services of these corps
in terms which will, I trust, be gratifying to them, while it
is to be hoped that their conduct, with its reward, may
have the effect of stimulating the other Durbar troops, to
the exhibition of similar fidelity to the Government." f

Reward to The services of Foujdar Khan, whom we have seen acting

Khan'^^ as Edwardes's adjutant-general at Kinyeree, and, in spite of
1849. his wounds, leading the Cavalry at Suddoosam, were even-

tually rewarded by Lord Dalhousie with the title of Khan
Bahadoor, for we find the copy of a letter from Edwardes, in
which tlie honour was conveyed to him (dated Lahore, July
12, 1849), which we will here insert.

* Blue-Book page 248. t Blue-Book, p. 247.

1840.] LETTERS TO FOUJDAR KITAN. 155

Draft of a Persian letter to Foiijtlar Khan (Alizye), for-
warding,' his sunnud of " Khan liahadoor-ee " from Lord
Dalhousie.

" Lahore, July 12, 1849.
" ]\Iy FlUENI),

" I feci as great pleasure in sending you this
sunnud of Khan Bahadooree from the Governor-General as
I did in receiving my own lionours from the Queen of
England.

" T(jgether we shared the danger of our position at Leiah,
when we had few soldiers, and most of them traitors ;
together we shared the labour of raising an army to meet
the rebels and defend the frontier under my charge ; we sat
under one bush at Kinyeree throughout that fiery day in
June, waiting for our guns; we fought together at Suddoosam
and throughout the siege of Mooltan ; and it is right that
you should share, not merely in the victory, but its rewards.

" I rejoice, therefore, in the title that has been conferred
on you ; I think you earned it well by your bravery, fidelity,
wisdom in council, and equanimity in trouble ; and I hope
you will long live to enjoy it and the jageer* which Lord
Dalhousie has promised you.

" Thus, my friend, have the exertions of one year enriched
you for life, and put you out of the reach of want and the
caprice of a Maharajah or his Sirdars. A year ago, when
commander of only twenty-four horsemen, you could never
(even in vour dreams) have hoped for such good fortune.
Let the rest of your life, therefore, justify the reputation of
your tribe for fidelity and gratitude.

" In time of peace speak well, among your country-
men, of the British Government, and in time of war bo over
ready with the good sword Sir lU-nry Lawrence gave you
to assist it.

* A "jageer" is a grant of land given by Government as a reward for
services.

156

SIR HERBERT B. EDWARDES.

[1840.

Valno of

j)er.sonal

intluence.

Fruits
gathered
in after-
vears.

" Thus shall I ever be proud that you were my oHicer,
8ir Henry Lawrence that he recommended you to honour,
and the Governov-General that he conferred it upon you.
"(Signed) Herbert Edwardes."

Such words as these, and such generous appreciation of
services, it is that build up most securely our influence in the
East, and cement our country's rule with the personal injlucnce
Avhicli a strong and generous mind (such as this we are
studying now) brings to bear upon its work, with these brave
untutored races.

The strong personal attachment which they are capable of
forming is tlie secret of many of the great deeds of faithful
service, and even chivalry, with which our Indian history in
the past is filled.

And Edwardes was an example of this, which young
soldiers would do well to mark for their own imitation. His
brave, genial, generous, noble nature made the natives love
him ; his confidence in them bred confidence in return ; and
his good judgment taught him where it was safe to trust.
And they knew that if he had a strong hand to punish the
guilty, he had an open, generous hand for those who were
deserving.

Years afterwards, when the stormy days of difficulty at
Peshawur came, it was seen how the fy^uit of this time we
are passing through now was grdhered. When Edwardes and
Nicholson raised their flag in 1857, at Peshawur, and called
for " Levies " to take the place of disarmed mutineers, up
sprang readily the men of this same country to ansM'er to
the call ; and at their head we shall see again Foujdar Khan,
ready to go to the front and serve again in Afghanistan the
master whom he served so well at Kinyeree.

CHAPTER Vr.

1849—1850.

RETURN TO ENGLAND— MARRIAGE— WRITES "A YEAR ON
THE PUNJAB FRONTIER."

" As cold waters to a thirsty soul,
So is good news from a far country."

Rov. XXV. 25.

** All blessedness of heaven, and earth beneath,
Of converse high, and sacred home
Are yours, in life and death."

Keble.

( 1^>9 )

CHAPTER VI.

When the "year on the Punjab frontier" was completed,
and the Mooltan Campaign was at an end, Edwardes proceeded
to Lahore to make his official returns, and to put affairs
into order, to enable him to take his furlough home to
England.

Sir Henry Lawrence had now returned from England, sir Hemy
He had received the honour of a K.C.B.-ship at home, April reVmnsTo
28, 1848. He had hurried back to India when the news of Lahore,
the siege of Mooltan reached him, anxious to be at his post
at Lahore again ; disappointed to find that his generous His disap-
policy and labours for Sikh independence and good self- at't'^h"^"'^
government were being thwarted by the recklessness and failure of
faithlessness of the people themselves. JV^ gf^^'*

Edwardes had gone through great exposure under canvas independ-
at Mooltan and Bunnoo during the whole summer heat, and ^^'^^'
at a time ^\hen the commander-in-chief thought it impossible
to bring British soldiers into the field, and made this a reason
for delaying the siege of Mooltan.

Throughout this time Edwardes had kept the field, fought
Moolraj, and defeated him in two pitched battles, shut him
up in his fort, and kept him at bay till the army could be
assembled.

In the course of this service Edwardes had many hair- Hair-
breadth escapes and wonderful deliverances. Once, as was ^'■•^*'^'^ ^'*"
told in chap, iv., a bullet passed througli his sleeve, entering
at the wrist and passing out at the elbow, without touching
him. Again, when the muzzle of a gun was held up against
him in a melee, and he thought that nothing could have saved
him, it flashed in the pan and he was unharmed, and, putting

160 SIR HERB Eli T B. EDWARDES. [1849.

spurs to his horse before his antagonist could draw his sword,
he escaped. At another time, when an assassin came into his
tent for murderous purpose, and there was only the small camp-
table he was writing at between them, the sentry rushed in
and seized the man before he could touch him.

Moolraj had set a price on his head, and had sent spies
into his camp to bribe his servants to poison him. The plot
was discovered by Edwardes and all his guests l)ecoming at
the same time very sick one day, after partaking of dinner
together ; and through accidently overhearing the conversation
of some natives in the verandah of his tent, he discovered
the cause, that the soup was poisoned. Some emissary of
Moolraj 's had offered himself to fidl a vacancy in the kitchen
establishment, and had been accepted unwarily by the head
servant.

Out of such and many other dangers he had been safely
brought; but now, when the duty was done, and he had
come with great honour and unexampled success from the
field of Mooltan — Moolraj defeated, Mooltan taken, and the
campaign over; — the return to Lahore, and hot weather in
the plains in one of the hottest stations of the Punjab, and
the very hard grind of office-work there, were more than he
was physically equal to endure.

Sir Henry Lawrence urged him, however, to try and carry
the official work connected with Bunnoo and Mooltan through
the office before he left India ; and he was himself anxious to
bring to notice the services of those natives and officers who
had served under him. But it was working the willing horse
too much, and it was no wonder that, soon after taking up
Illness. the heavy office-work at Lahore, he was struck down with

fever, and was for some time very seriously ill.
Furlough On recovering from this fever sufficiently to travel, there

to ng an . ^q^j^ -^q j^q longer any further delay, and Edwardes was
allowed to take his "leave" to England. He had private
reasons, too, for desiring it ; for his own personal happiness
(and not only his own) was deeply concerned in tliis
journey.

From such a sacred and holy shrine it is difficult to lift
the veil. But yet the story of Edwardes's life would not be
truly told if we were to leave out of it that one true, deep^

1810.] "OLD RESIDENCY" DAYS. J(il

earnest, and guiding passion of his whole existence. From a
boy his heart was set and fixed in one true love, and it was
the pole-star that led hitn on to realize his hopes. Deter-
mined that, till he saw what his future was to be, his lot
should be unshared, he waited only to feel his foot upon the
ladder, and this he did when Sir Henry Lawrence selected
him for Lahore.

Then he took Sir Henry Lawrence into his counsel, and a
story so like his own readily won Sir Henry's chivalrous
sympathy and a})proval. There need have been no more
delay ; but then came the expedition to Bunnoo, and after
that swept in the rebellion of ^loolraj, the siege of ^looltan
and all the stirring and al)Sorbing events connected with it.

Unhesitatingly Edwardes could set aside his own personal
wishes and objects to follow a course of duty ; but now, with
his duties accomplished, he longed to be free.

One would expect, in a nature so rare in depth of tender-
ness, so strong and true, so romantic and at the same time so
noble, so keen in enjoyment, so sensitive to pain, so finely-
strung with Nature's keenest sensil)ilities, and yet so towering
above all the littlenesses and cruelties of man — one would
expect that in a nature such as this, a home was a necessity,
and that he would be as rare in love as he was in other things
— rare in the constancy of one great affection.

And will the reader wonder if now the truth is not with-
held by her who all her life has owned so rich a wealth of
possession, and owns it still ?

But before passing on, it may be permitted to take a
parting look at the life of the " Old Besidency " at Lahore,
presently about to pass away in the change and struggle of
the coming days ; for it will never come again ! AVhen
Edwardes returned to India, all had changed into a more
regular form of life.

One wave courses over another with all tlie freshne-ss and
power of tiie present ; but there is no time to gather up the
lessons, unless we learn them as they pass.

It was a wnndorfully nud and happy life in those early Picture of
days of the "Old Kesidency " at Lahore. Here was a band Residemy "
of strong, and young, and earnest men, all bent on doing good, <lap-
witli their min<ls clear, and strong, and full of hoj^e ; and
vol.. 1. M

1(J2 bin JlEliBEliT B. EDWAliDES. [1849.

at their head is Henry Lawrence, a giant in the battle of life,
lighting against evil and wrong, and guiding all, and quicken-
ing into life and usefulness all bright tlioughts and schemes
that came to any of tliat earnest band of friends.
Honoi-ia And among them a few fair, gentle women, wives and

awrence. g^g^gj-g — ygj^.y fg^y_ j^^t tlic ministering angel of them all
was Honoria Lawrence, the brave and noble wife of Henry
Lawrence, who was ever the inspiring genius of her husband's
higher life, the glad sharer of his every thought, and the
softening and the refining element that glided through and
pervaded that " Old Eesidency," and gave a charm to the
wildness and roughness of this frontier-life to all its inmates.
For hers was a mind that loved the wildness, and rejoiced in
the unconventionality of the life ; and her room was the
natural rallying-point for all the wit and talent that was
among them — and there was no lack of that.

We will give a specimen of her thoughts at this time.
She writes —

" There is something unspeakably solemn in the status of
our household now. That young fellow just leaving earth ;
the young couple full of hope and joyance ; Harrie, with her
sore grief drawing daily nearer ; ' Bulbul,' all restless with

hope and fear ; the P s newly launched, and beginning, I

think, to feel the bitterness of the waves ; and then, how we
go regularly on, eating and drinking, sleeping and waking, as
if there were no care or trouble in life !

" I try to keep before me that all is but a training (these
present things), not the object of our being, but only the
discipline for our real being. Words easily said, and, in a
certain sense, believed ; but oh ! the difference between the
dead and the living faith in them ! . . .

" I feel how short the time is that rests to any of us,
and then the blessed calm — the meeting, never to part, on
the other side of the stream — when all the pettinesses and
earthlinesses that fetter and embitter the intercourse of
friends here will be swept away, and there will be an ever-
growing, still-beginning peace ! Safe, safe, safe, that blessed
and comfortable word ! the cold dark valley passed, with the
Saviour for a comforter."

Did we call her a ministering angel just now I Yes,

181'J.] THE JOUliNEY HOMEWARI). 1(j3

truly, for she ever pointed upwards ; wliile, with a Large
sliare of wit and originality, and a mind well stored by
reading, she was always ready to lend a (•harm and brightness
to every discussion.

There is no si)here like India for a completely happy
uwnaa's life — her husbanil's helpmeet — and Honoria Law-
rence filled it perfectly. "What more need l>e said ?

But the time approached when Edvvardes could take his
longi'd-for rest at home. His friends, John Lawrence and his
wife, urged him to take charge of their two little girls. Their
ages, of six and seven, made the first parting from their
parents necessary. And Edwardes undertook the unusual
charge confided to him, and never had any little girls more
loving and careful protection. Children always loved liim.
His bright, genial nature always attracted them to his side,
and he was ever ready with some bright story or fairy-tale to
tell them that riveted their love ; or he was ready for a game
of play with them on the shortest notice. So it was like a
lioliday to take a journey with Edwardes, and the tears of
parting soon dried up with them.

In the end of the year 1849, Edwardes left Lahore, and
his friend John Nicholson also intending to take his furlough
home, the two friends gladly agreed to start together.

They dropped down tlie Indus in boats to Bombay (which Edwardes
was the slow way in which the journey then was made), l^^ {^^^y° '
stopping every night to let the boatmen rest, and to give Lnhore to-
the little girls a run on the land to hunt for tiger's footprints ^'^
on the sandy shore.

The pleasant companionship of the two friends beguiled
the tedium of the river-journey, and gave time for thought ;
and we can fancy how these two earnest, brave men would
exchange their thoughts about the country they had been
ready to give their lives for, and figlit their battles over again,
lioth had been trained by the same master, Henry Lawrence ;
both were in entire heart-sympathy with each other.

Tiiis is the first time we have had occasion to notice the
friend.ship of these two men, which remained strong and
deep throughout their lives, as friendship in such strong and
noble matters must be, when founded, as in this case, upon
the priil'ound respect and admiration in which eacii held the

1G4 .S7A' lIKnilEirr n. EDWARDES. [1849.

otlicr. Knowing each other most intimately in the trying
and difficult circumstances in which their lives had been cast
in these stormy days of the early history of the Punjab, they
were more than brothers in the tenderness of their whole
lives henceforth, and the fame and interests of each other
were dearer to them both tlian tlieir own.*
\n,\\an ^ue great charm of Indian life is the fast friendships that

friendship, jj makes for life. Being thrown into circumstances of diffi-
culty and danger that can never be experienced in quiet lives
at home, men liave a need they never know in the ease of
home life, and find that need is answered in some brave and
noble friend whom it has been their good fortune to be linked
with in their public duty.

And thus these two brother-assistants of Sir Henry
Lawrence's choice were welded together in the strong, true
love and friendship that w^as a mutual joy in their whole after-
lives, interrupted only by death, when, in 1857, this same
John Nicholson — at the time we are now speaking of soon to
be made major and C.B. for his services in the Punjab, then
the General John Nicholson to whom so large a share of
the honour of taking back Delhi from the mutineers is due —
fell, in leading the assault of that city.

This may seem a digression somewhat out of place, but
may be pardoned ; for it is im})ossible to those who know and
love him to leave the name of John Nicholson with only
a passing mention.

To return, we left the travellers gliding down the river

* As an instance of this, we xn^y coi)y fioni a local paper. " We may
mention hero an instance of Major Edwanles's great and singular modesty
with respect to his own high merits. When he was the 'Lion' of the
day in 1849, and was on one occasion feted at the Mansion House, his
name coupled with ' The Health of the Indian Army,' proposed by the
chairman as one of the toasts of the evening, the Duke of Wellington and
other distinguished officers being present . . . rising to speak, and turning
towards his friend Major Nicholson, he said, ' Here, gentlemen, fiere is the
real author of half the exploits which the world has been so ready to
attribute to me.'" The effect was instantaneous and almost electrical, and
will never be forgotten by those who witnessed it.

" In the interesting Parliamentary Papers relating to the Punjab,
which were published in May, 1849, we find not a word of self-landation
or assumption of credit, but much of ]>ruilence, intelligence, and foresight,
and a deep insight into the native character."

18111.] SKETCH OF A riiOL'IlETICAL INDIAN NOVEL. i(]3

to KuiTiichee, ami bcguiliii;.,' their way willi bo(jk.s and talk. Droj.ping
It was at this time that Edwardes wrote a curious fore- ^.""'" !''*
shad(nvin<^ of a storm that really burst in terrible force over
India in 1857.

It is a mere memorandum written by him in his common-
place Ijook, and is copied as it stands.

" Memorandum.

" A good story might be written by way of proijhecij, or I
would rather say coaming, of the sudden and unexpected
overthrow of the British Indian emi)iro by the liritish
Indian army.

"Scene, — Lahore. Time — Fifty years hence, or a.d.
1900. :Materials as follows :—

" The native army, according to a system introduced
by a Lord Napier, who was commander-in-chief about 1850,
has been for the last forty-five years massed upon great
points, such as Cabul (annexed about 1880), Peshawur,
Lahore, L^mballa, Delhi, Dinapore, and Calcutta, in Ben-
gal ; in jMadras, . . . ; and in Bombay . . . The ex-
tension of the empire by the annexation of Khorassan has
rendered a vigorous economy necessary, and prevented the
increase of the Europ' an army. Pressure of parties in
England has transferred the Government of India from the
East India Company to the Crown, which lias introduced
the same colonial system as prevails over its other depen-
dencies, and has lately lost Canada.

"* Lord Frederick Verisophts ' are now Commissioners of
provinces, and young barristers come out as magistrates.
To meet their convenience, law is a<lministered in English,
and English education has superseded vernacular through
all the Government schools. The people, in consequence,
are oppressed and discontented.

"The courts, in the hands of a few lu-ngalee Baboos, are
not resorted to, except by the rich.

"The country is consequently ripe lor evil designs.

IGG Sm IlElinKRT n. EinVAllDES. [1849.

The army, for the sake of economy, has contiuued to be
increased from the same ckisscs of Jlindoostanees, and tlio
only balance is between the. Hindoos and the Mussulmans.

" About the year 1855, an extensive schetae, organized
by Rani Junda, Bhaie IMaharaj, Rajah Deena Nath, and
others, to restore the Rani to the throne of Lahore by means
of our own soldiers, was discovered by Bhaie Bikrumali
Sing (jealous of Bhaie Maharaj) to the British Govern-
ment, and the ringleaders hanged or imprisoned.

" But the secret of unlawful organization could not be
so easily unlearnt; and the ambitious spirits of the country,
who could nowadays find no native court to which to resort
for service, commenced and gradually matured a secret con-
federation of the whole native army, which was much favoured
by the system of military centralization now in force.

" The large European society in the great cantonments
has withdrawn the officers more than ever from their men,
and few are now left who can discourse with them in their
own lano-uao^e.

" Still, indications of the conspiracy creep out through
officers of irregular corps, which at first hold aloof, though
tempted.

" Midnight meetings of the Native Divisional Commit-
tees, under pretence of native festivals, should be described.
Their correspondence in Persian, which has become ' cypher.'
The outbreak on the first of a month at muster ; massacre of
all European officers at parade ; ineifectual stand of few
European regiments ; retreat to the sea and embark ;
division of the empire ; upstart princes, etc."

" This sketch of a prophetical Indian novel was written
on or about December 21, 1849, in my boat, dropping down
the Sutlej River, with John Nicholson, on our way to Eng-
land after the second Sikh War. The inspiration of it was
drawn from the experience we had lately had in the Punjab
of the Sikh army ;. the fear of similar results in our own

England.

Isr.O.] LANDED IX EXOLAXD. 107

native army, on wliich Sir llcnry Lawrence was so often
talking to us all ; and the views of discipline entertained
by the then commander-in-chief, Sir Charles Napier.

" (Signed) Herbert B. Edwardes."

This reads like a prophecy of 1857, for the reader must
remember that it was written eight years before the event.
It shows, at least, what anxious questions were burning in
the minds of these men.

John Nicholson, not having the same motive for urgency
in his return to England, thought it a good opportunity to see
Constantinople, and turned aside in Egypt. So the two
friends parted for a few months, to meet again in England.

Edwardes landed in England on January 27, 1850. He
was received with great enthusiasm everywhere as " the hero
of Mooltan."

He had taken ship in tlie same steamer at Bombay that Arrival in
brought home the commander-in-chief, Lord Gough ; and it
is amusing to see how entirely unconscious he was of the
reception he was to receive, for he was standing on the
paddle-box of the steamer, watching the approach to his
native land with very different thoughts, when Lord Gough
called to him, " Edwardes, come down ; you're called for."
And he was surprised to find that some of the cheers on the
English shore, which he counted all for his chief, Lord Gough,
were intended for himself; so little was he thinking of
anything but the private hopes and longed-for meetings that
awaited liim.

A lieutenant in liis regiment (than the 1st Bengal Fusiliers,
afterwards called the 101st), he had been promoted to major,
and the Queen had awarded him the Companionship of the
Bath ere his arrival in England.

He received the " thanks of the House " and tlie marked
approval of the Duke of Wellington, expressed both privately
in a most gratifying way, very shortly aftrr his landing in
England, and publicly.

It was remarked on one occasion, in the House of Lords,
when the rewards were being discussed, " these would be
unprecedented honours for so young a man." Upon which
the Duko of Wellington rose, and said, " Gentlemen, Lieut.

1G8 SIR HERBERT B. EDWARDES. [1850.

Edwardcs's services have been unprecedented, and his rewards
must be unprecedented too." This stopped the discussion.

Edwardes used to tell with pardonable pride of the re-
ception he met with at Apsley House, from the aged Duke of
Wullingtou.

He had received an intimation that lie would be expected
to call ; so, as soon as tlie pressure of engagements allowed,
he drove to the door and sent in his card. The old porter at
the door, looking at it, said, " Major Edwardes ! Oh, Major
Edwardes ; we have been looking for yon ever so long — every-
day. Come up, sir, and I'll take in your card." Then he
ushered him upstairs and went in. In a few moments out
came the aged Duke of Wellington and led Edwardes in by
the hand, warmly welcoming him. Seated on a sofa by his
side, he took out the map and went through all the campaign
witli remarkable clearness and discrimination, showing that lie
had followed him closely in all his movements, and cordially
approving, from point to point, of the measures he had taken.

It was pardonable for a young soldier to be proud of
being so welcomed and so approved by the first military
authority, and a veteran in the art of war.

Publicly also were many expressions of approval, and we
may extract from a few of the records before passing on.

In the House of Lords, April 25, 1850, the Marquis of
Lansdowne moved votes of thanks to the Governor-General of
India, the Commander-in-chief, and the officers and men
engaged in the late military operations in India, mentioning
with especial praise the conduct of Major Edwardes, thus —
The Jiar- " That officer having then been recently appointed as-

quis of sistant in the management of the country in the neighbour-

Lanstlowne , -, ^

in the liood of Mooltau, and, finding himself at the head of a single

native regiment, conceived the design of driving Moolraj into
his fortress and rescuing the whole of the country round
]\Iooltan from his grasp. He effected it, and he effected it
without the assistance of a single European force.

" Such was his character, such was the confidence which
he inspired among the natives, such was the means that he
used, and such the revenue that he raised at the moment,
in this very country that he was rescuing from the grasp of
the treacherous Moolraj, that he was enabled to unite a very

House of
Lords.

ID UP.

1850.] SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS. KIO

considerable force — that force entirely native, composed
entirely of new levies. He was enabled to pay those levies,
to arm them, and to drive back that chief within the very
walls of that fortress from which he had issued to obtain
j)ossession of the surrounding country. He did so, after de-
fecating him in successive actions, in every one of wliich
Edwardes was himself ])crsonally engaged, inspiring confi-
dence among the troops by his exertions ; in more than one
instance actually seizing the guns with his own hand, and,
by his uniform good conduct and ability, commanding the
affections and the respect of the natives, who followed in his
army." . . .

Viscount Hardinge. " The daring manner in wliich, led ^^"^'}
only by that heroic young officer, IMajor Edwardes, the Sikhs
had attacked a ]mrticular fort, was beyond all praise." . . .

Sir Joh/i Huhliouse. "It was oidy yesterday that the sir .Toim
Government received the news of a great exploit, performed Hobi.ousL-
by a British officer, young in years, and only a subaltern in
rank, who performed it under every disadvantage, unaided, and,
it might be said, alone ; for he had not the assistance of a
single fellow-countryman, or even of one of his own colour.*

" In one month alone, and, as he had said before, quite
unaided, with levies which he had raised himself only a
month before, and which he had himself disciplined — under a
burning sun, in countries inundated by great rivers — that
young man overthrew a formidable foe, and by his own right
hand and sagacious head saved, he might say, from great
peril, a distant part of our Indian empire. The honourable
gentleman would, he was sure, find satisfaction in adding
to tlie jiraises which would be for ever, he thought, bestowed
on Lieutenant Edwardes.

" It was not necessary for him to detail the services of
the gallant ]\Iajor Edwardes. It will be suflicient to say
that her Majesty, in her royal condescension, had thought it
right to depart from the common forms, and had connnanded
that, before the end of the campaign, he should receive the
appointment of major, together with the Companionship of
the Bath.

* True of early Buuuoo times, at first, but afterwards he was aided
by Lake and others, as we have seen. — E. E.

170 sin iiKiinKiiT n. kdwaudes. [i850.

" On the 27th, they made the first attack on Mooltan, and
on January 2 they carried the fortified city of Mooltan.

" The first letter was from ^Major Edwardes ; it contained
this sentence, ' I take the liberty of informing you that the
city of Mooltan, after a week's storming, has been taken, and
I hope to raise the flag of England over tlie walls of the
citadel before tlu-ee days are over.'

" It appeared that the British forces had to contend
against an army of thu'ty-six thousand men, and when the
citadel was entered, three thousand were still among the
ruins, who could only be dislodged with difficulty.

" No less than thirty -six thousand shot and shell had
been thrown into the citadel, and so thick was the fire that
the only place which the chief of the besieged was able to
find shelter in w^as under a gateway. He mentioned those
circumstances to show that the capture of a citadel, so
bravely and resolutely defended, was no trifling event." . . .

The Duke of "Wellington was heard to say, at a farewell
of \Vei- dinner given to Major-General Sir Charles Napier, that " he
lington. considered that, by the capture of Mooltan, the object of the
war was accomplished ; that it was one of the great events of
the campaign, and, he hoped, the end of it." The Duke of
Wellington added that " in the early period of the war. Major
Edwardes and other officers under the Government of Lahore
had generally distinguished themselves in collecting and disci-
plining certain disbanded forces ; and he was happy to say
they had performed their duty with advantage to the country
and with honour to themselves. They had immortalized them-
selves by their conduct. It w^as impossible to speak too highly
of that young officer, ]\Iajor Herbert Edwardes." . . .

This discussion ended in the thanks of the House being
given to the Eight Hon. the Earl of Dalhousie, Governor-
General, etc., and many others.

Praise from the lips of such military judges need not be
suppressed, and these quotations justify themselves. It is
Lord *^"b' necessary to add tliat Lord Hardinge rose and corrobo-

Hardinge. rated all that had been said, adding, "He had heard with
great pleasure and infinite satisfaction the allusions made to
Major Edwardes. He was a most sensible, clever young man.
During a portion of the period that he " (Lord Hardinge)

1851.]

SPECIAL a OLD MEDAL."

171

"served her Majesty in India, ^Major Kdwardes was in com-
mand of eleven or twelve thousand men, and most cleverly
did he keep them togetlier, displaying great tact, judgment,
prescience, and coolness. It was his wish to notice the
exertions of otlier olUcers — Lake, Pollock, and Nicholson
— who, in conjunction with Major Edwardes, had rendered
such signal services in that memorable action." . . .

Nor was Edwardes overlooked by his masters, the Court
of Directors ; for these were the days before the government
of India was taken over by the Crown.

A "special gold medal" was struck for him, and pre-
sented to him in full Court, with a special address. This
was a peculiar honour which he miglit well value, as such
a medal had never been given in a similar way before.

The medal was a very handsome one, and beautifully
wrought. The design was entrusted to Wyon, It consisted
of an inscription in the centre, " To Lieutenant Herbert
Benjamin Ethvardes, Brevet-Major and C.li., for his services
in tiie Punjab, 1848."

SPKCIAL tJOl.I) MlcriAI. GIVEN nV TIIK COl UT OI' DIUKCTOUS, 184S.

The inscription was surmounted In' his family arms,
supported by the figures of Valour and Victory holding a
laurel wreath over the arms. Below, the figure of the infant
Hercules strangling the serpent (emblematical of his youth,
and the lotus leaves as emldematieal of India). On the reverse
side is the head of the Queen, the fountain of all honour.

The medal was shown io her Majesty by the Chairman

172 SI/! IlEinU'.RT n. EDWARDES. [1851.

of tlie Court of Directors, and licr ]\raje.sty graciously sanc-
tioned the bestowal.

When completed, tlie die was broken, never to be used again.

This unusual honour was announced to Edwardes in the
following letter from the Chairman of the Court of Directors : —

"East India House, February 7, 1851.

" My dear Major Edwardks,

" With reference to your note of the 4tli, I sliall
bo happy to prcj^eut to you personally, at a meeting of tlie
Court of Directors, the gold medal whicli the Court have
resolved to confer on you. Wednesday next at 2.30 will
suit me, if it will be convenient for you.

" On the occasion I shall merely express the pleasure
it affords me to have an opportunity of presenting it to you
j)er8onallv.

" I shall read the ' minute ' of the Court, in which the
grounds of their ' resolution ' are briefly but comprehensively
expressed.

" I shall then allude to the deep interest we take in the
honour and interests of our officers ; congratulate you on
the great honour and success which have hitherto attended
you ; confidently anticipate that the same energy, skill, and
bravery will distinguish your future career; and that the
medal now presented, ia commemoration of your youthl'ul
heroism, will prove the harbinger, under the blessing of
Providence, of a long-continued career of honourable and
useful service to India.

" To make a long speech would be contrary to practice
on such occasions, and a very brief reply in acknowledgment
will be all that is expected.

" Very faithfully yours,
" (Signed) John Shepherd."

According to this bidding, the gold medal was personally
presented to him in full Court, and Edwardes, in acknowledg-
ment, replied —

1851.] SPEECn ON JlKCEIVISa Till: M I.DAL. 17."]

" ]\I r. (Jiiuinnan and nieuibers o(" this liunourublt! Court, —
Staiiilin"^ as I am in the presence of the great Governtueiit
of whiili [ »m a servant, in whose vast ch irgo of territory
the Punjab is but a speck, and before who-e high calling in
the East tlie fleeting services of one humble individual shrink
into insignilicanco, it would be both disrespectful and absurd
if I were to occupy your attention for more thin the few
moments whiidi gratitude may claim.

*• lint it would be ungrateful to be altogether silent
while holding in my liand a reward so rarely conferred \\\)on
any public servant — never, perhaps, before on a subaltern
of your army; and therefore it is that, not only in my own
name, but in the name of all my brother ofBcers in the
whole Indian army (an army whose past services you hnoWy
and whose present efiiciency I earnestly beg you to believe,
will stand comparison with that of any army in the world),
in their names, not le-s than my own, I gratefully thank
you for this modal, which conveys to all of us an assurance,
immortalized by art, tliat there is no officer in your army,
liowever humble, who may not render useful service to the
]^)ritis]i-Indian Government and the British-Indian people
liy warring only to re-establish peace; and whose endeavours
in tiiat cause this distant but watchful Court will not
observe and mark with its utmost approbation.

" For my own part, I have tmly to declare that I regard
tliis brilliant trophy less as casting lustre on the past, than
as throwing a kind, a cheering, a supporting, and a guiding
light upon my future labours in your service."

These were only some of the puldic honours that greeted
Edwardes on his return to his native land. His name had
liccome a household word in England, and go where he would,
he was received with acclamation and honour. Especially
in his own county, Shropsliire, and in the town of Shrews-
bury, was a very hearty ami cordial welcome accorded him.

As he entered the town he found it was y'tVc-day in
Shrewsbury. He was met by the mayor and town council-

174 filll UEltBEliT D. EDWARDES. [1850.

lors, who conducteil liiiu iii procession to the town hall,
where a public reception was prepared for him. The streets
w^ere crowded, Hags and Ijanners waving.

An address was presented of most warm and hearty
welcome, amidst a crowded audience of sympathizing and
rejoicing friends, and relatives, and fellow-countrymen.

Among others who spoke. Dr. Kennedy, the Head-Master
of Shrewsbury School, said he hoped he might be allowed
to quote the description of "the happy warrior," for to the
high standard therein exliibited he thought none approached
more nearly than Major Edwardes.

It seemed to him tliat Wordsworth liad by anticipation
there drawn a vivid and faithful portrait of the young " hero
of Mooltan."

" Who is the Happy Warrior? Who is he
Whom every man in arms should wish to be ?
Who, if he rise to station of command,
Kises by open means, and there will stand
On honourable terms, or else retire,
And in himself possess his own desire ;
Who comprehends his trust, and to tlie same
Keeps faithful, with a singleness of aim ;
And therefore does not stoop, nor lie in wait
For wealth, or honour, or for worldly state ;
Whom they must follow ; on whose head must fall.
Like showers of manna, if they come at all ;
AVhose powers shed round him in the common stiife,
Or mild concerns of ordinary life,
A constant influence, a peculiar grace;
But who, if he be called upon to face
Some awful moment to which Heaven has joined
Great issues, good or bad, for human-kind.
Is happy as a lover ; and attired
With sudden brightness, like a man inspired ;
And, through the heat of conflict, keeps the law
In calmness made, and sees what he foresaw;
Or, if an unexpected call succeed,
Come when it will, is equal to the need ; —
This is the Happy Warrior; this is he
Whom every man in arms sliould wish to be.''

Brave w^ords and beautiful, but not too beautiful to be
true ; for, though the ideal of a poet, it is no flattery, nor the
heightened colouring of affection, to say that they are wonder-
fully true of Edwardes in all particulars.

And singularly in the last, for lie never was dej^ressed

ibOO.] WELCUMi: HOME AT SUllEW^IiURY. 17.3

uhou things went wrong and great puljlic dilliculties had
to be confronted ; but it seemed as if liis nature rose buoy-
antly above the storm, and liis fertility of resource in times
of danger made him great in council, while his cheerfulness
was an encouragement and support to those around him.

He replied to this cordial welcome in the following
genial words : —

" Mr. Mayor, ladies and g(3ntlemcn of Shropshire, —
When 1 left London this morning, I was ([uite unprepared
for the honour you have now paid me, and I hope you will
accept of the unstudied but heartfelt thanks of a soldier.

" I have been ten years away from my own country, and
1 noeil not expatiate to you on th(! pleasure I feel on my
return home, or on the feelings which I entertained in my
absence, of the miseries of the one, or the pleasures of
the other. The return to one's native county, I should say,
is the very centre, core, and kernel of the joy of returning
to one's native land. I have travelled over many lands
since I set my foot last on English soil — over a great part
of the globe.

"I have seen the ocean in its anger and in its repose;
I have seen the sun set in that gorgeous land and over
those beautiful waters of the Indian Ocean ; I have been
through the whole of the Upper Indies ; I have seen that
beautiful range of mountains so celebrated in Afghan story ; —
but not for one moment, in viewing those enchanting scenes,
did I forget my Salopian land.

"Even among that splendid range of the Himalaya
Mountains, whose grandeur is said to exceed the Alps
and the Pyrenees, I assure you I never forgot, even in their
magnificence, to call to my memory the blue mountains of
my beloved Shropshire and beautiful Wales. How truly
could I say with the poet! —

" ' He who first met the Iligliland's swelling blue
Will love each peak that shows a kiiulrcil hue,
Hail ia each crag a Iriciul's laiuiliar lace.
And clasp the mountain in his soul's embrace.'

]7G -S77i' IIEliBERT U. ED WARD ES. [1850.

" Witli referenco to the services so kiudly jiUiulcJ to, it
liltlo becomes me to speiik. They have been described
ill words too flattering ; but I hope you w ill excuse me if
I tliank you for them as if I deserved them.

" ]>ut of all the honours I have received, the dearest
to me have been the cheers which have greeted me this day
in my native county."

On another occasion, at this time of " welcome home " at
Shrewsbury — we quote from one of Edwardes's speeches — he
says, describing some of the scenes at the battle of Moodkee :

"This was the beginning of November, 1845, and in
a few days afterwards, the Sikh army invaded British
India, and we were plunged into the first Sikh War.
Here was I, then, at once placed in a position to study
war practically, on the hirgest scale, and under the
greatest advantages, at the right baud of Sir Hugh. And
I can tell you that the man who rides by the right hand
of Hugh Viscount Gough through a campaign is, as the
Irishman would say, ' in a mighty convanient place to
see a good dale of fighting.' If a young soldier wants
an insight into the principles of war, I would advise him
to volunteer to such a situation, and he will meet witii
a good many eye-openers in it. I can tell you a story
in illustration of this.

" At our very first battle of iMoodkee, on December 18,
before the two hostile lines of infantry had met, two staff
officers simultaneously dashed in from right and left, and
rode up to the commander-in-chief.

" ' The enemy's Cavalr}-, your Excellency, have out-
flanked us on the right,' said one. ' The enemy's Cavalry
have outflanked us on the left,' said the other.

" So there were fifteen thousand horsemen on the one
hand, and fifteen thousand on the other, turning both our
flanks at the same moment, and our small armv in the

1850.] INTRODUCTION TO THE AIlT OF IVAH. i . 7

middli!. Without oue moment's hesitation, Lord Gough
gave directions that charges of Artillery and Cavalry
sliould be made to both flanks ; and it was iu this movement
to repulse the Sikhs that her Majesty's 3rd Dragoons
commenced that series of remarkable achievements which
have since stamped them as the noblest Cavalry regiment
that ever went out to India.

" The charges were made, and the repulse was complete
on both flanks. Our Artillery and Cavalry went through the
enormous line of the enemy and got into the rear, so as
to become an object of the deepest anxiety to Sir Hugh
Gough.

" It was at that time he turned to two of his aides-
de-camp, and commanded them to recall the flank detach-
ments back to their own line.

"I was one of them, and I leave you to judge whether
it was a pleasant office. However, it was performed, and
I, perliaps, shall bear witli me the memorial of it to the
grave, in the scar of a uiusket-ball through my thigh.

" Sucli was iny introduction to the art of war at the
hands of my earliest patron in India, Hugh Viscount
Gough.

"I recovered from that wound in time to serve as his
Lordship's aide-de-camp at the closing light of Sobraon.
That battle was one of the most noble sights which, perhaps,
man ever saw, and it was most complete in its results.

" An extended plain was in front, and a broad and
rapid river at the back of the enemy's position. To u.so
a soldier's phrase, which all military men will understand,
we turned our rigiit shoulders to the enemy and drove
them into the river.

" It was a most magnificent and instruetivc siglit for
a young soldier. Thus the campaign closed.

" Lord Gough recommentled me to Lord Hardinge,
the Governor-General, for promotion to the great political
VOL. I. N

178 SIR HERBERT B. EDWARDES. [1850.

staff which was then required for the Punjab, and for this
great step in life I am materially indebted to those two
illustrious men.

" Bat while I express my gratitude to those powerful
friends who gave me these great opportunities, let me never
forget the master who taught me how to use them— Sir
Henry Lawrence, wlio at this very moment * but a captain
of Artillery, has made himself, by his high purposes and
indomitable energies, the foremost man in India, and a
bright example to every Indian soldier. He it was who,
through three years of the British occupation, was my
political master and my private friend. It was sitting at
his feet, amid great political events, that I trust I learned
this noble lesson — to live, not for myself, but for my
country."

But all the public honour with Avhich he was welcomed
home could never dull his heart, or make him forget or be
careless towards his old friends ; and a sprightly, genial letter
was written about this time to his old and valued college
friend, which is very characteristic.

" Sansaw Hall, March 4, 1850.

" It is more than probable, my dear Cowley, that Octavius
Csesar would have cut Tully dead, in the Via Sacra, had he
met him in the triumphant moment of his entry to Rome,
with Antony and Lepidus. As it was, he sent slaves to
do it at Tusculum.

" Therefore, reasoning in the fashion of Arnold from
ancient to modern times, I have little doubt, you are, this
blessed moment, expatiating on the vices of ingratitude and
ambition as deadening the heart, stifling the finer feel-
ings, etc., of your old friend Herbert Edwardes.

" And truly, Tully, I have treated thee abominably in
not answering thy ' De Amicitia;' but let it be some expiation

* 1850.

1810.] nONOUBS AT OXFORD. ITO

that, before settiug off to Netley to be dragged in triumphal
chariot, I now have sat down to tell thee that I yearn to see
thee as raueli as if I had written it and paid the post. I
icould iiave written from London if I could, but, believe me,
it was not possible,

" I came home for peace and repose, and find a campaign
of hospitality. My hand aches with ' How d'ye do's ; ' my
lips with kisses ; and my ear with praise. One while I feel
repaid for many hardships and many strivings after service
to the Government ; and then, again, afraid of some great
evil overtaking me after all this pride and adulation. It is
not wholesome ; but I must try and think large quantities of
salt to season it.

'■ I have no time to say more now than that I shall leave
Shropshire on Tuesday night to be present at the Uvee on
AVednesday, and if you can manage to meet me, we can
both have the happiness of meeting after ten years of
separation.

"Believe me,

" Ever yours,

"H. 13. E."

In ]\Iay, 1850, he received the honorary degree of D.C.L.
at Oxford, among others to -whom that honour was awarded
at the Commemoration of that year. There he was warmly
received and hospitably entertained at Exeter College by his'
friend Cowley l*owles, who was then Fellow of that college.

Another interesting letter of Edwardes, kindly given by
Archdeacon Browne, may be inserted here. It was Mritten
in return for kind congratulations on his successes at Mool-
tan, and shows the warmth of affection he preserved for
Kiufr's College, London.

"Camp, Moot tan, January 13, 1849.

"My dear Sir,

"I believe it is something of the same feeling
which makes us throuKh life love our own village better

180 SIR EEBBEBT D. EDWABDES. [1849.

than all the wurld, that implants in every man's niiud a
lower ' faith ' that there never Avas any school or alma mater
like the one where he was birched or philosophized.

" Shelley and Byron have declared themselves exceptions
to this rule ; but then, poor people, they were expelled !

" For my own part, I have ever been ready to do battle
with all heathens upon two cardinal points of my belief,
that there never was seen the like of Delafosse's school at
Richmond, or the equal of King's College, London.

"The former, to be sure, was a point of affectionate

honour with me, partly because the Eev. Mr. D , or

* Charles,' as w^e irreverently called him, never flogged me
without making a pun, to show he was not angry in his
heart; and partly because his daughter Theresa won my
young love with bread-aud-jam and kisses.

" But the latter tenet, the peerlessness of King's, was, I
assure you, a pure conviction of reason, unsullied by jam,
and unrevealed by the light of azure eyes, unless, indeed,
she, the real yXavKw-mg 'AOrivri, may have looked kindly on at
the argument.

"Judge, therefore, my dear sir, how very happy I must
have been to receive the congratulations of one so intimately
associated in ray memory with the excellences of King's
College as yourself ; for it showed that the tie between the
pupil and professor was felt by both.

" It gave me very great pleasure to learn that the scholars
of King's have gone forth successfully into the arenas where
academic prizes are contended for. One of my most valued
friendships was formed at King's with Cowley Powles, now
tutor of Exeter, a scholar wdiose accomplishments Oxford
has long since acknowledged. He has, from time to time,
given me most interesting accounts of the eminence of
Cayley in mathematics, Kingsley in the wide sphere of
metaphysics, and others of my term, whose track I follow
with solicitude throuoh life.

1849.] OPINIONS CONCERNING KING'S COLLEGE. 181

" I do not know whether you will agree with nic, whc n
I own that it is not in the records of Oxford and Cambridge
that I should look for the proofs of the soundness of the
system you pursue at King's.

" Peter the Great studied all trades, that as a king he
might think justly of the classes who pursue them, and it is
said that he even laboured at shipbuilding ; yet he could not
have gone into a dockyard and striven for wages with a
common shipwright, though the shipwrights knew nothing of
other handicraft as Peter did.

" The education at our two old universities is, in my
opinion, a class education, and those who aim at its prizes
must concentrate their faculties into ix, focus on one or two
subjects.

" At King's your academia is built on a broader basis, and
you throw open all the windows of knowledge — north, south,
east, and west — admitting floods of light from wherever they
may come.

" Your students are attracted to the history of their own
country as Mell as that of the old world ; to compare Bacon
with Aristotle, not translate the latter for a degree. In one
hall you read to them the periods of Cicero, and in another
teach them that it is not ungentlemanly to spell English
correctly, nor unscholastic to write their own language as
elegantly as that of Athens.

" Poor Daniells is no more ; but when I was at King's, the
student might pity the punishment of Prometheus in one
room with you, and. sin with him in the next among Daniells's
electric wires. It is impossible, I think, that science and
knowledge, in so many forms could be forced upon the
student's mind without giving it a more catholic tone of
utility than if it had only been taught to scan and calculate.

" In a word, I would seek the King's collegians in the
world, not in the Tripos or the Double First.

" At this moment there are two students of King's far

i82 sin EEBBEItT D. EDWARD ES. [1849.

ahead of their contemporaries on the road to fame in this
very country of the Punjab.

" One is Frederick Pollock,* son of the great lawyer, and
nephew of Sir George, a subaltern in his corps, but com-
manding thousands as a political officer. When General
AVhish, on September 16, 1848, retired from tlie siege of
Mooltan, Pollock, witli two thousand of my Horse and six of
my guns, covered the rear all through the day. He promises
to be a fine officer, and the college may be as proud of him
as an eVeve as I am of him as an assistant.

" The other is Herbert, of the 18th Native Infantry, who
was an assistant to Major George Lawrence at Peshawur, and,
when the rebellion broke out, was put into the fort of
Attock, on the head of the Indus, a post which he has
since most nobly defended with a handful of Afghans against
a Sikh army of besiegers.

" The feat is so extraordinary that I hope to see him
knighted as a reward, in spite of the envious cries of older
men, who were never kissed by the sweet maid Opportunity !

" The siege of Mooltan, you will be glad to hear, is now
drawing to a close. Before a week the breach will be
stormed and — God willing — carri(jd. General Whish's army
■will then move up to join Lord Gough's, and I shall be left
in quiet possession of my pro-consulate.

"And now, having strayed so long among the quiet

cloisters of the past, I feel loth to issue out again into the

din of ' hammers closing rivets up ; ' but each to his own, so,

as of old, I reverently touch my cap, and beg you, my dear sir,

*' To believe me ever,

" Your very grateful pupil,
" (Signed) Herbert B. Edwardes,

" Associate of King's College.

"To the Rev. E. W. Browne, M.A.,

Professor of Classics, King's College, London."

* Kow Sir Richard Pollock. F. R. being his initials, he must have
been called " Frederick " by his early friends. — E. E,

1850.] WELCOME AT KING'S. 183

With these feelings we can understand that amongst
many welcomes and public entertainments was one much
prized from his own college (King's, London). lie writes —

"They have made me an Honorary Fellow, whicli was
the highest honour in their power, and has pleased me
sincerely. In my own heart, amidst my great and unex-
pected successes, I have owned that I owed much to the
catholic sort of learning I got at King's."

A public dinner was given to him by the College on
May 15, with a great gathering to welcome him as a new
Fellow, at wliich his speech will show the feeling he bore
towards them.

"My Lord Feversham and gentlemen — Your cheers are Speech at

•' ° ^ King s Col-

not only one of the heartiest, but one of the most gratifying, lege, 1850.
welcomes which I have met with in England, coming as
they do from tlie voices— and I hope hearts — of six hundred
gentlemen, who are more or less connected by past or present
associations with King's College, an institution which must
ever be dear to me for many reasons — because it was within
those walls that I passed three happy years of student life ;
reading, as none but the young book-lover ever reads, with
a tbirstiness of curiosity and reverent enthusiasm for the
great fathers of knowledge, whose bodies lie embalmed in
russia upon the shelves of libraries, and whose memories
are canonized in the calendar of learning ; because it was
within those walls that I formed friendships wliich I hope
will accompany me through life ; and lastly, but noi least,
because it was within those walls that I received the most
valuable part of my education, to which I should be un-
grateful indeed if I did not acknowledge that I owe any
success I have obtained in life.

" Yes, the smiles of Venus may coax even Vulcan to
forge arms for Achilles ; but be sure that the patron
goddess of all soldiers is Minerva. Her armoury is the

184 Sm HEIiBEIiT B. EDWABDES. [1850.

bibliotheca ; her forge, tlio study ; and practical hnowledge is
the trenchant blade which she puts in the tyro's hand, and
says, ' Go forth and conquer.' And if we search the
academic halls of England for practical knowledge, I know
of no institution where it can be found in the same perfection
as at King's College.

" There, the future physician learns from nature, in a
laborious course of chemical manipulation, the hidden
secrets of amalgamation which make poisons blessed balm
in the hands of the adept ; and balms, jealous of each other's
virtues, poisons from the hands of the ignorant.

" There, that great magician of the age, the civil
engineer, begins his course; and what an interesting sight
it is, low down in the stone galleries of the college, to see
the students' academic cap bending over the whirling lathe
or fiery forge, moulding thus early to his will the iron
which is to be his future slave !

"There, the future pastor, no longer satisfied with
Polemic lore, studies the statistics of public health and
principles of sanitary reform amongst the poor.

" There, the younger soldier, compass in hand, imagines
to himself a foe (some desperate murderer, perhaps, and
rebel in his stronghold), and draws around him the invest-
ment and the sap, which by slow but inevitable approach
will surely enable justice to overtake him.

" There, lastly, may students destined for any walk in
life, lay that best foundation for success of any kind — know-
ledge of their own language, of their own glorious literature,
and of the free and happy laws of their own country.

"The course of education in all these branches has been
rendered much more practical than it was in my time ; but
even then, twelve years ago, it had begun to meet the
wishes of the age in a wise spirit, and lead the love of
usefulness into healthy cliannels ; and I would adduce, as
proofs of it, the names of Major Herbert and Lieutenant

1850.] BECEPTION AT LIVERPOOL. 185

Pollock, two officers who obtained an honourable fame
during the late war by defence of important posts. It was
indeed impossible that the shadows of such spirits as Otter,
Hugh James Rose, and Lonsdale should not rest for life on
the character where they fell ; and in proportion as I for
one gratefully remember the instruction which I gained at
King's College, so do I rejoice that life has furnished me
with an opportunity of doing anything to benefit the
College.

" Nero is said to have wished that all Rome had but
one head, in order that he might cut it off. The liberty I
am about to take is a more human one, though the victims
have bled like Romans in our cause. I must beg you to
unite together in your own minds the three hundred
gentlemen who have extended us their patronage, and drink
Lord Fevcrsham's health as their single representative.

"I have now to propose to you a toast which requires no
recommendation whatever from any one. It is that of the
Council of King's College and Lord Harrowby.

" This is the illustrious and learned body of men by
whose ability and zeal the affairs of this great institution
are conducted, and anybody who glances over their names
will feel a national pride in the reflection that so many
noblemen and gentry, so many dignitaries and lawyers,
should take delight in promoting religious education. The
best commentary on their labours is the rising prosperity
of King's College in every department. Like the architect
of St. Paul's, they may stand amidst the work of their own
hands and say, ' Circumspice ' (' look around '). I give you
the Council of King's College and Lord Harrowby."

Speech at a public reception and banquet in Liverpool
Town Hall.

« Mr. Mayor and gentlemen of Liverpool,— I thank you L-verloi.
warmly for the distinguished honour you have paid me on

186 SIR IlEItDERT B. EDWARDES. [1850.

the occasion of my visiting your neighbour, Sir Edward
Cust, by inviting me to dine with the mayor and corpora-
tion of the second city of the kingdom. To be the honoured
guest of that city under any circumstances would be felt to
be a great distinction by any Englishman who understands
and values the municipal institutions of this country and
the rights of self-government, which those institutions at
once recognize and represent. But when I remember what
it is that has made Liverpool tlie second city in the
kingdom ; when I reflect that it owes its importance to its
commerce ; that its ships are in the ports of all our colonies,
giving them what they cannot produce in exchange for
what they cannot consume ; that, as the capital of the
British colonial empire, it is dependent on colonial pros-
perity, and has the deepest interest in our foreign policy
and possessions ; — then, indeed, I feel as one who has
laboured for that policy, and fought for those possessions, that
there is a peculiar honour in the approbation of your citizens.
"No man can bear greater or more grateful testimony
than myself to the warm interest taken by all classes of our
countrymen at home in the affairs of British India ; but in
no other part of England can these affairs have been lately
watched with the same anxiety and attention, or be so fully
understood, as in the city of Liverpool ; and, attaching,
therefore, the highest importance to your opinion, I feel,
I assure you, that the approval of my conduct implied in
this hospitable reception is the highest honour.
On colonies "There are few chaneres which strike me more, after

ami then- ° '

use. a ten years' absence from England, than the change of

feeling on the subject of England's colonies. ' New kings
have arisen w ho know not Joseph ; ' and it has become a
moot-point, whether colonies are of any use at all. As
a matter of history, I should have thought it sufficient to
appeal the question to either Eome in her prosperity or
Spain in her decline.

1850] ON COLONIES AND THEIR USE. 1S7

" In the court of St. James's the other Jay, when 1 looked
around on all the great men of this generation, I thought
that England could ill spare to blot one of those great
names from out her records, as this day I think she could
not afford to blot this city from her map.

" The experience of other nations and our own have
ceased to be convincing, alike fail to avert the novel
question. What is the use of colonies?

" Citizens of Liverpool, I would answer that question The use of
thus — The use of colonies is not to abuse them. A colony
well treated and liberally governed is certain to repay the
mother-country with interest and honour, with commerce in
peace and sympathy in war.

*' If such is the condition of many of England's colonies
at this moment; if many of them seem to be bound to us
by bonds which they would fain break, instead of ties which
they would willingly draw closer ; if irritation in time of
peace threatens separation in time of war; if, in short, there
be any of our dependencies which remind us of America,
and which reproach us Avith not having profited by American
experience ; — then can I with pride, as a servant of the
Honourable East India Company, ask you to turn with me
to the administration, condition, and prospects of British
India.

"There are doubtless many men at tliis table who know
India much better than I do, and I gladly call upon them
to add their testimony to mine, that in no other dependency
of the British crown is there to be found the same pro-
portionate amount of good government, improvement,
prosperity, and contentment.

" Yet British India is not a colony, it is only a depend- India as a
ency. it is not peopled with our citizens, but with our ency. Xot
subjects; it is not a land which has been freely given, but ^utan'^'
an empire which we have grasped. What is the reason of empire,
this anomaly? It is this, that the administration of

188 STR TIEIiBERT D. EDWAItDES. [1850.

]>ritish India is wholly aii'l solely grounded upon theivelfare
of the people. Yes, I fearlessly assert that the prime and
motive principle of the Anglo-Indian Government is to
secure the prosperity of the native population. Any other
benefit, any other ulterior advantages that may be derived
by this country are secondary to that great end.
India ruled " True, thousauds of our countrymen are, year by year,
benefit of deriving wealth and honour from that distant land ; but
"' '''^" that wealth is the wages of a life-time spent under a burning

sun in administering the justice of which I speak ; that
honour is given to England (let the Peace Society say what
it will), not to those who carry fire and sword into distant
lands for their own ambition, but to those who vt'illingly
give their own blood to maintain in Asia that best blessing
— peace, which Asiatic rulers never gave it.

" I may be told that this is not the origin of the East
India Company's charter — that the merchant princes spread
their wandering sails in ships freighted with long-cloths,
not with laws ; inspired by commerce, not with philan-
thropy. But this is the very conclusion and the moral
which I would wish to draw.

" The Government of India was indeed not so begun,
but it has so ended. It commenced in selfish policy and
selfish legislation ; but it has grown into better things, and
lives and lasts by making home dividends secondary to
colonial welfare.

" And I rejoice most heartily to have had this oppor-
tunity of expressing before the first citizens of Liverpool,
whose welfare is so intimately bound up with our colonial
empire, the deep conviction which I as a colonial servant
feel, that the time has come when the whole colonial policy
of the Crown of England must be remodelled or fall into
decay. We must take a deeper interest in colonial legisla-
tion. We must deem the smallest colonies deserving of the
best men of our aristocracy for governors, and not insult

1850.] SPEECH AT KING'S COLLEGE. 189

tlicm with our worst ; not deem that British India is the
only dependency which cannot safely be misruled by a King
Log or a King Stork.

"We must cease, once for all, to look upon them as ^y^^at '»

' ' ^ _ the ulti-

inalienablo possessions, as so much property entailed on mate result
England in perpetuity. That relationship can never be ruie?
maintained longer than the youth and weakness of a
colony; and wo should, of our own free will, prefer that
more beautiful relationship of parent and child, which ex-
hibits the mutually noble spectacle of kindly protection
during infancy, separation without asperity in youth, lasting
attachment during manhood, and grateful assistance in old
age."

Speech at a festival in aid of the building and endowment
funds of King's College Hospital, London, April, 1850.

" My Lords and gentlemen, — I believe there is no day in Speech at
the year in which the health of her Most Gracious Majesty lege.
Queen Victoria would not be a most welcome toast at any
table, public or private, in the happy land over which she
rules ; and it must be a matter of congratulation to all
Englishmen that the toast, uhich would always by courtesy
head the list, is spontaneously lifted to that position by the
prayers of a religious people, who hail with enthusiasm on a
throne the virtues which make private life illustrious.

" To-day, however, there is a happy felicity in the toast, Q"cen's

birthJay

for it is the day on which our Sovereign's birthday is speech,
celebrated, and I am sure you will all heartily unite in
wishing that her life may long be spared to our country.
The Queen.

" My lords and gentlemen, having wished long life and
happiness to her Majesty, I am sure we must not separate
her from that royal consort in whose union is found so
bright an example for our English homes.

"I give you the health of Prince Albert and the Royal

100 sin UEIiBERT R EDWARDES. [1850.

Family, among whom let us gratefully remember the Duke
of Cambridge for liis active assistance this morning, and
tlioir lloyal Highnesses the Duchesses of Kent, Cambridge,
and Gloucester, all of whom are patronesses of our concert.
His lloyal Highness Prince Albert.
The "The next toast is one which will be received with

reverence by every well-wisher of King's College ; for it
is the very foundation on which that college stands, the
key-stone of its every arch — The Church.

" The head of the Church seems, ex-officio, to be the
head also of King's College ; but it would have been im-
possible for the present primate to have so heartily assumed
the connection of his lamented predecessor with King's
College, unless a deep bond of union had been found in a
community of high and holy objects. May they long
continue to be a mutual support. The Church.

" The toasts which we have already drunk — the Queen,
the Royal Family, and the Church — are used by established
custom at the anniversaries of all public bodies as so many
steps whereby to climb to the great object of the day, which
stands conspicuous on this moral elevation.

" The object with which it is my duty to-day to crown
this basis of loyalty, reverence, and national pride is one
well worthy of .the eyes of this great assembly. It is, next
to a temple, the noblest piece of moral or national architec-
ture of which man is capable — a hospital for his suffering
fellow-men.

" The festival which we are assembled to celebrate in
part this day is in aid of the building and endowment
funds of King's College Hospital. This hospital has been
sustained through ten years of infancy by the annual
contributions of a very large body of charitable friends,
and having survived its early troubles and struggled on to
a vigorous youth, it now demands a more permanent and
certain provision for its support. Its parents are beginning

1850.] KING'S COLLEGE nOSPITAL. 101

to be ashamed of its poor appearance. It is too big to be
running about the streets of the Strand with so little clothes
on ; too old to be begging sixpences from every well-dressed
gentleman who enters the gates of King's College. In the
language of fathers and mothers, it is high time that it was
provided for,

"Now, it is my duty to-day, in as few words as I can, to
point out the claims which this hospital has upon the public
for such provision, and I beg the kind indulgence of this
large assembly while I endeavour to do this.

"And, first, let me ask you to fix in your minds and
remember one fact, that the office of the King's College
Hospital is twofold : first, as a charity, as a simple hospital ;
second, as a school of practice and illustration for the
medical students of King's College.

" And first, as a hospital. During the past nine years no
less than 11,747 patients have been admitted and treated
within the walls of the hospital, and 138,448 outside the
walls, making a glorious total of 150,195 cases of suffering
poor whom this hospital has relieved.

" It is impossible that you can have read that without
feeling the liveliest gratification at so much good having
been accomplished ; but it is possible that you may also
have felt satisfied with that amount of good, and soothed
your minds with the belief that nothing remained here to
do — no sickness unattended to. But it is my painful duty
to disabuse you of so pleasing a delusion, and to inform
you that in the course of every year hundreds of cases fit
for admission are obliged to be refused admittance to the
hospital for want of room" (with further details, which were
interesting at the time, but need not be repeated here).

" Coming as I have from a foreign country, after ten
years' absence, it has been a source of the greatest happiness
and patriotic enthusiasm to me to mark the very prominent
increase of benevolent institutions in this country, and

192 Sm HERBERT B. EDWARDES. [1850.

especially in the neighbourhood of London, since I left
England. It is impossible to go out of London by any
railroad without being attracted by the numerous asylums,
almshouses, and provident institutions which stud the road-
side. There is scarcely a company or a trade which has not
got its refuge for broken and superannuated brethren. Look,
too, at the public baths and washhouses, the lodging-houses
for artisans of both sexes, and the ready sympathy which
the grievances of any class of poor are certain to attract.
This surely is a new and a delightful spirit, a genial
change in public feeling, which is awakening daily more and
more to the responsibilities of wealth to poverty and of the
strong towards the weak. And if we need any further
instance of this awakening, we surely have it here this day.

" It 1847 it is recorded that ' nearly three hundred
people sat down to the anniversary dinner.' But three years
have passed, and those years not years of prosperity or
accumulation of wealth, but years of social and commercial
trouble, in which the classes who support such charities as
these may be supposed to have suffered great diminution of
private wealth. Yet, notwithstanding all this, we have on
this occasion as many patrons as in the anniversary of 1847
there were guests.

" What does this show but that the heart of educated
man is expanding under the influence of extended know-
ledge, that true Christian charity is increasing with our
need of it, and that the rich and poor are, in our day,
drawing nearer to those mutual relations so classically
pictured by a modern poet.

" ' Then none were for a party,
But all were for the State ;
Then the rich man liclped tlie poor,
And the poor man loved the great.' "

Most gratifying to Edwardes was all this unlooked-for
appreciation of his services, and his public welcome at home.

1850.] MABIilAQE. 193

But his own personal happiness, and not only his own (as wo
have said), was very deeply concerned in this coming home.

His duty (which he had put first) was done; the desire of
his heart could now be accomplished.

Long years, weary waiting, and an anxious and prolonged
campaign had swept in between him and a long-cherished
dream of happiness — the happiness that his noble, pure, true,
and devoted heart had nursed tenderly in full confidence of
hope ever since he was a boy.

And now the clouds had swept away, the weary time was
over for Ijoth !

On July 0, 18;j0, lie was married at Petersham Church,
near rachmond, in Surrey, to Emma Sidney, the youngest
daughter of James Sidney, Esq., of Eichmond Hill, Surrey —
the wife who mourns him still, and whose hand traces this
outline-story of a most beloved life.

" Nothing is sweeter than love, nothing more courageous,
nothing higher, nothing more pleasant, nothing fuller nor
better in heaven and earth ; because love is born of God, and
cannot rest but in God, above all created things." *

"Thrice blest, whose lives are faithful prayers,
Whose loves in hic;her love endure;
Wliat souls possess themselves so pure,
Or is there blessedness like theirs ?"t

During this, which he used to call his " first happy year," Writes "A
he wrote, 'A Year on the Punjab Frontier,' for happiness the Punjab
could never mean idleness with him. This gives a full Frontier."
account of his work in Bunnoo and IMooltan ; and to that we
would refer the reader who may wish to follow the details
of that year's work further than the scanty sketch that has
found its place in this volume will enable him to do.

But he found it difficult to find a quiet corner to write it
in, and his time was short, for he was soon to be back in
India.

The desire for quiet was at last satisfied at Festiuiog,
North Wales, and the book was written there.

We will close the cha})ter with a sprightly note of invita-
tion to his wedding, written to his fiiithful friend and corre-
spondent, who had just taken the step in advance of him.
* Thomas a Kempis. f Tennyson.

VOL. I. O

194 SIR 11 En n Ell T n. edwahdes. [i850.

"My dear Cowley,

" Where are you ? Whence shall I summon you ?
Into what bowers of bliss am I intruding, to drag you down
from the empyrean of love to the lower heaven of friend-
ship?

" Go forth, 0, postman ! and do what postman may, in
search of my lost friends. And if (as is not impossible) thou
shouMst arrive at their retreat, when, hand-in-hand, sitting
all silently, they shall have presumed to undo all creation
since the Fall, and in their spirits' crucible reduced the world
to Eden, and mankind to Cowley and ]\[ary ; then, be not
weak or human, but with the stern unbending righteousness
of a Wesleyan preacher, startle them with a stout rap ! rap !

"Cowdey, you must come, and IMary too, if you can ; but
if you cannot without great \vrestling with railroads and
post-chaises, then, nevertheless, shall I know that you are
present in heart, and wish Emma and myself all the happi-
ness which you yourselves know how to value.

" Ever yours affectionately,

" Herbert B. Edwardes."

This slight extract, given as a specimen, serves to sliow
the sprightly genial nature of the man, and the easy and
rapid way in which his thoughts flowed when he took pen in
hand to answer even the simplest note or write of ordinary
things, ever lighting up with wit and fancy even the most
prosaic subject, or beautifying with deep feeling and tender
pathos from the storehouse of his own true heart the real
things of life.

These letters miglit be greatly multiplied did our space
allow it.

CHAPTER Yir.
1851—1853.

RETURN TO INDIA-LIFE AT JULLUNDUR.

"The nobleness of life depends on its consistency, clearness of purpose,
quiet and ceaseless energy." — John Ruskin.

( 1^'7 )

CHAPTER VII.

Ox March 20, 1851, Edwardes and his wife returned to India. Returns to
lie found time to write liis farewell to his friend Nicholson,
whom he left behind, intending to extend his tour in Europe
before returning to India.

" Radio's Hotel, Southampton, March 20, 1851.

"My dear Nicholson,

" Good-byo ; we sail to-day. IMay you have a Farewell

/■•-r-i 1 Ti '111- letter to

sejow m Europe, as pleasant as i know you will make it Nicholson.
jirojitahle.

" If possible, take our station in your way through the
Punjab. A late letter from India tells me I am to go to
JuUunduy.

" It is a principle of mine to go wherever I am sent ; so
say no more.

" 'My judgment also opposes my tvislies in the matter ; for
I feel sure that this arrangement has been made by friends
who wished me to go through a course of regulations, and so
promote my more speedy fitness for a Commissionership.

" There was nothing said about Pcsliawur. I'robably
Lumsden keeps it ; and I am sure he will do well there.
If Lumsden has it not, you ought to get it. Perhaps there
may be some prejudice against married men in my exclu-
sion. If you return a bachelor, this may be in your favour;
but, if your heart meets one wortliy of it, return not alone.

*' I cannot tell you liow good it is for our best purposes

19S

SIR TIEItDEIlT II. EDWARDES.

[1851.

to be helped by a noble wife wlio loves you better than all
men and women, but God better tlian you.

" Adieu, and believe me ever, my dear Nicholson,
*' Your sincere friend,

" Herbert Edwardes."

Appoint-
nicnt to
Jiillundur
as Deputy-
Commis-
sioner.

First home
at Jullun-
dur.

Description
of his court
of justice.

Edwardes's first appointment was Deputy-Commissioner of
Jullundur. This was a rich tract of country called the
Jullundur Doab, adjoining the hills in British possession,
which had been taken (with the Cis-Sutlej territory of
Lahore) as indemnity for the war at the end of the first
Sikh War.

It was a fertile and beautiful country, and the people
were happy and peaceful.

Nothing could be happier than our lives were there.
Dangers and anxieties, long waitings, and the heart-sickness
of hope deferred, all past ! It was " as the days of heaven
upon earth." His time fully occupied and well spent in
raising and ameliorating the condition of the people, he made
himself accessible to all, and even the poorest man who had
" a grievance " knew that he could bring it into a court where
the judge would himself give him a hearing, and not allow a
bribe to be taken by one of his official attendants ; and if it
became necessary, in order to settle the dispute fairly, to see
the ground (the people's quarrels are generally about land),
he would ride out and investigate it for liimself.

So the people soon came to know him as their best friend
and protector, and his Commissioner, Mr. Donald McLeod
(afterwards Sir Donald, his immediately superior officer in
command), put on record (in sending up to Government the
usual " report " on Edwardes leaving that appointment) that
Major Edwardes's court was so renowmed among the people
for its purity and justice, and his decisions were felt by
themselves to be so accurate, that, in a difficult decision, the
guilty person liad been known to betray himself by trembling
when brought before him for his opinion ; the fame of his
justice and discernment had spread so much among the people
over whom he ruled.*

This is given on the authority of Mr. McLeod himself.

1851.] EFFECT OF PliOSPERITY UPON CHARACTER. 100

The return to work was in itself welcome ; and to return
to work among the many friends who had together laboured
in the early days of the new province of the rimjalj was
very congenial to his taste.

And ii" any one ever thought that the reception he had Result of
met with at home, or the public honours that had been and 'hoDour
awarded him, had raised him in his own estimation or had upon cha-
made him careless of liis old friends, they had made a great '^'"-■'*^'-
mistake ; for every success, and the increase of the world's
honours, had on him the effect that tliey have on all truly
great and noble characters, and made him more really humble
in his estimation of himself, and very notably to the end of
his life only more considerate and generous in his estimation
of others.

There is a characteristic letter on tliis subject, written to
a friend soon after arriving at Jullundur.

" July 3, 1851.

" My dear ,

" Your lengthened peck at your own breast to

feed hungry friends, assures me that yoii, are still the good

* Pelican ' * of former days, and therefore I am both sad

and sorry that you should have been found in the same

plight with those commoner birds, who hate the lark as

much as the eagle, and believe that up — up there in the

clouds, where the high winds have borne it, it despises the

whole feathered race, instead of * singing at heaven's gate '

its own humble song of gladness. How could you, who

have seen somotliing of me, believe that I should have been

rendered indifferent to old friendships in this country by

having met with universal kindness in England ?

* This allusion to " Pulicau " may need some explatiatiou. In the
happy days of tlie times of the Old Residency, wlieu Sirlleury and his
wife, Iloiioria Lawrence, were the centre of a large and merry party of
Assistants, all living together in one hvrgo house, and where the intervals
of heavy work were relieved by tliu most conlial and friendly intercourse,
it pleased the fancy of Lady (Henry) Lawrence to choose familiar names
for most of them, wliicli she thought suited them ; and so it happened
that this correspondent was the one to whom she had attached the name
of " Pelican." Hence tiie allusion.

200 SfR lIKltBKllT II EDWARD ES. [1851.

" That I WHS much gratified by all the honours I re-
ceived, is true ; how could it — why should it be otherwise?
The more so that I really did not expect it; for having
been vilely abused by half the press and two-thirds of the
army in India for daring to serve my country, I had retreated
within myself, and begun to fancy that I truly had been in
a dream of imaginary utility, but was, in sober earnestness, a
most scurvy knave, whom it was every man's duty to kick.

" That was the kind of mood in which I left Lahore, and
it was only disturbed at Bombay by the most generous and
unjoalous hospitality.*

" I was prepared to sneak into England very quietly, and
go and * shoulder my crutch, and show how fields were won,'
by my own fireside.

" Dickens tells us of a squire who was reckoned a great
poet by his wife and six children in Yorkshire. Ihere was
yet hope, therefore, that I might, among my own dear ones,
so far at least approximate the ideal of a hero as to be
acquitted of cowardice, lying, and a few other infirmities of
the flesh.

" If I ever thought of it at all, this was the outside of
my English hopes — to find a haven from abuse, jealousy,
hatred, malice, and all uncharitableness. The overwhelming
shouts of thousands on the pier at Southampton, which, after
crowning the venerable head of Lord Gough, were turned
upon me, awoke me for the first time to the fact that there
was a whole class of persons in the world who deemed that
I had done well.

" It was pleasant in such a case to find them my own

countrymen, the English ; and so long as I remained among

them I enjoyed such immunity from slander that only one

libel appeared against me, and that was extracted out of

the Mqfussilife ! t

* This was from Sir Bartle Frcre, who entertained him at Bombay in a
most kind and cordial manner,
t An Indian newspaper.

1851.] rnOSPERITY A SEVEUE TOUCHSTONE. 201

"]\rucli iiidebted, tlicieforc, lun I to llie English people —
ubether to the jiobles for letting me behold the great, the
befiutiful, and the luxurious in their own unequalled halls;
the merchants for their hospitable feasts; the unwashed for
their hoarse good-will ; the women for their smiles, copies of
verses, locks of luiir and acrostics. Yea ; wliy should I
exclude that tear, drojiped by the Welsh chambernuiid over
my wounded hand, when she reflected that, but for the
major, she might have been that moment making the * char-
poy ' (or bod) of a great horrid Sikh ?

" In short, my dear , everybody did what he or she

could, to make me forget that I was mortal — to fill me with
conceit and pride. This I grant ; but I do. . . .

"Juhj 8. — 'Here the manuscript is blotted,' as the novelists
say. A tide of horrid necessities has come in between the
nominative case and the verb; and every day's delay in
this reply is confirming you in your opinion.

" I was going on to say that I do not plead guilty to the
moral wreck to which I was exposed. I believe my soul
has performed no transmigration, but still inhabits that
old body with the long nose and beard, which men call
Herbert Edwardes.

" My dear , can there be a meaner dog than he who

runs mad on good victuals, and behaves like a hound when
he is starved ? Answer me that, an' you be a student of
character ! Prosperity is doubtless a severe touchstone, and
men, observing that it often leads to arrogance, go a step
too far, and lay down the axiom that all who rise are proud.
Herbert Edwardes has risen, therefore ho is proud.

" It is certainly very diflicult to know ourselves. Juvenal
says * it comes from Heaven ' to do so ; and so I may be
mistaken ; but if I know anything of myself, I am a far
humbler man now, far more conscious of my own short-
comings and of the true source whence all merit comes,
than 1 was when ensign in the Honourable Company's 1st

202 sin TIER BERT B. EDWARDES. [1851.

]']iir()pi'iui liiglit Infantry — conscious of powers above tlie
luoistcuing of pipeclay, and writing ' Braliminee Bull ' letters,
to get away from my reginieut.

" At least I feel so ; aud God is my witness. But I
know that this is not the opinion of that large majority of
the Indian world wlio liavo no personal knowledge of me,
and judge only on general principles ; and it is, I confess,
a sorrow in my lot that envy, and jealousy, and miscon-
struction pursue me wherever I go, in my oivn presidenci/.

" It is a trial, probably, which every public man should
aforehand be tauglit to contemplate as the natural con-
sequence of his own ambition.

" Let no man leave his own fireside for the arena of
public life unless he is prepared to be hated by two-thirds
of his fellow-beings. Speaking from my own Indian ex-
perience, I should pray for any child of mine to be blessed
with common sense — very common sense, a contented mind,
and a humble heart. Let not any one whom I love be
afflicted with the ability to rise.

"It is only the ability to inflict fancied injury on those
left below — the ability to be envied, misconstrued, and
deeply wounded. If you must rise, live yourself up to the
mark ; and when the deaths of your contemporaries have
left you a major-general and a dotard, you may hope to be
recognized as a good public servant. The ghost of your
former self will be admitted to be a most proper man !

" Now let us have done with this. It is seldom I give
way to such gloomy views of human nature ; but finding
you (* mine own familiar friend, whom I trusted ') on the
world's side, made me angry.

" Many, many thanks for your lively panorama of old
associations at Lahore. Your running commentary is almost
equal to that of Mr. Stocqueler, who is showman to the
* Overland Route to India,' in Waterloo Place, London.

" Gladly would I seize any opportunity of revisiting

1H52.] APPREHENSIONS OB' A W'AU WITH lU-nMAII. 203

those old haunts in the Sikh capital. There is no more
beiiufil'iil alchemy than that by wiiich tinu^ turns by-
gone dtiys of toil, and danger, and sickness into pleasant
memories. Those very jahgeer statements seem jests in re-
trospect; and I laugh as I read them backwards, and see
Ilunjeet's Sirdars proving their rights in a back parlour to a
Feringce in a flannel waistcoat and pijaniahs.

" Thanks to you for your kind congratulations on my
marriage. It has, indeed, added much to my happiness, or
rather created it. I wish you could find time to come and
pay us a visit in the cold weather or any weather. We
would make you quite as iiappy as a bachcdor is capable of
in our spare room. . . .

" Your affectionate friend,

" Herbert B. Edwardes."

In the summer of 1852 this happy life at Jullundur was
disturbed by apprehensions of a war with Burniah ; and the
1st European Fusilier lieginient being untler orders for
service, there was no certainty that Edwardes would not be
called upon to join it — a call which no soldier would wish to
disobey.

A fever had forced his wife to the hill-station of Dliurum-
salah in advance of him, and this separation made the anxiety
fall heavier on both. But this danger passed away.

Edwardes, writing to a relative at home, says, dated Jul-
lundur, September 3, 1852 —

" I write to set your minds at rest about the Burmah
trip, which seemed to threaten me when last I wrote.

"The anxiety about it continued till the very end of
August, when Government announced to the Board at Lahore
that I should not be required. ... I cannot say how
thankful I am that my dear wife has been spared the
lengthened separation, and painful anxieties, and rumours of
death, and \M)unds, and defeat which a campaign brings so
ruthlessly home to aU who are not in it.

204 sin nERDEBT B. EDWAHDES. [1852.

"Tlii-< news has been to Emma like permission to get
well, and free leave for the lirst time to see the mountains,
and watch the lights and shadows carrying on their, from
time to time, everlasting struggle on the hills and vales of
this world. From that moment she has begun to feel
quite well, and when I reach there, and she gets out with
me to ramble along the hill, the exercise and air and
happiness of our being once more together, will, please God,
all help to restore her strength.

" She is determined to return to the plains when I do,
and says she will never leave me any more, though October
is the loveliest of all the months in the year in the
Himalayas. . . . Henry Lawrence left Lahore on September
1, and goes by Chumba to meet us at Dhurumsala, where
we shall all be together under the roof of Mr. IMcLeod,
Donaiii the Commissioner, who only left me the day before yesterday,
after staying a few days. He is a rare and excellent
character, one whose life is one even career of duty to God
and man, and whose mind and heart do not apparently
contain one selfish tliought. He is by nature blessed with
at once the best of intellects and the kindest of dispositions ;
and an industry of study, stimulated by the desire to be
useful, has given him a range of knowledge on all subjects
bearing on the welfare of the people of India, such as I do
not know that I ever saw equalled. Yet few people hear of
him, and in the noisy world the ripple of his gentle stream
of goodness is altogether drowned. But it fertilises, never-
theless, and when I come to compare my own brawling fame
with the secluded usefulness of this good man, I quite
shrink with shame, and positively rejoice that there will be
a light in which the true value of things will stand
revealed.

" Yours very afiectionately,

« H. B. E."

There is also an interesting correspondence, preserved by

1852.] ON NATIVE VUKEELS IN ENQLISn COURTS. 205

Sir Donald ]\IcLeoil, wliicli shows the affectionate terms on
which they worked together, the Commissioner and the
Deputy-Commissioner, from which a few extracts may be
made here.

" JuUuudur, February 11, 1852.

'* My dear McLeod,

" Just as I had prepared all for moving into
camp, a tremendous case sprang up against one of the
vukeels here, named Ahmud Hoossein, who had got an
unhappy village into mortgage, and was determined to
keep it there, with or without law. I have a great feeling
against vukeels in general, believing they are only another Vukeeis,
obstacle interposed between the people and their rulers, '^^ *^*^° '*
increasing litigation, protracting decisions, and swelling
costs. The late orders of the Board seem to show a similar
feeling in higher quarters. My attention was therefore rather
attracted to this particular case, and though it has greatly
fatigued me, I am very glad for the general weal that it
came into my net.

" It is beyond all comparison the worst case I have seen
in these courts, and it has ended in my committing A. H.
and his accomplice to your sessions for trial, with, as I
believe, an irresistible mass of evidence. If my view is
correct, any punishment I could have given him would have
been ludicrously inadequate.

" This, however, leads me to consult you on a wider
question. Have I the power to dispense with all the vukeels ?
I mean professional practisers, Udt private servants.

*' The Board says discouraire them. But why iiermit ^" native

. •' . '^ . . vukcoU in

them? I have eight in my court, and I will, if you allow our English
me, tell them all to seek their fortunes in more genial climes.
If you think this principle must be recognized of afford-
ing a professional adviser to the suitor, then at least there
will be no objection to reducing the eight to two.

"But if ever wc are to be honest with ourselves and
throw aside all shams and humbugs, it is in a new countrv.

206

sin iiERBEirr b. edwardes.

[1852.

arrange-
ments.

First

Christmas
at Lahore.

Why be fettered in the Piinjnl) with a principle wliich is
allowed to have worked unmitigated evil in Hindoo.stan ?
'J'he genius of the East is not yet honest enough for this
link of English procedure, and it is a pity to perpetuate
the errors of our older provinces.

" If it is the honest suitor who is to be considered, I am
quite sure he will prefer the stream of justice from the
source, such as it is, rather than be filtered through the fingers
of a vukeel. If it is the dishonest suitor who wants advice,
I say at once, let him want !

" The much-talked-of choongee (octroi, or town dues) has
been at last arranged for Jullundur, and starts on June 1.
I have arranged that there shall be a parish meeting every
Monday to audit accounts, and these I shall attend myself.
We had a full meeting of the citizens at Cutcherry yesterday
to discuss the details, and everything was done with the good
will and voice of the majority.

" I trust the choongee may become a bond to bind up
the parties in this ill-conditioned city, and elicit the virtue
of public spirit. The interest evinced yesterday was very
great, and I took pains to show them that all were interested
in preventing evasion of the duty.

" I return you John Lawrence's memo, on the Doab
Jageers * with many thanks. They are marked with the seal
of Cromwell, a truth and determination which one cannot but
consent to and admire, but an absenr'e of the tenderness to
spare, which is often to be regretted."

The first Christmas was spent at Lahore ; and a happy
visit to Sir Henry Lawrence was heavily clouded by the crash
which fell about that time upon the Punjab, in the change of
the Government by the loss of Sir Henry La\vrence, wdio was
transferred to the post of Governor-General's Agent in
Eajpootana, leaving liis brother John Lawrence, with Mr.
Iiobert IMontgomery and Mr. Mansel, as the Governing
Board at Lahore.

* Government assignment of land.

1852,] CAMP LIFE IN INDIA. 207

This was notliinj:^ less than a personal grief to the many i^ss of
who loved their chief; for few had a greater ])ower of attach- '''''■ '^enr7
ing men with chivalrous devotion than Sir Henry Lawrence.
Anil now that he was taken from the country that he had
made his own, where he was surrounded by the men he had
gathered about him liy his own choice, mIio had looked on
him as the father of their public life, and liad caught from
liim their inspiration, and felt sure at all times of his support
and a})proval, and his generous acknowledgment of all their
services, what could the Punjab be to them without their
head ? It seemed at the time like a watch in which the
mainspring was broken, and with a heavy heart the journey
l)ack to Jullundur was undertaken, to return to work again.

But the spirit that Sir Henry Lawrence had evoked The feeling
and cherished would continue with them still ; and the the^Pu*^!"*^
Itroviuce that he had started so brilliantly and successfully jab.
had caught a lire that could not easily be put out. And so
the brave, bright spirits went forth again with fresh energy
to carry on tlie labours that had been begun so well under
tliei]- beloved chief, and knowing in their hearts that it would
please him best that they should stay and work where he had
placed them.

One of the pleasant duties of an Indian ofhciars life is Camp life,
the winter march into the interior of the country. Taking
up house and home under canvas, and marching on from day
to day, or resting in one place for a few days, as the work may
require, — a district officer is brought face to face with all the
] )eople under his government ; and, pitching his tents outside
a village or a town, he opens his court amongst them, and they
can flock in and explain their grievances, their diffieidties, or
their quarrels, and he can judge for himself of the facts of a
case that might be greatly misrepresented at a distance.

Edwardes's bright, genial nature gave the peojde confidence
and trust ; and they soon understood that they had a friend
as well as a governor in their midst.

This work goes on for most of the cold-weather months. Its enjoy-
IJiding on in the early morning, fifteen or twenty miles, you ™"^° *'
find the tents pitched in a pleasant place (for the native
servants are very clever in selecting good ground), perhai)s in
some shady corner, under beautiful trees, near .sonu> running
water or some shadv {^arden ; breakfast laid ; and the sun

servants.

208 SIR IIEBBERT B. EDWAIiDES. [1852.

linvinu just begun to be bot enough to make shade welcome,
you get off your liorse, tbankful for the h(jnie-like tents pre-
pared to receive you. Tbere you are well sheltered during the
heat of the day ; and, when the sun goes down, you can come
out and enjoy the gipsy life and the surroundings of the
country.

Then the tents you left behind you are carried on to the
next encampment, so that you can spend the night quietly
where you are, and go on next morning, to find the same
accommodation awaiting you, if there is nothing to detain you
more than one day. Or, sometimes, several days may be
iiuiian spent ou the same ground. " Wonderfully good servants," the
reader will say. And so they are, for there is no lack of any
comfort on the table or in any other place ; and you may ask
a number of friends to dinner if they come across your path
(as they often do), and you will find no difficulties of supplies.

(It would be well if our pampered English servants could
sometimes learn a lesson from these good servants !)

And this was the life to which Edwardes and his wife now
returned in the Jullundur District.

Edwardes writes to a dear friend in England —

" Camp Nakdour, in the District of Jullundur,

" Night of February 19, 1852.

"My dear Powles,

" How ill I have treated yon ! and with wliat a
gentle band you ' heap coals of fire on my head ' !

" Such a reproof should never have come to me before
I bad written to you in answer to your last, and yet it has
found me only surrounded by regrets and good intentions.
Let me not waste the precious time, however, but say how
welcome your affectionate letter was to u>!, and how reci-
procally we had ourselves felt for you at Cbristmas-time.
We went for a true English holiday to Lahore, and I
took there with me a long list of home letters to be written,
as a duty well fitted to that season of remembrance.

" Among the list no name pressed more upon my
thouglits tlian yours ; and I had lioarded up the idea of

1852.] CHRISTMAS AT LAlIOliK. 209

writing to }()U (jiiite elu'Mislily aiid freslily, uiid l'<>r nil the
Murld as if I were not thirty-two !

" l>ut when I got to Laliore, Sir II gave me so much

work to do that my 'holiday' proved oidy a 'change of
legs,* like the poor cab-liorse's halt.

" And so tlio d.iys went on among the hard demands
ot" the present, and I saw the dear past no more, except at
cake and pnddiiig time, with a flickering of childhood round
the hurut mincepies.

*' I brought my unanswered letters back witli me to
Jnlluiidur, and laid them by with a sigh. But now I must
and will write to yon, and confcs-:, for the good of my soul,
how niucli wrong 1 have done yon. Very, very welcome, my
dear friend, were your Christmas wishes and your wife's
to me and mine. IMay God, indeed, bless them to us, and
b'ess ours in your belialf. It is, without going farther, a
blessing to be tlianklul for that we can all four think tlms,
and feel thus, for each other. It is a stout staff this, in our
hands, as we go plodding on, that we have a friend. And
what a paltry obstacle is space in 8uch meditations, which
defy the isolation of the exiled body, and are at home again
^\ith a distinctness that may be sworn to in the witness-box !

" At this moment I am at home with you, and have left
my mind's clothes sitting upright in a chair at Nakodur.

" Now, then, let me sit with you both on the sola, on
the left hand of the fire in the library, and tell you my
story. . . .

"Of myself I have much that I could tell yon if lime
permitted, but now shall oidy say that, aft<r having had
charge of wild provinces, it is now my .singular lot to have
the least barbarous and most quiet district in the Punjab.
The one was ruled with justice in the rough; the other
is administered with a highly-finished system of civil,
criminal, and revenue laws.

" The days of Alfred and Victoria present an analogous

VOL. I. I'

210 Sm IlERBEUT B. EDWARDES. [1852.

comparison, and the transition from one to the other could
Dot but be a great mental exertion.

" Fortunately, I was not too old ; tlie versatility had
not all left my thouglits and faculties ; and, being willing
to learn of every one who had anything to teach, I have
struggled through the technicalities, and once more feel
equal to my work. (I had written ' master of it, but this
I am not ; I only hope to be.)

" It has been very uphill work, as you will easily con-
ceive, and the last six mouths of 1851 were as labori(Jus
as any almost that I ever underwent.

" Now I am in a condition to look back and be thankful
for feeling every way a better servant of Government ; and,
strange as it may seem to say so, I believe I could reduce
Bunnoo easier now that I know more of settled government ;
while .settled government comes easier to me for my fami-
liarity with lawless tribes. Each has its experience to teach,
and one reflects a light upon the other. Nor do I know
which duty may be called the higher, or wliich has more
of that fascinating interest which lightens long days of
never-ceasing toil. To be flung into a country where
anarchy prevails, and introduce the rights of man to man,
and all to Government, is doubtless high employ. But to
succeed this rough pioneering, and build on the space that
has been cleared ; to civilize tho-e who have been subdued ;
to perpetuate peace by registering all rights, and thus
transferring the strife of aggression to the arena of a law
court instead of a bloody plain ; to lay the broad foundations
of national prosperity, by limiting taxation to a fixed
demand for a quarter of a century, and so securing to
industry all its earnings and to capital all its interest; to
open schools and dream of plans of education ; to effect, in
short, a social change which the missionary alone can crown,
must be allowed to be a lot of exceeding great utility,
such as the largest heart might be occupied in fulfilling.

1853.] LIFE AT JULLUNDUIi. 211

" And these are oui* labours dow in the Tunjiib. And
tliis hrings me to that part of your letter where you mention
Archdeacon Hare's kind present, and kinder expressions
of interest in my book. It has gratified me more than
I can say, and I shall myself write and thank the arch-
deacon as soon as liis hook reaches me. The longer we
live, the more we value the good opinion of the few and
are indiflerent to that of the many. Emma is writing a
long letter to you, but, for fear she may leave herself out,
as she always does, I shall tell you that she got through the
hot weather with only one week of fever, but has now had
another in tlie cold weather, whicli is quite unauthorized. . .

" We have a delightful plan in our heads, if it please
God to enable us to effect it — to take two months' holiday
in September and October next, and plunge into the depths
of the IlimaUiyas. "Will not this be charming — to be happy
amid Nature's grandest works, and have leisure to enjoy
their contemplation ?

" Yours ever affectionately,

" Herbert 13. Edwardes."

What can be told more about the Julluudur life ? It
was his first "home" in India— owr first "home together."
The desire of our hearts, long delayed, at length accom-
plished. It M-as " sweet to the soul ! " We thought— never
on earth was there such a paradise before !

He had busy, useful work, in peaceful times, and in a Peace and
pretty, rural, quiet country — busy in liringing justice and ''-Tr'ne'^s-
security into the homes of the people, protecting the weak
and the oppressed, and ]»unishing the evil and the tyrannous.

Fifteen months passi'd away very quickly in such works
as these ; and yet it may all be put into few words — that he
was a gi'eat administrator.

We had a charming house (filled with all tlic pleasant
things we had brought out from Kuglaud — pictures and botiks,
piano, and English comforts, which were more rare in those
days in the Punjab than they are now) and a delightful large

212 sill nERBERT B. EDWARDES. [1853.

garden full of many kinds of orange trees and lovely
flowers

And when his day's work was done, he came in from his
office, and we had our happy evenings to spend together, in
whatever way we liked best.

It was a time of peace and joy, after the storms of war
and anxiety. It is, indeed, not too much to say, these were
" as the days of heaven upon earth " — most blessed.
Suddenly Out of tliis liappincss we were startled one morning at

disturbed, j^peakfast by a letter from the Governor-General, Lord
Dalhousie, ordering Edwardes to take charge of Hazara, a
wild hill-country near the frontier of Cashmere, where the
government was more difficult, and the Governor-General
desired, on that account, to have Edwardes's services. His
power of ruling wild races (and attaching them too) had been
well tested and proved at Bunnoo, and to no one were they
better known than to his Lordship.

He was ordered to move to Hazara as quickly as possible
— Lord Dalhousie " hoped within ten days."

This was, indeed, a sudden uprooting. House and furni-
ture had to be sold off; whatever could be packed had to
be packed at once in boxes, to take with us on camels — the
home we had made so pleasant to be broken up, and most of
the things w^e had brought out from England dispersed to the
four winds of heaven ; for we were going where there was
no house to live in, and where an Englishwoman had never
been seen before.

It was my first lesson on the uncertainty of an Indian
life. But it w^as a happy lesson to learn (as I learned it)
that the happiest of homes consists in the companionship
and fellowship of the being who is the most dearly 'beloved
on earth ; and home and the very best of society can be
comprised within the four canvas walls of a tent, in the
jungle, and far from the sight of another white face, even
with the thermometer at 100° Eahr.

This sudden break-up and departure was a source of
universal regret. About this time Mr. Donald LIcLeod
writes to the Chief Commissioner, at Lahore (Mr. John
Lawrence), for Sir Henry had by this time started for his
new post at Rajpootana.

1853.] DONALD M<LEOD\S LETTI:R. 213

"I R'jrar'l Eilsvardes as a loss altonrotlier irreparable — Donaia

. 1 • n JJcI.eod'8

rejjarding him as the very best an<l most unexceptionable e^tim.itjon
officer I have as yet been brouj^ht in contact with, from i^pputy.
which I make no exceptions. It is not liis ability that I 9""""'*'
admire so much as his weight of character and high tone value,
and |)rinci[)l('s altogether. There is not a corner of the
district where his impress has not been already felt, and
always in the most salutary manner. The clearing of the
atmosphere which has taken place in one year is marvellous,
and in another two years I am quite certain Jullundur
would have been the pattern district of the Punjab — not as
regards clap-trap appearances or symmetrical nukshurs *
(although in a little time he would not have been behind-
hand in these), but as respects all that is requisite for a
healthy and honest administration. I grieve over his
departure more than I can tell, and cannot refrain from
thinking that he is thrown away upon those demi-savages,
valuable though his services will no doubt be, there or
elsewhere.

" Yours sincerely,
" (Signed) D. F. McLeod."

And Mr. Robert (now Sir Robert) Montgomery, the
Judicial Commissioner of the Punjab, after reading this,
writes —

" I return Mr. McLeod's letter. Such a testimony from
such a man is of greater value and worth than all the praise
Edwardes has ever had, whether from the Governor-General,
the Court of Directors, or the British Senate.

" This is real, by a man who is a competent judge ; much
of the other was mere eloquence.

" Yours ever sincerely,
" (Signed) li. Moxtoomery,"

* Ofllcial forms or reports.

214 SIR nEEBERT B. EDWARDES. [1853.

Sucli was the estimate set upon liis work when the time
came for him to leave Jiillimdur. And what was it to him-
self? In writing to convey the news to Mr. McLeod, he

says—

" r;uiip, PhillOr, February 9, 1853.
Duty ac- " Xhc encloscd will cause you as much surprise, if not

cejited. . _ . , . .

SO much regret, as it causes me. i accept it because it is a
duty to do so ; and have written to beg that I may be
relieved fortlnvith.

"I shall march back to Jullundur at once — at least in
a day or two — and commence tying knots in all the loose
ends. Tell Abbott that I will come over and bid farewell
to him and you, before we turn our faces to the north. . . .

" Tell me if there is any particular piece of duty you
wish me to do before going. 1 cannot say hoiv sorry I am
to leave many, many plans for the good of this district
unfulfilled."

Again, on the way to Hazara —

" Camp, Sealkote, March 10, 1853.
"My dear McLeod,
Regrets at <' I cannot cuough thank you for the kind farewell

Juiliindur. public letter in which you have recorded your satisfaction
with my labours at Jullundur. It has beeu, naturally, a
great consolation to us ; for we know how high a standard
you judge by, and how sincerely you speak or write. I
know too, that your heart is in the welfare of the people ;
and therefore, that, if you are pleased with my work, the
work itself has been really for the people's good, which I
can truly feel to have been my end and aim in all that I
have done.

" You cannot feel more regret than I do at this removal,
for it is impossible to be in earnest in an undertaking and
not feel pain at leaving it unfinished.

isra] A SUDDEN urnooTixa. 21.'»

" Finis corona t opus; and iis[»iiations that never reach that
end, how weak and miserable they all look, as thoy come
1iuul)ling down, and lie in broken heaps of good intention !

" Tlie district seemed to nie, when I first came, rotten to
the core, and striving only to pass muster with a fair out-
side. What I set out to do was to purify it — to cut the bad
away and have honest work done, however little tliere might
be of it to show. In doing so, under a system of chef-ks, by
periodical statements, I was, temporarily, at a disadvantage,
and felt it at times keenly ; but I was always sustained by
the conviction that I was doing the liest for tin; ])eople, and
therefore for Government, whether the latter knew it or
not; and I always found in my district a full reward for
comparisons made beyond it, on paper. In the end, rapidity
would have followed integrity, and the Jullundur nukshurs
(forms) might have looked as well as others.

"Now it is impossible to say what turn things will take.
Farrington cannot possibly take things up at the point
wliere I left them. He would be an angel if he could. But
if he has the one faculty of controlling his subordinates, all
will be well. He has nothing to conquer, nothing to root
out, very little to regret ; he has only to prevent relapse
and to carry on an impulse. His doing or not doing so
depends more on his character than on his ability. ... I
trust he may water and reap where I have only been per-
mitted to sow. . . .

" Wo leave here to-morrow, and expect to be at our des-
tination by the end of the month. . . . Wlien I have seen
something of the country, I shall write to you again. . . .

" It is a great source of regret to us, this break-up. but
1 have the consolatory reflection that it has been neither
sought nor avoided. We are not going of our own accord. . . .

" Where I am going John Lawrence describes all things in
confusion. Everything to be done and much to be undone;
police and revenue divisions to be remoilelled altogether ;

21G SI It iiKiinKJiT Ji. edwaudks. [1853.

stations, civil and military, to be lixoJ ; njiuls to bo made ;
and tlu' details o(" a summary settlement to be entered upon
— I mean, arbitnilini:; botwoeu the mal<^oozai" * and the com-
munity,

" Yours,

"H. B. E."

This was the report tliat readied us of the land that we
were going to.

The march was long, and the hot weather was approaching,
and there was no time to be lost, whatever might be the
regrets. On the way some letters were written that tell the
tale of regret from his own pen.

" Lahore, March 4, 1853.

The march. "The heading of this letter will show you how far we
have got on our journey. It has been a sad uprooting foi" us
both, publicly and privately. There is not a corner of the
district of Jullundur which I do not know, not a road which
I have not traversed, not a cluster of villages which I have
not visited, not an ofBcial of whom I have not taken the
measure. The good and the evil of it all is in my heart, and,
having swept and garnished it with great labour, I was just
beginning to furnish it with improvements and fit it up with
useful measures. To be torn away at such a moment, and
sent to begin all over again in a new charge, leaving the
people in whom I had such interest to be learnt afresh by
my successor, and the officials I had tightly grasped to be
clutched firmly or weakly, as chance may be, — all this
makes up a trial very painful and hard to bear.

Prospects. " But it is over now, and our faces are towards Hazara ;

and I have already taken an interest in its grand physical
features, and pored over the map, and gathered some
insight into the locale, and rummaged its records out of the
Board's offices, and plunged into a correspondence with
the Commissioner at Peshawur as to the proper place for
* The reut-paj'er.

1853.] liEPORT OF HIE LAND. 217

the military caiitouiucuts, on which I think 1 have made up
my iniud without having seen the place ! So here you see
how elastic the iniiul is, ami how the b,st way to be happy
is to bo active and us 'liil. . . .

" The couutry is described as most beautiful ; hills and H.izuni,
valleys tossed together, and man turning the mountain
streams into plenty of food and wealth !

"But they say that the valleys for the three months of
autumn — x\.ugust,September,and October — are very feverish,
from the exhalation of vapours by the soaked earth in the
drying-up of the rains. These three months, then, make the
drawback to an otherwise healthy climate, and the remedy
is, if possible, to live, during that season at least, on the
heights.

" This autumnal unhealthiness is not peculiar to Hazara;
it is characteristic of the whole lower range of the Hima-
layan chain, and is no where more strongly perceptible thau
in the much-coveted and favourite district of Kangra.

" The inhabitants of Kangra relate that those months
' the cats cannot catch the rats, nor the rats get away from
the cats, but lie prostrate together ; ' and they of Noorpoor,
in the same district, where we have also a military canton-
ment, say * the stones in their streets get fever and ague and
chatter audibly.'

" I hear the only house worthy of the name is at Tuudi-
an^e (which being translated means ' the place of coldness '),
on a mountain nine thousand feet above the level of the
sea, ' among goodly cedar-trees.'

" It sounds like Lebanon ... to Emma it cannot but
prove a happiness, coming in at her eyes like light, to look
out for ever upon such a scenery of glorious hills. . . . An 1
now I think you know as much about it as I do, and I ho[)e,
like me, see enough in the prospect to reconcile you to it,
though wishing we could have been let alone.

"E. B. E."

CHAPTER Vlll.

1853-1855.

IIAZARA— PKSIIAWUK— TlIK AFGHAN TREATY.

" My friend, all speech and rumour is short-lived, foolisli, untrue.
Genuine work alone — what thou workest faithfully — that is eternal.
Stand hy that, and let Fame and the rest of it go prating." — Caulylk,
Past and Present.

( 221 )

CPIArTER Vlll.

The hot weather of 1853 had set in by the time that ITazara Hazftra
was reached, and the long march had become somewhat ',g-'jl"^'^'
tedious.

Tlie country of Hazjlra is charming. "Wild roses and
clematis grow in the hedges — a welcome sight.

o C^ o

The people were very wild and untamed, and as yet, in
1853, were totally unaccustomed to the sight of Euroj)eans.
They had been little invaded by them, as tlioir country
lies off the high-road to Peshawur, and stands on the borders
of Cashmere.

They had been ph\ced under the government of Colonel
James Abbott (now Major-General and C.B.), a man greatly
and deservedly beloved by them, who had made their yoke
80 easy that he went about amongst them like a patriarch
with his flock ; and his name among them generally was
" Kaka Abbott," or " Kaka Sahib " (" Uncle ").*

* A tribute of praise to Colonel James Abbolt, written by Edwariies
may be inserted here: "James Abbott became Deputy-Cumnjissioner of
Hazara in 1847, and remained so till 1853, when he resigned the charge.
'J'hus he was six years in Hazara, and he left it amidst the unfei;:ned
regrets of the people. During his rule, exiles driven out by tlie Sikhs,
ten, twenty, thirty, forty years l)efore, had flocked back again from
bihind the border and been re-settlcd on tlieir paternal lands ; liazara
had passed from a desolation to a smiling prosperity. It was h>: who had
worked the change — a single Englishman. lie had literall}' lived among
them as their ]iatriarch — an out-ol-door, under-tree life. Eveiy man,
wonian, and child in tiie country knew him ])ersonally, and hastened Irom
their occupations to welcome and salute him as he cai.ie their way. Tlie
children esjMcially were his favourites. 'i"h<y n.sed to goto' Kaka Abbott'
whenever their months waterid for fruit or sugar-plums. lie liteially
spent all liis ^^ub^tance on the people. . . . His last act was to invite the

222 ^7/.' IlERnKJlT B. EDWARDES. [1853.

It was (l(iul)ly liard to be uprooted ourselves to disturb
such a man in such a far-off place; but Government can
afford no space for private feelinfrg, and Colonel James Abbott
was now to let tlie liglit of his f,'enial sympathy and kindness
shine upon a larger spliere of English life at Ishapore, near
Calcutta (where he took the appointment of the charge of the
large Government gunpowder factory there), and we had to
bury our regrets and put our shoulder to the new wheel.

The first desire of the Government was to place a regi-
ment in the heart of the country, in Hazara ; and the first
duty was to find a site for a cantonment.

A lovely valley, surrounded Ity liills, at an elevation of
about four thousand feet above tlie sea, was fixed upon by
Edwardes.

The liills rose from the plain, first gently, and covered
with verdure and stunted trees ; then they rose higher and
higher, and, bearing on their bosoms loftier foliage of fir, oak,
and chestnut, opened out at last into a distant view of the
high mountains of Kaghan and Cashmere, which is just across
its border on the other side of the river Jhelum, that divides
the two countries of Hazara and Cashmere from each other.
Abbotta- Edwardes named it " Abbottabad," to preserve in tlie

country the memory and name of the man who was so greatly
beloved by the people over whom he ruled.

The valley was full of rice-fields and other crops, which
the people were ready enough to sell ; so the crops were
purchased and the land laid out, and the 3rd Sikh Eegiment
was brought up and ordered to " hut " themselves.

Tents were lived in here for six months, in too much heat

country — not the neicfhbours, but all Hazilra — to a farewell feast on the
Kara Hill ; and there for three days and nights he might be seen walking
about among the groups of guests and hecatombs of pots and cauldrons —
the kind and courteous host of a whole peofile.

" What is the result? The district of Hazara, which was notorious for
its long-continued struggles with the Sikhs, is now about the quietest,
happiest, and most loyal in the Punjab." — (H. B. E.)

Sir Henry Lawrence also wrote of him thus ; " Major James Abbott is
of the stuff of the true knight-errant; gentle as a girl in thought, and
word, and deed, overflowing with warm aifl-ctions, and ready at all times
to sacrifice himself for his friend or his country; he is at the same time a
scientific, courageous, and energetic soldier, with peculiar power of attacli-
ing others, especially Asiatics, to his person." — (H. M. L.)

bad

IJI

1853.] Ml'TIXy 7X IIA/.AUA. 223

to he (Irsitrd, without tlie slic'lter (»!" a Ikhisc ; and iiu-anwliile
tlu! ])eoi)k! were f,'<)t with diniculty (for they were the rou^'hest
of workmen, and liad no idea of Enj^lisli requirements), ]jy
liberal and daily payments, to build us a small cottage,

ITa/iua was a very peaceful, ha])i)y home — a region of Des<iipti..n
sweet ilowers. "Wild rose in the hedges, the hawthorn blossom, **' I'sitara-
clematis, blackberries, oleander, and the cuckoo's note re-
minded us of England ; and, except just in the hottest sc^ason
of the year, the climate was very temperate in a good house.
But this we had to do witlujut, for we were the first on the
ground.

Very different is the state of things n(jw (in 1885), and
no one could recognize it for the same place where we arrived
and pitched our tents, at the end of a long march from
-lullundur, in May, 1853, just as the hot weather was begin-
ning. Then nothing but rice-fields; now with good houses,
liarracks, a ])retty little church, and other marks of civili-
zation, and filled with the busy sounds of Eurojiean life.

Still, it is a happy, sweet retreat, and fortunate are the
people who are ordered there to make their dwelling-place
in India !

Four thousand feet above the sea-level is high enough to
be called a delightful climate. It would seem as if here,
indeed, was Rasselas's " Happy Valley " to be found — as if,
cut off from all the world besides, it must needs be peace and
quietness.

And it was a very small English community that found
themselves asseml)led there. One Sikh regiment, numliering
four officers (two of whom were married), with Edwardes and
his wife, formed the whole society.

It is pleasant now to recall the friendly intercourse and
kindly deeds with which those few months were filled.
Great need there was for sympathy, for trouble soon found
its way to us, and death was busy in the little company,
and sickness and sorrow called for tenderest ministry.

The story can be simply told. The Sikhs were ordered Mutiny in
to "hut" themselves — no unreasonable order, for the heat ^^'»*^'^''-
was coming on quickly, and there were no barracks to be
built without workmen. lUit simple huts would jtrotect
them from the heat, and the occupation would keep the men

221: S]n TIEBBEnT B. EDWAIiDES. [1853.

in IkmIiIi, far better tliaii idleness. But the men didn't think
so, and they refused to do it, and said " they were not coolies."
This was mutiny, and (Jovernment, thinking the men could
not be in a good state of discipline, called for a court-
martial upon the comnianding officer. Tie, a young man of
twenty-seven, thinking it would go against him and that he
■\vi)uld 1)C disgraced, lost all control over himself; and, to
make a long st(uy short, he died before the court-martial
was concluded, leaving a young wife and two very young
children.

Then the medical officer of the regiment died of fever.
He was Dr. Keith, a son of the eminent writer on prophecy ;
and the sympathies of all in this small party of isolated
friends were especially awakened for him, preparing to receive
his bride, who was just about leaving Scotland to join him.
The news arrived only just in time to stop her on the eve of
starting.

So out of this little community of four officers, two were
gone — one leaving a widow and two little children to claim
the sympathy and care of those that were left.
A dark It was as If a dark wave of trouble had indeed passed

over this beautiful valley of peace, where we had pictured
such different things ! We could only bind up the bleeding
wound with all the help and sympathy that we could bring
to aid.

Another officer was sent up to command the regiment;
and the men, ashamed of themselves, set to work under his
orders, and built up their huts without more delay.

This was a sad interlude in the few months between summer
and autumn, when Edwardes was called to leave Abbottabad
aofain : before the roof was on the little house that had been
begun.

Short, however, as the time had been, it sufficed for form-
ing some acquaintance with the lovely scenery that abounds
in Hazara ; and a march to Khaghan showed him the beauties
of the Nynsook Eiver. The name " Nynsook " means
" eye's delight," which suggested these lines —

cluUil.

1853.] POETRY. 225

THE iNYNSOOK lUVER.

" Amon;^ the streams wliicli wander near,
And lave the foot of fair Caslnnere,
There rushes one, by lone Koonnhar,
Unlike what all its sisters are ;
Not clear and musical and mild,
But dark and hoarse and madly wild — ■
Now whirling round, now foaming on
Like molten silver in the sun ;
Anon, beneath the forest-shade,
Gloomy, yet fierce as molten lead ;
In vain the mountain stops its way.
Aloft it leaps in angry spray,
And long the glen repeats the shock
With which it triumjihs o'er the rock.
And still with fear do peasants tread
The path which overhangs its bed.
Knowing no mortal aid can save
The stoutest swimmer from its wave.
Well, then, may stranger, shudd'ring, look
Down on the torrent of Nynsook.

" Yet, should it be his mood to find
A moral in each whispering wind.
An angel-face in every gleani
Which lights the earth, in every stream
A nook which overflows with love
To men below from Heaven above, —
Then will he view Nynsook aright.
And own 'tis well called ' Eye's Delight.'
Its forest name was Laloo-Sir,
Till Delhi's greatest emperor.
Flying from state to still Cashmere,
O'erspread his gay pavilions here.
Nor silken tent nor regal ease
Can shield the high from low disease,
And underneath that proud display
The favourite child of Ukhbar lay.
Feverish and sick and dim of sight,
A pain to her each ray of light!

•' Vainly from Ind to Khorass^in
The father sought each holy man.
Each wise hakeem, each famed fakeer, —
Still droojted the lid, still flowed the tear.
Magic and medicine, alms and prayer,
All oflered hope — all left despair;

VOL. I.

226 SIR HERBERT D. EDWARDES. [1853.

Till on the banks of Laloo's water,
All blind and sad, sat UUhbar's daughter,
Listening, in melancholy mood.
The solemn sayings of the flood.
It seemed the spirit of the deep
Cried, ' ^laid, arise ! no longer weep,
Bnt thrice tiiy burning eyeballs lave
Within the Laloo's icy wave ! '

" O glorious Trust 1 holy Faitli !
Which shows men life when all seems death,
'Twas thou who led'st that sightless maid
Where those who saw, shrank back afraid ;
'Twas thou who fixed her slender hold
On slippery rocks, so wet, so cold.
And taught her bend securely o'er
The river, heedless of its roar.

" Twice has she bathed those burdened eyes,
Twice have their lids essayed to rise,
Undoubting still, she bathed again.
And light flows in upon her brain !
* # # #

Just so with life ! the even lot
Is often one which gladdens not,
While toil, by which we are deterred,
Proves a Bethesda — angel-stirred."

"H. B. E.
" Khaghan, September, 1853."

But, as has been said, there was not much time allowed
him to enjoy the comparative rest that the peaceful retreat
of Hazara seemed to promise amid its natural beauties and
its healthy climate among its hills. He was soon called to
stormier scenes.

In October, 1853, the news came that Edwardes's Com-
missioner, Colonel Mackeson, had been attacked by an
assassin at Peshawur, and so severely wounded that he was
scarcely expected to survive many days.
Murder of It happened in this way. Colonel Mackeson was hearing

the appeals of the people in the verandah of his house at
PesliAwur, when a man, who had been remarked all day as
very earnestly engaged at his devotions — his carpet spread
within sight of the house, and making repeated and continued
prostrations — came up to him towards evening, and presented
a paper.

Colonel
Wackeson

1853.] ORDERED TO PESBAWUR. 227

Colonel Miickeson, supposing it to Ije a petition, raised
his arm to receive it from his hand, and the man ran a dagger
into his chest.

The man was seized hy the attendants, and Colonel
Mackeson had just strength to call out, " Secure the man,
but don't kill him," before he was carried into his house.
He died of the wound in a few days. The man was
supposed to have been instigated by the people of Cabul to
commit the act, as he was traced to have just come from that
country, where he had been for some time "sitting at the
feet " of one of their fanatical " moolahs " (religious advisers),
and it was supposed that he had thence drawn his in-
si)iration.

Peshawur is a large city in that portion of Afghanistan
wluch was annexed to the Punjab by Runjeet Singh, and is
one of the most fanatical cities of India. In has a large, and
busy, and thriving population of wild and warlike people,
all armed with knives and daggers, and naturally inclined
t(j think little of pointing their arguments with the sword.

Having so lately belonged to the Afghans, these were not
likely to be very pleasant neighljours ; for they had never
been reconciled to the loss of the city and province, and
dearly longed to get them back again.

On the death of the Commissioner, Colonel Mackeson,
tlie excitement in Peshawur was great, and the place was in
a panic — officers sleeping with their boots on and their
swords by their sides, ready for danger.

It was in this state of affairs that Edwardes was ordered Oniprci to
to Peshawur, the Governor-General, Lord Dalhousie, con- "'*^^"'-
sidering him the most fit man to meet the crisis that had
so suddenly arisen. The order was accompanied by a private
letter from Lord Dalhousie.

"Government Uouse, October 17, 1853.

" My dear Edwardes,

" I have much and real pleasure in ae(|uaiut- i,oi,i
ing you that the Government has selected you to fill the ietter"T ^
veiy important and difllcult office so satlly vacated by the •mm'"'"^-
slaughtt-r of my poor fiicud Mackeson.

228 Snt HERBERT B. EDWARDES. [1853.

" la the whole range of Indian charges I know none
which at the present time is more arduous than the Com-
missionership of Peshawur.

" Holding it, you hold the outpost of Indian empire.

" Your pa-;t career and your personal qualities and
abilities give me assurance that, in selecting you, I have
chosen well for its command. I feel confident that your
tenure of it will advance you by another and a long stride
towards the third letter G., which I once already antici-
pated for you, and towards the high and. solid reputation
of which that letter will be the sign.

*' You have a fine career before you. God speed you in
it ; and for your own sake, and for the suke of this empire,
" Believe me to be,

" Very truly yours,
" (Signed) Dalhousie."

The post was promotion to him from a Deputy-Commis-
sioner to a full Commissioner, and " Governor-General's Agent
on the Peshawur Frontier," one of great responsibility, as it
combined, with the ordinary civil administration of the
division, the political relations of our Government with
the kingdom of Cabul, or Afghanistan, from which country
the plain of Peshawur, a valley sixty miles long, is only
divided by the high mountain ranges of the Afreedee Hills,
and Swat, and the Sulimanee Mountains.
Edwardes Edwardes set himself at once to work to understand

faces his Qur position at this important point of the British rule^in
posi ion. jjj(jja_ ^n(j ]2e soon convinced himself of the falsity and
the weakness of it, standing, as we were, at the very door
of Cabul, and at open or secret enmity with its people — the
natural outcome of all the bloodshed on both sides in the
old Cabul War of 1839-42.

This was work that was very congenial to him. He had,
as he had already shown, a great power of ruling wild races.
A frontier officer * who knew^ him well ^^Tites —

" The genius — for it was nothing less — that Edwardes

* Dr. T. Farquhar, of the Guides.

1853.] MODE OF DEALING WITH FRONTIER MEN. 229

displayed in dealing with the hostile and independent tribes
around Peshawar was very remarkable.

" Guidin,!,' tlie genius there was deep Christian principle,
and a coml)ination of head and lioart-work wliich, when well
balanced, have an irresistible effect on civilized as well as on
savage communities.

" In all his dealings with natives the thoughtful expres- Mode of
siveness of face, and the manner with which Edwardes listened ^^,^^^\
patiently to their views and difficulties, assured them of his Frontier
sympathy and gained their confidence. He seemed to see ™«'i-
at a glance the true motive that influenced them, and, by a
happy turn of the conversation or a timely jest, would brush
away the little artifices cleverly or clumsily adopted, warily to
approach the diifieulty on their minds.

" With the people about Peshawur especially the chivalry
of his character enabled him to sympathize with the manly
independence of the Frontier men, and in a peculiar way he
fascinated their eager and impressible dispositions. . . .

" Edwardes found that the policy of his predecessor had The spy
been, to have paid spies moving about among the independent system,
hill tribes, reporting regularly to him all that was going on
of interest to the Indian Government.

"The people knew they were watched, and necessarily
felt uneasy and suspicious.

" The unfaithful character of the men employed rendered
their services often worthless, if not worse than useless.
Frequent raids into our territory were unreported, often, it
was believed, through complicity or fear, and mischief was
worked through partial dependence for information on un-
reliable agents.

" The hostility of the frontier certainly did not decrease
under the system, and indeed the fre(|uency of incursions
and open-day murders seemed to increase, Edwardes's pre-
decessor himself having just fiiUen a victim to an assassin's
knife.

" Edwardes, on taking up the reins of political power, felt Edwardes's
a strong aversion to the policy, as much perhaps from its the system,
want of the true ring of fair, open dealing with the people
which was natural to him. The money, too, he felt to be mis-
spent on men of such doubtful allegiance to their employers.

230 sin HERBERT B. EDWARDES. [1853.

" He, therefore, called together the chiefs and representa-
tives of the different tribes, and, in Ids statesmanlike way,
s[)oke of tlie power he represented and wielded. He warned
the evil-disposed and hostile that swift punishment would
be meted out to disturbers of the peace, while friendship and
ready access to the reshawur markets would be afforded to
all who chose to live as good neiglibours.

" Assurances of good will and promises of good behaviour
were profuse on the part of the chiefs ; but Edwardes well
knew that these were to be relied on only as long as lie
could show himself equal to the task of compelling their
fulfilment.
PiunJerers. " He had not long to wait for proofs of the correctness
of this opinion, for plundering expeditions by members of
the different tribes continued to occur. Nor did the chiefs,
when at their homes, appear willing or able to prevent these
attacks on our territory. The depredators were safe when
they escaped to their hills, and indeed were welcomed with
their booty, especially by the Mohammedan priests, who
shared in the prize.

" It was inconvenient, however, and expensive to move
out a force from Peshawur to attack the tribe and its allies
to which the robbers belonged, and bring on, perhaps, a little
war in order to avenge the insult or exact payment for
its loss.

" Besides, the mischief done was often insufficient to
warrant the exposure of men's lives in punishing the offence ;
and, like all high-minded soldiers, he put its true value on
the sacredness of human life.

" He therefore tried the happy expedient of barring out
the whole of the offending tribes from the Peshawur market,
thereby making the community suffer for its complicity in
crime, or unwillingness to exert itself for its punishment and
prevention.
>«'ew " The sting of tins punishment was, that tlie people, having

to trade through the medium of their neighbours, only got
their supplies after paying a heavy tax in the shape of loss
through being cheated.

" Edwardes had not adopted this policy long before he had
ample opportunity of testing its usefulness and showing the

measures.

1853.] PUNISHMENT OF OFFENDERS. 231

Hill men that he was master of the position, and more than a
match for them in resource and strength.

" One of these instances was in the case of the Sheranee
tribe, a people living some distance up the Khyber.

" A member of this tribe had a personal quarrel with our An ex-
native ambassador, who, he heard, was al>out to pass through ""'P'«-
the Sheranee territory on his way to Cabul. Tlie man jhe sin
waited for him behind a rock at a sudden turn of the road, ranees.
and fired a pistol close to him. The bullet, fortunately,
struck on the hilt of the sword and glanced off, leaving his
side bruised by the blow. The man escaped up the mountain
and was soon safe among his people.

" The ambassador, however, wrote to Edwardes, complain-
ing that he had been fired on by a Sheranee, and, as this was
done to a representative of the Government, the insult and
injury had to be atoned for.

"The tribe would not give up the offender, so Edwardes
issued immediate orders of excommunication from Peshawur
against the whole of the Sheranees.

"This excommunication was kept up for a whole twelve-
month, when, thoroughly worn out and disgusted with the
distress of the situation, the tribe sent a greybeard to
Edwardes to propose terms of accommodation.

" He was shown into the Commissioner's presence, who
talked over the matter, and received from the greybeard the
strongest assurance of the regret the tribe felt at the in-
dignity shown to the Ambassador of the great Sircar (Govern-
ment), and their anxiety that a friendly understanding
should be resumed with them. Edwardes, thinking in his
own mind that a fine would be the easiest way of settling
the difficulty, asked how many matchlock-men the Sheranees
could turn out in case of need ? The Asiatic greybeard, not
tliiukiiig of tlie purpose of the question, and anxious to seize
what he thought a favourable opening for the expression of a
fine sentiment and devotion, replied that a tliousand match-
lock-men were at any hour ready to serve the British Govern-
ment when required.

" Edwardes then said he would compromise the present
difficidty by arranging that each matchlock-man should pay
a fine of one rupee, and so the tribe would condone the insult
to the Government of India.

232 SIR EEItBEItT n. EDWARDES. [1853.

" The old greybeard felt obliged to acquiesce in the mode
suggested of settling the matter. It was a mode of raising
money Edwardcs knew was familiar to these men, as all
matchlock-men were able-bodied, and equal to the payment
of a rupee.

" The old man would have answered more discreetly as
well as truly if he had said that three or four hundred men
would be available from liis tribe as allies of the Government
in a difficulty. His desire, liowever, to magnify his tribe and
speak largely, ruined his reputation as a wily diplomatist,
and compelled his people to pay a sum, the loss of which
would be heavily felt.

" The money was paid, and the Sheranees have since been
allowed to go and come to Peshawur at their will.

" Another complication occurred with a different tribe,
but connected with the same ambassador.
An expcn- " Shortly after going to Cabul, he fell sick with fever, and

qiliVine^to wrotc to Edwardcs, begging that some quinine might be sent
the Koo- up to him. Edwardes immediately procured an ounce of
tribe^ ^^ ^^^*^ precious medicine, paying sixteen rupees (or thirty -two
shillings) for the same.

" He at once sent this off by a kossid, or native Queen's
messenger, to the Elchee at Cabul. The kossid had to go by
the Khyber Pass, the name of which is but too familiar to all
of us, in connection with the disastrous retreat of our troops
from Afghanistan. When the messenger reached the mouth
of the pass, distant only some ten or twelve miles from
Peshawur, he was met by a party of young men belonging to
the Kookee-Kheyls, a section of the great Afreedie tribe, who
hold the pass and live in the neighbourhood.

" This party stopped the messenger, and asked him where
he was going. He said he was taking a bottle of quinine to
the Elchee at Cabul, from the Sircar at Peshawur.

" They asked to see it, and, on being shown the bottle, took
it from the kossid, saying that they knew it was good stuff
for fever, and telling the man he need not trouble himself
more about it. He could not resist them, and, indeed, was
but too glad to get off with his life, for the usual policy of
these men was to murder the people they plundered, and
thereby escape notice. When out of their sight, he started

1853.] AN EXPENSIVE DOSE OF QUININE. T.)Z

off at a run, and made for rcshawur as quickly as he
could.

" On arrivin;^ at tlic niafristrate's court-liouse, he ruslied into
Edwardes's presence, Hung himself on tlie frround at his feet,
and, in Oriental phrase, begged that his life slionhl l)e taken, as,
after the loss of the ([uinine, lie was no longer iit to live.

" Edwardes made him get up and tell what had happened,
and, on hearing the simple story of his having been robbed of
the quinine, and strange to say, unharmed in person, by the
Kookee-Kheyls, he quieted and comforted him. He then
called for all the moonshees (native writers) aljont the court,
and dictated an order, as many copies of which were written
on tlie spot as there were outposts and police-stations in the
neighbourhood.

" The order was to the effect that every man belonging to
the Kookee-Kheyl tribe who might be in Peshawur, or within
the British border, should be cauglit and placed in confine-
ment. A reward was at the same time offered, for each
common man of twenty rupees (£2), and fifty rupees (£5)
for a chief. So well was the order acted on tliat, before dark,
three liundred rupees worth of Kookee-Kheyls were safely
lodged in prison, of whom one was a chief.

" The story of the capture of the cliief was instructive.
The chief of a neiglibouring clan which had a feud with the
Kookee-Kheyls happened to be in Peshawur. His knowledge
of the country led him to think his enemy would seek to fly
by an unfrequented route, wliicli would avoid, too, the
frontier outposts. Taking some friends with him, he went
off, and, hiding in a ditch through wliich the road passed,
waited till after dark for his prey. As he calculated, the
Kookee-Kheyl chief, seeing no danger, walked straight into
the ambuscade, and was brought back to I'eshawur.

"Nothing was heard from the frontier that night; but
early the next morning a messenger came to say that the
greybeards of the Kookee-Kheyl tribe had come to Peshawur,
and asked for an interview with the Sahib. This was at once
granted, and, on being introthiced intt) Edwardes's presence,
the chief spokesman i)roduced the bottle of ipiinine, which he
begged to return.

" lie tlicn be^an a long story about some unmannerly

234 ,S77? IIEUBERT J!. EDWAIWES. [1853.

and cvil-ininckul young mun ul' thu tribe, who had disgraced
their body hy taking a bottle of quinine from the kossid of
the great (Jovernnient of Hindoostan. The chiefs, he said,
luul come in a Ijody to return it, and to beg forgiveness, and
for a restoration of the good feeling which existed between
them, on tlie part of the great rulers of India. Not a word
was said by them of their friends Ijeing locked up in the
Pesliawur Jail, as they handed ])ack the quinine. Nothing
was said, either, of a quarter of the bottle being empty.
Edwardes received it, and expressed liis satisfaction at their
expressions of eternal friendship, and the proper feeling
which led them to return the quinine. In an off-hand way
he remarked, however, that there was a little bill remaining
due by the Kookee-Khcyls to the great Sircar, and, until tliat
was settled, all could not be quite straight on the part of the
Kookee-Kheyls.

" Calling the treasurer, he asked what the amount was, and
found that three hundred rupees were due to his treasury.
Edwardes then told them what he had thought it necessary
to do in giving rewards for apprehending members of their
tribe, all of which he knew they had heard before, and on
that account had taken the trouble to come and humble
themselves before him.

" A man was sent off to the head-quarters of the tribe,
from wliich, in the course of the day, the money was witli
more or less difficulty brought ; and in the evening the £30
worth of prisoners left, safe and well, but wiser, for their
homes.

"The kossid was despatched again to Cabul with the
quinine, where he arrived unmolested. The Kookee-Kheyls,
no doul)t, thought it too expensive to give another £30 for
a quarter of an ounce of (piinine, and did not care to spend
another night in the Peshawur Jail, even though the quarters
were free.

"Edwardes was glad at the peaceful ending of the
Easiness, for a little mismanagement might have led to a
more or less serious disturbance of the frontier. He taught
a lesson also to this and to the other tribes ; that witliout
bloodshed he could humble them, and make it wortli their
w4iile to be respectful and peaceable neighbours."

1853.] OPENING OF A NEW POLICY. 235

TliLs sl<etcli will serve the purpose of introducing us to
the people among whom Edwardes has now come, and help
us a little to understand the new surroundings.

Jlaving made up his mind, as we have seen, to abandon Spy system
the spy system, he resolved that the first thing to do was to abandoned,
bring about, if possible, a friendly feeling with Cabul, and
to start with an open, lujuest, and straightforward policy
towards them.

He wrote to Lord Dalhousie, and explained his views to
him fully, asking him to tell him how far they accorded with
his own.

To state them broadly, in few words, they were to bring Opening of
about an entirely new state of feeling Ijetween us and the °°°'^^"j[j
Afghans, and to get a treaty signed on both sides, that
" bygones should be bygones " between England and Cabul.

Lord Dalhousie entirely concurred in these opinions, and Lord D:ii-
wrote back cordially that lie thou-dit such a result would be ^ousie's

• -1 111 cordial

most desirable, but most difiicult to bring about, but added — acquies-
cence.

" I give you carte hlanche, and if you can only bring

about such a result as you propose, it will be a feather even

in your cap." *

His immediate superior in office, the Chief Commissioner Difference
of the Punjab (then Mr. John Lawrence), not participating pf opinion
in his views as to the importance of the case, and further chief Com-
thinking, and openly expressing his decided opinion, " that the n"s»iouer.
thing was impossible to be done," the Governor- General wrote
demi-ufricially to Colonel P^dwardes, and desired him to corre-
spond directly with himself, without sending the matter in
the ordinary course through the Chief Commissioner at
Lahore —

** Li the same manner," Lord Dalhousie added, " as he Lord Pd-
has been in the habit of CDrrcsjwnding on political matters propos,*i
with his predecessor, Colonel Mackeson." ^"^^ ^"■'^'-■*

*• coniimim-

cation.
* The " feather" wa.s, odilly enotij^h, jilaccd in the cap of John Law-
rence, who well deserved it for other services, but not for this policy, to
wliicli he was opposed throughout.

236

SIR nERDERT B. EDWARDES.

[1854.

The

Governor-
General
yielJs to
Ivlwardes's
su£rsrestion.

But Colonel Edwardcs submitted to Lord Dalhousie
wlietlier it mi.Ljlit not be felt to be a discourtesy at Lahore ;
and he shrank from doin,^ anything that could pain his
friend. On these grounds, therefore, tlie Governor-General
yielded, and the correspondence was carried on through
Lahore, in the usual way. Edwardes preferred to take the
risk of 1 laving an adverse opinion sent down to Calcutta on
the margin of his letter, when forwarded on by the Chief
Commissioner ; for it suited best the generosity and openness
of liis character to have no dealings secret-from his chief.

Mr. Lawrence never approved of the undertaking, and
used openly to express his opinion of its uselessness, and
even went so far as to ridicule it. He used to say —

John " I have two good reasons against it : (1) that you will

Lawrence's ^ ^ -, i » p i i . j. j

reasons. ucver be able to get the Afghans to make a treaty ; ana
(2) if they make it, they will not keep it."

Fortunately, this opinion could not interfere with Lord
Dalhousie's carte blanche; and at all points of the long corre-
spondence the Governor-General's opinion so entirely coin-
cided with the Commissioner's, that the object was not
hindered or interrupted, and Edwardes's arm was strengthened
to go forward in the work.

The whole correspondence is very interesting, and a few
extracts from it will not be out of place here.

Edwardes writes to Lord Dalhousie —

Edwardes
opens the
subject in
corre-
spondence.

" Peshawur, February 24, 1854.

" It would contribute much to the security of this
frontier if open relations of good will were established with
Cabul.

" There is a sullenness in oiir present relations, as if both
parties were brooding over the past and expecting an oppor-
tunity in tlie future. This keeps up excitement and unre.st,
and prevents our influence and institutions from striking
root.

" I should be very glad to see a new account opened on
the basis of an open treaty of friendship and alliance.

1854.] COIiRESPONDENCE WITH J.ORD DALIIOUSIE. 237

"In any oveiit, our position is better th.ui it ever Wiis
belbre, and no fear need be entertained of the result, if we
are only true to ourselves and pursue a straightforward
policy with vigour."

The remark of the Chief Commissioner to this was,* that
he " doubted whether a treaty would be good policy with the
Dost, who would only be bound by it as long as he liked."

Again Edwardes writes to the Governor-General —

" Of course, self-interest, and not affection for the Eiifr-
lish, or a remembrance of favours received from Lord Auck-
land, is at the bottom of Dost ^Fahommed's desire for
amicable relations. Neither to him nor his people can we
personally be otherwise than obnoxious. We might once
have gained their esteem, but we preferred tlirashir.g them
into subjection.

" We succeeded in thrashing them, but not in subduing
them, and the consequence is that we are not respected in
Afghanistan. As a mass, the people hate us ; but they also
fear us. The war of 1849 has brouglit the conquerors
of India to their door, and they cannot be insensible to
their danger.

" Dost ]\lahommed is not alone in hoping we will come r,

i o ^ Correspon-

no farther. There is a large and influential party in Cabul dencewith
who would resist any policy which would bring us, even as Dalhousie.
friends, to that capital, mainly because they would expect
retaliation for their national defence. IJut I should antici-
pate that even these, as well as the people generally, would
be relieved by a simple treaty of agreement to be friends
and respect each other's boundaries. . . .

"Most cordially do I concur with your Lordship, that, if

* Lord Dalhousie haviii'^ agreed to Colonel Edwardes's proposal that
their correspondence should go through Lahore. The Chief Commis-
sioner's custom was to write his own remarks in pencil on the margin of
Edwardes's letters, and they were invariably adverse to the idea of a treaty,
as in this instance.

238 SJR HER BERT B. EDWARDES. [1854.

possible, tlirre sliouM l)i' no detailed obligutions iu (he
treaty. All tliat wu want is, that Dost Malionimed sliould
respect our possessions and not ally himself with our enemies ;
and nil that he onght to ask in return is, that we should do
the same.

"But should his alliance with us plunge him into diffi-
culties . . . then, for our own interests, we should be obliged
to help him ; and what I would lay down beforehand as the
fundamental principle for such a contingency is, that the
help should be in money, and not men or officers.

" Neither our soldiers nor our officers can come into con-
tact with the Afghans, even in a friendly way, without
reviving animosities and bringing unpopularity and dis-
grace on the cause to which they are attached." *

Eiwanies Edwardcs from the first formed his own opinion of our

had a clear position ou the frontier, and took a mental grasp of it, and

and definite ^ i i n • o i '

i)oiicyfor had a clear and definite policy, which seemed to him the
holding right and the safe one. In all his luiblic work, as well as

our Iron- " . i i i

tier posi- liis private concerns, he sought strength and guidance from
*''°"- the Source of all wisdom and power ; and this is the key to

much of the confidence and strength which were so con-
spicuous in him.

Writing to one of his family at home at this time of
anxiety at Peshawur, he said (March 13, 1854)- —

" Dost Mahommed sees us at his door, with a cantonment,
and a depot, and a base of operations, ready for any cam-
paign into which we may be forced.

" Common sense would dictate to him to side with us,
and not with Kussia, in which case no irritation would
reach this frontier. But, of course, he onay not take the
common-sense line ... I should be very glad to see, openly,
amicable relations established between us and Cabul, and

* How wisi'ly does this read in the light of the experience of later
years ! Had counsels such as these been adhered to, how much bloodshed
niislit have been saved in 1878 !

1S51.] NEGOTIATIONS WITH CABUL. 239

expect that will be the happy result of this thieatenetl
Wcir.

" Whichever way the eiiiefs and kings of Central Asia
act, we are, I believe, quite safe in the camp of the I^ord of
Hosts ; and I really feel less anxiety than you might sup-
pose in this position."

The treaty took a lon^' time to negotiate, and the exercise
of great wisdom, tact, kindness aud forljearance, patience and
skill to bring it to a successful termination ; but it was done
at last, and it is l)ut liuth to say that both the wisdom to
conceive the phui and the tlii)lomatic skill to carry it out were
Edwardes's own unaided work.

The full record of this tedious and difficult piece of diplo-
macy still exists, and is an interesting example of Oriental
custom and wily circumlocution, contrasted with the straight-
forward honesty of a high-minded Englishman.

It may be only fair to give the adverse opinions that went
down from Lahore on the margin of the papers, in forwarding
them to the Government in Calcutta, from tlie Chief Com-
missioner.

John Lawrence, writing to Edwardes, says —

" I dare say you are right ; still, I cannot divest myself Opinions
of the idea that it is a mistake, imdi will end in mixing us up Lawrence,
in Afghan politics and affairs more than is desirable. The
strength which a treaty can give us seems to be a delusion.
It will be like the reed on which, if a man lean, it will
break and pierce his band."

Again —

" Nothing that we could do would make him a real
ally aud friend."

But Lord Dalhousie remarks to Mdwardes —

" I do not agree with him. I tiiink his views founded Opinions
on a fallacy. It proceeds on the assumption that the oaihouMc.
Afghans are fools, whereas I think they are, in general,
quite as clever fellows as we are."

240 sin HERBERT D. EDWARDES. [1855.

Again the Chief Commissioner writes to Edwardes —

" A treaty with tlie Afghans might be a dead letter so

[ far as Russia and Persia are concerned. But while of no real

value to us, it would, at home, be thought of some value, and

might lead them into a mistaken line of policy.* . . .

John Law- <'I so far agree with the Governor-General that I think

ronce kei)t n i • /> i p/> • i • -i • >>

to his own all the merit oi the anair, whatever it may be, is yours.

opinions.

But, in spite of the Cliief Commissioner's adverse criti-
cism, the work went on successfully, and in 1855, a friendly
treaty, that bygones should be bygones, being ready for
signature, Dost Mahommed determined to entrust the honour
and duty of representing himself and signing the treaty to
his eldest and favourite son and heir-apparent, Sirdar Gholam
Hydur Khan.

News came that the Sirdar would start from Cabul on
January 17, accompanied by Foujdar Khan, to stay at Jella-
labad until arrangements were made for the meeting at
Peshawur with the British authorities.

]\Iajor Edwardes wrote to Lord Dalhousie —

Conclusion " The visit is evidently looked upon as a trial of our
work! feelings and sincerity, and the Ameer is desirous himself

to come at some future time to meet your Lordship, if his

son is well received."

Calcutta At this poiiit of the proceedings, a public letter came from

Govern- Calcutta from the Governor-General in Council, gi\ang orders

ment _ > a o

orders. that as the whole work was Ms own from first to last, it was
only right that Major Edwardes should be empowered to
bring it to a conclusion himself ; and full orders were given
him to meet the Ameer's representative in full Durbar and
sign the treaty on the part of Government, and thus put the
finishing stroke to his own work.

* A letter from the Chief Commissioner to Edwardes at this time says,
" I would determine nothing about the reception of Ilydur Khan until
the Government orders arrive."

Up to this time we see John Lawrence still unconvinced of any value
in the treaty, and strenuousl}' repudiating any connection with it.

isr,.-,.] LETTERS AND NEGOTIATIONS. 241

The letter was couched in the most honourable and llattor-
ing terms, and may Ite <|Uuled in this place, for the details
are interesting.

From G. F. Edmonstone, Esq., Secretary/ to the Government oj

India, to John Lawrence, Esq., Chief Commissioner of the

Panjah.

" Fort William, January 25, 1855.
" Sill,

"With my despatch, No. , dated November p.^^^^ ^^^^ ^_

14 last, I had the honour of forwarding to you the reply of fiom Cai-

the Most Noble the Governor-General to a letter whicli had final

been addressed to his Lordship by the Ameer of Cabul, '^"■'''^■■''•

Dost Mahommcd Khan. The Ameer was thereby informed

of the readiness of the Government of India to condone the

past ; he was assured of its good will ; and he was invited to

establish, by a formal treaty, those relations of friendship

for the renewal of which he had expressed an earnest desire

in his address to the Governor-General.

" There is every probability that his Highness will meet
the views of the Government of India, and will send an
envoy to Peshawur duly accredited for the negotiation of a
treaty between the two States. It appears, therefore, to the
Governor-General in Council expedient that, in order to
avoid delay, an officer should be accredited on the part of
the Government of India, and that he should be furnished
with the draft of such a treaty as the Government would be
willing to conclude, and with instructions for his guidance
during the negotiations that may be carried on.

"The Governor-General in Council has resolved to en-
trust the duty of negotiating with the expected envoy from
Cabul to ]\[ajor Herbert Edwardes, C.B., the Commissioner
of Teshawur. He is the principal officer on the frontier,
and is thus the person to whom such a duty would naturally
and most conveniently be allotted. The well-known abili-
ties of Major Edwardes, and the temper, discretion, and

VOL. I. R

242 677? n Eli HER T n. KDWAUDES. [1855.

jiidgmcut ho lias shown <liiriiiy; the dciiii-ofHicial iiogotiations
which have been on foot for some months past, enable his
Lordship in Council to feel perfect confidence that he will
perform the duty to tlie entire satisfaction of the Govern-
ment of India.

" The Government of India is bound, by the letter of the
Governor-General to Dost Mahommcd Khan, to conclude a
simple treaty of friendship, should tlie Ameer depute a
duly-accredited agent to Peshawur for that purpose ; but
the Governor-General in Council deems it very desirable
for every reason that the treaty, besides containing a promise
of perpetual peace and friendship between the States, should
provide also for the establishment of a mutual obligation
upon each to respect the territories of the other, and for
the imposition upon the Ameer, if possible, of an obligation
to oppose to the utmost all the enemies of the British
Government.

" Annexed to this despatch is the draft of a treaty which
fulfils the following conditions, effects every object the
Government of India has in view, and commits it to nothing
which a cautious policy would require it to avoid."

Then follow directions, which need not be inserted here,
and for which we have not space. A few extracts only will
suffice.

" Fort William, January 25, 1855.
" Major Edwardes may be instructed in bringing forward
the second article of the treaty for discussion, to advert to
those representations of Nazir Khairoollah, and to point out
that the article in question does substantially guarantee to
the Ameer what he is said to have desired, excepting a pro-
mise that the Government of India shall never have a
representative at the court of Cabul ; and that it has been
proposed for acceptance, with the express intention of meeting
his wishes, as they are believed lo have been represented by

18;-,:,.] NEGOTIATIONS CONTINUED. 243

tlio Niizir Khairoollali. Th(3 envoy may bo assured at the
saiix; time that the Government of India has uo intention of
scndinj:^, and no wish to send, a representative to the Court
of (Jdbul ; but it sliould bo pointed out to him that this
(Joverninont could not in prudence bind itself never to
depute a representative to the Ameer; for if Eussia or other
powers should bo represented by envoys at Cabul, the
interests of the British Government would plainly sufTor
injury if no envoy were present on its behalf. . . . ]\rajor
Edwardes may be authorized to deliver to the envoy, in tlie
event of his signing the treaty, a formal note which shall
explain that, in engaging (in the second article) not to inter-
fere with the territories of the Ameer, the Government of
India intends to repudiate all desire to have a cantonment in
any part of his Highness's dominions; and that the Govern-
ment in like maimer intends, by that article, to repudiate all
desire to have any representative at the court of Cabul,
unless representatives from other powers should be admitted
there. . . .

" The communication of these facts, it seems to the
Governor-General in Council, may serve to reassure the
Ameer as to the security of his own position in Afghanis-
tan, and to lessen the reluctance he possibly may exhibit to
coiK'lado any treaty with the British Government which
does not include a guarantee against the hostility of
Persia. . . .

*' The Governor-General in Council has every confidence
that the judgment and tact of Major Edwardes will enable
him to bring the negotiations, with which he is hereby
i'harged, to a successful issue.

"You are requested to forward to 3Iajor Edwardes, with-
out any delay, copies of this despatch and of the draft which

is annexed to it.

" I have, etc.,

"G. F. Edmonstone,

" Secretarv to the Government of India."

244 SIB EEIlBEirr Jl. EDWARDES. [1855.

" Draft.

" Treaty between the British Government and His High-
ness Dost Mahoninied Khan, Ameer of Cabul, conchuled on the
part of the British (lovernment by Major Herl^ert Edwardes,
C.B., in virtue of full i)owers vested in liim by the Most Noble
James Andrew, Mar(iuis of Dalhousie, K.T., etc., Governor-
General of India, and on the part of the Ameer of Cabul,
Dost MalK^mmed Khan, by virtue of full authority granted to
him by his Highness.

"Article I.

Treaty. " There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between

the Honourable East India Company and his Highness Dost
Mahommed Khan, the Ameer of Cabul, his heirs and suc-
cessors.

"Article II.

" The Honourable East India Company engages to respect
and never to interfere with the territories now in possession
of his Highness the Ameer.

"Article III.

" His Highness Dost Mahommed Khan engages on his own
part, and on the part of his heirs and successors, to respect the
territories belonging to the Honourable East India Company,
to be the friends of its friends and the enemy of its enemies.
" Done at Peshawur, this, etc.

" (Signed) G. F. Edmonstone,

" Secretary to the Governor of India."

„, , Not many men would be so entirely unselfish as to see

proposes any reason why they should not let honours due to them take
John Law- ^^ • (jQ^j-gg . jj^^ it had come to Edwardes's knowledge,

rence be ' . ,.

seat to sign through Foujdar Khan,* that the Ameer was intending to

the treaty, ^q^^^ j^^jg eldest SOU and heir-apparent, and had even thought

of going himself to Peshawur, and had expressed to Foujdar

Khan his opinion, that " it would have been a great advantage

* This is the same Foujiiar Khan \vc have read of before as the faith-
ful commander of the levies at Bunnoo.

1855.]

MARKS A NEW tliOruSAL.

245

for tlie treaty to l)c madt! in the presence of tlie Most Xolile
the Clovernor-CJeneral (jf India himself, as there would tlien
be no occasion for reference to Calcutta, and no appreliension
that a suceeedinj,' Gcjvernor-General would annul tlie treaty
which had l)een made by his predecessor in person."

liut being dissuaded by his brothers from going himself,
he decided to send his heir-apparent, and was anxious that
the greatest possible honour should be shown him.

Edwardes, being more anxious for the stability of the
work than for his own honour or any thought about
himself, the good of his country and the honour of his
Government being always first in his thoughts, considered
that it would give more im})ortance to the treaty in the
Ameer's eyes if the chief authority in the Punjab were to
meet his son.

So, as he knew from private corresi)ondence with Lord
Dalhousie that his lordship intended to appoint him to sign
the treaty, before the public letter came empowering him to
act alone as the signing power, Edwardes did \\liat is Morth
recording, for it is what only he and such as he would do —
he wrote to Lord Dalhousie, expressed his gratitude for his
kmdness and his gratification at the flattering terms in
which his labours had been recognized by him " in Council "
at Calcutta, but suggested, for the Governor-General's con-
sideration, whether it would not advance the stabihty and
importance of the treaty in the eyes of the Afghans if the
chief authority in the Punjab, the Chief Commissioner, were
ordered to I'eshawur to meet Hydur Khan, in conjunction
with himself.

This suggesti(jn was considered, accei)ted, and acted upon ;
and a fresh order was sent, directing the Chief Commissioner,
Mr. dolin Lawrence, to j)roceed to I'esluiwur aiid sign the
treaty in conjunction with ;^Lljor Edwardes.

Lord Dalhousie writes to him (privately) —

His disin-
terested
views in
doing so.

Fresh pro-
posal to
Calcutta
made by
Edwardes.

The

suggestion

accepted.

" (Jovcriiment House, Calcutta, January 30, 1855.

"My DEAR Edwardes,

" You had specially been named the negotiator. I fe^er'from
regret very much tliat the last letter should have rendered a ^^^

Governor-
General.

246 tint UEiihEiiT il edwahdes. [i855.

oliange necessary, aud compelled the Government — much
against the wish of us all, to nominate the Chief Commis-
sioner as the negotiator on our part."

And he goes on to say —

The " Nevertheless, I am exceedingly vexed that you should

Governor- j^^,^ \Mi\Q had, as linteuded vou sJioulcl, the crowniner credit

General _ _ ' '' ' o

regrets the of bringing to a close the negotiations you have conducted

necessity. n i p n i •

SO well and so successlully to their present point. We have
said something in this sense to you officially, which I hope
will be pleasing to yon.

" Believe me,

" Always yours sincerely,
" (Signed) Dalhousie."

And John Lawrence wrote (privately) —

" Lfihorc, February 1, 1855.

"My dear Edwardes,

"I have not received a line from the Governor-
John

Lawrence's General on Cabul matters for a long time, and it is possible
tliat he may prefer leaving all the arrangements to you. In
this case, I would not, of coarse, go to Peshawur, and you
would do all that you think right and expedient. As far as
my views go, I would say, treat him liberally and even
handstmiely, but not extravagantly, or it may turn the heads
of him and his followers."

Up to this time the Chief Commissioner evidently sup-
posed that Edwardes would be required to meet Hydur Khan,
and to carry out the treaty alone. This shows that the idea
originated with Edwardes, and that it was his own generosity
that brought his cliief at Lahore first on the scene.

Again John Lawrence writes (privately) —

" Lahore.
" The orders about the treaty arrived last night. In
the letter of the 25th, containing the detailed instructions,

itter.

1855.] CONCLUDING ahhangements. 247

yoic were to make the treaty ; in one of the 30tli, I am t<;l'l
to do it. Copies go to you. . . .

" I wish myself that you were to do it, sincerely."

Again —

" I so far agree with the Governor-General that I think
all the merit of the affair, wliatever it may be, is yours.

"Affectionately yours,

" John Lawhenck."

The signature of the treaty was the Jirst stroke J(jhn
Lawrence put to tlie work. But, after having " signed " it, the
credit of it was given to him in England, and for this treaty
lie obtained his first honour of K.C.B., wliich has been, in
after years, followed by so many others, then well earned by
former years of labour and service, but not for this special
service.

History seeks for facts and finds out the truth, or is itself Holmes's
valueless. And a recent author,* writinjx of the times of the '' ^i*'^°''y
Mutiny, has tracked the truth here tlu?ough all the myths that Mutiny "
have been raised up around it, and placed it, almost for the ^^^'^^^ ^^^
first time, before the public.

. . . " A later chapter of this history will show how trium-
phantly the policy that had led to the conclusion of this
treaty was vindicated. The credit of that policy belonged, of
right, to Herbert I'^lwardes alone. But years passed away,
and the act to which he looked back with just pride as the
most valuable service that he had been jiermitted to render to
his c(juntry was not declared to be his. John La\\'rence had,
then, the opportunity of making a noble return for the self-
abnegation which his lieutenant had practised towards him.
It was for him to place the facts in their true light, and, stand-
ing boldly forward, to point to the man who woidil not utter a
word to exalt himself at the cost of another, and to say
' Honour to whom honour is due.' Had he done so, he mi<zht,
indeed, have lost some portion of his reputation for states-
manship ; but he would have earned a glory as pure and
imperishable as that which illuminates the self-sacrifice of

' Quototl from " Tlie History of the ^lutinv," by T. R. E. Holmes,
P. 77.

248 sin IlERBEUT Ji. EDWARDES. [1855.

Outram. But he preferred to claim for himself the credit of
a policy which he had not only not orii-inated, but had per-
sistently opposed ; and history, while acknowledging that
part of his fame was indeed honestly won, is forced to expose
the rottenness of the foundations upon which the other part
is based."

These are strong words, but they show that their author
had searched into and read the records for himself.

God \rates history in the lives of men, and we may not
alter facts.

And now we have only to add an extract from the Govern-
ment orders from Calcutta, which finally came after this
change in the arrangements was decided on.

From R. Temple, Esq., Secretary to Chief Commissioner of the
Punjab, to Major H. B. Echcardes, C.B., Commissioner
and Superintendent of Feshdwur Division.

" Laliore, February 10, 1855.

« Sir,

"In reference to your letters regarding the

relations of the British Government with his Highness the
Ameer Dost Maliommed Khan, I am directed to forward
for your information copies of two letters, conveying the
instructions of the Government of India on this subject, and
enclosing the drai't of a proposed treaty with Cabul.

" You will see that the selection of the IMost Noble the
Governor-General in Council had originally fallen on your-
self for the conduct of the negotiations with the Cabul
Envoy, but that the information subsequently received
regarding the delegation of Sirdar Gholam Hydur Khan, the
Ameer's favourite son and designated heir, induced the
Government to direct that the conferences sliould be carried
on by the Chief Commissioner in person. The Chief Com-
missioner, however, trusts that the expressions which the
Government have been pleased to convey in both the
despatches now transmitted will prove highly satisfactory to
you, and he desires me to state that it would have afforded

1855.] CONCLUDINO ARRANGEMENTS CONTINUED. 249

him sincere gratification if the negotiations liad devolved on
you, as he is confident that your judgment and tact would
have brought them to a successful issue.

"As ordered by Government, the Chief Commissioner will
repair to Peshawur to meet Sirdar Gholam Ilydur Khan,
with the least practicable delay, and expects to reach that
place by tlie 10th proximo.

" I have, etc.,
"(Signed) R Temple,

" Secretary to Chief Commissioner."

From G. F. Edmonstone, Esq., Secretary to the Government of
India, to John Laivrence, Esq., Chief Commissioner of the
Punjab.

" Fort William, Calcutta, February 2, 1855.

" Sir,

" On the 25th ultimo, I had the honour of
conveying to you, for communication to Major Herbert
Edwardes, C.B., the instructions of the Most Noble the
Governor-General in Council for the negotiations of a treaty
with the envoy whom his Highness the Ameer of Cabul
expected to depute for that purpose."

" I have since received your Secretary's despatch, dated
IGth ultimo, with its enclosure from the Commissioner of
Peshawur, describing certain conversations hekl by the
Ameer Dost "RIahommed Khan with Fonjdar Khan at Cabul,
and having laid these communications before the Governor-
General in Council, I have been directed to convey to you
in reply the following observations and orders. . . .

" The Ameer of Cabul has responded to the proposal of
the Governor-General in Council, that an envoy should be
sent to Peshawur, by deputing Sirdar Gholam Khan, his
favourite son and designated heir. Such an act deserves
that it should be met in an equally friendly spirit by the
Government of India. Moreover, the Araeer has specially

250 SJIi IJEUBEliT n. EDWAUDES. [1855.

expressed his wisli that you shonhl meetliis son. If this wish
were now to be disregarded, his Highness might fairly think
that proper consideration had not been shown to himself or
to his son, and the negotiation might be injuriously affected
by the omission.

" Under these circumstances, the Grovernor-General in
Council is of opinion that the duty of treating with the
Ameer's envoy ought to be entrusted to you instead of
Major Ed ward es.

" I am accordingly directed to request that you will
repair to Peshawur with all expedition, to meet Sirdar Hydur
Khan, making known the probable date of your arrival
there, as requested by Foujdar Khan.

" You are hereby invested with full powers to negotiate
witli the Sirdar, being guided in your proceedings strictly by
the instructions which were addressed to you for communi-
cation to Major Edwardes, in my despatch dated 25th ultimo,
above cited.

" You will be pleased to explain to Major Edwardes the
cause of his supersession, and to express to him the regret
of the Governor-General in Council that the political
considerations above mentioned should have rendered it
necessary to commit the duty, for which he whs originally
selected, to other hands.

" I have, etc.,
" (Signed) G. F. Edmonstone,

" Secretary to the Government of India."

].;,i,i of We have now come to the end of the official correspond-

oiiiciai ence, which has been curtailed as much as possible within
iience. the Smallest limits. Nor would even so much have needed

to be written had it not been made necessary by the many
random assertions that have been lately published on this
and other kindred subjects ; and GO\m.tQX-asscrtions merely
without proof can carry no weight with them at all.

Tlie account here given is from actually existing records
of the facts, wdiich cannot be controverted.

1855.] BASIS OF FRIENDLY ALLIANCE WITH CABUL. 251

Tliere was a wonderful fil/Ufis, in the preparation of the
life we are tracing, f<jr the times we liave come to now, and
tliose wluch, though still hidden from our eyes in the
undeveloped future, were nearer than we then thought.

The cementing of the bond of friend.shij) between England How the
and Afghanistan was thus put into the hands of the man 1''^''* ^^'^
who had gained a personal influence tliat few others had for the
among the wild IMohammedan border triljes ; and the brave present
conmiander-in-chief of the Bunnoo levies, Foujdar Khan, difficulty
wlio had })roved so true to Edwardes there, in those testing «"'i t*""***-
months of difficulty, and had found the master that lie served
so true to him, was now the Ihitish representative at the
Court of Cabul. I'laced there by the interest of liis old
master, and knowing that he owed to him all his lionours
and the high position that he now held, every motive that he
had was enj^'aued in his service, not the least valuable one
being personal attachment.

And thus the two c(juld work together with certainty,
and a confidence in each other which ga\'e immense strength
at such a time. We know, too, what a good report Foujdar
Khan would give to the wily Afglians of the character of the
man they had to deal with, of the security that there was
in trusting to his word, and the certainty of detection and
retribution if they attempted to deceive him. Yes ; surely
we can see, by the course of education in the life, how Bunnoo
led on to the building up securely the great bulwark of our How much
strength in 1857, that stood the test and tug, and held the 'y". '''r'! *"
Punjab like an anchor in the storm.

As anollier iriintier officer * writes to-day: "Oftenliavel
l)een told by Khans, Afghans, Beloochees, alike, that we should
never liave kept Peshawur (and with it the Punjab) without
Ivlwardes. They would say, 'Yes, yes; Nicholson was,
undiiubtedly, a great man, but he wouldn't have kept us all
true to Government. He was so stern ; we feared him, but
we didn't love him, Edwardes comi)elled us to like him
better tlian any other Feringhee ; and av, sahib, what he has
left to our children — pensions, jagirs, etc."

Even John Lawrence, wlio could see no possible good in
making this treaty, and was (privately) continually advising

* General Mtiiiio.

252 SJJi n Eli BERT JJ. ED WARD ES. [1855.

Edwardes to give it up altogether, and called it " waste of
time," afterwards was brouglit to see its value, and admitted
that, " as matters have turned out in Hindoostan, the late
arrangements with tlie Ameer were very fortunate" (quoted
from enclosures to secret letters from India, July 23, 1858).

On March IG, 1855, Sirdar Gholam Hydur Khan, the
heir-apparent of the throne of Cabul, accompanied by Foujdar
Khan Baliadoor, the British Envoy, who had been entrusted
by Edwardes with the duties of ambassador, had completed
their long and tedious march to the plain of the Peshawur
Valley.

And now they have arrived and pitched their tents ; and
the English camp moves out to meet them.

CHAPTER IX.

1855—1857.

THE AFGHAN TREATY RATIFIED— VIEWS UPON AFGHAN
POLITICS AND WAR.

" Peace hath her victories,
Not less reuowned tliau war."

( 255 )

CHAPTER IX.

It was a strikinjj; spectacle as these two camps, face to face Vhst
rtiice more, stood upon the phiins of Pesha,wur, and close to ["jg^two "
tlie very gate of the Khyber Pass — tliat same Pass so lately camps,
tlie scene of deadly strife, and treachery, and l)lood, now to
\\itness the ratification of the engagement that "bygones
sliould be bygones."

At tliis distance of time, as we look back upon the scene, Let by-
past, present, and future seem all so mingled together in the f^g^ne*^
vision that it is difficult to keep them apart. Presently it
will be seen how well tlie engagement was kept, wlien it
stood us in good stead; and we cannot forget even here, as
■v\e tell the tale in 1885, to wish that bygones had been
l^ygones for ever !

But in this place we have to do only with the briglit
picture of the meeting, and we will tell it in the principal
actor's own words.

" PesLiiwur, March 17, 1855.

"My dear Lord Dalhousie,

" Yesterday Sirdar Hydur Khan pitched his tents
at old Jumrood, our threshold of the Khyber.

" This morning I rode out there, and was with him at
six o'clock. Crawfcird Chamberlain's 1st Irregular Cavalry
went with me.

"The Sirdar's Cavalry and regular companies formed Sirdar
a zigzag kind of street, up and down tlic hillocks, at the Khan.'^tiie
furthest end of which was seen the exact imajre of Henrv ^^""''P"

c> J parent.

VIII. seated in a tent, and surrounded by a small court — all
on chaiis in the English fashion.

250 sin HERBERT B. EDWARDES. [1855.

" There was an evident excitement in the Afghan force
when we arrived ; a thrill and restlessness ran through them
all, and they quite waved about, and many Mohammedan
exclamations burst forth.

" Our Cavalry closed, and clashed in, and we were
saluted ; and officers of the Sirdar's camp were busy, thrust-
ing back all kinds of blackguards ; and altogether it was
a moment of considerable feeling, as if the two nations had
once more come face to face.

" Dismounting at the Sirdar's tent, he came forth with a
heavy rolling gait, but cheerful face, and led me in ; and
after he had asked twenty-five times after the Chief Com-
missioner, and fifty times after the Governor-General ; and
I had asked twenty-five times after his health, and fifty
times after the Ameer's, we took to horse, and set out for
British territory.

" Another thrill and crash ensued ; and I saw the Sirdar
order all his Cavalry to the rear, till we got into open
ground, when the Afghans lined out to the left, and the
British Cavalry to the right of us; and so, chatting, we
jogged over the stones to his camp at our frontier police-
tower. Here the Queen's 24th Foot and a troop of Horse
Artillery saluted the Sirdar ; and I left him at his tent.

" It went off very w'ell, and has broken the ice.

" Now ziyafuts (presents) and supplies are pouring in to
him.

"On Monday the Sirdar visits Mr. LawTence in full
Durbar, and Mr. Lawrence returns it on Tuesday. After
which business will commence, and the Sirdar will probably
come nearer to us.

" Believe me,

"Your Lordship's most obediently,
" Herbert B. Edwaedes.

Again the account continues —

lsr>o.] EXCIIANGIC OF VISITS. 257

" Yesterday, at half-past seven a.m., the Sirdar caine to Lottor to
our Durbar in the cantonments. The bri^^adier and all his Daihousie.
staff and myself received him at the boundary ; and a
street of soldiers and a troop of Horse Artillery saluted
him ; and a band played, and the Union Jack went up to
the masthead ; and Mr. Lawrence met him at the canopy,
and led him up through the Durbar of British officers in
full dress, and Poshawur chiefs, in all their blaze of gold,
and jewels, and bright colours, and he presented the letters
from his father, and they were read aloud, calling the Sirdar
his ' heir-apparent ' in a very marked manner ; and after an
hour's friendly colloquy, he was conducted home again —
with more guns, more noise, and more honours of all kinds.

" This morning, the Chief Commissioner and all the
civil staff, and the brigadier and all his staff, returned the
visit at the Sirdar's camp ; and he produced bundles of
presents — furs from Russia and Bokhara, fine swords and
Cabul manufactures, which gave us plenty of conversation,
geographical and commercial.

" The most curious, perhaps, of the presents were some
dromedaries from the Great Kuzzauk Desert — creatures with
deep hanging frills of dark brown wool, and large lustrous
eyes — such as the Queen of Sheba may have brought King
Solomon, and Salvator Rosa only could have painted.

" There were horses, too, who had seen their best days ;
and a few split-eared ponies. The Sirdar forced his own
riding horse upon the Chief Commissioner — a noble beast,
I do not think I ever saw a better in a chief's possession.

" Altogether the visits have passed off very well, and
made a kindly feeling on both sidis.

"To-morrow, the Sirdar brings his camp to the boundary
of the cantonments, and the day after the conferences will
commence.

" We have heard that the Sirdar's line is to ask for
nothing whatever — ' more friendship,' he gives out. But
VOL. I. s

258

sin HER BERT D. EDWARDES.

[1855.

Conclusion
of negotia-
tions.

I dare say lie will find an opportunity of hinting any objects
the Ameer has at heart."

And so tlic M-ork was brc)u<;lit successfully to an end and
the Treaty signed ; and Lord Dalhousie writes to Edwardes —

'* I congratulate you and myself, and all else concerned,
on this successful issue of negotiations, which have now
lasted just a year."

And Edwardes writes in reply —

*' I am glad your Lordship was pleased with the treaty.
It went off well after much wrestling. Hydur's perspiration

A FAINT ihADOW OF THE HEIR-APPARF.NT, SIRDAR GHOLAM HTDUR KHAN,
HOLDING IN HIS HAND THE PESH WCB TREATY.

f'rom a pen-and-ink sketch by Sir Herbert Edwardes.

at some points of the contest was great. Once in an agony
at not getting his father declared ' Walee of Afghanistan,'
he screamed for ' a cheroot ! ' and smoked in awful silence

John Law-
rence.

lH")r)] THE TREATY STONED. 259

lor a (|uait(jr of uu hour. Another time, he calmed himself
with a tune on my wife's piano, and tiring off a few lucifer
matches.

'' Very unfortunately there was no artist at hand to make
a j)icture of tlie Sirdar ; but I drew a rough sketch myself,
while his vast form was still heavy on my memory."

On March 17 these two camps met, and on the 30tli the
negotiations were brought to a satisfactory conclusion by the
signing of the treaty; and then tents were struck, the
])ageants all melted away in the glow of the coming heat,
tlie hubbub died out, and ordinary work was resumed, while
all parties concerned rejoiced that the strain was over, " and
we had leisure to reap the advantages of the improved relations
of friendliness with our neighbours across the borders."

The next notice that a])pears in the records is a letter dated Honour to
]\Iarch 24, 1855 (same year), that shows that the Governor-
General had long wished to ask some honour for the Chief
Commissioner from his Queen, as Lord Dalhousie explains,
" well earned before for other times and other ser\ices ; " but
this was thouglit a fitting cause to bring his name forward,
" because the great political importance of the entire change
in the relations between England and Afghanistan would be
well understood by her Majesty's advisers at home." And so
the stepping-stone was laid which led on to many others, as
tlie reader knows.

And two months were too short a time for the Chief Com-
missioner to ha^•e forgotten how it came to him ; for he writes
in this i)rivate letter (asking Edwardes's advice as to what
honour would suit him best, as a choice was proposed to him) —

"I cannot conclude this note without saying that, in
fighting to get you made Commissioner of Peshawur, it
turns out that, like the bandy-legged smith in the ' Fair
IMaid of Perth,' I was fighting for my own hand."

Not much " fighting," however, was needed, for we have
already seen how cordially and spontaneously the appoint-
ment was given by Lord Dalhousie's own selection.

2 GO sin IIEBBERT B. EDWARDES. [1857.

*' I may say," John Lawrence adds, " with perfect truth,
tliat I consider you deserve at least as much, if not more,
for the hite treaty than I do."

This was naturally and <:,'enially spoken at the moment of
elation— and privately— and it was all that Edwardes ever
heard of it or of gratitude.

But this did not stay his hand nor hinder his work ; for
what could repay him better than to find the svxxess of his
labours, and to j^^'ovc the wisdom of his judgment and of his
policy ? And this his experience did most fully prove.

This treaty of March, 1855, was followed up at the
close of 1856 by Edwardes recommending that more
active aid should be given to the Ameer when difficulties
with Persia had assumed alarming proportions, and Persia's
designs upon Herat alarmed Dost Mahommed, and made him
see very clearly the advantages of a friendly alliance with
the English.

The Ameer was invited to a second conference at Peshawur.
He accepted the invitation, and came this time himself. He
marched down with two of his sons, some of his chosen
councillors, and a body of picked troops, to the frontier.

The first day of the new year, 1857, saw this second
meeting.

The Ameer pitched his tents at the mouth of the Kliyber
meeting, Pass ; and on the plain of Jumrood the British camp was
^^^^' a^ain pitched, where the Ameer was received with friendly

honour.

Our troops formed a street more than a mile long. Kaye
describes the scene : " They marched past the Ameer and his
host in review order after the Durbar was over. ]\lore than
seven thousand British fighting men were assembled there,
and among them were three complete European regiments,
whose steady discipline, and solidity, and fine soldierly bearing
made a strong impression on the minds of the Afghan visitors
— from the aged Ameer himself to the youngest trooper of his
escort."
„ , On January 27, 1857, the conferences wer.e brought to a

tn-aty couclusiou, and this second treaty was signed at Peshawur in

The second

1857.] THE SECOND TREATY SIGNED. 2G1

]\raicli, 1857 ; and, two iiiontlis afterwards, tlie imitiny ol' the gigiK-J at
Indian army, wliicli .shook Britisli India to its centre, ljr<jke I'^'^hawur.
out.

This time ot our difliculty fully tested the value of the The icst-
trciity. ])ost Mahonnned sfoml hii hU cnrianciiient ; and tlds it '"^ *"V^ "'

•' . "^ the value

^vas that lucNcnlcil him IVniu sweeping down ujion us with of the
his hordes at Teshawur, when we should have Ijeen quite ^^^^^V'
unalile to resist him.

His own i»eople could not understand why he, a Moham-
medan, did not catch at the opportunity to destroy the
" inlidels ; " and lre(iuently, in open Durbar, they would come
to him, and, flinging down their turbans at his feet, would
say, '• Hear the news from Delhi ! See the difficulties the
Feringhees are in down below ! Are you a Mohammedan ?
Why don't you lead us on to take advantage of them, and
win l)ack Peshawur again ? "

lUit Do.st IMahommed stooil by tlie treaty honourably. Dost M.i-
And so was the fallacy proced of hutk the reasons that the •i"™"^''^ ^

/ (I •»•<•• "i 1 • 1 stood l;iith-

Chiei Comnussioner always expressed arjaiiist the policy, ful to his
nanu'lv, first, " that Ed wardes would never be aide to ])rin<j P=»rt in the

tr6utv

the Afghans to sign a treaty," and second, " that if they .signed
it they wouldn't keepii." (Rather like the Irishman's defence
on his trial for murder, first, "that he didn't do it," and
second, " that, if he did, the man deserved it ! ")

However, so it was in truth (for this is l)ut a simple Great
record of facts). The treaty was both made and kept, the"wuik.
and happy was Ed wardes to be the instrument of so much
lilessing. He did his work to God, and not to man; and
lie was blessed in it by success. He had the satisfaction
of seeing the great importance and value f»f that work which
he had been allowed to perforin. And those who were on the
I'rontier at Peshawur understood how much the security of
that imi)ortant frontier of India was owing to Edwardes
in 1857.

He u.sed to .say him.self that he thought it, perha]ts, the
most im])ortant ])iecc of service which he had been permitted
to render to his country and his Queen.

liut it was a service for which he never even received a Totally
"thank ycm " in puhlic acknowledgment, or recognition that ""a^k"""-

'' ■' ^ '-^ ledged.

202 sin HERBERT B. ED WARD ES. [1856.

the work was liis own. rrol)ril)ly had Lord Dalhousie lived,
it might have been different.*

But Lord Dalhousie did not live to see fully the value of
the policy that he had so steadily and cordially supported.
In February, 1856, he resigned the Inirden of Government,
which had been too heavy for his enfeebled liealtli, and took
his departure from India.

Before he left the country, he wrote a kindly farewell
to Peshawur.

" Government House, Calcutta, February 21, 1856.

"My dear Edwardes,
Lord Dal- " The time has now come when I must bid you,

fareweU *^^' farewell. I do it with sincere regret,
and depar- " J thank you most heartily and most warmly for the

very able, and successful, and willing services by which you
have aided me in the administration of this great land, and
I trust you will always hold me in recollection as one who
witnessed and applauded your early rise, who has been
grateful for your aid, and who looks confidently to your
future progress in the path of honour, and who hopes to
be regarded always as a friend.

" Believe me, my dear Edwardes,
" Sincerely yours,
" (Signed) Dalhousie."

To Lord Dalhousie all the details of the matter were
entirely known, and he valued the treaty so highly that he
counted it among the successes of his administration of the
government of India in his formal " review " of his labours on

LordElgin's * In proof of how completely the facts of these negotiations had been

inquiry. obscured, we may remark here that, in after years (in 1863), when Lord
Elgin was Governor-General and came up to the Punjab, and was in con-
versation frequently with Edwardes, he asked him one day " if he could
tell him how those treaties with Dost Mahommed, that bad brought such
good result, had been brought about?" It was quite news to him when
he heard all the facts of the case. — E. E.

l^r.7.] LETTER FROM LORD CANNING. 20.']

his departure. I'u.ssibly, when his papers come out (sealed
up by his will for fifty years), the facts will be made better
known.

His successor, Lord Canning-, knew tlio circumstances
well enough to tliink it necessary to write privately to
Edwardes on January 19.

"Government House, Calcutta, January 19, 1857.

"My dear Sir,

" I must ask you to accept my best thanks for Letter of
the part you liave taken in the recent negotiations, and for nine.
their satisfactory issue.

"I feel the more bound to do this because the first
suggestion of a meeting came from you, and so far as I can
judge from the reports as yet received, and from the tone of
the discussion shown in them, I believe that the suggestion
has proved a very wise and useful one.

" It would be a good thing for us if all diplomatic
conferences were conducted so satisfactorily, and set forth as
lucidly as these have been.

" Believe me, my dear Sir,

"Yours very faithfully,
" (Signed) Canning."

A portion of the text of this second treaty may be given
here —

" Treaty."

" Between the Honourable East India Company and his
Highness Ameer Dost ]\Iahommed Khan, Walee of Cabul and
of those countries now in liis possession, and the heirs of the
said Ameer, there shall be perpetual peace and friendship.

" The Honourable East India Company engages to respect
tliose territories of Afglianistan now in his Higliness's posses-
sion, and never to interfere therein.

"His Highness Ameer Dost Malionuned Khan, Walee of

2G1 Sm JlEliBERT B. IWWARDES. [1857.

Cabul and of those couiitrius of Afghanistan now in his
possession, engages, on his own part and on the part of his
heirs, to respect the territories of the Honourable East India
Company, and never to interfere therein, and to be the friends
of the friends and enemy of the enemies of the Hououralde
East India Company."

This further treaty, made in 1857, was signed January 26.
AVe were then at war with Persia, and the greater part of the
treaty has reference to the exigencies of that war.

Amongst other things it provided that a lakh of rupees
(£10,000) per month should be paid by the Company to Dost
Maliomuied, for military purposes ; and that British olficers
should reside in Candahar to see that the suljsidy was properly
applied, and to keep the Government of India informed of
all affairs, but not to advise or interfere with the Cabul
Government.

The sixth and seventh articles are as follows : —

" 6. The subsidy of one lakh per mensem shall cease
from the date on which peace is made between the British
and Persian Governments, or at any previous time at the will
and pleasure of the Governor-General of India.

" 7. Whenever the subsidy shall cease, the British officers
shall be withdrawn from the Ameer's country ; but, at the
pleasure of tlie British Government, a vakeel, not a Uuropcan
officer, shall remain at Cabul on the part of the Government,
and one at Peshawur on the part of the Government of
Cabul."

The officers who were selected by Government to fulfil the
duties of these last articles were Major Harry Lumsden * (who
commanded the Guides at that time), his brother, then
Lieutenant Peter S. Lumsden * (of the Quartermaster-General's
department), and Dr. Bellew, and they were accompanied by
Foujdar Khan and Gholam tSirwur Khan Khaghwanee, and
attended by a suitable escort.

They proceeded to Candahar, and carried on their delicate
and difficult mission witli gi'eat success, and to the great
satisfaction of Government. Less able men could not have
been trusted with so delicate a piece of diplomacy ; but men
of such weight and value could ill be spared from India in
* Now General Sir Harry Lumsden and General Sir Peter S. Lumsden.

1857.] THE C AND An All MISSIOX. 205

such ilifficulties as those which .irose in 1857, afLer tht-y had
entered on their mission in Candahar.

Edwaides hears testimony to tlieir services in his " Mutiny
iteport " in the foUowing terms: —

"And liere I wouhl beg to acknowledge the very great
services of our ofTlcors in Afghanistan during the late crisis.
At Candahar, with the heir-apparent, were Major Harry
Lumsden, Lieutenant Peter Lumsden, and Dr. Bellow,
accompanied by Gholam Sirwur Khan Khaghwanee. At
Cabul, in the Ameer's Court, was Nawab Foujdar Kiian
JJahadoor, our vakeel. It was thought to be a service of
great enterprise, for the English officers especially, when
they set out for Candahar, even in a time of peace ; and
their situation became one of decided peril when India was
in a blaze with a J\Lohammedan struggle. But these officers
and Khans, by a soldierly equanimity, by a fortitude equal
to the occasion, by a calm trust in the cause of England, by
the good feeling which their previous demeanour had created,
and by keeping the Cabul Government candidly and truth-
fully informed of real events, and thus disarming monstrous
exaggerations of our disasters, preserved the confidence of
the Ameer and his best counsellors, and were largely instru-
mental in maintaining those friendly relations which were of
such vital importance to our success.

" I would venture to solicit for all these officers and
Khans some mark of honourable distinction from Govern-
ment." — (Extract from letter from Major Edwardes, the
Commissioner and Superintendent of the Pesiiawur division
to the Judicial Commissioner for the Punjab. No. 04.
Dated March 2, 1858.)

Sir John Kaye, in his " History of the Sepoy "War," touches
with his graphic pen many of the incidents of this important
piece of history ; but the facts were either not all before him
or were obscured.

266 SIR HERBERT B. EDWARDES. [1857.

There is a note in Eihvardes's handwriting- that corrects
what is deficient in Sir Jolm Kaye's narrative, and is too
valuable to be omitted here. It runs tlius —

"The author, Sir John Kayo, in pp. 428-445, vol. i.,

seems only partially informed. In February, 1854, when

Commissioner of Peshawur, I proposed to Lord Dalhousie

to change our policy towards Cabul, and I asked leave to

bring about friendly relations.

Note of " Sir John Lawrence, the Chief Commissioner of the

Edwardess p^^j.^i^^ opposcd the proposal, but the Governor-General

•sage in and Couucil, at Calcutta, approved of it ; and before the

Kaye's his- close of 1854, I led the Afghans to come forward with the

events. ^ most honourable overtures, seeking for pardon.

" The result was the treaty of March, 1855, which Kaye
treats too lightly and inaccurately, speaking at p, 428
thus : ' For some time there had been going on between the
Governor-General of India and the ruler of Cabul certain
passages of diplomatic coquetry, which had resulted rather
in a promise of a close alliance, a kind of indefinite betrothal,
than in the actual accomplishment of the fact.'

*' It bound the Afghans to be ' friends of our friends and
enemies of our enemies.' I followed this up at close of
1856, by recommending the active aid given to the Ameer
and the interview of January, 1857, which Sir John Lawrence
equally opposed. I regard this change of policy, effected
in the time of our prosperity, and so invaluable in 1857,
as the greatest service I have ever been able to render to
my country. This is the first public notice of it.

" For Sir John Kaye goes on to say at p. 445, vol. i. —
" ' Lord Canning, too, was more than well satisfied with the
manner in which the negotiations had been conducted, and
with the apparent result . . . and both in private and in
public letters he cordially thanked the Commissioners, even
before their work was done, for the admirable judgment and

1H57.] Sin J. K AYE'S "HISTORY OF SEPOY WAR." 2 (J 7

good tact wliicli they hud displayed at the conferences,
giving an especial word of thanks to Edwardes as the
original suggestor of the meeting, and, it might have been
added, the originator of the new polic)j which had more
recently been observed towards the Afghans. . . . For the
jwUcij teas empliaticaUij Edwardes s i:)olicy ; he had been the
first to recommend, in Lord Dalhonsie's time, that we
should try the effect of trusting the Afghans, and his
recommendations had resulted in the general compact of
1855.'

" Sir John Kaye proceeds —

"SSo Dost IMahommed set his face towards Cabul, and Extract
Sir John Lawrence returned to Lahore. It need be no /J'i"j Kavi
subject of surprise if the latter, as he went about his work,
thinking of all that had been done at Peshawur, sometimes
asked himself, AVhat good ? and wished that the monthly
lakh of rupees to be expended on the Afghan army were
available for the improvement of the province under his
charge ; for he had never liked the project from the begin-
ning. He had no faith in Dost Mahommed, and he doubted
whether the subsidy would produce any tangible results.
... In the mean while. Lord Canning, though he had
slowly come to this point, believed that the subsidising
the Ameer was not a bad stroke of policy.

'"It bound the Afgluxn ruler by strong ties of self-
interest to remain faithful to the British Government. Even
neutrality was a great gain, at a time when Persia was doing
her best to raise a fervour of religious hatred against tiie
English throughout all the countries of Central Asia. The
very knowledge, indeed, of the fact that Dost i\Lihommed
had gone down to Peshawur to negotiate a closer alliance
with the British must have had a moral effect at Teheran.'
— (See Sir John Kaye's ' History of the Sepoy War,' vol. i.
p. 447.)

" Wiiat was the result?" Edwardes goes on to say. '' In Edwaidc.^'

208 Sm IlEUBERT B. KDWAUDES. [1807.

i...t.- con- ^^C)?) the Ameer, uimided, except by our friendsliiit, took

tiiiiii'd. Tr I •

Herat by siege !

" And what shall we say to the fidelity of Dost Ma-
hommed ? Did he prove himself worthy of tlie trust reposed
in his word when he said, ' Now I have made an alliance
with the British Government, and, come what may, I will
keep it till death ' ?

" (Signed) II. B. E."

This promise was kept and that alliance was never
broken by him, even when the storm of the mutiny must
have been a strong temptation to ]\Iohammedan fanaticism,
urged on, as we have seen he was, by the voice of his own
people, who would have been only too glad, if he would have
led them on, to take back their dearly-loved Peshawur again,
and strike a blow at the English in their hour of weakness.

One clause of this treaty was, that we should never send
an English embassy to Cabul, but allow our relations to be
carried on by the native envoy whom we chose to appoint.*

Who can say how much of the calamity of the second
Cabul War of 1878-79 might have Ijeen spared had this clause
been more respected ?

The service to the country of this Afghan Treaty was
thought so important, because it healed up the wounds left
by the old Cabul War, and relieved England of anxiety when,
in a few months, there was mutiny, and bloodshed, and
distress from one end of India to another, and no native
troops could be relied upon. Had our relations with the
Afghans then not been friendly, we should not have held our
frontier against them.
Results. As it was. Colonel Edwardes was personally well known

* Dost Mahommcd used to s:iy, " I ask j'ou, for the sake of friendship,
not to send an English embassy into my countr\'. PcrsonaUy, I would
receive him with honour, and desire that he should be honourably treated
by all, but I cannot answer for it that some ruffian will not pull out his pistol
and shoot him on the road; and then it brings me into difficulty with
your Government, and I should be held as having broken my pledge. So,
for the sake offriendahiii, I say, do not send an Englishman."

IH.iT.] UEWARDS TO MOOLTANEE OFFICERS. 2G!)

and trusted l)y the Ameer, and lie kept up cordial relations
with him, and held his post as Commissioner of the Peshawur
I Vontier throughout the whole of the mutiny ; and it is not
ti)0 much to say that it was greatly owing to his personal
influence and command that Peshawur stood in 1857.

Having spoken already of one act of that nohle self-
foTgdting, which was a conspicuous feature of his character
(the constant action of his mind and nature), this may not
be an unsuitable place to mention another instance of it, as
it was in connection with the same Governor-General, Lord
Dalhousie.

After the ^rooltfin cam])aign, and when on his way to
England in l.S4'.>, Ivlwardes met with Lord Dalhousie, who
had watched his work at Bunnoo, and had very highly
a])proved it; and, in a personal interview on that occasion,
Lord Dalhousie said to him, after thanking liim warmly for
all he had done at Bunnoo and Mooltan, and ] raising his
work in flattering terms —

"Now, Edwardes, I want to ask you to tell me what
honours I shall ask for you from the Queen ; for your
services have been so great that I could not ask for greater
honours than they would deserve ? "

Edwardes's answer was, thanking him for all his kind
approval —

" My Lord, the reward that I would ask, and that would
please me best, is that the native officers who have served
me so faithfully may be well rewarded — Foujdar Khan and
Sirwur Klian — and I would ask you to give Foujdar Khan
a jageer * in perpetuity and a suitable title; and to
Sirwur Khan a similar and suitable reward."

The Governor-General rojilied, " Vou may rely ujion it
that your wishes will be attended to." And it was done, as
we have seen in a former chapter.

• A jageer is a grant of land.

270 <S7/.' HERBERT It. KDWAIWES. [1855.

Tlie request was characteristic of the noble nature from
which it came ; but how few men, at such a moment and
with such an opportunity, would have asked for notUng for
himself! No; like Wordsworth's "Happy Warrior," his
honours "must fall like showers of manna, if they come
at all ! "

He instinctively acted out the rare virtue of (Rom. xii.)
" in honour preferring one another " on all occasions.

The title given to Foujdar Khan at this time was that
of Kliiiu Bahadoor. This was in 1849. Later on, after the
mutiny of 1857, this same Foujdar Khan was rewarded for
his services with the higher title of Nawab.

The following letter, written to a relative in England
about this time, has an interest, as bearing upon this subject,
before we pass on to other scenes.

From Colonel Edivardes.

"Camp, Upper Meranz3'e, April 20, 1855.

" I see how anxiously you are looking out for the result
of Foujdar Khan's mission to Cabiil. He took a kind but
digniiied answer from Lord Dalhousie, accepting the hand of
friendship stretched out somewhat timorously by Dost
IMahommed Khan. Foujdar was received with marked
honour by the old Ameer (Emir, as it is spelt in the ' Arabian,
Nights ').

" And it must have been a moment of honest pride to
Foujdar Khan (who was only leader of four and twenty
Horse when I first knew him), when the King of Cabal rose
from his seat in full Durbar, and embraced him in the frank
but often treacherous manner of Afghanistan. He bore
himself as bravely in the fierce and factious Court as ever he
did in battle ; saw much, said little, but greatly to the point ;
and did not return without the heir-apparent to the throne.
Altogether a successful campaign.

" The papers will have told you that Sirdar Hydur Khan,
the chosen successor of Dost Mahommed, came down through

1.S55.] 7/071/^ LKTTEIiS. 271

tlie KliyljL'r with ubuiit two thousand ineu, and made peace
between liis nation and ours, after sixteen years' hostility and
ill will.

" You will hi', intcrosled to know that the Governor-
General and the Sujireme Council had appointed me to nego-
tiate the treaty with this young prince, as a kind acknowledg-
ment of a whole year's anxious labour in bringing matters to
this point. (For the proposal to bury the past and its mutual
injuries and revert to a friendly policy, if the oveitures could
be obtained from Cabul, originated with me in the beginning
of 1854, and elicited from Lord Dalhousie a carte hlanche to
do so. And you may well imagine the anxiety and labour it
has occasioned me, in addition to the regular duties of my
post.) But after the instructions to me to make the treaty
had been drafted, Dost Mahommed expressed a hope to
Foujdar that the second greatest man in India would go to
meet ids son and heir. And so the instructions were handed
over to Mr. John Lawrence, more to my delight than his ; for
he thought I ought to have the honour, and I thought he
ought to give weight and dignity to the act, if it was to pro-
duce an instrument of any national importance. I tell you
these little matters because you will be interested in my
welfare and honour, and I should wish you to know that
nothing but kind appreciation has fallen to my lot. ]\rost
sincerely, too, did I think the right course had been pur-
sued. My heart was in the treaty, and not in the name of it ;
and John Lawrence has had the most cordial and hearty
assistance from me in the conferences and negotiations at
Peshawur. This ho knows and feels. And there was to me
an inward pleasure and satisfaction which I cannot tell you,
in this closing task of helping one who has been so good
to me. . . . All ended well. We engaged never to interfere
in Afghanistan ; and the Ameer and his heir engaged not
only to respect our territories, but to be the friend of our
friends and the enemy of our enemies.

272 SIR nEIiBERT n. KDWARDES. [1855.

"Tims it was offensive and defensive on their part, but
not on ours. We pledged ourselves to nothing but an honest
and peaceful policy. And after mutual exchange of numerous
visits and presents, we sent the hungry prince and courtiers
back, well pleased with their reception, and with the solid
guarantee they had obtained for the safety of their country.
" The event is now ringing through Central Asia, and
will, I believe, have a lasting influence on the current of
events on that great theatre of struggle, in which Moham-
medanism will, one day, be crushed between the Greek and
Protestant Christians. . . .

" This affair being settled, I was ordered off here to
accompany a force sent to enforce submission in an out-
lying valley, called Meranzye, which lies on the borders of
Kohat and the kingdom of Cabul.
Meranzye " It had not paid trduitc to the Ameer for three years,

affiiirs. leisure not having been found to send a force before. . . .
Hitherto all our objects have been peacefully accomplished,
as I pi ay they may continue to be." *

The Crimean War was going on at home, and Edwardes
adds —

Remarks " I ^^ok for an early modification of the present crisis ;

on the 1^^^ Sebastopol must go down first, and the English nation
War. must remodel its army. If peace comes suddenly, these

lessons will be forgotten, glossed over by all parties in
Parliament, and another war will come on us again and still
find us without an educated staff, or a general who could
crack a nut, much less a fortress.

" What pages and pages of humiliating records have we
been reading every mail for the last six months ! But one
quality survives our brilliant reputation — PLUCK — a
quality found very largely in the brute creation.

* The Meranzye expedition ended in the revenue being collected
without firing a shot. The thermometer generally 110° in tents.

1855.] ON MILITABY AltliANGEMENTS. 273

"And tlion the outcry of the peop'e against Govern- On pre-
nieiit seems to me very one-sided. Our disasters, calmly flf/^a"*""
considered, resolve themselves into bad arrangements. How
is Government to make military arrangements? They are
conceived, and proposed, and carried out by a body consti-
tuted for that purpose, and called • the staff,' If you have
a good i^taff you have good arrangements, and if you have a
bad staff you have bad arrangements. This is the long and
short of the matter. Now a good stuff is a highly-intelligent
and complicated piece of machinery, and is not to be put
together in a hurry. It must be educated through long
years of peace as the nucleus of an army in time of war ; and
the jieople must consent to pay for it, and to see large
charges in the annual estimates for a body of men who arc
apparently doing nothing.

"But this is just what the Duke of Wellington wanted
at the close of the war with France, and the English people,
headed by Mr. Hume, would not have it. They said ii was
expensive. And now they have gone to war with their own
cheap staff, and rained an expedition, and clouded our glory,
and squandered millions to no purpose. And the Frem-h
army lies alongside of ours, rejoicing in a perfect organiza-
tion produced by a scientific staff. In all this I see more
blame to the English people (who hate soldiers till they
want them) than to the Government.

" What is Government ? A selection of English gentle-
men absorbed in party-struggles in Parliament, necessarily
ignorant of all military matters. I quite [)ity their position
when I think how they must feel their own utter incapacity
to organize a war in these days, when war is essentially a
science. But when I see that none of them admit it, and
don't tell the people the plain truth, then I despise them.
And the poor drowning people, catching at straws, and calling
out first for one Indian offieer and then another, as if they
had some talisman in their pockets to charm away the
blunders of I'oity yeai'S !

VOL. I. T

274 SIR HERBERT B. EDWARDES. [1857-

" It is one of the most rem;ukal)l(' things of this war, that
no man seems to have been drawn out from the Queen's
army by the occasion. I hear no name mentioned. I'he
eyes of the regiments jit Sebastop(>l seem to fix on no one.

" l^ut if a Wellington arose, he wouM want two cam-
piiigns, at least, in wliich to organize his army. The mischief
is done, and there is no sliort road out of it, except a sudden
peace. And then, mark my words, the country will go to
sleep again, and Cobden and Bright will stuff its ears with
cotton, and we shall have all the tom-noddyism of the Peace
Society over again."

To return to the treaty with Dost Mahommed and the
honours awarded to the Chief Commissioner for a work in
which he had no part, the beautiful spirit with which
EdwMrdes submitted to be ignored in his own work is such
an example of Christian forbearance and true humility, that
it may be useful to many a young man in public life to study
it. Nor was it a mere passing impulse of acquiescence to be
succeeded by a chronic discontent.

Long afterwards, in replying to some remonstrances that
were urged upon him to make his own share in the Afghan
frontier operations better known and understood, Edwardes
wrote —

" I have lost all wish for fame. I have not lost the
natural desire for the approval of those I serve, and, after
them, of all good men.

" But we are very apt to overrate our own services, and
it is the oflSce and duty of Government to discern their value
find put the stamp on. If so done, the stamp is doubly
prized ; if not, a man had better possess his tsoul in patience.

"Not a finger will I move in the matter. We all think
it a defect in John Lawrence that he praises no one. But
I acquit him of all mean and selfish motive in it. It is not
that he wishes to keep the credit to himself, though }»rac-
tically it has that effect. It is ?i principle oi his not to praise

1857.] TnOUOIITS ON FAME AND JUSTICE. 275

public servants, fur fear of its * piittiiif^ wiud into their
heads,' as he expresses it !

"This is, I think, a mistaken argument ; for thor<; i.s a
liii^her necessity — injustice, to praise the good men do, as
well as hlame their evil.

*' John Lawrence's blame is nn ever-impending thunder-
bolt, but ho is a Jupitcr-Tonans who never smiles upon his
world.

"I am as indignant as anyone about it, wlicn it touches
a friend like John Nicholson, and I have had a hot corre-
spondence with J. L. on this subject. But it does not do any
good. He is emphatically a hard man in pubbc matters,
and so all one has to do is to love him in private and
respect him in public

" i\rost unquestionably he is a great public si-rvant, and
England would do well to make him Governor-General of
India. Of course he could not be fit for such a post without
being a lord ; but lords are easily made. They might first
Cjualify him with a peerage, and then use his human
nature.

" I nearly forgot what I began all this about, viz., to
beg you not to blow a single blast, however gentle and
musical, on the alt-horn of Fame for me. . . .

'• Yours, etc.,

"11. B. E."
" 1858."

"We have been carried on from 1853 to 1857, because it The timeii-
was impossible to break the thread of the story of the Afghan "hg\j.g.,t
Treaty, which was only concluded two months before the great
mutiny of the native army broke out, and which theu became
of such immense importance to us.

It was brought about little by little, with gi'eat skill, tact,
and patience. At first sight it may seem long to have been
engaged upon one work, but not in reality long when it is
considered what important results were accomplished — nt>thing

276 Slli nERBEliT B. EDWABDES. [1857.

less than the entire change of relations between England
and Afghanistan ; so great as the difference between hatred
and bloodshed and a friendly alliance, to let " bygones be
bygones."

Who can doubt what would have been our position in
the Punjab if, at I'cshawur, the frontier had been invaded by
the Afghans when we were in extremities in 1857 ? and if our
frontier relations had they remained as they were when
Colonel Edwardes first took charge at Peshawur in 185.3, what
could have restrained them ?
Review of We sec, then, how timely was the change,

le pas . j^ ^ review of the history of past years, a strange, mys-

teriously weird feeling comes over us, and great events stand
out and seem to repeat themselves ; and we seem far away,
as if we were looking on them from another world, and we
only see their points mapped out at long intervals, and
almost forget what lies between them !

And now we stand on the other side of another Cabul
War, that of 1878, and it is impossible to touch upon this
much- vexed question of Afghan politics without a sad retro-
spect ; for we then saw this treaty, with which we have been
engaged from its birth to its completion, set aside, and the
scene reversed, but only for a time.
The present Again, in 1885 we see another meeting at Eawul Pindee
between another Ameer and another Governor-General, his
Highness Ameer Abdul Eahuman Khan, and his Excellency
Lord Dufferin, at which, received with honour and courte-
ously entertained by so worthy a representative of England's
greatness and England's nobility, the bonds of friendship were
cemented afresh as in 1855-57, by Abdul Eahuman, the
present Ameer.*

From Herbert Edwardes's own pen we may extract here
some remarks on this subject, which show his views of the

* At this moment the public papers bring us thereport of this inter-
view, iu which the Ameer says, " In return lor this kindness and favour,
I am ready with my army and my people to render any services which
may be required of me or of the Afghan nation. As the British Govern-
ment has declared it will assist me in repelling any foreign enemy, so
it is right and proper that Afghanistan should unite in the firmest manner
and stand side by side with the British Government."

time.

1857.] AFGHAN POLITICS. 277

])olk'y of frieiul.sliip wilh Alglianistun, which ho had laboured
to biijig about.

"The most withorinc: condemnation which has ever been Extracts

f •
l)assed upon the whole policy of the old Cabul War was i. i>,.,|,ers"

fulminated by Lord Ellenboiougli in his memorable pro- pjjj.lj'i^l'//*

chimation, dated Simla, October I, 1842, written, as the f" Afghan

politics in

liistorian reminds" US, at the same place, in the same house, i858.
nay, 'in the very room,* and on the same day of the same
month as Lord Aucl^land's unjustifial)]e manifesto of 1838.'
And it was followed in January, 1843, by th(! free release
from captivity of Dost IMahommed Khan, wh(jm we had
spent fifteen millions sterling of the revenues of India to
dethrone without a cause.

" Is it wonderful that six years later, when British India
was in the throe of its struggle with the brave Sikh nation,
this same Dost ]\Lihommed Khan should have yielded to the
temptation of joining the Sikhs against us ?

" The author of this Paper feels it one of the greatest
satisfactions of his life, and the most useful incident of his
service, tliat he has since then been enabled to heal those
open wounds, and be the peacemaker between that ill-used
ruler and the Government of India.

" When Commissioner of Peshawur, in 1854, he sought
and obtained the permission of Lord Dalhousie to bring
aliout that hearty reconciliation which was expressed in the
first friendly treaty of IMarch 30, 1855, and subsequently
(with the equally cordial approval of Lord Canning) was
substantially consolidated by the treaty of January 26,
1857.t

" At this latter juncture, the Shah of Persia had seized

Herat, and was threatening Candahar. England was herself

attacking Persia in the Gulf, and tli*^ Indian Government

* Kaye, chap. iv. book viii.

t See Aitchisou's valuable collection of Indian Treaties, vol. ii. pp.
430-433.

278 SIR TIEUDEUT B. EDWAUDES. [1857.

now gave to ils old eiiemy at Cabiil (worse tluiu enemy, the
man wliom it had deeply injured) eight thousand stand of
arms, and a subsidy of £10,000 a month, so long as the
Persian War should last.

" "We did this, as the treaty truly said, * out of friendship.'
What a fearful satire on the Cal»ul War !

" AVe did it, too, iu the plenitude of our power and high-
noon of that treacherous security which smiled on India
in January, 1857. How little, as we set our seals to that
treaty, did we know that in ^lay, the English in India,
from Peshawur to the sea, would be fighting for empire
and their lives, and that God's mercy was 'stojiping the
mouths of lions ' against our hour of need !

" To the honour of Dost Mahommed Khan, let it be
recorded that throughout the Sepoy War, under the greatest
temptation from events and the constant taunts of the
limatical priests of Cabul, he remained true to the treaty,
and abstained from raising the green flag of Islam and
marching down on the Punjab. Had he done so, no man
who was in India in those dreadful days of September before
John Nicholson stormed Delhi Avill for a moment doubt
that the English would liave been driven to their ships
— towards them, rather. How many would have reached
them is another matter.

"And this being so, it is but historic justice to the
Ameer's memory to conclude that had Ids overtures of
1837-38 been accepted by Lord Auckland, his fidelity
would have been the same,* and the Cabul War, with all its

* •' A curious parallel may be mentioned in illustration. In December,
1837, while Alexander Burns was at Cabul, furwarding to Lord Auckland
the entreaties of Dost Mahommed Khan to be taken into alliance with
the English, a Eussian envoy named Wiktewitch, but commonly called
Vicovitch, arrived with a letter from the Emperor of Russia.

"Dost Mahommed consulted Burns about admitting him, and then
gave up the letter which he brought to Burns. But, on Lord Auckland's
declining Dost Mahommed's alliance, the Ameer in despair turned to

1R.-.7.] WHAT IS OUR BEST FRONTIER LINE i 270

sorrows ami disgraces, and othor wars and other sorrows
which have followed in the train of our lost prestige, would
never have darkened the history of Eiighind."

But this was in the past. The war of 187<S has come and
gone too, and it is only in connection with this treaty,
upon which our thoughts have been occupied, that we have
anything to do with it here. But before we leave the subject,
we may enter a little more fully upon this interesting discus-
sion, and give a few more thoughts of Colonel Edwardes at
this time upon the question, "What is our best frontier line ?

" The question whieh gives interest to all speculations What is
on Afghanistan (the core, as one may say, of Central frontier
Asian politics) is, What ought England to do about the ''"*'
nortli-west frontier of her Indian Empire? . . . After
the doubts and lessons of the last five years,* which, with
Afghan alliances, Russian encroachments and intrigues, a
JVrsian war about Herat itself, and an Indian revolution,
have been unusually fertile in experience, I have mvself
arrived very decidedly at the conclusion that our true
military position is on our side of the passes just where an
enemy must debouch on the plain."

With these passes strengthened, and Peshawur, Kohat,
and Sindh brought by railroads and steamers into direct and
rapid communication with the sea, which is our real base —
l)0ssessed of these strategical points and communications,
M'ith a judiciously-located European and well-organized native
army, both Edwardes and Major Harry Lumsden agree in
thinking " that the ' keys of India ' would be grasped."

Wiktewitcli and accopted the Russian offers. And the Cabul War was
the result.

" In the Crisis of 1857-58, another Russian envoy, as a matter of
course, was despatclied to Cabul. The Ameer was now an ally of the
English, and, true to the stipulation of the treaty, that he should he * the
friend of the friends and the enemy of the enemies of the Honourable
East India Company,' ho stopped the Russian envoy at Candahar, and
declined to receive him at his Court." — II. B. E.

* This was written in 1858. E.Ktracts from a memorandum on Major
Harry Lmnsdon's "Report on the Candaliar Jlission," by Lieutenant-
Colonel Herbert B. Edwardes.

280 Slli IIRRDERT B. EDWARDES. [1858.

EJwardes goes on to say : —

" Whether led on solely by ambition and iealousy, as

1 wo groat J J ,1 J '

fcrces some think, or driven by that Higher Power which works

rushing to . "..., ,

meet. out its decroo by human passious, it is clear that two great

Christian forces are hurrying from the Caspian and the
Indian Ocean towards some common centre, and rolling up
the Hindoo and Mohammedan world between them. No
one doubts that they will meet. All that seems doubtful
is the point of meeting and the result of collision. The
intervening space is growing narrower, and the question
becomes more intensely interesting every year. Each power
has left to it, in this as in other matters, a wide discretion ;
and each is bound, in reason and prudence, to survey the
battle-field and choose its vantage ground. Looking at it Irom
this purely selfish and strategical point of view, and putting-
out of the discussion for the moment all moral arguments,
reflection and observation have satisfied me that it would not
be wise for England to choose her battle-field above the
Afghan passes. Afghanistan must be admitted to be a great
diiicuties. pj^yg^gg^l difficulty. It is difficult to conquer, difficult to
hold, difficult to sustain an army in, and most difficult of
all to leave. The very native Government of the country
lives from hand to mouth, and is savage with its own
embarrassments. Finding such a country between us and
Eussia, why should we divide the difficulty ?

" Every mile that we advance beyond the present British
border * is a relief to the enemy, and is taking on our own
shoulders a share of the burden which the invader ought
Question of to bear. After all, every contest is a question of resources.
Experience has shown us that military operations in
Afghanistan can, from the nature of the country, only be
carried on at an enormous sacrifice of money.

* In 1858, before the scheme was proposed of a " rectified frouticr,"
or " scientific frontier."

resources

1858.] ON FRONTIER POLICY. 281

** T(i take that expenditure on ourselves would surely be •
a blunder; and to throw it on the enemy the most obvious
dietate of strategy. If defending a fortress, before which
lay a vast morass, we certainly should not plunge into the
morass ourselves, but allow the besiegers to exhaust half their
strength and lose half their material in its toils, and then assail
them as they emerged. The point would be of no moment
if it involved a difference of only thousands of pounds in a
great war ; but it seems to me to be a question of millions,
which neither England nor Russia can affcjrd to throw
away. If England were once to adopt the moderate and
purely defensive policy here advocated, there is little doubt
that Russia would push on her schemes in Central Asia
with greatly-increased vigour. But if she considered it
wise and justifiable to absorb what still remains of Persian
independence — Khiva, Bokhara, Kokan, Herat, and Afghan-
istan — 1 have come to tliink that there would be nothing in
it which, as Englishmen, we should fear or, as philanthro-
pists, regret. For supposing her to be entirely successful, Specula-
can any one doubt that to substitute Russian rule for the
anarchy and man-stealing of Khiva, the dark tyranny of
Bokhara, the nomad barbarism of Kokan, the effeteness
and corruption of Persia, and the fanatical devilry of
Afghanistan, would be anything but a great gain to man-
kind ? And if we had ourselves, meanwhile, prepared our
own frontier for defence, I do not see that we should go to
war with Russia on any future occasion with any diminu-
tion of advantages. To make a diversion of any consequence
in Asia, Russia must detach })roportionally more of her
strength than we to repel it ; and the operations would be
close to our base, and far from hers.

" One reason that we had for removing our struggles
with Russia as far from India as possible has, please God,
been removed, by the convulsions of 1857-58. Our
internal power in India must now be placed on the basis of

282

sin I/En BERT B. EDWARDES.

[1858.

Opinions
concerning
tlie occu-
j)ation of
Qiictta,
1858.

conquest, and if secure in our reorgani/alion, we need
not fear the announcement of a European enemy in the
defiles of Afghanistan.

"But it is a very violent assumption to suppose that
Russia could soon succeed in becoming our imperial neigh-
bour, and I conceive that the policy now advocated would
tend to retard such a result. Russia, being herself a half-
caste Tartar power, has amalgamated readily with the
cognate races of Asia, where they were either idolatrous, or
Cliristian, or Armenian. In her early history, too, she forced
both her yoke and her religion upon the Mohammedan
tribes between the Black Sea and the Caspian. But the
achievements of Ivan the Terrible have not been, nor are
likely to be, rivalled in our day.

" The struggle in the Caucasus lias undoubtedly been
prolonged very greatly by the fanaticism of the followers
of Schamyl, who do not call themselves his soldiers, but liis
disciples. And whatever success may attend Russia, in
organizing the nomad tribes of the Kipchak Desert and
of Turkistan, I do not think she would find the Afghans
at all an easier prey than the Circassians. The best way to
prevent it is to show them we ourselves want nothing in
Afglianistan, by neither annexing, occupying, nor interfering
in that country ; and so, encouraging them to regard us as
their friends, that in the hour of danger they may turn to
us for pecuniary assistance.

" The surest way, on the other hand, to throw the
Afghans into the arms of Russia would be to fix our
battle-field above the j)asse.^, and seek for strategical points
in countries which do not belong to us.

" Within the last few months I have learnt, with regret
and astonishment, that the authorities in Sindh have advo-
cated the friendly occupation of Quetta, above the Bolan
Pass, as a preliminary to subsidising the Afghan nation and
ultimately occupying Herat. So vast a pile of impracticable

1858.] ON STRENQTIIENING OUR DEFENCES. 283

schemes seems more like some dream of conquest than a
sober system of imperial defence.

"The moaning of distance, the necessity of support, the
physical difliculties of countries, the moral difTiculties of
races, the future outlay involved, and the present financial
position of India seem alike defied or ignored in such
astounding speculations. In the name of common sense let
us deal with the difficulties and responsibilities which we
have already, and economize the means which are still left
at our disposal.

" Tiiere is not in the East a more independent people
than the Afgiums, or one with a stronger country ; and no
foreign power can enter it, whether English or Russian,
without being an object of bitter hatred and prolonged
resistance.

" From a policy that would throw these difficulties on
us instead of Russia, the minds of many will revei t to the
more practical plan of strengthening the defences of our
north-west frontier.

" Can we do better than accept the position which Result.
Providence has given us? Let us neither take more terri- JnouTtain ""
tory nor give up what we have. The mountain frontier f»on*'<^r-
which happened to us in 1849 has stood the strain of an
imperial convulsion. It is still more capable, I believe, of
repelling an invasion.

" While our empire in India was expanding and ad-
vancing from the twenty-four porgunnahs and the sea to
tlie Punjab and its mountain wall, instinct seemed to tell us
not to stop and strive after a finality of frontier by building
forts midway in vast plains. But as there must be limits to
empire, as to other things, no one can, I think, take a broad
view of the map of Asia and not be satisfied that the
Himalaya and the Sulinmiieo range are Nature's frontier of
Hindoostan. Quit it, and we shall find no other definite
frontier in Central Asia.

284 SIR IIERBEIIT B. EDWAEDES. [1858.

Fortity the " -^^ ^^^st, tlioii, \ve may betake ourselves to setting up

fiontier. .^jj(| fencing jq qui' boundaries, to the securing of a definite

and completed conquest, by a system of imperial forts and

military communications worthy of the great interests to be

guarded and the great dangers to be met.

"The Grand Trunk lines of railroad from the ports of
Calcutta, ]\[adras, Bombay, and Kurrachee, to Lahore and
Peshawur, which have already been decided and partially
executed,* are equally necessary for holding India and de-
veloping its wealth. All that remains, therefore, is to crown
these lines with a chain of forts from Peshawur to Kurrachee,
and unite them to the railway by good roads, a bridge at
Attockjt and an effective flotilla of river-steamers on the
Indus.

" My own impression is, that the strength of the defence
may be concentrated upon the Peshawur and Shikarpoor
borders, and that very subordinate measures will suffice
along the majority of the line ; for, assuredly, an army
adequate to the invasion of India must pour its masses
through the Khyber or Bolan, or both, though its auxiliaries
may scramble through the Pey wur, Gwyleree, and still more
difficult passes in the districts of Dera Ghazee Khan and
Siudh.

"I believe that the adoption of this policy and the
erection of such defensive works would go far to assure the
minds of oiir neighbours, not only in Afghanistan and
Beloochistan, but also in Persia and Eussia, that we had
finally chosen our frontier and meant to advance no further.

"It would help Afghans and Beloochees to believe that
our interests as regards invasion from the west are really
one with their own ; whereas, nothing could throw such
discredit on our professions of non-interference as an occu-
pation (which we call friendly) of Quetta, which Beloochees

* And now are completed, 1884.
t Now completed.

1858.] ON FRONTIER POLICY, CONTINUED. 285

must, in tlioir hearts, regard as an intrusion, Afghans as a
menace, and Persians and Russians as a blunder whicli
wouM justify an encroachment of their own.

"No military occupation of a foreign soil or nearer
approach of outposts to an independent neighbour can ever
tend to real friendship. What were the feelings of Shah
Soojah and tlie Suddozie party (to say nothing of the
national party) during our stay in Afghanistan ? And what
were the feelings of the Romans towards the French ?
Surely nothing but resentment, smothered till it can be
smothered no longer."

These were Colonel Edwardes's views expressed in 1858 ;
and later on, wheu he had left India, he was led again to
express himself (in writing to his friend John Lawrence, who
was then Governor-General) upon the suliject that he had so
much at heart, although he had no longer any otficial charge ;
for ill-health had brought him home from India in 1865,
and it seemed but little likely that he would be able to
leturn there.

But the question of frontier politics was one that very Edwardes's
deeply interested him. Edwardes foresaw the great advances jJ^^l^^^.
Russia would make, which have come with such rapid strides rence iu
in later years, and he felt convinced that ncjthing would ^^^^'
prevent the two nations from rolling up together. The
question was, how to he best prepared for the meeting ? *

Letter on the subject of Russia and British India, written
from England, to Sir John Lawrence.

"July 2, 18G6.

"I see that the Russians are busy in Bokhara, and doubt- Later

less their boundary will soon be on the Oxus. In time of ises.'

* It is still a question of the very deepest interest, the extension of
the Anglo-Saxon and the lUissian power over Asia. If the ancestors of
the English and the Russians more than three thousand years ago lived
together in central Asia, and sulisoquently emigrated, some towards the
rising and some towards the setting sun, the Slavonic race settling in
Russia, and the forefathers of the Anglo-Sa.xon (a kindred Aryan one) in
England, docs it seem that, after a variety of revolutions, both branches
of the groat Aryan race are again to be near neighbours in Central Asia?

286 SIR nEliDEBT D. EDWARD ES. [1857.

j)eace they would be better neiji;hbours to us than Asiatics ;
but in time of dilTiculty in India or Europe, much the
reverse; and however g-ood for humanity would be the
gain of bringing Khaurism under Russia, the loss to
humanity would be immensely greater if British India were
disturbed.

" I should counsel, therefore, two tilings : first, coming
to a diplomatic understanding witii Russia, that she might
come up to the Oxus if she liked, and be welcome, so long
as she left our Cabul ally alone ; and, second, taking some
steps to mediate between the contending children of Dost
IMahommed, so as to patch up their government as seemed
most feasible to those on the spot, either by all keeping
their old provinces or otherwise. Were I on the spot, I
would volunteer for the job. It is one which either Becher,
or Harry Lumsden, or Neville Chamberlain, or Norman, is
Advocates lip to* Somchow or other, I do not think you fully care
Afghan- euoujih for keei^ino; Affrhauistan as neutral qrouncl letiveen

istaa being " i o o vi

kept us and Russia, which can only be done by keeping her

and inde- friendly and independent.

pen ent. j< ^^y gwn feeling and judgment are clear as to the good

policy of doing so. But time is precious. Ihe time was
when men pooh-poohed ' the Russian bugbear ' on the
ground that Russia had no idea of extending her boundary
towards India. Now that Russia has done so, and is next
door but one in the same street we live in, these same men
turn round and say that 'it does not matter.' Of course,
this is a matter of opinion ; but my ow n opinion is, that
some day we shall find it matters a good deal. 1867 + Russia
would not be easily endured.

" Is there any bridge yet at Attock ? Do it in your own
time. It will be a noble mark. It will never be done until
you take some one man, like Purdon, and order him to do
it; and don't let it be thrown into the slow cauldron of the

1857.] ItEPORT ON CANDAHAR MISSTON. 287

(k'paitmeut. ... I see the papers talk of a railroad to
Pcsliawur. I'olitlc.illy, it will be invaluable.*
" Yours affectionately,

" Herbert B. Edwardes."

A few extracts, condensed from the very al)le paper that Extracts
has been alluded to already ("Report on the Candahar iJ,"!."^ "
Mission, by Sir Harry Lumsden "), are quoted by permission, Lumsdcn's
and throw liiiht on a subject which only increases in interest "'*^"'"''''°"
every day. The views of this very able and accomplished
officer are of permanent use and interest, and the unanimity of
opinion between Edwardes and Lumsden gives them a natural
place here.

" Muscovite policy has now (1857-78) reached Kokan ;
Mongolia is her province, and her legions are rapidly closing
on China. Afghanistan, therefore, stands isolated, as the only
country free of the iiussian taint, and to keep her so should
be our great aim ; but how to attain such a result naturally
becomes the question, and one on which I am fully aware
that many of our ablest diplomatists have greatly differed.

" My own conviction is that this object will be best ob- J^"^^ '°

111- T 1 » P 1 ^''•'P -^'"

tamed by liavmg as little to say to Afghans as possible, ghanistan
l)eyond maintaining friendly and intimate intercourse with f^''°"g '*"<^

17/./^ 1 indepen-

the cle facto bovernment ; by never on any occasion, inter- dent,
fering with the internal politics of the country, nor assisting
any particular faction, but honestly leaving Afghans to
manage their own affairs in the way that suits them best.
We should endeavour to prevent the interference of Persia
or any other power in these matters, and be careful that all
our political agents on the frontier are fully instructed in the
views of Government and carrying out a common policy. . . .

" Unless under the most pressing danger to Afghan- Non-inter-
istan, and at the spontaneous and urgent demand of that
Government itself, no proposition involving the deputing of
British officers in the country should for a moment be en-
tertained ; for, after the example of Burns, all such missions
\y[\\ ever be looked on with the greatest suspicion, no matter
how aide the officers to be so employed or what their object.

* Thcs3 advantages are now accomplished fact.s, for both the bridge
at Attock and the railroad at Po-shiwur are completed. — E. E., 1885.

ference.

288

SIR IIEItBERT B. EDWARBES.

[1857.

A strong
frontier.

Supports.

Success of
the con-
ciliatory
policy of
the

Peshawur
authorities,

A Khy-
beree's
views of
afl'airs ia
1885.

If the rulers really wish for the services of such men, they
will be quick enougli in asking for them ; for modesty has
never been an Afghan weakness. . . .

" Providence has blessed us with a strong line of frontier,
covered by rugged and barren hills, througli which there are
but a limited number of passes by which any army could
approach India ; and the military art teaches us that the best
position for the defence of such ground is on our own side of
the passes, just where an army must debouch on the plain. . . .

" Here, then, is our true position, which we are, of course,
in common prudence, bound to strengthen in every possible
way. . . . The most important and first to be attended to is the
opening up of our communications with the real base of all
military operations in India — the sea, and connecting these
distant points with it by rail and steamers. With Peshawur,
Kohat, and Sindh in our possession, and the communications
with our Indian provinces open by rail, and steamers on the
Indus, and a strong force of Europeans located in healthy can-
tonments all over the country, supported by a well-organized
native army, I consider that we should really have the keys
of India in our own pockets, and l)e in a position to lock the
doors in the face of all enemies, black or white. . . .

" At the same tune I would strongly advocate the carrying
out a conciliatory policy towards our hill neighbours, but
bearing in mind the real Puthan character, whom the touch
of money only renders more rapacious, who will swear any-
thing for filthy lucre, but only respect that power which shows
ability to punish with the one hand and reward with the
other. . . .

" Our Peshawur authorities have, ever since the Punjab
became ours, pursued a policy towards the Afreedee tribes,
the fruits of which are already ripening, and which in a few
more years must lead to happiest results. — H. B. L."

Some letters have just come out in a periodical print,
called " Jottings on Afghanistan, by a Khyberee," which
touch the subject in a concise way, and, as evidence on the
spot, may close these remarks.

" It can hardly be expected that a poor traveller, whose
time has been spent in the rocky defiles of the Ivhyber, can
possibly have any definite views of Afghan policy. Such

1S57.] "A KIlYDEIiEE" ON FliONTIEIi POLICY. 280

ref^ions are not f;ivouriil)le to iiitellectuiil <,Towtli. Jiiit we in
the Kliyl)C'r Inne suen .some changes within the hist eighty
} ems, and no mistake.

" We have seen Shall Shoojah, tlien a handsome young
fellow of thirty years of age, march through an inhi)S])italtle
}i:i.ss to welcome the gorgeous mission of ^lountstuart Elphin-
stone in 1809.

" This was the ' alarmist policy.' Then came the ' med-
dling })olicy ' in 1832, when Secundar lUirns passed through
(in his 'commercial mission;' and again in 1838, when
fleneral Keane advanced into Afghanistan. The British
frontier was then at Ferozepore, some three hundred miles
from the Afghan frontier. The Punjal) had not been an-
nexed. A powerful native chief ruled the province. And
yet, in the face of all the.se difficulties, a Briti.sh army in-
vaded Afghanistan siniiily to dethrone a popular Barakzaie
chief. Dost Mahonmied, and to place on the throne a mere
puppet of a king. The Cabul disasters are well known.

" In 1848 the Punjab was annexed. The frontier line of
Uritish India was moved from Ferozepore to the Khylier Pa.ss.
Then it was that the whole political situation became changed.
Cabul was being governed by a truly great and popular
ruler, the Dost whom England had dethroned and restored.

" It was then that a state policy became really necessary,
and it was one of ' masterly activity.' Dost ^lahommed, in
1854, concluded a treaty of alliance with his old enemies.
The treaty had three articles."

(We have seen it made, and followed its course in the
jtrecediug pages.)

" Some would tell us that this policy of masterly activity
was inaugurated l)y Sir John Lawrence, but there is positive
])roof that it was Sir Herbert Edwardes who brought about
the treaty.

" John Lawrence, it is true, signed it, but his corre-
spondence with Colonel Edwardes shows that he did not
l)elieve in its utility.

" Dost ;Mahonnned kept that treaty, and during the Indian
Mutiny of 1857-58 the whole Afghan frontier was tranquil.
Our best allies before Delhi, next to the Sikhs, were Edwardes's
Afghan levies and Derajat ones.

VOL. I. U

290 SIR IlEIiBERT B. EDWARDES. [1857.

"SireJuliu Lawrence's real policy was that of 'masterly
inactivity.' John Lawrence was a noble character, true and
good. He was a great administrator, Init he was not a states-
man. He ruled India very much as our American cousins
' run a store.' Lord Lawrence thought the Pdver Indus,
rather than the great passes, the best frontier of India.

" His policy with regard to Afghanistan was to recognize
the de facto ruler of Caljul ; consequently he had a word of
encouragement, not only for Shere Ali when he reigned in
peace, but also for his rival Ijrothers, Afzul and Azim, when
they seized their brother's throne. It pleased no one ; it
offended both parties. But, unfortunately, this policy did not
expire with his term of office.

" In the mean time Eussia annexed Bokhara, Kokan, and
Khiva. . . .

" In 1873 Shere Ali became alarmed at the Russian pro-
gress, and sought the aid of the English Government. But to
the Ameer's appeal for help the Liberal Government replied,
* We do not share his alarm ; there is no cause for it.' This
drove Shere Ali, the Ameer of Cabul, into the arms of Eussia.

" When Disraeli came into power, an attempt was made
to begin a policy of ' masterly determination ; ' but it was
too late. "V\Tiat the policy was may be seen from the draft
of the treaty presented by Sir Lewis Felly at the Peshawur
conference. . . . But Shere Ali was already driven into the arms
of the Eussian rival.

" An Afghan war was the result. . . . "\Micn the Liberals
came into power, then began the ' scuttling-out policy.' The
rails of the Quetta railway were, according to our last Indian
authority, sold for old iron in the Indian bazaars. . . .

" What will be the future policy of England regarding
Afghanistan it is impossible to say. With a man like Lord
Dufferin at the helm in India, it seems likely that Afghan
affairs will now cease to be a matter of party strife."

And here we close the Kyberee's thoughts and jottings,
and the reader will take them for what he thinks them worth
on this much-vexed question of Afghan politics.

Some thoughts of Edwardes's, culled from other sources
and relating to this frontier question, are put together, and
will close this chapter.

1857.] THOUGHTS. 2!il

On Tin: " Dkstiny of the Anglo-Saxons."

"It is commonly asserted to be the 'destiny' of tlie
Anjrlo-Saxons to overrun Central Asia and other eastern
coujitries. Is it presumption to undertake to interpret it ?
The teiiijiting theory is calkd in the Friend of India, the
I'i^lit of the sane man over the insane. Who is to decide
lietween? The sane man, even in Europe, does not confine
himself always to putting the insane man under restraint,
but takes the insane man's property for his own use! It
is the next heir who is usually possessed with the humane
design of putting the madman in confinement.

" The doctrine has its allurements, and so have the kindred
cries of Chartists, Socialists, and j\Iormoiis ; but we ourselves
think it snuicks of dishonesty.

" ' Fouls rush in where angels fear to tread.' We ' rushed
in ' once as far as Cabul and Herat, and might well ' fear
to tread ' that destiny again. If our destiny — of course we
shall go.

" ^leanwhile, let us watch reverently to see what
this same ' destiny ' has undeniably put under our charge
— India. Let us attend to its well administration and
Christianizing, which is the object for which it has been
given to us.

" And iiist, to remedy the defects of our present organi-
zation, especially the native army.

" It may not unlikely prove that our destiny is not to
take us beyond the Sulimanec range, which is the natural
wall of India. Once ffo brvond that, and we see no well-
defined boundai-y before us. We are lannched on Central
Asia.

" The Westminster lieview says, ' The day must come
when Cabul and the Hindoo Koosh will be our boundary ;'
and if so, it will not be for long. It is no boundary at all.
Even Dost jMahommcd Kh.m has crossed it and annexed

202 S/n TIERDEIiT D. EDWARDES. [1857.

Bulkli, and holds both as pnrts of a whole, looldng askance
at Bokhara and Herat."

" l\ussia has a great advantage in the unity and
constancy of her designs. It is a common saying that
Peter the Great laid down the foreign prdicy of llussia,
and common observation that his successors have adhered
to it. She has doubtless laid down the boundary she
intends to have, whether it rest on the Persian Gulf, the
Sulimanee range, the Bay of Bengal, or the Pacific Ocean.
There is nothing indefinite in her plans, and she fills them
in as ladies do worsted-woik — a bit at a time, often laying
the canvas down when there are other things to do, but
taking it up again in the first leisure moment and inserting
a wreath, a flower, a single leaf, a needleful of wool — but
all according to the pattern.

" The policy of England wants this breadth and fixed-
ness of purpose. We have lived from hand to moutli in
our career. This did not matter when Eussia was at
Orenberg and England on the Sutlej. The question
becomes pressing now. Where do we mean to fix the
British boundary in Central Asia — if ive can ?

" Let it be considered fully, and a policy adopted and
acted on. Let the frontier we mean to stand by be fortified
by our soldiers in times of peace.

" If there is anything like a conclusion of policy
traceable in our proceedings, it is to make Afghanistan
a 'buffer' between India and every danger. In 1808 we
made an offensive and defensive treaty with Shah Shoojah
on his throne. In 1838 we failed to come to terms with
Dost Mahomme 1 Khan, and we undertook to depose him,
and to rethroue Shah Shoojah. In 1842 we released Dost
Mahommed from prison, in order that he might re-occupy
the throne of Cabul as our friend. In 1848 Dost Mahommed
Khan joined our enemies the Sikhs, and all Afghans
expected us to add Cabul to the Punjab ; yet in 1854

1857.] THREE POSSIBLE POLICIES. 20o

we again reverted to the policy of the ' buCfcr,' and forgave
Dost Muhomraed's eumities."

" Tlie F fiend of Jnclia has hituly conteinphited, if not
actually advocated, the occupation of Afghanistan as a
better policy.

"There are three possible policies — Three

" 1. To take and hold Af;4lianistan in our own inteiest. pondpr

" 2. Never to take it ; but, whenever necessary, occupy discussed,
it as friends, and fight Russia on the Persian or Turfoinau
frontier.

"3. To resolve to stick to our present frontier, and
fight Russia, whenever Russia assails us, at the eastern
mouths of the passes.

" On the threshold of this question we hold that we The first
could not adopt this first policy without first having fair "^^^ * '
cause of quarrel ; and we protest against the brigantl
doctrine^ that the white man has a vested right to take the
country of the black, brown, or whitey-brown man. . . .

" Advancing to the eastern boundary of Afghanistan, The second
as in policy No. 2, would be dividing the difficulties with " ""■
Russia, bringing on us the enormous expense of transport-
ing military stores so far, making enemies of the Afghans,
and departing so far from our base of opeiations and
railroads. . . .

"By waiting on our present frontier, we husband our The third
money, organize our line of defence, rest upon our base i'"^'^"'^-
and railroads, save our troops from fatigue, and bring our
heaviest artillery into the field ; while the enemy can only
bring light guns over the passes, has to brihe and fight
his way across Afghanistan, wears out and decimates his
army, exhausts his treasure and carriage, and, when
defeated, has to retreat through the pa-ses and ovtr all
Afghanistan — plundere<l at every march by tribes who
would as soon cut the throat of a Russian as an Entrlish
kalir ; perhaps sooner, fur there is a distinct feeling

2!M ,S7/,' iiF.uiiF.irr i:. kdwaudes. [is.-.t.

tliroiiu'lii'iit Alirlianislaii tluit tlic Jiussiaiis are not so
trustworthy as the English."

" Tlie dangers oF a defensive policy are to be considered —
risinffs behind us. Above all, we have to fear the native
army, unless placfd on a sounder footing.*

" The oi)ini()iis of manv as to the disaffection of the

l).iiii;t'r.s i

cMisidinMi. secularly-educated natives is a danger. It must be so,
unless corrected by Christianity.

" On this subject, too, legislation sliould be broad and
far-seeing, recognizing tlie prol)al)ility that when we have
taught the natives how to govern themselves they may
wish to do so.
Aims com- " I^ ^^^ keep this in mind, our measures will aim at

pared. parting friends. If we ignore it and aim at the retention

of India for our own national benefit, our legislation must
become more repressive and harsh year by year, as know-
ledge spreads among the natives.

" Assuming policy No. 3 to be adopted, the subordinate
question arises whether we should cultivate friendly an 1
defensive relations with the countries beyond us, en-
couraging and aiding them to some extent in resisting
Russian or pro-Russian encroachments, and so delaying
the day of conterminous Russian and British boundary,
or should abstain from anything further than civility and
good neighbourhoo I, distinctly giving the outside chiefs to
understand that they must make their own arrangements."

" Abstractedly it would be far better that Russia should
rule in Persia, Cabul, Khiva, Bukhara, and Kokan, than the
present native sovereigns. It would be a gain to mankind.
(See Colonel Sutherland's Sketches and Terrier's account
of the internal administration of Persia and A'ghanistan
and the slave-dealing Turcoman states. I think Kaye in

* This was written before the mutiny of the native army of 1857,
and shows how trulj' Edwaides estimated the dangerous organization of
that army before that terrible catastrophe.

1857.] CONCLUSIONS. 2f)5

his ' Jlistory of Afgliauistau ' gives strong opinions of
Conolly's on this point.)

" These considersitious would seem to point to the
propriety of not opposing the march of civilization from
whatever quarter it may approach ; and of coming to an
amicable understanding with Russia, communicating to her
the boundary we meant to maintain f(jr Britisli India, and
renouncing all intention of interfering beyond that limit,
leaving Russia to deal with the intermediate countries
according to her own sense of justice or interest.

" lint though we do not deem such a policy Utopian,
and hope to see the day when it may be acted on with
Bafety, yet, unfortunately, we are not prei^ared to recommend
it now. It would demand either implicit confidence in
Russia's objects or in the strength of our own position.
We have neither.

" The Vicovitch history, the invasion of Kokan, the
Menschikoff War with Turkey, Czar Nicholas's overtures
to Sir IIora'?e Seymour, Czar Alexander's fulfilment of the
Treaty of Paris, have all left painful impressions that cannot
easily be efiaced."

" We class Russia for the future, by virtue l)Oth of
extraction and morality, under the head, not of European
but of Asiatic powers.

" The policy of Russia, however, would matter little to
England if secure in her own position in India. — H. B. E."

CHxVPTEU X.

1853—1854.

THE PESlIAWUIl MISSION TO THE AFGHANS.

" Such incense as of right belongs

To the true shrine,
Where stands the Healer of all urongs

In light divine ;
The golden censer in His hand,
He offers hearts from every land,
Tied to His own by gentlest band

Of silent Love ;
About Him winged blessings stand

In act to move."

Kkbi,e,

( 2!)0 )

CHAPTEIl X.

Tn tlie preceding clm])t6rs our attention has been fixed upon
A%luin politics, and the thread of the story could not he
broken to trace the origin of the Christian mission, which was
iirst establislied at Peshawur in 1853.

There can be no mission in any part of the world which
can reach a lengthened existence without exhibiting in its
history many interesting events. The position of the Peshawur
mission gives it an especial claim to interest.

Peshawur being geographically a part of Afghanistan, the I'eshawur
picket to British India, the people who inhabit it are cally Af-
Afghans. On the east is the river Indus ; on the M'cstern ghanistan.
side, the Sulimanee range of mountains, in which stands the
Khyber Pass. From that pass to the Indus is about fifty
n:ik'S ; and on the south side stands the Koliat Pass. The
liills of Swat shut in the north.

The valley lying between these ranges and the river
Indus is most fertile, and produces crops and fruits in
luxuriant abundance. For this valley the tribes have all
contended for ages past, and the tribes that inhabit those
mountain ranges are the fiercest clans that can be found any-
where on the face of the globe.

Edwardes says —

" I do not think that liner specimens of pliysical human Kdwaraes's

description

nature can be found. Nurtured on tho.se hills, with very ofi'esi.A-
little to support them, they have been reared in constant
warfare. I'^ach man is armed to the teeth, and goes fortli
with liis hand against every man, prepared to meet every
man's iiand airainst him.

,'500 ,S7A' llEiniEllT 11. i:]>]\'ATiDES. [1853.

" Wliatevor truth or whatever falsehood there may be
in Lord Macaiihiy's description of the mountain-clans of our
own nortli, I must say that if you were to take those pages
and apply them to the iiduibitants of the Khyber Pass and
Afghiin Mountains, you would lind it suit exactly.* They
possess every vice with which human nature is afflicted ;
but they have their virtues too.

"They have the great virtue of manly courage, and
they have the great virtue of hospitality. Wlien the Eng-
lish soldier is brought in contact with them, it is a refresh-
ment, after coming from the slavish plains, to meet a race
able to struggle with him for empire."

If you were to look over the map of Asia, certainly over
the map of British India, and were to select the spot most
uncongenial for the establishment of a mission, you would
put your finger on Peshawur.

The founder was a military officer, one of the best and
most consistent and earnest among our Indian Christians,
Colonel Martin, of the 9th Bengal jSTative Infantry. He had
formed a desire to devote £1000 to the purpose of estab-
lishing a Christian mission in the Punjab. This officer's

* At present the principles by which Puthaos especially are guidel
in their intercourse with each other are those of retaliation — blood for
blood, injury for injury, "an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth."

An amusing instance of this occurred in a visit Edwardes paid one
day in the hills. His host, a man of gigantic stature, to do honour to his
visitor drew out his bed for a seat; and Edwardes was in his own mind
amused for some time at the ridiculous disproportion of its size, being a
very short one. At last he said to his host, " It surprises me how you, so
tall a man, can lie upon a bed so very short." " Oh," said he, " I have a
short bed in order to oblige me to sleep with my knees up, that I may
sleep lightly! Do j'ou see that smoke curling up from the hill below ? "
Edwardes looked where he pointed, and he saw a slight curl of smoke
rising in the air. " That smoke is from the house of my enemy," said the
man; "I am two ahead of that man now, and I must sleep lightly. If I
were to stretch myself out straight upon mj^ charpoy, I should sleep so
soundly that he would catch me asleep ; but by sleeping with my knees
up, I wake easily ! "

" Two ahead " meant that he had killed two members of the other
man's family, that had to be paid off. — E. E.

1853.] OlilGIN OF THE VESllAWUR MISSION. 301

renjiinent was stationed at Pesliuwur, and tliis circumstance
naturally localized his interest there.

He sent anonymously, and he thouglit secretly, ]is. 10,000
to the Church Missionary Society, with the re(|uest that they
would commence missionary work. But notliin<f of that
kind could he done without th(> sanction and support of
the chid' ciNii authority on tlic spot, wdio was Colonel
^Lickesoii, the Commissioner and Governor-General's Agent
on the Peslulwur frontier.

When Colonel Martin aske<l for the Commissioner's per- Mission
mission, he met with a distinct refusal. Colonel ^lackeson by the*"*
would not sanction it in any way, or even permit it ; and he Commis-
assured Colonel Martin that the first missionary who crossed coionei
tlie Indus at Attock to enter tlie Pesliawur Valley should Mackeson.
lie turned back l)y his orders.

Peshawur is a large Mohammedan city, filled with Afghans
and fanatical hill-triljcs, with a po]Julation of not less than
sixty thousand, and it had comparatively recently come under
English rule ; for, having been conquered from the Afghans
by Punjeet Singh, the time was not so long distant when it
had held its place in the map of Afghanistan.* Politically,
therefore, Colonel Mackeson conceived that it was a dangerous
experiment to plant a Christian mission there. The proposal
was necessarily dropped.

But Colonel Martin was still at Peshawur at the time of
Colonel Mackeson's assassination and of Colonel Edwardes's
arrival to succeed him. He lost no time in bringing the
matter before Edwardes, and sounding liim to discover what
his views were.

Edwardes knew notliing of tlie previous attempt or Support
])revious failure ; but, on being asked for his support, he Colonel
warndy gave the right hand of fellowshi}) to Colonel £"1*31(165.

* Pc'sluvwur is much celebrated for it.s schools of Mohammedan learn-
in;.', ami also as a commercial centre. Those who resort thither for these
purposes are brought into direct contact with Christianity. And there is
now a mission church, where the gospel is jireachcd, in which a portion is
railed off for their accommodation, wliere natives are allowed to come in
at their will and listen to the preaching in their own tongue. And there
manj' arc often seen. This is an interesting feature of the TesliAwur
mission.

resolved
upon

.']02 sin IIEItBERT n. EBWABDES. [1K53.

IMartin, and assured liini tliat he would lieartily support
and approve it, and not l>c ashamed to own himself a
Christian ; that, privately, he and his wife would assist the
mission with their purse, and puldicly, he would '^wa the mis-
sionaries the prcjteetion which they could rightly claim, and
wliich was extended to every other religion.
Mission This was all that was required or asked, and a meeting

was called of the European residents at Peshawur, at which
Colonel Edwardes presided, and the mission was established.
The Church Missionary Society in Salisbury Square was in-
vited to send fit men to start it.

Colonel Edwardes's own words, in addressing this meeting
on December 19, 1853, will best explain his thoughts, and
show that it was not alone as a true Chnstian that he sup-
ported missions (ha\dng regard to the command of his Master),
but also as a statesman, with his own independent views of
frontier rule, " that we are much safer if we do our duty."
He said —

Edwardes's " Ladies and gentlemen, — It is my duty to state briefly

speec . ^^^ object of this meeting, but happily, it is not necessary
to enlarge much either on that or on the general duty of assist-
ing missions. A lull sense of both brings us here to-day.
A few practical resolutions will be proposed for your adoption
or correction, and I will not occupy time by travelling over
the same ground as the speakers who will move and second
them. But, as Commissioner of this frontier, it is natural that
of all in this room I should be the one to view the question
in its public light, and I wish to state what I understand to
be the mutual relations of the Christian Government and
Christian missions of this country — our duties as public and
private men in religious matters.

"That man must have a very narrow mind who thinks
that this immense India has been given to our little
England for no other purpose than for our own aggrandize-
ment — for the sake of cadetships for our poor relations.

" Such might be the case if God did not guide the world's

1853.] OPENING SPKECII. 303

afTiiirs ; for lOiigLiml, likf any other land, if Icfl to its own
selfishness and its own strength, wonld seize all it (-(jiiM.

"But the conquests and wars of the world all happen
as the world's Creator wills them ; anfl em[)ires come into
existence for purposes of His, however blindly intent we may
be upon our own.

"And what may we suppose His purpo.ses to be? Are
they of the earth, earthy? Have they no hij^her object
than the spread of vernacular education, the reduction of
taxes, the erection of bridges, the digging of canals, the
increase of commerce, the introduction of electric telegraphs,
and the laying down of grand lines of railroad? Do they
look no further than these temporal triumphs of civilization,
and see nothing better in the distance than the physical
improvement of a decaying world ?

"We cannot think so meanly of Him with whom * one
day is as a thousand years, and a thousand years as one dav.'
All His plans and purposes must look through time into
eternity ; and we may rest assured that the East has been
given to our country for a mission, neither to the minds nor
bodies, but to the souls of men.

" And can we doubt what that mission is? Why should
Kngland be selected for this charge from the other countries
of Europe ?

"The Portuguese preceded us, and the French followed
us here. The Pope of Rome gave India to the one, and
the God of W nr was invoked to give it to the other. Yet
our Protestant power triumphed over both ; and it is a
remarkable coincidence, that the East India Comjiany was
founded just two years after the great reformation of the
English Church. I believe, therefoie, firndy, and I trust
not uncharitably, that the reason why India has been given
to England is because England has mad(> the greatest
eftbrts to preserve the Christian religion in its purest
apcstolic form, has most stoutly protested against idolatry

'lOl sjn nEBDERT n. edwahdes. [i8o3.

in iiiiy shapo, and sought no other mediator than the one
revealed in the ])il)le.

" Our mission, then, in India is to do for other nations
wliat we have done lor our own. To the Hindoos we have
to preach one God, and to the Mohammedans to preach one
IMediator.

" And how is this to be done ? l>y state armies and
state persecutions? By demolishing Hindoo temples, as
IMiilimud of Gliuznee did ? Or by defiling mosques with
Slohammedan blood, as Kunjeet Singh did ?

" It is obvious that we could not, if we would, f(dlow such
barbarous examples. The thirty thousand Englishmen in
India would never have been seen ruling over two hundred
millions of Hindoos and ]Mohammedans, if they had tiied to
force Christianity upon them with the sword.

"The British Government has wisely maintained a stiict
neutrality in religious matters; and Hindoos and IMoham-
medans, secure of our impartiality, have filled our armies
and built up our empire.

" It is not the duty of the Government, as a Government,
to proselytize India. Let us rejoice that it is not ; let us
rejoice that pure and impure motives, leligious zeal and
worldly ambition, are not so lamentably mixed up.

"Tlie duty of evangelizing India lies at the door of
private Christians ; the appeal is to private consciences,
])rivate effort, private zeal, and private example. Every
Englishman and Englishwoman in India — every one now
in this room — is answerable to do what he can towards
fulfilling it.

" And this day we are met to do so— to provide the best
means we can for spreading the gospel to the countries
around us. They happen to be Mohammedan countries of
peculiar bigotry.

" Sad instances of fanaticism have occurred under our
eves ; and it migiit be feared, perhaps, in human judgment.

1853.] BALLANTYNE AND TEACHING OF SCIENCE. 305

that greater opposition wduM meet us hero tlmn elsewhere.
But I do not anticipate it. The gospel of peace will bear
its own fruit and justify its name. Experience, too, teaches
us not to fear.

"The great city of Benares was a far more bigoted
capital of Hindooism than Peshawur is of Mohammedanism ;
yet it is now filled with our schools and colleges and
mission, and its pundits are sitting at the feet of our
professors, earnestly and peacefully, though doubtless sadly,
searching after truth.

"There is a cireunistance in the niovotnent now going on
at Benares whicli is well worth our notice here. It had been
the usual practice of European teachers to ignore all Hindoo
philosophy, to toll the natives that they had no science
of their own, and then to invite them to b'^gin from the
beginning in European method.

" There was something very unconciliatory, almost insult-
ing, in thus treating a people who knew ho^v to calculate the
stars in ages when our own ancestors were painting them-
selves blue, and worshipping the oak and the mistletoe in
the forest with the most barbarous and inhuman rites. Dr.
Ballantyne has, I am told, pursued a very different process.
He first went to school to the pundits, and then asked the
pundits to come to school to him. He learned all their
science, and sounded all their philosophy ; and then, taking
them up at the point where they could go no farther, he
opened to them regions beyond, and led them forward to
the light of truth. . . .

"If this could bo done with the Polytheists of iJenares,
what may we not hope to do with the Afghans ? They have
much more in common with us — a one and a living God ;
Mosaic tradition; nay, a belief in Ciirist. There are good
grounds for supposing that the Afghans are the descendants
of Israel. And if that sup[iosition be true, what a world of
common sympathy and common hopes does it open out

VOL. I. X

306 SIE HER DEBT B. EDWABDES. [1853.

between us! How strikinj^ly ap})licablo will then be the
passage, * For if thou wort cut out of the olive tree which
is wild by nature, and wert graff(,'d contrary to nature into
a ^ood olive tree : how much more shall these, which be the
natural branches, be graffed into their own olive tree ? '

" For these reasons, I say plainly that I have no fear
tluxt the establishment of a Christian mission at Peshawur
will tend to disturb the peace.

" It is, of course, incumbent upon us to be prudent, to
lay stress upon the selection of discreet men for missionaries,
to begin quietly with schools, and wait the proper time for
preaching. But having done that, I should fear nothing.

" In this crowded city we may hear the Brahmin in his
temple sound his shunkh and gong; the Muezzin on his
lofty minaret fill the air with the azan ; and the civil
Government, which protects them both, will take upon itself
the duty of protecting the Christian missionary who goes
forth to preach the gospel.

"Above all, \\e may be quite sure that we are much
safer if we do our duty than if we neglect it, and that He
who has brought us here with His own riglit arm will shield
and bless us if, in simple reliance upon Him, we try to do
His will." *

* The Rev. Roliert Clark was present at this meeting. He writes,
"I was invited to Peshawur in the winter of 1853, and on December 9
a public meeting was held.

" Few meetings like this have ever, we believe, cither before or since,
been held in India. It was the day of the Peshawur races, and it was
suggested that the day which had been fixed for the niissionary meeting
should be deferred.

" ' Put off the work of God for a steeplechase? ' exclaimed our friend
Colonel Martin, fresh from his closet of prayer. ' Never ! '

" The meeting was not postponed on account of the races, but was
held on the appointed day. There were comparatively few present, but
God's Si)irit has been invited by prayer, and He was present, and He
made His presence unmistakably felt, and men's hearts, and women's
hearts, too, then burned within them, as they spake one to another, and
heaid the words of Sir Herbert Ed wardes, which seemed to be almost
inspired, when he took the chair at the meeting. His speech, which at

1853.] HIE ORIENTAL IS RELIGIOUS. 307

Brave, noMe words, but yet so simply spoken ; for they
were but spoken out of the fulness of a noble heart, that
faired not to honour God.

The grounds for supposing the Afghans to be the descend-
ants of Israel seem of too much interest to be altogetiier
omitted; and yet, the question being one of such dillering
ojiiniijns, it would occupy too much of our space here.

But the broad subject of Englishmen and l^nglish states-
men supporting missions is of general interest and im-
l)ortance, and it is well to mark and observe loho were the
men who have gained the viost influence among the natives of
India, and who have induced the greatest amount of good
service to the British Government.

The Oriental is religious, and he admires a man who
hokls his faith fast and lives an earnest and a religious life.
Some of the most prominent characters in Anglo-Indian
history have been men of decidedly religious feelings :
D'Arcy Todd, who held Herat; Colin Mackenzie, in our
Cabul disasters long ago. And in later times it would be
almost invidious to ir// to name the men, who are so many,
whom the Mutiny brought out, who showed their colours as
true Christians and did the noblest work, but we may name
such men as Henry Lawrence and his brothers, Eoberfc
Montgomery, and Donald j\IcLeod, whom the natives called
a ferishta (angel), Hope Grant, Henry Durand, Bartle
Frere, and William ]\Iuir, whom all will agree to honour, to
illustrate the remark. It is a mistake to suppose that the
IMoliammedans respect a man who is ashamed of his religion,
and false to his God. Herbert Edwardes's open support of
the mission never lost him a native friend. The natives
II ndcralood him. And when the news reached the frontier of
his death, the remark was made by them, "God cannot mean
f/ood for India if He has taken away such a man as Herbert
I'Mwardes ! " They loved as well as feared him.

tho time ' thrilled tluough all In.lin,' we give above. After the meeting
the following words were read : ' Not unto us, Lord, not unto us, but
uuto Thy Name give the praise, for Thy mercy and for Thy truth's sake.
Wherefore should the heatheu say, Where is now tlieir God? As for our
God, He is in lieavcn.'

"So was started this great work."

308 SIM HEBBERT B. EDWABDES. [L853.

It was not the natives on this frontier that were alarmed
at the proposal to establish a Christian mission. Bold, war-
like, brave, and independent, tliey were very different races
to any other amongst whom our missionaries had laboured in
other parts of India ; but, with care in the selection of the
missionaries to be sent, Edwardes had no misgivings.

The large city of Peshawur is, next to Cabul, the most
important city in Afghanistan. There is a large military
cantonment and a strong force of troops.

Of course, in a large society, opinions would be divided ;
worldly men would not approve, and timid men would fear.
And so, when the subscription list went round, some captain
■ thought it a good joke to put his name down for "one rupee
towards a Colt's revolver for the first missionary ; " and then
his juniors followed the lead, or varied the joke as best they
could. But, nevertheless, the offering was made, and God
accepted it ; and the mission was planted, and was watered
with " His blessing that maketh rich."

Two good men were chosen — Dr. Pfander, the able Moham-
medan controversialist ; and the Eev. Eobert Clark, so much
respected and well-beloved, and who is still engaged in mis-
sion work in the Punjab. With them was associated the
Christian officer, Colonel Martin, who had resigned the army
and was now engaged in mission work in Peshawur. A better
selection could not have been made, for these men were
cautious and wise as well as able.

We may quote from the words of Rev. Valpy French, now

Bishop of Lahore, who spoke in 1869 at ]\Iurree, in the

Punjab.

The Bishop " My friend, Dr. Pfander, a man of most revered memory,

of Lahore g^^g ^.j^g key-note and first vigorous impulse to the Peshawur

Pfander. mission. A man of the true missionary type, and for forty

years invariably and dauntlessly standing in the breach,

first in Persia ; next, and for the greater part of his life, in

India ; last of all, and to the very death, in Constantinople

unfurling the gospel banner with a burning love to souls,

his heart immovably fixed and set on one aim — the preaching

that word whose entrance giveth light, and enduring affliction

with the gospel, according to the power of God.

" There was Herbert Edwardes, too, placed by God's

Kubert
Clark.

1853.] THE FIliST MISSIONAlilES AT FESIJAWl'lL oOO

providence in very diU'erent circumstances, yet of a kindred '''''''"-''■[
spirit, of like courage, boldness, endurance, singleness of
aim. Ids loins girded to like ventures of faitli, — tlie heroic,
chivalrous Christian champion. Few men liave died more
wept and regretted. Many a man, even proud, hardy
Puthans, were seen to shake their heads at the tidings of
his early removal, as if to say that it was an ill day which
lost to themselves and the empire a man of such eminence
and promise, such manliness, purity, simplicity, and trutli.
He, too, had no small hand in the foundation of tlie Pesha-wur
mission.

"And Clark, too, whom we all love and honour, and
delight to follow ; and so I might go on supplementing
Heb. xi. out of tlie annals of the Peshawur mission."

Such a total absence was there of fanatical opposition,
that even during the testing time of the Mutiny of 1857-58,
whicli tried so many of our Cliristian missionary stations,
the work was little interfered with at Pesliawur. Once only,
and that but for a day or two, did the children fail to come
to the school ; after that, they returned again as usual.

The missionaries were able to open their Bible in the
city and preach the gospel, as they had been accustomed to
do before, throughout the whole of that trying period.

Thus the truth of those words was proved, that " we are
safer if we do our duty than if we neglect it."

To his wife, four years later, in the midst of the ]\Iutiny ,
Colonel Edwardes was able to write as follows : —

"It is of no use to talk of wise or vigorous measures,
though in General Sydney Cotton we have had the best of
commanders.

*' But providence, God's mercy, has alone kept this
frontier in the wonderful state of peace that it has enjoyed
since this Mutiny invited the very worms to come out of
the earth. I assure you I never thought we could have
got through this summer without a bloody conflict. Often
and often wc have been on the verge of it ; Imt is it not
a perfect miracle that, while all the Bengal Presidency is

Second
speech at

310 ,S77? JIEnHERT Ji. EDWAllBES. [1855.

convulsed, resbriwur lias luid less crime than was known in
it before ?

" I have no sort of doubt that wo have been honoured
because avc honoured God in ostal)lishiiig the mission."

So the fears of tlio timid came to nought, the requisi-
tion was accepted l)y the society at home, and a favoural^le
response was returned to Peshaw'ur. The missionaries
arrived, and the mission began its work.

On February 12, 1855, another meeting was called at
Peshawur on the same subject, and Colonel Edwardes said —

" Little more than a year has passed since we met in
Peshawur. this room and addressed a requisition to the committee of
the Church Missionary Society of London, for help in the
establishment of a Christian mission at Peshawur; and we
then pledged ourselves to use our utmost efforts to further
the objects of the mission of that society, by soliciting both
contributions and subscriptions for its support. We now
meet again together to see how our requisition has been
answered and how our pledges have been kept.

" And now, on February 12, 1855, we see two ordained
and one lay missionary present here among us.

" The actual selection of the missionaries for this post
w^as left to the local authorities in India, and I cannot but
believe that the choice has been wisely guided by His hand
who is ever on the watch to Kelp those who serve Him.
Mr. " The Eev. ]Mr. Pfander has been a missionary for thirty

years in the Eussian provinces of the Caucasus and Georgia,
in Persia, in Turkey, and in India, and the result is a rare
knowledge of the principles and practice of the Moham-
medan nations of the world.

"At his last station, Agra, IMr. Pfander had found a wide
sphere of usefulness, and the learned Mohammedans there
were taking a deep interest in his writings.

" I believe that the controversial works of no missionary

1H55.J MU. rFANDElt AM) I'K.^IIAWUU. oil

ill Imliii lijivf }('t aroused such misgivinfjjs aiul iiiiule such
ail impression on thinking Mohammedan minds us tliose of
i\[r. Pfander, because he know their own Ijooks and met
them on their own ground.

" While, however, we must regard it as a great privilege
that he has been given to us, I think that we may fairly
add that no mission had so great a claim upon him as the
mission to the Afghans, which is addressed to a purely
Mohammedan nation, and whose standard is planted at the
outpost of British India and the door of Central Asia.

"Some happy incidents have marked his coming.
The first native Christian baptized at Peshuwur (and
now here present) is a Persian youth, who left his native
country and came to Peshawur in consequence of reading
Mr. Pfander's ' j\tiz{in-ul-hru|q.' Another Persian, the editor
of the Peshawur native newspaper, remembers him and his
labours at Shiraz, and congratulates his readers on the
arrival of one so learned and so good. And lastly, the war
now raging between Ixussia and our count)-y is marked by
this happy episode — that llussia banished this same preacher
of the gospel twenty years ago from Central Asia, and, after
a circuit of many thousand miles, England brings him back
to it again, and says the Bible is free wherever there is
British rule.

"Nor is Mr. Pfander less fortunate in his colleagues ^^r.
than they in liim. 'Six. Clark and Colonel jMartin were the colleagues,
fatliers and founders of the mission, and they will watch
over it with the more love and care that they first called it
into existence.

" I think it would be impossible to combine deep know-
ledge, mature experience, ardent missionary zeal, and valu-
able local knowledge more com[)lctely in any three men
than in jMr. Pfander, Mr. Clark, and Colonel IMaitin ; and we
have reason to be grateful to the society for a selection so
entirely in accordance with our requisition of last year.

ol2 .^7 A' HERBERT B. EDWARDES. [iHoS.

''And now let us seu il' our t^wu pledges to colleet
funds in aid have been equally well kcj)t.

" You arc aware that a full report of our last meeting
was printed and circulated throughout India, and no sooner
was it received than it was responded to from all quarters
w ith a readiness and liberality perhaps seldom experienced
by any Indian mission.

"The commander-in-chief and Lady Gomm gave £100,
and a glance at the list of the subscribers will show wdiat
numerous and what liberal friends of missions the army and
civil service of India contain. I would especially mention
one who is a bright exam{)le of the Christian use of influence
and high position — Mr. Henry Carre Tucker, the Com-
missioner of Benares.

" This gentleman not only gave us a large donation
himself, but he circulated our report in every district in
his large division ; and to show what one man can do if he
is in earnest, it deserves to be stated that the sums remitted
to me by Mr. Tucker alone amounted to Rs.lSIS. . . .

" The Church Missionary Society, theu, will acknowledge,
and we have all the satisfaction of feeling, that we have done
our part hitherto in this great work. Let us now take care
to do the same in future, and prove that we have not been
actuated by a momentary enthusiasm, but by steady and
lasting principle. . . .

"It is now my gratifying duty to announce to you a
contribution whose value is beyond money.

'"' When last we met, the great desideratum of the
mission to the Afghans was to get the Bible in the Afghan
tongue. It was supposed never to have been translated into
Pushtoo, and. two or three officers at Peshawur had under-
taken to translate some of the Gospels.
Discovery " I at ouce remembered that in the year 1848, while acting

too Bible, for the Government of the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh, in
the Derajat, I had seen a Pushtoo Testament in the posses-

1805.] IS'IOUY OF A tUSIlTOO NEW TESTAMENT. olS

sion of a line old i'utliaii c-liic?!', wliu had received it in his
youth at the Hunhvur Fair, where he h;id gone to sell horses,
tVom an Euglish missionary, who told him that if ho took
care of it, and preserved it from fire and water, it would
certainly be of use to him some day, when the Enj^lisli
should come to his country. 'That day,' said the old chief,
'has now cou)e ; and here is the liook, uninjnn^d l)y ixvQi or
water ! '

" So saying, he unrolled it from many wrappers, and I
found tiiat it had been printed at the Serampoor mission,
in 1818. I read a few lines of it, and saw that it was Push-
too, in the Persian character. I asked him if he had ever
read it. He said, ' Our moollah has read it, and says it is
a very good book, and quite correct ; for Father Abraham
and Father JMoses are mentioned in it,' I returned tlie
volume to the old man ; and though I fear it was for the
noble qualities of himself and his son, and not for the sake
of the Bible, yet certain it is that Ali Khan Kolachee never
hud cause to regret that the English came into his country.

" Well, this incident flashed across my mind at once,
when I heard everybody wondering what was to be done
to translate the Scriptures into Pushtoo, and I mentioned
it to Colonel ]\rartin. Application was, I believe, made to
the mission library at Serampoor ; but, strange to say, not
a copy could then be found.

" 1 then wrote to my old friend Ali Khan, and recovered
the ])recious volume ; and I think it is impossible to con-
sider this incident without being struck with awe and
humbled at the long foresight of that omniscient and con-
stant God, wdio deposits His sealed-up purposes with uncon-
scious man, and tells Fnturity the hour to open and to read
them.

"Thus was one mission at Calcutta, to be established in
1818, made to provide a translation of the Scriptures for
another mission at Peshawur, to be established in 1855 ;

314 SJJi' IIKlUlEliT n. KDWAHDES. |1855.

iiD Afgliiiii clik'l' was made to preserve one copy of this
message to his countrymen for twenty years, w'ben all others
had either been lost or forgotten ; and I was shown where
that copy was hid, because five years after I was to fill this
chair. Tliese are startling things ; and may it please God
tiiat none of us try to turn aside from the things He wills
us to accomplish.

" The Pushtoo Testament thus found was placed by
Colonel Martin in the hands of the Afghan branch of the
Bible Society, and they most generously undertook to reprint
and present to this mission three thousand copies of the
Gospels of Luke and John, the Acts of the Apostles, and
the Epistle to the Ephesians,

" There are several exceptional letters in Pushtoo which
differ from the Persian, and, before the reprint could be
effected, new type for all these letters had to be founded.
Captain James furnished the models for these types, and is
now actually engaged in correcting the proof-sheets of this
reprint ; and I claim the gratitude of the meeting both to
the munificent society which has furnished our mission with
three thousand copies of these sacred books, and to Captain
James for the benefit which has been derived so often from
his scholarship and knowledge.

" There is only one more occurrence of the past year
which requires to be reported, and it is one of considerable
interest.

" At the desire of Lord Shaftesbury, who is the president
of the Society for the Conversion of the Jews, a member of
that society addressed to me inquiries ' as to the groundwork
which exists for a mission to Peshiiwur on the society's
part.'

" I replied that I thought Captain James's researches
rendered it in the highest degree probable that the Afghans
are what they call themselves — sons of Israel ; but that still
it is not certain, and until it is certain I would not advise

IS.",. J THE AFGHANS, '' liENI ISRAEL." .'il5

diverting tlie iiinds ol' tliiit society from labours anionj^ the
thousands of known Jews in other parts of the woild.

** I know not, however, what decision the Jews' Society
may como to. A great deal, I should say, would rest on
Captain eTanies's fuller exposition of his own researches ; and
as he is about to leave us for a short visit to England, he
will doubtless find there the leisure which is unattainable
here.

" Whether the Afghans are Jews or not, they are Moham-
medans, and, regarding them in that broad light, the Church
]\[issionary Society has occupied the field.

" They are one of those nations to whom eighteen hundred
years ago our Lord ordered the Gospel to be preached.

"There is a record kept of how that order is obeyed.
Men fill it up themselves, and the world has no volume of
more vital interest ; for the leaves of that Book and the
years of the world will come to an end together. As mission
after mission is sent forth, page after page is turned.

"The blank pages are very few ; and it is a solemn
thought, that on one of those few leaves we ourselves are
now recording that a mission to the Afghans has been
established. Let us see that we write it down in no doubtful
characters, but in bold decided lines ; and may Cod bless
this mission, for His sake who ordered, and bless this
station and our country's rule for the sake of all who
help it."*

AVith regard to the remark whether the Afghans are

* Thero is a note writteu by Edwanles at Abbottabad twd years after-
warils which comes across the scene now, and goes to sliow that the eflect
was not so dangerous as some had feared, and that the trust and con-
fidence were not misplaced.

"Abbottabad, July 19, 1856.

" I was deliglited to hear Mr. Pfander had taken tea with a small party
of fanatics at Kazee Nujeeb's, and came away without a smash of the
teacups.

" It is really wonderful how the mission melts away opposition.

"(Signed) II. B. E."

310 SIB IJEEBEltT B. EDWABDES. [1857.

Jews or nut, some informatiou on tlie suljject from ]\Iajur
Harry Lumsden will be interesting'.

Origin of the Afghans {condensed hg E. E.) from the Report
of the Candahar Mission of Major Ilarrg Lumsden, in
1857.

Origin " TliG Afghans call themselves ' Beni Israel/ or ' children

Afghans of Israel/ and claim descent in a direct line from Saul, the
Benjamite King of Israel. They adduce, however, no
authentic evidence in support of their claim, which is not
an exclusive one, since they admit all other Mohammedans,
Jews, and Christians to be children of Israel, excluding only
idol-worshippers and the heathen. . . .

"All the records of the Afghans (and they are mostly
traditional) on the subject of their origin and descent are
extremely vague and incongruous, without dates, and abound-
ing in fabulous and distorted accounts of the deliverance
of the Israelites from Egypt under IMoses — of the ark of the
covenant (Tabuti-sakina), of their fights with the Amalekites,
Philistines, etc. — and they are, moreover, so mixed up with
Mohammedanism as to give the whole the appearance of
fiction or uncertainty. . . . The traditions are numerous, but
all have a close similitude to the Bible account of the ark
and the Deluge, the ark of the covenant, the guiding of the
pillar in the desert, the tables of the Law, and many other
things. . . .

" Saul, they say, was of a great height. He had two
sons, viz. Barakhia and Eamia, or Jeramiah. Jeramiah had
a son called Afghana. Then they have the tradition of the
Captivity under Bhuka-u-nasr (Nebucliadnezzar). The tribe
of Afghana adhered to the religion of their forefathers, and
on account of the obstinacy with which they resisted the
idolatrous faith of their conquerors, were, after the massacre
of many thousands of Israelites, for this reason banished
from Palestine by order of Bhuka-n-nasr. After this they
took refuge in the mountain of Ghor and the Koh-i-
Ferozah. Here they were called by the neighbouring people
' Afghans ' and ' Ben-i-Israel.' . . .

" At this time, and till the appearance of Mohammed, the

1837.] OlilGIN OF THE AFOHANS. '.',[7

Af^fliaiLs were readers of the Pentateuch, ;iiiil ohserved ihi-
ordinances of the Mosaic Law. . . .

" In the ninth year after jMohiiiiimed iiniiDuiiccd himself
as the propliet of Hod, and more tluiu lilleen hundred years
after the time of Solomon (this Idstory dates upwards of a
century ago), one Khalid-hin-Walid, an inliabitant of
Arabia and an Israelite, and one of the earliest disciples of
the new propliet, sent and informed the Afghans of the
advent of ' the last prophet of the times,' and exhorted them
to accept his doctrine."

The whole subject is thoroughly worked out by IMajor
H. B. Lumsden in his able " Iteport on the Candahar Mission,"
of which these are only scanty extracts. AVithout going
further into the tradition for proof, it is easy to believe the
fact, when we observe the striking physiognomic resemblance
to the Jews and their customs, which are identical or nearly Customs,
so, such as inheritance of land and its division by lot;
offering of sacrifices and sprinkling the blood on the lintel
and side-posts of the door to avert pestilence from a house ;
transferring the sins of a community to the head of a heifer,
sheep, or goat, and then sending the animal out into the
wilderness ; a man marrying his deceased brother's widow ;
serving for a wife, as Jacob did ; and many other such. The
veneration for " ziarats," or high places, holy shrines, pre-
sided over by a faqir, or a moollah, and invested with false
sanctity, and made places of meritorious pilgrimage. These
all point to customs and sins of the people, with which the
readers of the Old Testament are familiar.

Though they will tell you they do not belong to the
country, they know nothing of how they came there. " But,"
according to their own account, " after expulsion from Sham
(Palestine) by Bhuka-u-nasr (Nebuchadnezzar), they took
refuge in the mountains of Ghor and the ' Koh-i-Ferozah.'
Here they were called by the neighbouring peo[»le Afghan
and Beni-Israel. In these mountains they multiplied and
increased greatly, and, after a protracted period of fighting,
at length subdued the original inhabitants, and became
possessors of the country, and gradually extended their
borders towards the Kohistan-i-Cabul, Candaluu', and
Ghuzncc.

318 SIR nEBBERT B. EDWARDES. [1857.

" We know Ly 2 Kings xvii. G tliat ' in tlie ninth year
of Hosea the King of Assyria took Samaria, and carried Israel
away into Assyria, and placed them in Halar and Habor,
and by the river of Gozan, and in the cities of the Medes.'
This occurred under Slialmaneser, King of Assyria, about
B.C. 722.

"Two years previously to tliis, Tiglath-Pileser took
Gilead and Galilee, and all the land of Xaplithali, and
carried the Israelites into Assyria, And subsequently about
B.C. 587, after a long series of adversities previously foretold,
the Jewish nation was destroyed, and the Jews carried in
captivity to Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar. In B.C. 536 Cyrus
issued his famous edict, liberating the Jews and all Israelites.
" During the long period of one hundred and eighty-
eight years that elapsed from the first carrying away of the
Israelites by Tiglath-Pileser to their final restoration by
Page 205 of Cyrus, it may be fairly assumed that they became distri-
Major H.ii. y^^^Q^^ throughout the Medo-Persian empire. We know by
memoran- Estli. iii. 8 and viii. 9 that the Jews were scattered through-
'^"™' out the provinces of the Medo-Persian empire, from India

to Ethiopia."

These extracts from Major H. B. Lumsden's lieport
will help in tracing this interesting subject; and, without
dogmatizing upon it, the idea is further confirmed in conversa-
tion with people of the present day, who, if you ask them,
" You say you do not know where is your own country from
which you came, how then will you know how to return
to it ? " will answer, " Oh, when the right time comes for us
to go back to it, it will be shown us from heaven. The
Prophet Esau Masih * will appear in heaven and lead us
back to it, and show us the way."

Here we will leave this interesting suljject for the present
with the remark, " Several of the different hill tribes have
no national or kindred affinity whatever with the Afghans,
whilst others, though they resemble the Afghans in language,
features, and many of their customs, are rejected by them as
brethren, and assigned a separate origin, their names not
being found in the genealogy of the Afghans.

" The earliest knowledge of them dates B.C. 536. The

* Esau Masih means " Jesus Messiali."

1857.] SAFER TO DO Ol'lt DUTY. 310

country was tlie eastern porliun (jf the Meilo-Persian kin^'-
<lom founded by Cyrus, whose boundary was tlie Indus, beyond
^v]lich the world was su])posed to terminate in a vast desert.
( )u the defeat of Darius by Alexander the Great, about ]?.c.
330, it became a satrapy of the Grecian monarchy. In A.D.
651 the Arabs or Saracens overran Afglianistan, with their
inevitable concomitants, the sword and the Koran. ]\Iahmud
of Ghuznee captured Delhi A.D. 1011, and l)rouglit the gates
of Sumnauth (of sandalwood) in triumph from the tem[)le at
Delhi.

" Ghuznee formed the metropolis of the empire, extending,'
from the Tigris on the west to the CJanges on the east.
The gates were placed at the entrance of his magnificent
mausoleum at Ghuznee," whence Lord Ellenborougli eventu-
ally restored them to Ilindostan again, as we all know.*

It adds to the interest of the narrative thus to trace the
changes that have passed over these people, and now new
})rosj)ects are o])ening to them.

It has been seen that all the community of Englishmen
at Peshawur were not unanimously in favour of the mission,
and it is a fact to be remembered, while thinking upon
this subject, that the very officer who started the joke of
subscribing "one rupee for a revolver for the first mis-
sionary," and who was so alarmed at the "danger" of
biinging a Christian mission among the fanatical border
tribes, shortly afterwards was moved down to Meerut, in
what was considered the "quiet" part of India. He was
there with his regiment when the ^Mutiny of 1857 broke
out. His name was in the very first list of those who
sull'ered fearful atrocities at the hands of the Sepoys in the
first outbreak, and not only himself, l)ut he had tlie unspoak-
ul)le horror of seeing his wife and eliihh-en cruelly killed
before his eyes, before his own life was taken.

"We cannot forget these fearful things; nor is it well to
InimL them! Rather it is wise to trace God's ruling hand,
and learn by His chastisements, as well as by His deliver-
ances, that He is the liuler of events, however long He may
be pleased to hide His hand, and allow men to carry out, as
it appears to them, their own way.

* 'I'liov arc now sftiwnl awav in ;i storr-hunsc in Aiira.

320 SIR IlEliBERT n. EDWABBES. [1857.

A somewhat similar instance to this that we ]ia\'e men-
tioned above is given by Sir George Crawfurd in tracing the
origin of the "general order" issued to all military chaplains
in India, that they were not to speak at all to the native
soldiery on the subject of religion — a proliiliiliou wluch has
remained in force ever since.
Origin of Sir Georgc (then Eev. Mr. Crawfurd) was a chaplain at

"mXr" ''^ Allaliabad in 1830, when the sepoys of the Native Infantry
thatSopoys were in the habit, when on duty in the fort, of coming, unin-
wi-renot to yj^^ed, to the chaplain's quarters, and asking him to tell theni

be taught i -<i • ■ t •

Christi- about the Christian religion.

^"''y- This he gladly did ; and they in\T.ted him to come down

to their own lines and preach to them, as it was only now
and then that they were put on fort duty.

Mr. Crawfurd said he would come with pleasure if they
really wished it ; and he went, and they were greatly inter-
ested in the preaching of the gospel.

But one day, while the listening crow^ds were thus em-
ployed, a shadow crossed the circle, and the major of the
regiment appeared. He was angry, and, confronting Mr.
Crawfurd, said, " Sir, you are preaching to the sepoys ! - You
are exciting my men to insubordination. You'll cause an
insurrection, sir ! and we shall all be murdered at midnight ! "

The chaplain said, " The sepoys invited me to come, and
I am here by their desire."

" That must be false ! " said the major.

The chaplain replied, " Ask the sepoys yourself, sir."

The assembly was dispersed quickly. But next day the
ffeneral commandino; the division sent for Mr. Crawfurd. He
was a kind man, and was believed to have no objection him-
self to what had been done ; but, yielding to the arguments
of the major, he reproved the chaplain, and the matter had to
be referred to the Governor-General (Lord William Bentinck) ;
and this was the occasion that drew forth the " general stand-
ing orders " that the sepoys w^ere not to be spoken to on the
subject of religion.

What a strange retribution there seems to be in events !
This same major, who was thus unhappily instrumental
in getting this order first given (shutting out the teaching
of the true nature and spirituality of the Christian faith

1853.] OPENING OF A CHURCH AT PESHAWUJi. :!21

from the Sepoy), lived to rise to one of the highest ranks
of the Indian army ; and in the great Mutiny of 1857, was
in command at Cawnpore. When the Sepoys rose because
they thought there was a conspiracy by the Government
" to make Christians of them " (by giving tliem a cartridge
to bite composed of fat that would destroy their caste —
pig's fat, the abomination of the Mohammedan ; and bullock's
fat, that the Hindoo should be made to defile his god),
he and his wile and his whole family were the central
figures in a fearful tragedy that appalled all England, in
which numbers were murdered together in wholesale butchery
by the mutineers and the natives whom lie had trusted !

If there was no connection between these events of 1830
and 1857, then we must say it was a strange coincidence.
We are not required to judge, but we may mark a lesson for
our own learning, to guide us in the future ; and such experi-
ences as these serve to prove the truth of Edwardes's argu-
ment at the close of his opening speech at Peshawur.

" Above all, we may be quite sure that we are much safer
if we do our duty than if we neglect it."

It may be a fitting close to this story of the first establish-
ment of the mission to the Afghans at Peshawur, to carry
on the record to the present year, 1885, in which this is
written. For thirty years have passed, and now a Christian
mission church stands in the heart of the city of Peshawur.
It was opened on December 19, 1883, by the same Rev. Robert
Clark, who gives so full and interesting an account of it and
of the work at Peshawur which has been carried on by the
Rev. T. P. Hughes for the last sixteen years, that it abundantly
shows that God has blessed and prospered the work begun
in 1853.

" Opening of the C.M.S. Memorial Mission Cuurcu
AT Peshawur.*

" On December 19, 1853, it was my privilege, as the first
English missionary, I believe, who ever visited Peshawur, to

♦ By the Eev. RoLcrt Clnrk, M.A.
VOL. I. Y

322 SIR HERB Eli T B. EDWARDES. [1853.

be present at the celebrated missionary meeting which took
place at Peshawur on the establishment of the Afghan
mission. It was then that Sir Herbert Edwardes uttered his
memorable speech, which, in the history of Indian missions,
has since become historical. It was spoken almost immedi-
ately after the death of his predecessor by assassination ; and
it was under circumstances like these that he and Major
Hugh James, Colonel Martin, Sir James Brind, Sir Henry
Norman, Colonel Urmston, Colonel Bamfield, Dr. Baddeley,
and Mr. Maltby, the chaplain, with other men, and many
ladies also, met together to seek by prayer and effort, by
God's grace, to commence missionary work amongst the
Afghans at Peshawur. The collection wliich was made for
the mission soon amounted to Es.30,000 ; of which Es. 10,000
were given to the parent society by an anonymous friend ;
Es.5000 were given at the meeting through Mr. Urmston,
also anonymously ; Es.lOOO were collected after the Sunday
service in the offertory collection ; and the remainder was
given by many friends in many places.

" After the meeting the following words were read : ' Not
unto us, Lord, not unto us, but unto Thy Xame give the
praise, for Thy mercy and for Thy truth's sake. Wherefore
should the heathen say, AAliere is now their God ? As for
our God, He is in heaven.'

" Thirty years have passed, and I am again invited, this
time by the Peshawnir missionaries, to visit Peshawur, and to
take part in an event the like of which has never yet taken
place in Peshawur since it was a city, although it is said to
be one of the oldest cities in this part of Asia. I allude to
the opening of a beautiful, and perhaps almost unique,
Christian church in the midst of this great city of the
Afghans.

"Well may we now repeat the inspired words of the
psalmist, ' Not unto us, Lord, not unto us, but unto Thy
Name give the praise. . . . Wherefore sliould the heathen say,
Where is now their God ? As for our God, He is in heaven."

" Thirty years ! And what changes have taken ]Dlace in
them in Peshawur ! It was considered then to be unsafe for
a European to be seen outside the limits of the cantonments ;
and I remember, when walking one day a few hundred yards

1853.] ACCOUNT BY THE REV. ItOBERT CLARK. 323

beyond them, how I was met by Sir John Lawrence, then
Chief Commissioner of the Punjab, and Sir Herbert Edwardes,
the Commissioner of Peshawur, who were driving past with a
large escort, and who, with many rebukes for my thoughtless-
ness, ordered me to enter their carriage, and to desist in the
future from such dangerous practices. And now the whole
country is so open and safe that the missionaries can go alone
and unarmed to any village they will — a fact which shows
not only the good will which the people bear to the mission-
aries, but shows also the effect of thirty years of English good
government among headstrong and turbulent tribes. A school
of more than four hundred scholars, many of whom belong to
the highest classes of the Sirdars and Eaises, is being carried
on by the mission, in which God's Word is daily taught. A
Christian congregation has been gathered together, and now,
on the anniversary of the very Christmas week in which the
first meeting was held, on December 19, 1853, after thirty
years of steady, persevering, prayerful work of faith and
labour of love, a beautiful church has been set apart to the
service of God, and of His Son Jesus Christ, in the midst of
the Afghan people. The mouth of opponents is silenced, for
all have seen that this is God's work.

" It will be difficult to give a description of the church, or
to do justice to it. "VVe can only say that it is the most
beautiful church, although, of course, it is very far from being
the largest, that we have seen in India. It is situated in a
pubUc thoroughfare, very near to the Edwardes Memorial
School, and close to one of the gates of the city. Instead of
facing the east, it exactly faces Jerusalem, as the point to
which all believers look for the second coming of the Lord.
Its plan is cruciform, and its architecture is a successful
adaptation of mosque architecture to the purposes of Christian
worship. The symmetry and proportions of the columns and
arches are almost perfect. At the end of the chancel is an
exquisitely painted window, the gift of Lady Herbert Edwardes,
in memory of her late husband. Above the chancel arch is
another small painted window, erected by Mr. and Mrs.
Worthington Jukes, to the memory of their little child. The
transepts are separated from the nave by two carved screens,
one of which is the gift of the Eev. C. M. Saunders, and the

324 SIR HERBERT B. EDWARDES. [1853.

other of the Rev. A. Bridge, both chaplains of Peshawur.
One transept is set apart for purdah women, and in the other
is the baptistery, the gift of Mr. Hughes, which is adapted for
the administration of Holy Baptism by immersion. The
carved pulpit is the gift of Mr. Jukes. The handsome brass
lectern is the gift of Miss Milman, sister of tlie late Bishop of
Calcutta, and bears the following inscription: — 'In loving
memory of Robert Milman, liishop of Calcutta, who died
March 15, 1876. He preached his last Urdu sermon to the
native Christian congregation in the city of Peshawur. His
last English sermon was on behalf of the Peshawur mission.
His last public act was an address to the pupils of the
Peshawur Mission School. " I will very gladly spend and be
spent for you." '

" The communion table is of Peshawur carved wood- work.
The book-desk on the holy table is the gift of Mr. Graves,
who laid the foundation-stone of the church in 1882. The
floor of the chancel is of Peshawur pottery in different
patterns. The kneeling cushion before the communion-rails
was worked by Mrs. Freeman, who, together with her husband,
was a large contributor to the church.

" The following text, in Persian, stands out in bold relief
over the arch of the entrance-door, on the front of the chui'ch
outside, from Rev. vii. 12: 'Amen: Blessing, and glory, and
wisdom, and thanksgiving, and honour, and power, and might,
be unto our God for ever and ever. Amen.' Over the chancel
arch inside appear the words in large letters, ' I will make
them joyful in My house of prayer ' (Isa. Ivi. 7), words which
were cliosen by our bishop. Many other texts adorn the
building, and especially the two following at the chancel end
of the church : ' The salvation which is in Christ Jesus,' from
2 Tim. ii. 10 ; and, 'Jesus Christ the same yesterday, and to-
day, and for ever,' from Heb. xiii. 8.

" But the chief feature of the church is the screen, beauti-
fully carved in wood, of different native Peshawur patterns,
which divides the chancel from the ambulatory behind it. In
this ambulatory are placed the mural tablets to the memory
of deceased Peshawur missionaries, on account of which the
church is called All Saints' Memorial Church. The tablets
are as follows :— The Rev. C. G. Pfander, D.D., 1855-1865 ;

1853.] ACCOUNT BY THE REV. ROBERT CLARK. 325

died December 1, 1805, aj^ed 02. The Rev. T. Tutin;,', P..A.,
1857-1802 ; died October 27, 1862, aged 30. The Kev. Rnrrer
E. Clrtik, B.A., 1859-1803; died Januaiy 14, 1803, aged 28.
The Ilev. Isidor Loewenthal, M.A., 1850-1804; died April
27, 1804, aged 38. The Eev. J. Stevenson, 1864-1805 ; died
December 23, 1805, aged 20. The Rev. J. W. Knott, :M.A.,
1809-1870; died July 28, 1870, aged 40. Alice Mary, wife
of the Rev. T. R. Wade ; died October 8, 1871, aged 21.
Minnie and Alice, infant children of the Rev. T. P. Hughe.s.

" The dome-covered cupola of the tower is seen from a
great distance, and contains a fine-toned bell, which is heard
all over the city and neighbourhood, the gift, many years ago,
of the Rev. George Lea, and other friends in Birmingham, to
the Peshawur mission, through Colonel Martin. The cupola
is surmounted by a large gilt cross, sliowing the Christian
character of the building, and distinguishing it from other
public edifices in the city.

" Connected with the church is the parsonage-house, built
in native fashion, in the form of a square, and near to it the
large vestry-room and native library, two guest-rooms on an
upper story, below which are dwelling-places for the servants.
Everything is thus provided in connection with the church
for all purposes required. The cost of the whole of the
buildings has been about Rs.25,000. Rs.3000 are still
required to pay off the debt which has been necessarily
incurred, and we hope that the lilierality of Christian friends
will speedily pay it, and that this sum will be soon forth-
coming, to remove all anxiety from those who are responsible
for it,

"At noon on December 27 (the Feast of St. John the
Evangelist), the day of the opening, the church was filled
from end to end by a very large and attentive audience. The
two transepts were then filled with English officers, amongst
whom we noticed the Deputy-Commissioner. One side of
the nave was occupied by native women, and by native and
English ladies ; and the other side by the men and boys of
tlie congregation, and by the members of the Punjab Native
Church Council, who had received a hearty invitation from
Mr, Hughes and Mr. Jukes to be present at the opening of
the church, and to hold the eighth meeting of the Punjab

;)2(l .S/i? liEliBERT B. EDWAIWES. [1B53.

Native Church Council iu Peshawur. The completion of the
Indus bridge at Attock and of the Punjab Nortliern State
IJaihvay to Peshawur enabled them to accept the invitation ;
and many native friends from different parts of the province
availed themselves of the true Afghan hospitality which our
Peshawur hosts so bountifully bestowed on us all.

" Fourteen clergymen, five of whom were natives, were
present, and took part in the service ; and in the absence of
our beloved bishop at home, it devolved on us, as the senior
missionary of the Church Missionary Society in the Punjab,
by the invitation of the missionaries, to say such prayers at
the opening service as could be taken by an ordinary clergy-
man. The lessons were read by the Ptev. W. Jukes, and by
the pastor of the church, the Eev. Imam Shah. A brief
statement of the object of the service was made by the Eev.
T. P. Hughes, who presented the pastor with a copy of the
Holy Scriptures in the original languages, and with the
sacramental vessels of the church, which were then reverently
placed by him on the Lord's table. The sermon was then
preached by the Eev. Moulvie Imad-iid-din, chaplain to the
Bishop of Lahore, from the words of our Lord, ' If I with the
finger of God cast out devils, no doubt the kingdom of God is
come upon you ' (Luke xi. 20). The sound of the psalms and
hymns swelled harmoniously through the church, and the
service was concluded with praise, and thanksgiving, and
prayer. The proceedings were very solemn, and verily God
Himself was present with His people ; and He made His
presence felt, even as He had manifested His presence in an
unmistakable manner at the first missionary meeting which
had been held at Peshawur thirty years before.

"But some of our C.M.S. supporters in India may per-
haps ask, 'Why this apparent departure from some of the
cherished traditions of the Church Missionary Society by the
erection of this beautiful church in a C.M.S. station ? The
answer is very clear. It is no departure at all. The object
of the Church Missionary Society is to build in every heathen
land living temples to the Lord ; whatever means will con-
duce to this end should be made use of. "We wish to bring
the people of this and of every land to the Cross of Christ.
For nearly thirty years has the gospel been preached in the

1853.] SCHOOL, llUhAlI, A^D AXJUMAN. 327

bazaars, and streets, and the villaj:;e.s of Peshawur city and
district; and it has been met with scorn, and derision, and
insult. For tlie last few years the policy of our Peshawur
missionaries has been (-hanged. The efforts which are now
made are those of conciliation and friendship within the
church, in the school, in the liujrah, and the anjuman. On
Thursday last were seen, ])orhaps for the lirst time in Peshawur,
many leading native chiefs, who reverently sat behind the
red cord which separated tlie unbaptized from believers in
the faith of Christ, and who listened attentively to a Christian
moulvie as he preaclietl to them boldly and very plainly the
gospel of Christ. There was no opposition at all ; a leading
Khan of Eusufzai was there, with members of some royal
families. A liajali from the frontier afterwards took his place
as a listener, if not a worshipper, in a Christian church. Ex-
pressions of approbation and congratulation were heard
from Moliammedans and Hindoos in Peshawur. ' We serve
God in our way,' said they , ' and it is only right that you
should serve Him in yours.' Services of song and preaching
have since then been daily held, and for the first time in the
history of the Peshawur mission has a Christian church been
thronged by people who are not Christians, and who are not
yet willing to listen quietly to Christian preaching when
delivered outside.

" We believe that it has been given to our friends, Mr.
Hughes and Mr. Jukes, to devise one more way to gain the
Afghans. The hujrah* is another. The school is another.
The anjuman^ another. If religious services can be carried
on, and religious instruction can be given, without controversy
or noisy opposition and disputation, to Afghans in a beautiful
church, then let us have the church. We have seen in some
other places rooms in schools, in houses, or room-like —
so-called — churches, where services have been imattended,
except by a few paid agents of a mission. If the fault in a
church is merely that it is beautiful, then let us accept the
fault, if its consequences are the bringing in of souls to
Christ, or even if it is only the inducing heathen and
IMohammedan men and veiled women to listen to the gospel.
In this case the church is not an expensive one : Ps.2 1,000

* Guest-house. t Answers to an assembly-house, or club.

328 silt nEBBERT B. EDWABDES. [1853.

is uot a large sum fur a well-finislied, suitable, aud com-
modious church; and even this sum has been in a great
measure given by private friends, who have presented most
of what is ornamental as a free gift.

" We believe that a new era in the history of the Afghan
mission has been entered on by the erection of this church in
the Peshawur city. An onward movement has been made,
and although we know that a mere building is nothing with-
out God's presence and blessing in it, yet if the cloud of glory
fills this house, even as it filled the tabernacle and the temple
of old, this building will not be without its special service in
the evangelization of the Afghans. Our earnest prayer is
that this new era may now be signalized by the coming in of
many Afghans into Christ's own fold ; for ' unto Him shall
the gathering of the people be ; ' and He Himself has said,
' I will draw all men unto Me.' "

We will close this chapter with two sketches — one of an
early convert of this mission, the other of its first missionary.
Dilawur "Dilawur Khan was a good specimen of the brave soldiers

on this frontier. He was a Subahdar in the Guide Corps.
Formerly a robber, and a plunderer, and a killer of infidels, he
joined the English as a soldier, ' because,' he said, ' he would
always be on the strongest side.' When he heard of Christian
missionaries, he went at once to confute them. But instead
of doing so, he himself became impressed that what they said
was right, and that the mooUahs were wrong. He immediately
came over to the strongest side.

" He was once riding with Sir Herbert Edwardes between
Attock and Peshawur, and he spoke to Sir Herbert of what
was nearest his heart, and asked him for 'some arguments
which would confound the moollahs.' Sir Herbert told him
of a Saviour's love, as Dilawur Khan had never heard of it
before, and so impressed him with the truth and self-satisfying
power of Christianity, that (as he described his feelings after-
wards) his ' heart burned within liim as he talked with him
by the way.'

" He was baptized by Mr. Fitzpatrick, and remained in his
regiment, doing excellent military service everywhere, and
especially at Delhi with the Guides. He was known through-

18GG.] SUB ADD AR DILAWUIi KHAN. 329

out the country as tliu Christian convert, or infidel who
' confounded the niooUahs ' by his bhiff, incisive words, every
one of which told against tlie ]\I()haniuiedans.

" Mr. Hughes wrote, ' Wlien Lord Mayo wished to send
some trusted native on very confidential service to Central
Asia, it was an Alglian convert of our mission who was
selected. Suljahdar Dilawur Khan, who liad served the Englisli
well before the gates of Delhi, was sent on this secret mission
to Central Asia, where he died in the snows, a victim to tlie
treachery of the King of Chitral. Ilis last words were, " Tell
the Government (Sircar) that I am glad to die in their service.
Give my salaam to the Commissioner of Peshawur and the
Padre Sahib." ' " *

We have a sketch of Dr. Pfander, the first Peshawnir
missionary, from the pen of Herbert Edwardes, in 1866.

" During the three years 1855 to 1858, I knew much of r>r. Pi'^m-
Dr. Pfander and of liis work, and have always looked back
to him as a chief in the mission band. Who that ever met
him can forgot that burly Saxon figure and genial open face,
beaming with intellect, simplicity, and benevolence. He
had great natural gifts for a missionary, a large heart, a
powerful mind, higli courage, and an indomitable good
humour ; and to these, in a life of labour, he had added
great learning, practical wisdom in the conduct of missions,
and knowledge of Asiatics, especially Mohammedans.
Indeed, his mastery of the Mohammedan controversy was,
in India at least, unequalled. He had thoroughly explored
it, and acquired the happy power of treating it from Asiatic
points of view, in Oriental forms of thought and expression.
His refutations of Mohammedanism and exposition of
Christianity were all cast in native moulds, and liad nothing
of the European about them. They might have been
written by a mooUah, and yet moollahs found that tlicy set

* Extracted from " The Punjab and Sindh Missions," by the Rev.
Robert Clark, 1885.

330 SJIi HER DEBT B. EUWARDES. [1866.

up the cross aud throw the crescent into eclipse. The
Moslem doctors of Turkey, Persia, Afghanistan, and India
have never had such a bone to pick as Pfander's ' Mizan-
ul-Haqq ' (or the ' Balance of Truth ').

" It was in tlie Indian Mutiny, however, that the
character of Pfander appeared at the height of Christian
dignity. The city of Peshawur, with its sixty thousand
bigots from Central Asia, was at no time a pleasant place for
the messenger of Christ ; and in 1857, when the fanaticism
of both Mohammedans and Hindoos was stirred up from the
very dregs, it required something of the courage that ' fought
with beasts at Ephesus' to go down into that arena, with no
weapon but the Bible. Yet Pfander never suspended his
preachings in the open street throughout that dreadful
time. Bible in hand, as usual, he took his stand on a bridge
or in a thoroughfare, and, alike without boasting and without
fear, proclaimed the truth and beauty of Christianity, while
the empire of the Christians in India was trembling in
the balance. On no occasion was any violence offered to
him. . . .

" Sir John Lawrence, when Chief Commissioner, used to
say, with reference to discussions about the policy of mis-
sions in India, that 'nothing but good could come from
the presence of a man like Dr. Pfander anywhere ; ' and
General Nicholson, who was in charge of the district of
Peshawur till called on to take command of the Punjab
Flying Column during the Mutiny, and who had every
opportunity of knowing the feeling of tlie people, gave Dr.
Pfander a confidence that was usually hard to win."

CHAPTER Xr.

185G— 1857.

JOHX NICHOLSON— JOURNEY TO CALCUTTA AND RLTURN
TO PKSHAWUR.

" High nature amorous of the good,
But touch'd with no ascetic gloom ;
And passion pure in snowy bloom
Thro' all the years of April blood ; . . .

" And manhood fused with female grace
In such a sort, the child would twine
A trustful hand, unask'd, in thine,
And find his comfort in thy face."

From Tenktson's In Memoriam.

( 333 )

CHAPTER XI.

About February, 1856, John Nicholson, who had been holdmj]' ^"^" ,

^, 1. Tx , /-I • • T-w -1 Kicholson.

the post 01 JJeputy-Commissioner at liunnoo ever since he
returned to India in 1852, had become very unhappy in his
work there. Friction with his chief at Lahore was becoming
more and more intolerable, and conceiving, not without
reason, that he was treated unjustly, his noble nature and his
own high integrity rose against it ; and he was determined,
if he could manage it, to leave the Punjab, or at least that Desires to
part of it where the yoke had been made so insupportable PunLb.*
to him.

He would have joined the war in Persia, or gladly have
taken up a charge in Ptajpootana under his former and
beloved chief, Sir Henry Lawrence ; but no vacancy occurred,
and, much as Sir Henry would have delighted to have him
witli him, he had no appointment of sufficient importance to
offer.

Nicholson applied to be sent to Peshawur, to take up the
Deputy-Commissionership there under Colonel Edwardes ;
and the subordinate position was no drawback to him when
it meant association with his dearest friend in India.

The two friends frequently urged the plan, for nothing
could be happier, both publicly and privately ; but the
inexorable John Lawrence set his face against it for a long
time and declared he " didn't want two top-sawyers in one
place."

However, something had to be done, for John Nicholson
would stay no longer in Bunnoo, and his services there had
been so great, and he had brought the district into such
perfect order, tliat he had some right to be listened to. And
so, in May, 1856, he was allowed to leave it, and was given

334 SIR nERBERT B. EDWARDES. [1856.

Was given the charge of Caslimere for six months, an Englisli Eesident

charge'^of being Sent there annually for the summer season. When

Cashmere, the six months were ended, he was allowed to proceed to

■ Pesliawur as I)eputy-C(3mmissioner, and the two friends

Deputy- rejoiced exceedingly at being once more together.

Commis- Little did they then know the full importance and value

sionor of -, iit i ^ ^ T ^ o

Peshawur, 01 tlic move tlicy iiad so long struggled to accomplish ; lor
December, they could forcsec nothing of the terrible times tliat were so
near, in which their united strength would be of such value.
The end of 1856 found them working heartily and happily
together, sympathizing heart and soul in each other's views
and objects, in frontier policy, and finding the utmost
pleasure in each other's society. Never were two men more
closely united in unbroken friendship and confidence through-
out their whole lives. They loved each other deeply.

There is a sketch of John Nicholson, drawn by the pen of
Herbert Edwardes, for ]\Ir. Eaikes's " Notes on the Eevolt
of the North-Western Provinces of India," which is inserted
here, by Mr. Eaikes's permission.

Sketch of «0f what class is John Nicholson the type, then? Of

Nicholson noue ; for truly he stands alone. But he belongs essentially
w^rdes. ^o the school of Henry Lawrence.

" I only knocked down the walls of the Bunnoo forts.
John Nicholson has since reduced the "peoigle (the most
ignorant, depraved, and bloodthirsty in the Punjab) to such
a state of good order and respect for the laws that, in the
last year of his charge, not only was there no murder, bur-
glary, or highway robbery, but not an attempt at any of those
crimes.

*' The BunnoocheeS; reflecting on tlieir own metamor-
phosis, in the village gatherings under the vines, by the
streams they once delighted so to fight for, have come to
the conclusion that ' the good Mohammedans ' of historic
ages must have been 'just like Nikkul-Seyn ! '

" They emphatically approve him as every inch a ha-
keem.* And so he is.

* Hakeem, master or lord.

3 I

•8

1856.] TEE " NIKKUL-SETNEE FAKEEIiS." 335

"It is difficult to describe him. lie must be seen.
Lord Dalhousie — no mean judge — perhaps, best summed up
his hii^h military and administrative qualities when he called
him ' a tower of strength.' I can only say that I think him
equally fit to bo Commissioner of a division or general of
an army.

" Of the strength of his personal character I will only tell
two anecdotes.

" 1. If you visit either the battle-field of Goojerat or
Chillianwallah, the country people begin their narrative of
the battle thus : ' Nikkul-Seyn stood just there.'

" 2. A brotherhood of fakeers in llazara abandoned all Pf ^''^'

kul-oeynee

forms of Asiatic monachism, and commenced the worship of fakeers,
Nikkiil-Seyn, which they still continue.* Repeatedly they
have met John Nicholson since, aud Allien at his feet as
tlieir Gooroo.f

" He has flogged them soundly on every occasion, and
sometimes imprisoned them ; but the sect of the Nikkul-
Seynees remains as devoted as ever. Sanguis martyrum est
semen Ecclesiw.

" On the last whipping, John Nicholson released them on
the condition that they would transfer their adoration to
John Becher ; but, arrived at their monastery in llazara,
they once more resumed the worship of the relentless Nikkul-
Seyn ! "

When the sad news came from Delhi of John Nicholson's
death, the head of the party in Hazara was found digging a
grave, and being asked what he was doing, replied, that " If
his gooroo was dead, he could live no longer ; " and he did
pine away and die within a very short time.

We have seen in a former chapter how the beginning of
1857 witnessed the meeting of Dost ^lahommed, the Ameer
of Cabul, and the English authorities, once more face to face

• This was written in 1857.
t Religious or spiritual guitlo.

330 SJR HERBERT D. EDWABDES. [1857.

upon the plains of IV'shawur. This time the occasion was to
sign the second treaty.

Tlie increased anxieties of the Persian War made it
desirable to the Afghans to draw still closer the bonds of
friendship witli the English ; and the Ameer himself came
down to Pcshawur to sign the second treaty, of which we
have already spoken.
Proposed When this work was accomplished, and the treaty signed,

ralcuaa*" ^^^^^ "^^ ^^^^ Afghans had retired beyond the mountains back
into their own country, it became necessary for Edwardes to
absent himself for a short time from Peshawur, to take his
wife down to Calcutta, for severe illness had made it neces-
sary for her, very unwillingly, to go to England (for only six
months as was intended) ; and the separation was rendered
less unbearable by the two friends being left together at
Pesha^n^r, and sharing one house till her return in October.

So the time seemed well chosen ; for who knew any-
thing about the storm that was near, to burst upon India
within two short months ?

True, indeed, it was that, years ago, in the happy days of
the Eesident and his Assistants at Lahore, Sir Henry Lawrence
had been frequently in the habit of discussing the subject of
the Sepoy army, aud was of decided opinion that there were
many elements of weakness and danger in the existing
system of military organization, from which he feared bad
results would follow; and he strove hard and wrote much,
from time to time, to stir up the military authorities to look
into them and reform them.
^^^^' . And so far back as 1845 there were many articles written

of danger, in the Calcutta Review by Sir Henry, foreshadowing dangers,
that afterwards proved too true. For Sir Henry Lawrence
had the far-sight of genius in all he did, and a keen insight
into military affairs. He was heart aud soul a soldier, and
loved his profession. And as he talked these questions out
with the band of young men whom he had gathered round
him, and encouraged them to look into these subjects, it is
not to be wondered at that they caught an inspiration from
his enthusiasm.

And the reader will remember that there was written, so
long back as 1849, by Edwardes, a light sketch, suggested as

1857.] NICUOLSON LEFT IN CHARGE AT PESnlwUR. 337

the outline subject for a novel, thrown ofl" in tlie idle iiKtnients
of floating down the Indus, on liis way home with Jolin
Niclujlson (wliicli we have already quoted in cliai)ter vi.),
whicli reads like a prophecy of wliat came true in 1857 — eight
years afterwards.

But for the present India was at rest, and dreamed not
that it slumbered over a volcano.

Even the frontier, where disturbance was common enough
(and, if it came, was indeed looked upon as a wliolesome
irritant, only tending to keep the rest of the body in a
healthy state), was more restful than usual, with the sense
of the new amicable relations just completed with the Cabul
ruler.

And so it seemed that the journey to Calcutta miglit be
undertaken in safety, with the reins left in John Nicholson's
hands during the Commissioner's absence.

There were some advantages to be had by a trip to
Calcutta, It was well to come face to face with the new
Governor-General, Lord Canning, and plans could be dis-
cussed in a few interviews in a way that letters could never
accomplish ; and it is very refreshing to see many old friends
again.

Then Edwardes was glad to be able to bring the claims
of his dear friend, John Nicholson, before Lord Canning ; for
he was still anxious to leave the Punjab altogether, and
Edwardes was desirous that the Governor- General should
know his merits and understand his value. So he pressed
very urgently upon Lord Canning Nicholson's great qualities,
and the irreparaljle loss he would be to the I'unjab, as one
of the best district officers in the province, and one of the
finest soldiers in the army ; and wound up his description of
his friend by saying —

" If your Lordship ever has a thing of real difficulty to
be done, I would answer for it, John Nicholson is the man
to do it."

And Lord Canning kindled with interest, and smilingly
replied —

VOL. I. z

ing,

338 sin II Eli BERT n. edwardes. [iboT.

*' I will remember what yoii say, and I will take you for
Major Nicholson's godfather."

Only too soon was this last proved true !
The part- After a short stay together at Calcutta, the sad parting

came ; and, having seen his wife on board the steamer on
March 23, 1857, and stood on the shore till the form of the
Ava was lost in the distant haze of the river, Edwardes
turned to prepare for his solitary journey l)ack to Peshawur ;

" and " he writes, " I felt that we had really 'parted. What
a serious and sad word it is ! May our kind heavenly
Father watch over you, my beloved, and bring you back to
me, crowned with the mercy of restored and enduring
health ! When coming away, I found I had been standing
under a pretty evergreen tree with red berries, on whose
leaves there seemed to be a constant contention going on,
the smoky steamers trying to blacken them, and the thick
dew wiping them again. I gathered a spray as a good
omen, and send you a few leaves. The worst was coming
back to the old room, strewed with the disorder of our
packing-up. The wretchedness of the room was dreadful ! "

That wretched parting now is looked back to as the
beginning of sorrows !

It would be impossible to give anything like a true
picture of him whose life this attempts to sketch, and to
leave out entirely that tenderness and devotion in his home
which was one of the lovely qualities of his heart and mind,
and which shone out conspicuously in every word and action
of his beautiful life.
Private Great as he was in his pulilic life, in administrative

power, and in his influence in curbing wild races (it was,
even there, the iron hand in a velvet glove), great in elo-
quence, and strong in resolve and fertility of resource in
difficulties, it was in his private life that all the refinement
and true loveliness of his character came out fully ; and his
nobleness and gentleness of soul beautified every action of

life.

1857.J Ills BEAUTIFUL HOME- LIFE. 339

his daily lilu. The one who knew him best, and could tell
the most of his inner life, and was privileged to share his
deepest thoughts, is the one who can tell hest from how pure
a sourer flowed out the noljle acts that the world saw. To
know liim truly was to see him in his home, where his
natural brilliancy was unfettered, and his presence was
always sunshine.

Unlike some, who look fair in public and adorn society,
but who exhaust the charms of their mind on strangers,
Herbert Edwardcs's strong heart was full of love ; and that
at all times, and this light from heaven itself shone out the
brightest on the one the nearest to catch the ray.

There all the poetry and romance of his nature came out
in its richest pathos, and he wanted no other audience than
those he loved best to display his richest treasures. His
tenderness of sympathy for others would often lead him
to acts of generous help to those who were in trouble, that
no one heard of but his wife; and many can testify to, or
may have passed away to thank him in heaven for all, the
kind things he did continually. Sometimes a soldier had
heavy debts he could not pay, or a wife who was sick, and
he could not give her the luxuries she needed; or perhaps
the soldier may have had a girl he loved at home, who would
come out to be his wife if he could only pay her way. All
such cases as these, when he proved them real, won a ready
sympathy from his chivalrous heart.

All his life he had done these things, even when he was
a subaltern with his regiment, and many were the voices
that woidd bless him. And as liis means increased, his
charities expanded, and he gave away with large-hearted
munificence.*

And to complete the picture, it must be told (and may
be added here) how courteous he was in little things as

* A humorous instance of confidence in bis readiness to help occurred
at this time. The widow of a clerk who had been in his office and died
some years before was very ill; and, expecting to die one day, said to
her doctor, " Now I shall die, I am sure ; I shall make over my two girls
to Colonel Edwardes." And ho says laughingly, in telling the story, " I
hcnrtil}' wish the good lady a long life!" But, had the occasion occurred,
he would have been quite equal to it !

340 SIR HERBERT D. EDWARDES. [1857.

\vell as <^avat. In Scotland, in tlie last year of his life, he
wonltl deliglit to visit a poor old woman in a cottage, often
carrying a jug of soup to her with his own hands; and he
would enter her cottage door with as much deference and
courtesy as if it were a palace, and sit by her chimney-corner
and talk to her with such a kindly interest and grace that
he won her heart to believe in anything he had to say to her.

If he passed along the road another day, she would get
up from her chimney-corner and go to her door, and say,
" It does me good to see him only walk along the road ! "

A rather amusing illustration of this feature of his
character occurred once wlien Edwardes was on his way
home. He went one day from Paris to Versailles, to visit
one of his Punjab friends (one of the frontier officers in high
command in India), and as he walked along from the station
to his friend's house, he overtook an old woman who was
tottering under the weight of a large bundle she was trying
to carry along. He stopped and spoke to her, and, finding
that their roads lay in the same direction, he said, " Give
me your bundle, my good woman, and I'll carry it for
you, and we will walk along together." And so they did ;
and the friends on the look-out for him were greatly wonder-
ing if it were he, coming along the avenue, carrying a large
bundle in his arms, and an old Frenchwoman by his side.

She little knew to whom she was indebted for smoothing
her path that day. To him it was simply the natural
impulse of his genial, courteous, and sympathetic nature ; and
he thought nothing of it, and gave the bundle back to her with
a courteous regret that he could carry it no further for her.

But this is a digression, and we must go back to the
point we started from. This little parenthesis will have
served to show the reader only a glimpse of the truth that
to be torn away from such a home was indeed the beginning
of sorrows to both.

And yet, when the fury of the storm had burst, and the
horrors of the Mutiny were being enacted in almost every
station in India, the kindness of the Providential care was
seen and recognized, that had removed his wife to a safe
place, and left him free, without distraction of private
anxieties, to devote liis mind and his energies to the public

IN CALCUTTA. 341

duties wliicli were about to press so lieavily and so anxiously
upon liim in the Peshawur frontier charge, towards wliich
Edwardes \vas now id wend his way back with a very heavy
heart.

Ihit before he did so, he stayed a few days in Calcutta,
to give opportunity for interviews with the Governor-General ;
and many were their meetings, and many the anxious con-
versations on burning questions of public interest.

There was much that Lord Canning wanted to talk over
of Peshawur matters and frontier policy — the Lumsden
mission (which he wished to correspond directly with the
Calcutta Government through Edwardes) and other questions
which Lord Canning discussed at great length, keeping
Edwardes long after all the guests had disappeared, and
asking him to come again the next morning and renew the
discussions.

lieing somewhat new to India, Lord Canning seemed
anxious to think out questions for himself and form his
views ; and, in order to do so, to hear the opinions of public
men who had already given time and thought to them, and
had liad experience by which to test them.

And there was no difficulty in drawing Lord Canning's
attention to the military questions and the state of the
army, which had so long and often engaged Edwardes's own
thoughts, and the dangers to our Indian Empire to which we
have already alluded in discussing the training which Sir
Henry Lawrence gave to his Assistants at Lahore. For
already there seem to have been felt the rumblings of the
coming storm of disaffection in the native army.

Even during this short time of Edwardes's visit to First signs
Calcutta came the first signs of the Mutiny, and the 19th °*^*'?®

^ •' ' coming

Regiment of Isative Intantry was quietly disbanded at storm.
Barrackpore, without any disturbance. And although no
one could foretell the whole course of atrocities and rebellion,
peril and disaster, that would so soon follow upon this first
thunder-clap, till our very empire itself should reel under the
blow, still this opportunity was not lost by Colonel
Edwardes in pressing upon Lord Canning not to allow the
warning note that was sounding so loudly in his ears, so near
to him as Barrackpore, to pass unheeded. It l>rought home

342 sin IlERDEBT n. EDWARLES. [1857.

his arguments with telling power to liis Lordship's mind ;
for, even now, blood had been spilt. The story was this —

Aro;uments " A sad thing took place in the 34th Native Infantry at
home! Burrackpore. A Sepoy, a ]5rahmin, got drunk with bhang,

took his musket and a sword, and called on the other
sepoys to join him in going to^he ghat and preventing the
European soldiers from landing ; of course knowing that
they had been sent for to keep peace at the disbandment of
the 19th, or perhaps suspecting harsher measures.

" The adjutant, Lieutenant Baugh, went down to the
parade, and his horse was shot under him by the Brahmin.
Baugh drew a pistol and fired at him to prevent his reload-
ing, but missed, and the Brahmin closed with him, with his
sword. A fight ensued, in which the native tulwar proved
better than the Birmingham blade, and Baugh was terribly
wounded. This was before all the men of the regiment, and
only one sepoy came to Baugh's assistance. The sergeant-
major seems to have been helping, for he got killed.

" This is the substance of a letter just received from an
officer of the 34th, who does not hesitate to say that his
regiment is in a worse state than the 19th, that all the
European officers liave lost confidence in their men, and
that he hopes all sorts of things will be done by Govern-
ment. . . . The army is in a state of lax discipline, and
wants radical reform, which we seem to have no statesman
to undertake. These regiments at Barrackpore have
probably been tampered with by the dethroned Princes who
are still in exile at the capital.* — H. B. E." (Extract from
diary letters to his wife.)

* la confirmation of the truth of this idea, we may put into a note
here a letter received at Peshawur some months furtlier on, when appre-
hensions had become certainties, and facts so much worse than apprehen-
sions : " has had a letter from some friend in Calcutta, who evidently

is behind the scenes; for he says Government is in possession of informa-
tion wiiich shows that the Mutiny was preconcerted by Mohammedans.

" It was to have taken place on the Queen's birthday all over the

1857.] FIRST WARNINGS OF THE COMING STORM. 343

But these first symptoms ut Barrackpore were not, at the
time, generally thought of much consequence, and did not
attract much attention. In disbanding the 19th Regiment,
it was considered that the Mutiny was at an end, and tliat
the offenders had met with the punishment they deserved.

But it is not a great stretch of imagination to suppose
that afterwards, when the plots thickened, these earnest
conversations, and warnings too, would come back to Lord
Canning's mind, and would help to give him confidence in
the man who held the reins at the frontier post at Peshawur,
and held, as it were, the anchor by which the great ship was
able to outride the storm.

Maybe, too, it gave some force to the determination that
enabled Lord Canning to give the casting vote v/ith Edwardes,
which was all-important at the time when it should come to
pass, in after-days of difficulty, that the question actually was
hanging in the balance, whether or not they should let slip
the anclior.

Looking back, we can often trace tlie tiny links that help
to make the chain of great and important events with which
we could never have guessed that they had any connection.

In the return journey up the country many friends were
visited at the different stations, in interchange of thought
with whom Edwardes found much refreshment.

It was always interesting to him to study, too, the tone of
native thought and feeling in the parts of India so far away
from his own province ; and an opportunity was unexpectedly
afforded him in the journey as soon as he left Calcutta.

country, when the troops were on parade. The cartridi^e question came up
accidentally, and offered so good au opportunity, uniting the Hindoo sepoy
with the Mohaniniedau one, that it was seized upon, and took fire rapidly
through the army, and the Cavalry at Meerut got so excited that they
precipitated the matter.

"The King of Delhi was to have his old imperium, the Nawab of
Moorshedabad was to be Viceroy of Oude; and the late King of Oude,
Viceroy of Bengal and Bebar. I have no doubt that these three [Hjtentates
were at the bottom of it, for an Oude subahdar of the Kilat-i-Ghilzie
Regiment told me two months ago that the more we saw of the jMutiny,
the clearer it would bo that the two Nawabs (of Moorshedabad and Oude)
and the King of Delhi had planneil it all. — II. B. E."

344 srn nERDERT n. edwardes. [i857-

Extract from private letters to his wife —

" April, 1857.
lieturn " At niglit I got into the railroad again, and turned my

face once more to tliat troubled post, Peshawur. ... A well-
dressed native got into the carriage with a writing-desk,
took out a Bible, and began to read by the light of the lamp
over his head. I entered into talk with him, and asked if
he was a Christian. ' Not exactly ; that is, I have not
declared myself.' Did he approve and believe Christianity ?
* Yes ; I have given up all modern Hindooism, but I adbere
to pure deism, and agree with your English Unitarians.'

" * It was impossible,' I said, ' to read the Bible and not
acknowledge that it came from God.' ' Yes,' he said, * t'.e
Bible is the only rel'gious system I know of tliat tells men
to love their enemies and do good to those that despitefully
use you. It certainly spiritualizes all tiie relations of life.'
I asked him why so many young Baboos become infidels ;
and he said he could only suppose it was because 'The fool
hath said in his heart. There is no God.' I looked into his
Bible, and found it copiously annotated in pencil. It had
been given him by a clergyman of the Free Church name 1
Milne."

Meeting with this Bible-reading Bengalee in the railway
carriage was a great opportunity of studying a live specimen
of Young Bengal, and the subject which had always in-
terested him greatly, viz., the effect and probable end of our
educational measures upon India.

So long ago as January 25, 1845, we find, in " Brahminee
Bull's letters in India, to his cousin John Bull in England " —

" The Cabul War was a crisis, if you like ; but you made
it yourself. There will be another crisis some years hence
in India, wlien your Education Order has worked its way
and self-knowledge begets the wish and the ability of self-
government. But * sufficient for tiie day is the evil thereof.'

1857.] THOUOIITS ON INDIA'S FUTURE. 34.')

You and I will ecarco live to see the crisis that will re-
generate India ; and if we do, let us hope that, among other
books?, iiistory will bo read, and therein men of all new
opinions will read that belief is as free as thought, that the
llimioo persecuted the IMiissulman, and the ]\Iussulinan per-
secuted the Hin'loo, but that you, tolerated them both."

And if he was interested in these sul)jects in those early
days, how nmcli more should we expect to find it so when his
mind became more ri[)ened and his experience enlarged !

And so it was. His large and capacious mind was con-
tinually exercising itself upon all such subjects affecting the
ultimate good of the people and the responsibilities of the
governing race concerning them ; and, like all truly great
men, he was humble, and neither narrow nor self-opinionated ;
and he was glad to listen deferentially to the opinions of
men older than himself, whom he respected and admired,
and to ventilate his own opinions with theirs. This he had
been able to do freely in Calcutta, for he found there many
congenial spirits.

Dr. Duff was in Calcutta at the time, and, with his large Dr. Duff,
views and expanded philanthropy, Edw'ardes could always
feel great sympathy ; and personally, he felt great love and
respect for him, as the veteran champion of all that was right
and good.* This admirntioii and sympathy was mutual, for a
letter in Dr. Duff's handwriting, written to a third party in
the Punjab in 1859, says, " Is that noble, lion-hearted,
Christian man. Colonel Edwardes, to leave the I'unjab soon ? "

* In conversation with Dr. DuU', these questions were earnestly dis-
cussed, lie said " there were numbers of Hindoos of good family who
were Christians in belief, and who meet regularly for prayer, but will not
openly profess. The educated Bengalees who are not Cliristians appear
to be very disaffected to Government, and to talk freely of wbat they will
do with India when they have got rid of us."

Dr. DulT and Mr. Headon seemed to think that " the severance of India
must be contemplated as the probable end of our educational measures,
and all tiiat we could do was to strive so to govern meanwhile as to part
friends."

Mr. Wylio thinks it is not intended that the Anglo-Saxons should over Duty not a
lose India. In any case, I think the duty is clear of communicating to question of
those whom Providence has placed in our charge all the light we possess "*"'**•
ourselves, whatever the result may be. — See Friend of IiidUi, April 10,
1857, editorial headed " Patria Cara Carior Libertos."

measures.

346 SIR HER BEET B. EDWARDES. [1857.

DiniMoiit Upon this subject, of the effect of our educational measures

uiHrn" "^ upon India, there is a passage in Kaye's " History of the Ad-
e.iuc.itional ministration of the East India Company's Service " which we
may extract here ; for it is interesting to mark the views of
different public men upon a question of such vital importance
and interest. Kaye says, " The admission of the natives of
India to the higher offices of the state is simply a question of
time."

" I believe," said a distinguished member of the Company's
service (Mr. Halliday), before the Committee of the House of
Commons, " that our mission in India is to qualify them for
governing themselves. I say also," he continued, " that the
measures of Government, for a number of years past, have
been advisedly directed to so qualifying them without the
slightest reference to any remote consequences upon our
administration."

Kaye proceeds : " Long before it became their duty to
review the clauses of the Act of 1833, the Court of Directors
had continually exhorted its servants in India to prepare,
through the agency of improved systems of education, the
natives of the country for higher ofi&cial positions than they
had yet been qualified to hold.

" And these exliortations had not been thrown away.
What the ultimate effect of their general educational measures
must be, it is not difficult to conjecture.

" Our mission will be fulfilled sooner or later. The only
question is a question of time.

" ' There is a divinity that shapes our ends,
Eough-hew them how we will.' "

At Benares, Henry Carre Tucker was visited ; and Sir
"William Muir, Mr. Charles Eaikes, Dr. Farquhar, at Agra
(where there was a crowd of good men and true) ; and at
Cawnpore, Edw^ardes turned aside to Lucknow, where was
now his beloved friend Sir Henry Lawrence, whom he had not
seen since they parted at Jullundur, where he and his wife
stayed on their way down to Eajpootana on leaving the
Punjab to his brother John. It was then (in 1853), amidst
the regrets and lamentations of all his many friends, that he
parted from them ; and those regrets had never died away in

1857.] Sin HENRY LAWRENCE. 347

the hearts of the many who loved Sir Henry, and who Sir llenrr
deli^'hted to serve under him. Rarely has there been found La^'*^"*^^*-
in public life a man who so oiled the wheels of the ponderous
machine of Government, and was so able to carry men with
him, attaching them at the same time to their work and to
himself personally, and inspiring them with the devotion that
he felt himself.

It is impossible to say how much it was this harmony of
spirit with their chief that gave an impetus to the Govern-
ment that Sir Henry left behind liim. For deeply as he felt
leaving his province, Sir Henry's Christian chivalry rose to
the occasion, and, in the midst of his own personal grief at
quitting Lahore, the last act of him and his noble-hearted
wife before they left the Government House was to kneel
down together and ask God to bless the Punjab, and to bless
and prosper his brother John's rule over it, for the good of
the people and of himself.

Brotherly forgiveness and Christian largeness of heart The spirit
prompted it, and his true love for the Punjab would make Laurence
him forget all personal feelings, and desire only the prosperity survives
of the province which was his own from the first, and where ture.^''^'^'
he had laboured so devotedly. It was the true testing-time
of tlie character of all his work ; and the noble band of brave
spirits that he had gathered together, and who felt he was
their leader, could do nothing less than try to catch the
influence of his parting example, that did but stamp deeper
into their hearts the lessons of self-sacrifice which he had
taught them so long.

They knew, too, that nothing would i^lcasc him better than
that they should give all their strength to the work that lay
so near his heart. But none can say whose heart was the
most heavily burdened — he who turned his back upon the
Punjab, or those who stayed there without him.

Time showed how well tliese men braced themselves up
to their work again ; how every one of them came out as a
strength and power in the gi'eat earthquake of the Mutiny,
now so nearly at hand.

Sir Henry Lawrence had lately arrived at Lucknow,
called upon by Lord Canning to take up the Government of
the newly-annexed province of Oude, just as he was about to

348

Sin JIEnBEUT D. EDWARDES.

[1857.

Ilonoria
Lawrence.

proceed to England for fuilongli, and liad even sent on liis
little daughter and sister to ljom))ay to wait for him to join
them there.

He had had a great trial in Eajpootana, for there he had
been called to give up the dear wife who was the joy of his
heart. Lady Lawrence had died at Mount Aboo in 1854.

She was a worthy helpmate for him, able to throw herself
heart and soul into all Ids life and share it with him, helping
him in his literary work very much, and cheering him at all
times with her ready sympathy and love ; for she felt with
him in everything. As with all good wives, the dearest thing
to her was her husband's honour and truest happiness, and
leaving the Punjab had been almost as deep a wound to her
as it was to him. She used to say " it was one she could only
keep her finger tightly pressed upon, or the bleeding would
start out afresh."

But she braced herself up to cheer and support her noble
husband, and hers was always the hand that pointed heaven-
wards and cheered him on, even from her sick-bed.

The following is a picture of Henry Lawrence at Lucknow,
from Edwardes's private letters —

Sir Henry
Lawrence
at Luck-
now, 1857.

From Herhert Edivardes to Ms ivife.

" Lucknow, April 4, 1857.

" I got here to breakfast yesterday, and found Henry
Lawrence in decidedly better health than when he parted
from us at Jullnndur in 1853. He says he was in very
indififerent health at i\gra before coming hero, but has been
much letter since he came to Oude.

" This is characteristic of him. He is roused out of the
very pit, as it were, by any call to work ; like a war-horse,
ever ready for the battle. The only cliange is that he is
much greyer ; no vestige now of brown in beard or hair —
all grey, and the grey passing into white. This morning
I was 80 lucky as to get two photographs of him done by a
native gentleman here, and I enc'o.-e them for your great
delight. . . . Dear Sir Henry is evidently happij in tbis new

1857.] Sin EENRY AT LUCKNOW. .349

u[(i»^)iutin('iit. He says so and looks so. By us iiiiicli as lie

It'll iiijuiol iunl ilei<res-('(l hy L)!'! I) 's reiiiovul of liim

from LuIkjio, by exactly so miieli does ho go up again, now
that Lord Canning has taken off tho weight, and conferred
exactly thn same charge on him that John has got. And I
believe lu^ will d > a great deal of good here. He comes in
as a i)eacemak('r. . . . And he is already winning golden
opinions ainonj; the nobles and people also by his kindness
and sympathy. Hitherto there seems to have been no sort
of sympathy for the chiefs and heads of the native society ;
nothing but a rush of nukshas, nukshas,* to reduce the new
province as soon as possible to the standard plan. I feel
much more h(tpeful of Sir Henry doing well ami keeping
well since I have seen the state of things.

" This morning we rode through the city. It is an Description
immense place, occupying about eighteen square miles, and n^^y"*^
containing from five to seven hundred thousand souls. There
are many pretentious buildings — beautiful in design and
grand in scale, but miserable in material ; like a stuccoed
club-house in London. The river Goomtee runs through
the city, and bridges unite the banks. This gives a most
picturesque appearance, and puts one in mind of Europe.
Sir Henry has two houses — one in town and one in the out-
skirts. Of course he is living in the hottest himself, and
has lent the coolest to the brigadier.

*' The Residency, in which we now are, has, I thitdc, four
stories — an immense pile. . . .

"Sir Henry has his old runaway Ladakh pony still,
and he rode him this morning. He says he keeps him to
prevent his losing his nerve on horseback. This morning
he read a chapter of the JWb'o to George j an J me. And
then he prayed with great earnestness. He laid great

* Onicial fi.rins.

t Ilis ueplaw, who was a Deputy-Commissioner in Ondc before ho
ame.

350 SIR UEIiBEItT B. EDWARDES. [1857.

stress on 'Enable lis to live in love with many and charity
to all.' The whole prayer was for peace and forbearance
and good-will, and the help of Christ Himself in onr whole
lives.

"What a dear good man he is! Occasionally we have
such hearty langhs together, till the rooms echo again, quite
like old times ! I have not yet asked to see dear Lady

L 's picture, as I do not know how he may feel it ; so

I wait till to-morrow (Sunday), when the house will be
quiet. . . .

" Christian and Mrs. Christian anived this morning. . . .
Then ensued a grand search for a double bed ; and last a
despairing hunt for sheets to fit the bed. This all put me
so in mind of the old Residency at Lahore, where Sir Henry
and I slept, ate, and worked in one small room for the first
year, and wlien a brigadier came to stay for a night (Sir
Colin Campbell), we put a charpoy * for him between our
two, and thought we were all handsomely provided. What
queer creatures the earnest-working Englishmen in India
would become, if there were no ladies to put their houses in
order ! . . . He wants me to stay a week, but I must really
go on Monday or Tuesday.

" Last evening we drove out to see the Martiniere College.
Claude Martin was, I believe, a Swiss, and came out to India,
as a common soldier [as is written on his tomb]. After-
wards he entered the Oude service, and became a general.
He seems to have become a kind of commission agent for
the Kings of Lucknow, importing European luxuries for the
Court, and charging a handsome profit. Thus he amassed
great wealth. Among other speculations, he built a palace,
thinking the King would buy it ; but the King refused to
give the price, and thought it would be cheaper to confiscate
the building when the old man died. General IMartin, there-
fore, ordered his body to be buried in a vault in the centre of
* Hindostanee for " bed ; " litcrallj', " four feet."

1857.] A PALACE TURNED TOMB. 3.j1

tlie house; and llius turned it into a tomli, which it wouhl Palace
be a (lefih-ment lor a Mohaniniedau to live in. The body ^^J^^^
uas cndjalmed, and tor many years was ex[)o.sed to view
ill the vault. N(»w it is covered over with the monumental
slab, with a marble bust of the general on one niche at the
head of the tomb, and two plaster of Paris busts at the sides.
Round the tomb stand four painted figures of soldiers leaning
on their muskets. The heart, when removed at the embalm-
ing, was buried in a tank in front of the mansion, and a
monumental pillar erected over it. This palace-turned-
tomb was finally bequeathed as a college for children of all
religions, and last night we heard about a hundred and
forty piebald boys sing the evening hymn with much voice,
at all events.

" In the opposite wing were as many pure blacks, but
I don't know if they are taught to sing of Mohammed and
Krishna. The mixture of faiths under one roof pleases me
less and less the more I think of it ; but Sir Henry, with
his large heart, goes on liking it.

"I stayed at Lucknow till Good Friday evening, so that
altogether I was eight days with him. One day he got sick
from a change of weather, and was feeble from it all the rest
of the time I was there, so that after all I fear his health
is but uncertain. . . .

" I believe that Council is the sphere where his wide and
general views on all subjects, especially military and political,
will be able to effect most good ibr India, and therefore I
heartily hope he may^ be selected for an expected vacancy.
I was very glad to have seen so much of him, and left
Lucknow with recret.

And so the two friends parted, never to meet again on Edwardos

leaves
Lucknow.

earth, — their next meeting would be in heaven ; and we are ''^'*^*'^

like children playing about among the shadows, compared
with the light up there, in which they see things now !

The next stay was at Agra. There he found much to Agra

352 SIR HERBERT U. ED WARD ES. [1857.

interest — Mr. French and his college, where he examined
two of liis n])per classes in Acts ii. and iii., and Milton's
" Paradise Lost ; " and says —

"I suppose he is doing too much good here to be given
up to us Ibr Peshavvur ; otherwise he is the very ii an ! "

(His merits have now found a wider field, for he is the
Bishop of Lahore.)

" Last evening we had a starlight party at the Taj. What
a peerless building it is ! It is more lovely every rime one
sees it. Dr. Murray lit up the interior for us, and I won-
derefl anew at the m^irvellous delicacy of the mosaic and
marble fretwork. I am glad this building was in honour of
a woman."

Edwardes delighted to meet again Mr. Charles Eaikes
and Sir William Muir, and found refreshing talk of the many
things that lay nearest to their hearts in public matters.
How refreshing public life in India is, mixed up so closely as
it often is in friendship and sympathy ! Mr. Raikes was
recommending some modifications in the Xorth-West I'ro-
vinces administration ; and

Sketches of " holding up the school of Sir Henry Lawrence and his old
sistants. Assistants, as examples of out-of-door and open-air Governors,
who settled more cases under green trees than under fly-
blown punkahs. To lighten the subject, he wanted to throw
in a few sketches of Sir Henry's staff, and I was engaged for
some hours yesterday in penning him some notes on Arthur
Cocks, George Lawrence, George McGregor, Edward Lake,
James Abbott, Harry Lumsden, Keynell Taylor, John
Nicholson, and John Becher."

Himself (This explains the reason why, in Mr, Eaikes's book,

left out. ^^^^g^^ .. rpj^g Revolt of the North-AVestern Provinces of India,"

there is a sketch of all the staff of Sir Henry except of

1857.] SANAWUIi LA WHENCE ASYLUM. 35.j

Juhvardes liinisclf; fur, uf course, he could not write of
himself I)

We mi^dit liu^^er lou^^'cr over tlie pleasant sketch of this
very genial visit ; but, as night set in, the journey has to be
pursued, and one friend starts to walk ever so far along the
road with him, unwilling to say farewell.

From Agra lie hurried on to Umballa, and took a look at Asylum at
the Lawrence Asylum, at Sanawur, on the way. This was ''^='"'i^^"'-
the first of the soldiers' children's schools in the hills, started
by Sir Henry Lawrence, and first proposed by him in
January, 1845, by the offer of Iis.3000 from his private
purse. It was a scheme very dear to his heart from that
time ; and he continued to support and extend it all his life,
and established one at Mount AIjoo and at other hill stations ;
and in his will he Ijequeathed them, with a sum of money,
to the Government, and called them his " elder daugliter."

But Sanawur was the first, and had been started in tlie
early days of his first going to Lahore, and Edwardes had a
particular interest in it, having had much to do in assisting
Sir ITenry Lawrence in the work ; and it was a great pleasure
to him to have an opportunity of seeing for himself how it
prospered.

"At night I started from Umballa fur the asylum, got Diary
to Kalka about eight a.m., breakfasted and rode up the hill, tlnuTd.*^**"
every stone and tree in the winding road seeming familiar
to me.

*' With the asylinn I was quite delighted. It has ex-
panded into a perfect paiisli, clustering round a most Englisli-
looking cliurcli. The discipline and oider of the whole
institution are very remarkable, as well as the health and
strength of the boy.s and girls. Above all, I was pleased with
Mr. Parker. He is a dark-complexioned man, with a largo
coal-black eye and well-cut features full of resnliniou. His
universal ability is exhibited at every turn. He has both
planned and executed everything. The children eviiiently
regard him with that mingling of conticience and fear whi..'h
is inspired by a really gooil schoolmaster. . . .

VOL. I. 2 A

354 ,S77? JIERDEliT U. EDWARDES. [1857.

"Mr. Piulccr (old ni(> tluit the Romish priest's congre-
gation liiid dwindled t') two ehildrtni, at wliich jioint the
priest abandoned the institution and retired to Agra, whence
the bishop has since fnlniinatcd a sentence of condeumation.
On the whole, I enjoyed this visit to tlie well-known hills
extronndy, . . . and I could 8ce dear old Subathoo slum-
bering like a flock of white sheep on a distant hill.

" There is something much more charming to me in these
hills than in any that we have about us in Hazara and
Munee, but perhaps it is from old associations." *

The This benevolent scheme of Sir Henry Lawrence's is an

Lawrence unspeakable boon to the English soldiers in India, providing

Asylums. ^ ^ . ' i o

a safe and healthy place of education for their children, and
a refuge from the contaminating air of barrack life, which
is both physically and morally injurious to them.

Another sign of disaffection in the native army crops up
at Umballa. Edwardes writes —

" At Umballa the disaffected portion of the sepoys were
giving trouble, burning the houses of those sepoys who
agreed to do their duty, and Government barracks, and some
empty bungalows."

It seems like the flashes of lightning that often precede
a heavy storm.

A day w^th Edward Lake at Jullundur, and a ride from
midnight to midday in the mail-cart, brought him to Lahore.
He says —

"John Lawrence is looking out of health. Ho is now
suffering from a pain in the side of his head, which he calls
'neuralgia,' but I should think was hard work. He can
only still it by constant application of chloroform. He has
more than ever resolved to go homo next January. . . .

" The terms of the peace with Persia have just been sent

* It will be remembered that, when a subaltern with his reginient,
he was stationed here.

lHr>7.] liETURN TO PESnAWUR. 3. JO

ti) .loliu Liiwrencc by Lord (Jrt!iiiin<r, witli permission to
show tliem to me. They are better thtui I hoped for, but I
am anxious as to the future settlement of Herat, as to who
is to <^et it. The articles only provide that Persia leaves
and abandons it."

A day's visit to Lady (Juhn) Lawrence, at Eawul Pindee,
on the way, and the journey was brought to an end at
Peshawur, May 5, 1857.

To liis wife —

*' The difference of temperature between Calcutta and Diary
Peshawur is quite extraordinary. You remember how If'^^'''- ^

'■ •' Keturn to

impossible it was to do without punkahs in Calcutta, more I'eshawur.
tlian six weeks ai^o. Here none are yet thought of.

" Nicholson is looking much better than when we left
him. He has been in camp, moving round the district, and
this has done him good. Nicliolson's society in the house
is a great comfort to me in this great desolate house, where
your books lie about where you last laid them, and out
mutual words seem hanging entranced in the air, and coming
back on me like echoes. It is both Fad and sweet. It
is like the thorn that they say the nightingale leans on."

He found heavy work awaiting him at Peshawur, and

" that the political work, in consequence of our connection with
the Afghans, is on the increase continually. It will become
impossible to carry it on as well as the- civil work of the Heavy
frontier ; and belbre John Lawrence goes home, or I go pelVawur
myself, I think I shall state my opinion to that effect, and
advise a separate political agent fur Central-xV^ian matters.

" It is very unsatisfactory to be able to give only a
moiety of time and thought to great international questions
which might well absorb the whoh\

'• A letter fnun Henderson gives such a delightful ac-

356 SIR HEnBERT B. EDWARDES. [1857.

count ol' Meiauzyc, uliere things are settliiif^ down into
established peace, lie manages his district admirably, and
is a great comfort to me."

Edwardes's thoughts naturally turned homewards, and
his views about life, and choosing our own path, come out at
this time.

Views of "I feel that England's homes are very beautiful and

dear, and that the climate there gives so much more zest
to life and occupation ; and as a dream, if allowed to dream,
nothing can I fancy more happy on earth. . . . But I doubt
as to the duty.

"It is a low view of life to regard it as our own and
do with it what seems pleasantest. That cannot be what
God meant us to do. He must be supposed to wish us to
remain unhomed, pilgrims ever, while on earth, seeking to
be placed only where we can do most for Him. And it is
at this point that conscience finds such a hard case put
before it. ' Where can we do most good ? ' . . . But after
all, if we can really bring ourselves to make sincere self-
surrender, and say, ' Lord, what wilt Thou have me to do ? '
it is probable that we shall not lie deceived in coming to our
conclusions, but be guided into right plans by God's own
Spirit."

Again, about training of boys —

Advice to '-It is shameful and horrible how boys are let alone!

traiuiug Mothers cannot keep their hold on their boys too long.

boys. These young years when the little things adore their own

mother, and look up to all heaven through the windows
of her eyes, will soon fleet away. Seize them, mothers, and
write the knowledge of God all over them in a sweet, accept-
able, happy, bright-lettered way. It will never, never be
erased, let man, or woman, or evil spirit try their worst.

1857.] ADVICE TO MOTHERS. 307

"Keep their hctirts soft ami tlicir ininds jjure as lung as
ever you can. It is a ]\Iolocli creed which says tin* sooner
they are hardened the belter. When they must leave you
and go into the world and meet sin, let it at all events
slioch them, and find them piepared with a boyhood of good
convictions. Even if they en, let theui have something to
come back to."

CHAPTER XII.

1857.

LEVIES-FIRST OPENING OF 'J'HE MUTINY.

" Arm, warriors, arm for fight ; the foe at Land,
. . , each on himself relied,
As only in his arm the moment lay
Of victory."

MiLTOM.

( 301 )

CHAPTER XIT.

And now comes tlie first tluiiuler-clap of tlie great storm
that was imi)c'iuliiig, of wliicli we have seen a few warnings at
Barrackpore and L'niballa. Already Edwardes lia<l written
to liis wife —

" Monday night, May 11, 1857.

" All day I have been very busy buying guns and pistols ^'''"st ijurst
for the Lunisden's ' Toshaklianah ' at Candahar ; and you Mutiny.
know \Nhat a troublesome job that is in the midst of
Bessions-eases. Tlie political work is sensibly increasing
here, and is swelled by these odds and ends of jobs to an
extent which quite alarms me. I do not know how I shall
be able to carry on both works much longer. . . .

" The telegraph officer has just sent me a sad piece
of news from Delhi, that the Sepoys from Meerut had come
over and burnt the bungalows there, and killed several
Europeans ! ' This is serious, and we must expect the
Mutiny to spread to every station, if not put down with
the bayonet at some one cantonment. If it comes here,
we shall, please God, make short work of the mutineers,
for we have three European regiments in the valley, and all
the Artillery is European, . . .

" May 12. — The plot is thickening. This morning we got
the following telegraphic message from the Deputy-Adjutant-
General at Meerut, dated twelve at night of May 10 : —
'Native troops in open mutiny. Cantonments south of Mall
burnt. Several European officers killed. European troops

3G2 sin IIF.IIJ'.KIIT n. EDWAUDES. [1857.

under iiniis, (lefcndiii^ barracks. Electric telegraph wire
cut.' Of course tliat means no Calcutta wire. . . .
Advice. " Tliis has forced us to make our own preparations, and

I have advised Jolin Lawrence, by telegraph, to collect
and bring into the field at once a movable column, to move
on any station in the Punjab where disaffection shows itself,
and put it down with the bayonet. This matter cannot be
talked down ; it must be put down. H(;w very thankful
I am that you are in safety ! I have now no care here, and
I hope to be useful, with Nicholson and our fine old
brigadier, Sydney Cotton, and Chamberlain, at this crisis.

" Midnight. — I have been sitting up with three moonshees
and two pundits, perusing the correspondence of the sepoys,
which came in this evening's post. We found nothing
disloyal ! But there are a great number of their letters,
written neither in Persian nor Hindee, but in a character
called Kayuthee — and this we none of us were able^to
decipher. These mutineers are likely to entail trouble
enough on us before we have done with them.

" We have got the notorious 64tli Native Infantry here,
and I have thought it best to move it out of cantonments,
on pretence of strengthening the forts on the Mohmund
frontier, where they can do little mischief. Here their
lines were next to the guns ; and IMajor Barr, who was
senior officer of the Artillery, was, I hear, very anxious
about them. All this puts me so in mind of the last Sikh
War ! "

At this first sounding of the key-note of the blast of the
IMutiny, Edwardes whites a long letter to Sir John Lawrence,
and telegraphs the outline of his letter the same night.

" Peshawur, May 12, 1857.

"My dear John,

" I have not heard yet whether you are at
Pindee or ]\rurree, but as we have received here the tele-

1857.] MnVAJlLK COLUMX AXJ) LKVIES. 303

grapliic news of j\[ay 10 Iroiii ]\[(.'erut, that tlio ' native
troops were in open mutiny, and Europeans on the defensive
only,' I write a line to tell you that Nicholson and I are
of opinion that a strono; movable column of reliable ^'ovai.io

_ column

troops (Europeans and irre^ul:irs) should take the field proposal,
in the Punjal^ at once ; and move on the first station that
stirs next, and bring the matter, without further delay,
to the hayonet. This disaffecti<m will never be talked down
now. It must bo pnt down."

Then follow some military proposals, whicli we will not
enter into in detail, and he proceeds —

" Further, we would advise you to raise a body of f^''**^ P'"-

1 1 T«r 1 A TT /^i 1 position lur

a thousand JMooltanee Horse at once, to act as Cavalry raising
with this movable column, or in any other way tliat may be *^^'*'^'
required dnring this mutiny,

" Depend upon it, there will be plenty to do, and you
cannot act too promptly in getting together such men as
you can trnst to. The Cavalry of the irregular force are
little better tlian onr old Cavalry. The ]\[ooltanees may
be relied on. Their present leaders, the Eessaldars, might
be told to double or treble their numbers, in the quickest
way they could.

" Nicholson desires me to tell you that ho would be
ready to take command of them ; and I need not add the
pleasure it would give me to do the sam(\ "We are both
at your disposal, remember; and, if this business goes far,
it will soon come to a question of personal influence and
exertion.

" Either of ns could raise a serviceable body out of
the Deiajat, in a short time.

" We have written to ask Chamberlain to ride over
and consult with Ihigadier Cotton how they could co-operate
to give you a movable force.

"As to this place, it will b.- jnst as in 1S4S, the last

364 SJR 11 Ell BERT n. EDWARDES. [1857-

to go; cuul not go at nil il' the intcriuediato country be

occiipiod by a good field Ibroe, engaged in making stern

examples. . . .

separate u Nieh()I.son has just arranged with the brigadier to

imitineeis movG thc 64th out to tlie forts on the Mohmnnd frontier,

IVoin the .

guns. as II an attack were there expected ; thus reniovmg them

from the other troops, and the guns, to which they are
nearest."

Then follow other proposals concerning the formation of
the proposed movable column,

"as also the thousand Mooltanees. This would be something
to move down the Punjab with; and, in the hands of a good
man (I should say Chamberlain), might do the country an
important service.

" ilut there is no time to be lost. If you wish for the
Mooltanees, let us know by telegraph, and we will issue
the perwannuhs."

Again —

" What you do about a movable force, do at once.
There is no time to be lost in getting to the struggle which
is to settle the matter. . . .

" Believe me,

" Affectionately yours,
" (Signed) Herbert B. Edwardes."

The public letter follows next day —

From Colonel H. B. Edwardes, Commissioner of Peshdwur, to
Cai^tain H. B. James, Officiating Secretary to Chief
Commissioner.

" Peshawur, May 13, 1857.

" Sir,

" Yesterday, telegraphic news reached this can-
tonment from Major Waterfield, Adjutant-General of the

1857.] MEASURES TAKEN AT PESDAWUIi. .jG5

Meerut Division, that the troops at Meerut were on the 10th
instant in o[)en mutiny, and the European troops on the
defensive.

" The ni^j^ht before we had received telej^raphie news
from Delhi of the bun<^alows liaving been burnt and several
Europeans killed by mutinous Sepoys from Meerut.

" These news seemed to indicate so serious a state of
affairs south of the Sutlej, that Colonel Nicholson and
myself visited Brigadier Sydney Cotton, commanding the
Peshavvur Brigade, and advocated the formation of a mov-
able column of picked troops, to put down mutiny in the
Punjab.

"There was one regiment of native Infantry in the
Peshawur garrison (()4th Native Infantry) whose present
feeling was generally rumoured to be disloyal, and whose
past history was notoriously mutinous. It was desirable,
therefore, to move it away from the other native troops,
especially as its lines were nearest to the guns. . . .

"In the afternoon of yesterday I had the honour to
telegraph to the Chief Commissioner our proposal for a
movable column, of which the Queen's 27th and 24th, the
Guide Corps, and some other irregular troops should form
part.

" Later in the day Brigadier Cotton and Major-General Measures
Reed, commanding the division, decided on organizing the Peshawur
movable column, and orders were issued by them and
myself for the Guides to make over the Fort of 3[urdan to
the 55th Native Infantry from Nowshera, and join her
Majesty's 27th at the latter station.

" Brigadier Neville Chamberlain, who commands the
Punjab Irregular Force, and happened fortunately to be at
Kohjit, was invited over to Peshawur for consultation as to
further measures, and he rode in this morning at an early
hour.

" At 10.30 a.m. to-day I had the honour of receiving your

w ai'

366 -S7/i' IlEItBERT n. EDWARDES. [1857.

telegiapliic I'cply to my message of yesterday, iu which you
announced that the native Inftmtry were disarmed this
morning at ]\Ieean-Meer, and the Cavalry of their sabres,
(^.imcil of "At 11 a.m., by the invitation of General Heed, a

council of war was assembled at his quarters, consisting of
the general himself, Brigadier Cotton, Brigadier Chamber-
lain, Colonel Nicholson, and myself; and I have the
honour now to forward for the Chief Commissioner's infor-
mation a copy of the resolutions which were unanimously
taken.

" General Reed will leave Peshawur to-morrow for
Rawul Piudee, and unite his own head-quarters with those
of the Chief Commissioner, which will facilitate prompt
action at this crisis.

" Brigadier Chamberlain will also proceed to Rawul
Pindee, to consult with the Chief Commissioner.

" Major-General Reed has asked me to place the services
of Lieutenant-Colonel Nicholson at his disposal, as civil
and political officer with the movable column ; and as that
officer, from his great local knowledge of the country between
Lahore and the Indus, in which he served with such dis-
tinction during the war of 1818-49, his combined expe-
lience of the regular and irregular armies, his rare talent
for acquiring information in the field, and the general force
and ability of his character, was undoubtedly the fittest
officer that I knew of for that duty, I have at once acceded
to the general's request, considering that at such a time as
this, our civil administration is dependent on the peace of
the Punjab.

" Among other measures to be advocated, I suggest to
the Chief Commissioner the advisability of authorizing
some of the best of the commanding officers of the Punjab
Irregular Force to enlist men of the Punjab and British
frontier. It will add immediately to our strength, it will
absorb the best of the floating candidates for military

1857.] COUNCIL OF WAR AT rKSIlAWl'Ii. Zi't'J

service, anil it will nltiinatcly supply the gaps niail*^ in our
native army liy the jjre.scnt mutiny,

"I wouM also strongly rccoinniciul that each of the
Ressahlars (»f the ]\[ooltanee Jlorse in the Derajat be
atithori/.od to double the number of his men from the same
race of Mooltauee Puthans, than whom experience lias
sliown we have none more thoroughly reliable in the Punjab.

" T^'usting that these measures which have been taken
here to-day will strengthen the Chief Commissioner's hands,
" I have, etc.,
" (Signed) Herbert B. Edwardes."

This letter was the first suggestion for the formation of
the " movable column " and of the " levies," both of which
proved such important features of the Punjab arrangements.
And the memorandum of these arrangements that were decided
on at the council of war w\as, " First, General Keed, as senior
officer in the Punjab, assumes chief military command ; and
it is hereby resolved to organize a movable column in-
stantly of thoroughly reliable troops to take the field, and
get between the stations that have mutinied and those that
have not, and move on any point in the Punjab where
mutiny has to be put down by force of arms."

When the Chief Ctjmmissioner's answer came, it was
a mild approval of the idea of the advantages of such a
course, but by no means entering into the urgency of the
case.

John Lawrence's answer is —

"I have written to the commander-in-chief, proposing The Chief
it (I) ... I believe that the Irregular Cavalry and the native sioner's"
Artillery will prove faithful. I would not raise IMooltanee and^i^epiy.
Horse without the orders from Government, nor do I ihinh
they are necvssanj, at any rate at present."

And on the 14th, his secretary writes to Edwardes —

"The Chief Commissionrr docs not consider that the
emergency is of such a nature as to require immediate

3G8 SIR II Eli BEET B. ED WARD ES. [1857'

rronii.t measures being adopted. . . . The Chief Commissioner does
(liscoiin- not see the necessity for enlisting local horsemen at Konat,
b'v"thr ^^^ ^ ^"^ *o request that for the present this may not be
^- ^- done. Indeed, a question of this kind might have been

referred in the first instance."

He saw the necessity on May 28, but the fact is, he had
not yet woke up to the real urgency of the case. Further on,
he says again —

" It appears to the Chief Commissioner that the troops
are sufficient, and that prompt action alone is wanted to
crush mutiny and rebellion wherever it ma}^ arise."

Was this opinion justified by the result ?

Sir John Lawrence wrote also to the military authorities
at Peshawur, disapproving of the vigorous measures set on
foot by the council of war. General Eeed writes to
Edwardes —

(icneiai " I havc just rcccived the accompanying despatch from

Jlpod to

EdwaiJcs. the Chief Commissioner. It places me in a difficult position,
the move having been decided ' in council.' Do you think
it would be attended with any risk, delaying the execution
of the order, as Sir John Lawrence requests ?
" Yours very truly,
"(Signed) Thomas Keed,

" Major-Ceneral."

Brigadier Sydney Cotton, who received a similar despatch,
deals with it with characteristic decision. He writes to
Colonel Edwardes —

" Pusliawur, May 1-i, 1857, 1 a.m.

" My dear Edwardes,
Sydney "I send you two letters received from Sir John

Cotton on

the same LawreilCG.

subject. II Q^^j, ai-rangements of yesterday supersede, of course

1857.] MlLITAHy MEASURES ASSENTED TO. .'JGIJ

those of til J Chief Commissioner ; and being at this nictnunt
in operation, notliin<; more need be done.

" The arrangements of the council of war of yesterday Sydney
will, of course, be made known to the Chief Commissioner." linn.

(And then the letter goes on to enter into arrangements
about the families, and the sick, of the men going on service.)

" Yours sincerely,
" (Signed) Sydney Cotton,

" Brigadier."

Then came telegrams from the Chief Commissioner —

To Colonel Edtvardes.

" May 14.

"The Chief Commissioner requests you will not raise

new troojis anywhere without his instruction, and wishes that

Colonel Nicholson should remain at Peshawur."

Again —

" If you have promised to let Futteh Khan have men, Reiiutaut
let the fewest number necessary be enlisted, i)rovided they "rn*,"t^ed
are footmen; and report that number.*

" The enlistment of horsemen at Kohat should n(jt be
authorizeil.

" (Signed) H. 13. James,

" Officiating Secretary to Chief Commissioner."

These were the difficulties and hindrances that beset the
first raising of levies ; nor was the need of them realized by
the Chief Commissioner, for he writes —

" May 14, 1857.
" I cannot conceive what has misled the Sepoys of the
native army. The cartridges, no doubt, began the mischief,

* A letter went down to the Chief Commissioner, dated May IG,
icpoitinj:; tlic number of men allowed to Khan Bahadoor Futteli Khan
Kuttuck to levy, for the security of the Attuck liiid'^e and Ferry: three
juinmadiirs, ten havildars, a hundred sepoys, and one moonshee.
VOL. 1. 2 B

370 67 A' JU'L'JJh'IiT Jl. EDWARDES. [1857.

but what has carried on an 1 iiitoiisified the ill feeling?
There seems a general helief that we are about to convert
them ill! ; but some one must have worked on tlieir minds.

"7 thiiilc one good example would stop it all.

" We are, I believe, amply strong enough in the Punjab
to put down all micchief.

"(Signed) John Lawrence."

We will resume the extracts from Edwardes's diary letters
to his wife.

" May 15, 1857. .
" It is a most critical time this, and I should deceive
you if I wrote otherwise ; but it must soon be decided one
way or other. And, please God, the tide will soon turn in
our favour when this splendid column gets together and
comes smashing down upon the capital. The regiments to
compose it are working nobly, and rushing to the rendezvous
at Jhelum. I envy the man who is to command it — as yet,
not known.

" As yet, all is perfecihj quiet in the Peslidiuur garrison,
and we have great advantages in our position over any
other station.

" I offered to give up Nicholson as political officer for
the movable column ; but John Lawrence has prohibited it,
and talks of going himself. Chamberlain rides to-night to
Pindee, to consult with him.
Anxious " We are all dee[)ly anxious about dt-ar Sir Henry

Ouder" ° Lawrence. His position in Oude is the weakest in India.
We can get no new s from those parts ; but we suppose the
Delhi magazine to be in the hands of the mutineers ; and
hope that the commander-in-chief has descended from
Simla, and has done in Upper India what we are doing for
the Punjab.

" So long as the ^^^ojyle do not rise against the civil
Government, all will go well. The European troops, if

1857.] rilOOIiESS OF THE MCTjyy. 'Ml

they liiive tiiu ', will <;et to^^ether and smash the 8e|iov8 ;
. . . unless they got panic-stricken, in which case it will bo
( 'abul over ap:;aiii. ]>iit I don't believe it.

" It cannot be (jod's will ; and you may rely on it we
shall f^ain the victory, thonp^h there must necessarily be a
frightful loss of blood. Who knows what dear friends we
may have lost ere this ? . . . I write this very hurriedly, at
midnight. I am at work all day, and must send this off
to-morrow."

To the same —

" Pcshawur, May IG, 1857.
" India has been convulsed by a mutiny of the Bengal Progress of

}'■

Native Array about those Enfield rifle cartridges ; and when Mutiny.

the Delhi magazine was tiiken by the mutineers, the European
troops at i\I(eiut on the defensive, with the native troops
in oi)en mutiny, all native troops disarmed at Lahore,
another regiment disbanded at Barrackpore, and a third at
Lucknow by Sir Henry Lawrence, — you can easily conceive
that there was no communication between the Punjab and
North- West Provinces. . . .

" Since yesterday (my Lst), our intelligence has
brightened. The 45th Native Infantry at Ferozep;)re had
mutinied, and been annihilated by her ]\Iajesty's 61st, the
57th Native Infantry, not sym[)athizing, or rather not
fraternizing with the 45th, but giving up their arms; and
the 10th Light Cavalry (Wilkinson's) remaining staunch.
This was good. When men begin to act, clouds disperse
and success begins.

" Last night we heard that the commander-in-chief
(Anson) has come down from Simla, and is marching on
L)elhi with a force, to recover that important ixiint. . . .

" I scrawl these hurried lines, limiting them to telling
you generallv how matters stivnd.

r,72 sm iii:i;iiKi!T n. edwardes. [isst,

"Here, at IVsbuw ur, \vc took time by the forelock, induced
General Keed to assume chief command in the Punjab, and
then issued orders in his name for the assembly of a field
force of reliable troops, European and irregulars, to move
down upon Lahore ami crusli mutiny wherever it showed its
front. The prompt marching of these picked corps was
unexampled in my experience. One feels proud of such
follows.

The Cui.ic " Xhe Guide Corps made surprising efforts. Captain

Daly * is worthy of them.

"The whole will soon be at Eawul Pindee, and thence
march rapidly to Jhelum, if required ; but it seems to have
pleased God to turn the tide already, in the Punjab at all
events. Our great anxiety is for the North-West Provinces
and Oude. If the road via Agra be open, you will, of
course, get public news from those parts of the latest date.
But I much dread some terrible disasters there. The
European corps are few and far between, and Benares, Nepal,
and Oude may each and all have thonght their day was
come for rising. We can only expect to hear of sad loss of
life in every station ; but pray that it may be otherwise.

Peshawur At Pcshawur all is quiet, and we have taken all reasonable

yet.^ *''* precautions. I offered to give up Nicholson to the movable
column, as just the man to accompany the general, whoever
he might be, on such a march ; but John Lawrence has
refused to let him go. . . .

Cheerful " \ ^ivo. more than ever involved in labour and anxiety,

of course; but am very well, thank God, and firmly believe
that these troubles are not intended by the Ruler of events
to shake, but to consolidate, our power.

" Nothing less would have brought about army reform.
" Nicholson is well and deeply interested, as you may

* Captain Daly was the officer iu command of the Guides during the
absence of Major Harry Lumsden, wlio, it will be remembered, had gone on
Kpocial duty to f'andahar.

hopes.

1857.] TIME LOST. 3<3

suppose, in all tluit is going on. Chamberlain has gone
down to luiwul Pindeo, at our request, to John Lawrence."

"NVe see how the first burst of the storm came upon
Pesliawur, and Ikjw Edwardes and Nicholson were preparing
to meet it. And the reader can fancy how heavily the dis-
appointment fell upon these two brave hearts when they
found their ideas were not taken up by Sir John Lawrence ;
that he did not at once see the necessity for immediate
action.

In the plan of the movable column he concurred so far
as "to propose it to the Commander-in-chief;" and to the
raising of the levies he replied by warning Colonel Edwardes
*' to enlist no men without his sanction."

Thus time was lost that could not be regained ; but Sir Time lost.
John soon came to see that the levies were a wise and neces-
sary measure. And, meanwhile, events rushed on so quickly
that there was no time to wait for orders; and we shall see
l)resently how action was taken, and the movable column
formed, without further reference or delay.

It must not be supposed, because we frequently see a
great difference of opinion and of judgment about public
matters and the value of certain measures proposed, that the
private and friendly relations between Lawrence and
lulwardes were ever interrupted or interfered with. Both
were public men, earnestly and sincerely working with all
their strength, and giving all their brains and energies for
the Ijenefit of the country and the honour of their Queen's
Government ; and, their aims and objects being identical,
their differences would only be (and that but occasionally)
as to the best measures suitable at the moment to accom-
])lish the result desired by both.

This has been already seen, for instance, in the Afghan
treaties at Peshawur ; and again it reappears in the present
emergencies which had risen up so suddenly ; nor need it
seem strange if the soldier-si)irits of the land were found the
most ready to face the fight and buckle on their swords.

Further diffi-rences will be seen as we proceed ; but no
dillcrcncos of opinion ever for a moment interfered with the
most intimate and affectionate private friendship ; and often.

374 Sni HERBERT n. EDWARDES. [1807.

in iiioetiug together to talk over measures, differences would
di.sap[)ear.
Opposition It was SO especially in the present instance of raising

ceases. levics. On May 18, Sir John Lawrence summoned Colonel
Edwardes down to liawul I'iiulee for consultation. He stayed
two days, and returned again to Peshawur. And after the
meeting together of the two friends at Hawul Pindee, John
Lawrence was quite won over to the idea, and there was no
more opposition.

Indeed, he afterwards became quite eager about the levies,
and the readers of his recent biography would even suppose
that he was the originator and inspiration of it all.

But a truer " History of tlie Mutiny " has been written
since, by one who has earned the title of " historian " by a
calm and careful research into records and official papers,
before stating facts; and he tells us at page 331* —
Holmes's " Edwardes also asked leave to raise levies among the

IS 01 y. jvjooltanees of the Derajat, whom he had learnt to know and
trust years before. Lawrence at first curtly refused his
consent; but a few days later, convinced by the fiery elo-
quence of Edwardes that it was of vital importance to
strengthen Peshawur as far as possible, he gave way."

This is just an example of what we have been speaking of
above.

Nicholson telegraphed urgently to Edwardes at Eawul
Pindee, from Peshawur, Alay 18, his wish to increase mounted
levies two thousand, and also to raise foot levies.

" I give Mobarick Shah four hundred horse, and send
him to join Coke or keep him under myself. If he is not
on our side he will be against us."

Telegraphic reply comes from Edwardes —

" Rawul Pindee, May 18, 4.30 a.m.
"John Lawrence agrees to Mobarick Shah having two
hundred horsemen, and to your raising six hundred to-

* "The History of the Mutiny " (in one vol.), by T. R. E. Holmes,
published by Allen.

IH.')?.] I/INDnANCES WITH on AWN. 'M ')

gether fioiii tlio IV'sliuwiir I'ruiiliLr, ami fonrtcon liunilrcd
from tlie Derajut."

A^^ain—

"This is written at noon of 3[ay 18, Sir John Lawrence
sanctions two thousand ^rooltjinee horsemen, instead of a
thousand. Order a thousand to join yuu at Peshawur as
fast as possible, five hundred to go to Lahore, and five
hundred to remain at Deia Ishmael Klian, ready to go to
I\Io()ltan, if required. Let JMeer jMoharick Shall join jMajor
Coke quickly witli one hundred Horse and fifty Foot, hut
no more."

On May 19, Edwardes telegraphed to Nicholson —

" The Commander-in-chief cannot spare Brigadier Cotton
from Peshawur, and has appointed Brigadier Chamberlain
to Command tlir movable column."

And so the telegrams went on, and orders came thick and
fast. Colonel Edwardes telegraphs to Colonel Nicholson,
May 19 —

"Sir John Lawrence sanctions your raising two tliousand
Foot. 1 think the bridge of b^'ats at Nowsheia had better
be broken u]» ; and only single boats kept up at the ferries
at the Cabul lliver."

The Chief Commissioner was now convinced, and he saw
the necessity for levies ; and there was, henceforth, no lack
of energy in orders, nor any hindrances as before.

This important movement in the Punjab was one of the The raising;
great measures for safety in these days, and no one would ever nnj Jpo,.!
desire to crop a single laurel leaf from the brow of Sir John tant
Lawrence because of his first opposition to it ; for he was ^|.fef"y'^j,
streiuious enough afterwards. But it is necessary to point out the I'unjab,
explicitly how the measure originated and came about,
because of the unworthy pains taken by a biographer to

37G SIR HERBERT B. EDWARDES. [1857.

misrepresent the truth, and actually to vilify the reputation
and tlic opinions of tlie very man by whom the idea was
conceived, and through whose energetic exertions the Chief
Commissioner was induced to withdraw his former oppo-
sition.

Afterwards the views of Edwardes and Nicholson were so
clearly proved to be sound ones, that there was no further
need for argument, and Lawrence was finally convinced.

Then we may mark the vigour with which orders came
from Eawul Pindee, to gather more le^'ies and hurl them
down on India, until at last the same wise counsellor
(Edwardes) who had at first urged their despatch considered
the Punjab could spare no more, and called to stop.

Wisdom was in l)oth counsels, as events showed. And
hundreds of officers on the frontier then and still living are
witnesses to the truth which the papers from which these
remarks are quoted fully prove.

It was well known then, and, in spite of recent mis-
representation, is not forgotten now ; and so well known that
men (and women too) were not backward in expressing their
thankfulness that such men were at the front and at the
outpost of danger at Peshawur.

A brave heart at Abbottabad (John Becher, Deputy-Com-
missioner of Hazara) writes —

" I am very anxious to hear how matters go at Peshawur
with you. I think this vigorous determination of your
council to assemble at once a movable colunm will crush the
fiend. In Chamberlain's letter to Eothney he s^aid that I
should receive iustriictions to rai<e a levy of the country. I
have not yet received any such iustructious. I think it will
be well to have some braderies.* We have the wild reports
liere in every shape; but the people care little about them,
and we are, perhaps, the quietest place in India.

* Tliis word means "brotherhood," in English. It is called " braderic "
because the kind of levy thus alluded to is raised by chiefs from their own
clans, and the men of a frontier clan claim to be brothers, as being all
descended from (he same stock.

1857.] DEPRESSING CONSEQUENCES OF DELAY. .{77

"I am heartily glad we have suclia ' tliree ' asChamber-
hiin, Nicholson, and you standing at the forecastle.

" Yours ever,

"John R. Becher."

And now Colonel Edwardes returns to Peshawur and
reports to the Secretary of tlio Chief (Commissioner —

" Peshawur, May 2:'., 1857.

" Sir,

'•On my return to Peshawur yesterday, i'rom The consp-
eonferring with the Chief Commissioner at Pindce, I found time lolt!
affairs in a very discouraging state indeed. Lieutenant-
Colonel Nicholson, with his usual energy, had left nothing
untried to raise levies of Horse and Foot, to overawe the
disaffected Hindostauee troops; but the time when this
could have been done with effect has passed, and not a Peshawur
single chief responded as he ought to have done to the call not res'pon.i
of Government. Some infeiior IMullicks had been next *■" ^^^ "'"•
resorted to, with a pros[)ect of success on a small scale."

The tide had not been taken at the turn, and it was
depressing enough.

There is no intention of writing here a history of the
Mutiny, but only to present a glimpse of the course of events
as they happened at Peshawur, and of the spirit and views of
the men engaged there ; to furnish, in fact, a running com-
mentary on the times and the place, which, in spite of all that
has been written, partly indeed because of some things that
have been written, is less superfluous.

To proceed then with extracts from letters. News came
fast and thick from below of the s])read of the rebellion of
the native army.

"There is no doubt that the Delhi magazino has fallen
into the hands of the mutineers; . . . that one of the
native regiments there (the 54th) had muidered it-; own
officers when called on to act ; . . . that the o^th Native

378 sj/i iu:niiEnT n. edwardes. [isgt.

Infantry simultimcously fell on tlio troop of Artilleiy and
ca{)tur<'(l four out of six jjuus. . . . The other two guns
uere worked hy Captain De Teissier an 1 liis subalterns,
for several hours; thus, ajiparently, coverin;^ tlie retreat
of several hulies and women and children. But those
who escaped must have been few ; and we hear that awful
atrocities were committed upon all Europeans, male and
female, who fell into the hands of the mutineers."

On the 20th, he writes again —

" Tlie occurrences at Delhi surprise no one, for there
were no European troops there ; and the risk of entrusting
the arsenal of all Upper India to Sepoys only has, for
many years, been a comn:!on topic of discourse in the army.
But what we are all indignant at is the failure of the
Meerut Division to do anything. The Mutiny broke out
strongly there among the Se{)oys ; and eighteen hundred
Europeans seem never to have struck a blow to put it down.
All they have done is to stand on the defensive ; and as
this always demoralizes Englishmen, I dare say that by this
time the European regiments at Meerut have no heart left.
They are * entrenching themselves and watching the
natives.' * . . . The Commander-in-chief is with his army

* " It is clear God keeps us here in our ]ilace, not man ! " An
amusing paragraph appeared in a newspaper at that time. It shows the
general feeling of the public.

"A COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF WANTED.

" To the Editoi' of the Lahore Chronicle.

" Dear Sir, — Will you oblige the Indian public by giving a promi-
nent place to the following in your next issue? The exigency of the
times requires it, and, 1 trust, you will not hesitate.

" Yours faithfully,

"*A Card.
"' Lost, strayed, or stolen, the Commander-in-Chief of II.M.'s and the
Company's forces in India. Any information that can be afforded as

1857.] CHAMBERLAIN COMMANDS THE COLUMN. o70

at Uraballa, where he lias been since the 10th, and does
not mean to move till (he 22nd. All this time the Mutiny
spreads, the country {j^cts disorganized, small cantonments
are exi)0sed, and the pnoiiile are tempted to rise.

" Had tlic Commander-in-chief made a move, the tide
of di.sturbance would have been turned. It is but too
evident that, though a great whist-player, he forgets the
golden rule of Hoyle, ' When in doubt, play a trump ! '
We have urged action on liim till we can urge no more.
. . . Yesterday we heard good news from down-country —
that Agra was still safe, with the fort hidd by a European Agra still
regiment, and of course available as a last refuge for all the ^^ "■'•
residents there. But how long will this be so if the
Commander-in-chief does nothing ? Lord Lake would have
been at the gates of Delhi by this time, and the recreant
mutineers swimming the Jumna for their lives.

" Here in the Punjab we have acted promptly. Peshawur
took the lead (in calling the council of war and forming
the movable column). . . .

"This column is now collecting, and in a few days it
will be at Wuzeerabad. N. Chamberlain is to command,
with the rank of brigadier-general. . . .

" The measures taken in the Punjab have been manly vigorous

di 1 fv> 1 ^ measures

Vigorous in every place, and our omcers have come ^^ Lahore.

out well. Kobert Montgomery (then the Judicial Com-
missioner at Lahore) has behaved like a thorough soldier —
prompt, cool, resolute, vigilant, unexcited, cheerful — the
life and soul of all the capital. It is to him we owe
the disarming of the sepoy regiments at Lahore, with the
cordial co-operation of General Corbett, who was in military
command of the station of Lahore. The same praise is

to his whenabouts will be most gratefully received and handsomely
acknowledged by the State.

" ' The general supjiosition is that he has fallen into one of the trenches
(if the camp at Mecrut, where, if a search is made, he will no doubt
turn up.'"

380 SIR llEUUKUT B. EDWARDES. [1857.

clue to Doniild ]\rc'Leocl,* and tlic new Commissioner Roberts.

The chiefs, too, of the country have come out well, and the

people have shown no sort of sympathy with the insurgents.

Uiiccr- ... I am a little anxious about Peshawur, and I think

.ii.ont ^^'6 can hardly get through the crisis without some outbreak

I'l'-'n,'!^'^'''^ on the pirt of the native troops there; and, in that case,

iiuiiiity. the tribes about, wlio are so different in blood and feelings

from the rest of the Punjab, might think it an opportunity

for disturbance. But, please God, we shall put them all

down. . . . Soon, I hope, we shall have some Mooltauees

at Peshawur, for Nicholson and myself to rely on. . . .

" 1 ought to tell you that at Ferozepoor the 45th Native
Infantry has mutinied, but been overpowered and disj)ersed.
The number of armed mutineers now roving over the
country must be very great. We have no news from Oude,
and I continue to be very anxious about dear Sir Henry.
He will, no doubt, be doing nobly. John Lawrence, too,
is doing so. He is afflicted with excruciating tic-douloureux
in his face ; and the paroxysms of this add heavily to his
troubles, poor fellow !

" We have advised the Governor-General to intercept
the European troops now on their way to China, and bring
tin ni to India ; fur China is of very secondary importance
when the Inliau Empire is in the scale. . . . Certainly
India has never seen the like of this before ! The whole
Sepoy army may be said to be against us. If the

* Then Financial Commissioner of the Punjab; in after years he
became Sir Donald McLeod, and was Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab
in 18G0.

He was a man greatly beloved and honoured by all who ever
knew him. Kind and considerate to all, the natives so loved him that
they used to say that there were two ferishtas (angels) among the English
in the Punjab ; that they were so good, that, if only all the English had
been like them, the whole country would have become Christian, by
seeing tiiem and witnessing their actions, without the aid of any
missionaries at all; and that these two ferishtas were Sir Donald McLend,
and General Picynell Taylor. — From Kev. R. Clark's "Thirty Years ot
^lissionary Work."

jsr,7.] 'JiinicArENiNG aspect of t/u\'!S. 381

Iri('i;iilar.s were to fail u.s, we could not possibly stuiid. 1
believe, however, that we have felt the worst of the storm, Coufidont
and that the time of action is about to bo;^iii. E(|nally ultimate

success.

confident am I tliat, however triccl and trnul)led, God is
on oiw side, and that we shall ultimately triumph.

"But at this sad time how thankful am I that i/ou nre
171 harlour ! It is the greatest source of comfort to me,
and I thank God that we had the resolution to bear tiiis
separation ; and did not give up tlie ])lans, as you wished,
even in Calcutta. Whatever trouble we have now is light
to what it would have been had you been at Peshauur ! . . .

"' John Lawrence sends his love to you, and says we are
all doing our best, and don't mean to be beaten. His wife
is up at Murrce, not well."

This was written on May 20, and the two friends were Edwnnics
cheered and strengthened by meeting face to face, and Peshawur.
discussing arrangements and consulting about plans. That
very day came bad news from Nicholson at l*eshawur, of
traitorous correspondence intercepted, and Edwardes deter-
mined to hasten back. Greatly were they both disappointed
at the long delays in the Commander-in-chiefs advance to-
wards Dellii, to regain possession of which was necessary, as
the only stroke that could stem the torrent of evil that was
increasing everywhere through delay.

15ut back to Peshawur Edwardes hastened, and rode in
by midday on the 21st. He writes —

" The heat was dreadful, and I was much fatigued. I Threaten-
found Nicliolson immersed in cares and anxieties, every- of'thins^sac
thing looking as bad as it could look without an actual " "^^^"'^*
outbreak, the regiments talking big, and the natives of the
district wearing that consciousness of impending difliculty
to their European rulers which is so sure a herald of a
crisis.

"It was impossible to get any levies from the eliiefs
about Pesiiawur.

382 sin IIEIiBKUT n. EDWAHDES. [1857.

Kvii result ''Jolm Lawrence would not let us begin to rjiise men

the caU for whon WB couM biive done it, and now the day of our prestige
levies, jj^g passed for the present.

" The old Afghan Wuzeer, Nizani-iiil-ilowlah, coolly told
Nicholson that this was a crisis in which w^e must rely upon
ourselves. All that day Nicholson and I were engaged in
using our influence with small IMullicks in the district to
raise men.

" I wrote also to Henderson at Kohat for as many as he
could send.

"It was generally believed that a conflict of some kind
must take place on the 22nd, and the object was to get into
cantonments a few men on whom we could rely."

Edwardes writes back to John Lawrence to acquaint him
with the state of things. A few extracts from his letters are
given here— hastily dashed off and hurried, for the pressure
was tremendous, and nights followed days in hea^^ work ;
but such letters paint the picture vividly, and seem to bring
us back again face to face with the events they describe.

To Sir John Laivrence, Bawul Pindee, Chief Commissioner
of the Punjab.

" Peshawur, May 27, 1857.

" My dear John,

"Enclosed is a letter from Lumsden, in cypher, of
which I suppose you have the key, for I have not.

" The messenger says all is well, so I suppose there is
nothing of importance in it. I could wish that we had both
the Lumsdens, and Foujdar Khan and Sirwur Khan here
now ; but, on the whole, I think it is more important to
keep all those four pieces on the board where they are.

" It would unsettle Dost Mahommed if we showed any
doubts as to the result, or recalled our representatives from
around him. In thinking for him we are only thinking for
ourselves.

1S57.] PESlIAWUn A VITAL I'UlST. 383

" ACfairsure getting very ardiiuus here. I seuJ you some iVshawur
letters of Nieliolsou's on tlie subject. Before receipt of
tliein, I had heard of xVjoou Khan's move, and gone to the
brigadier at iiiglit, and reconmiendeil niueli the same
nuasures,

" So now \v(i have put them all in operation, and to-
morrow morning Nicholson will have a very nice little force
collected at Nisutta.

'* I do hope that the gale will blow over without any
insurrection of the tribes on the border, for when a fire is
kindled in such an inflammable country, there is no saying
where it may spread to.

"Things seem settling down in Hindostan, and to be
pretty safe throughout the Punjab, and I think, if you could
in any way manage it, it would only be prudent to throw
some more strength upon this point ; for Peshawur is a vital
point, as it were, and if we conquer here we are safe every-
where, whereas disaster here would roll down the Punjab.

" It was absolutely necessary to disarm the regiments,*
and yet it recoils on us, for we want native troops. The
Queen's 27th have been greatly fatigued by their trip to
and fro, and we have sent out her Majesty's 7Uth in their
stead.

" We must husband our Europeans, and we do so; we
carry them about on elephants and carts, like children. If
it comes to a post-chaise per man, they must have it. But
they cannot do everything, and we feel the want of some
organized natives greatly. I am lightening the duties with
our levies as much as I^an.

" Can you not think of any way to help us at this pinch ?
If you can, pray send us one, if not two, irregular Infantry
corps or police corps (not Poorbeahs), and do it quicklv.

" You were wrong to check me at first about levies. About
We ought to have begun at the very first. We lost the tide. leTiot'""
* The story will be tnj.l in the next chapter. '''''"« '''^f-

381: aS//; IIKI!l',i:ilT Jl. EDWAUDES. [1H57.

I'irst in- " Wc liiivc oiily g(^t iiiiH'ty ^ro()lti\iiO('S up hero yet, and

Mooiilnce ^^'^'Y '11'^ woi til tlioir weight in g<»M. IIiul wo summoned
levies. them II few days sooner, we shun hi now bo in possession of
three or four hundred.

" You know I am not an alarmist, and I dare say yon

will (piito concur in what I urge, that, if all is looking well

below, you should stretch several points to make things

triumphant litre. You know on what a nest of devils we

stand. Once let us take our foot up, and we shall be stung

to death.

Civil and " Happily we have no divided counsels here, and civil

counsels ^^^ militaiy all work together cordially.

unanimous u What an extraordinary announcement is this of the

at •'

iVsiiuwur. Commander-in-chief's death ! . . .

" I am beset with troubles, as you may imagine. Have
you not got some Assistant who could come up here and put
his hand to odd jobs ?

" Is there never another in your quiver ? . . .
" Henderson is doing finely, Nicholson nobly, Becher,
too, famously and sweetly. One may thank God for such
men. Adieu. Kind love to your wife. I often think of her
amid the row.

" Ever affectionately yours,
" (Signed) Herbert B. Edwardes."

CHAPTER XIII.

1857—1858.

DIAUY AND LETTERS DURING THE MUTINY-TIMES AT
PESHAWUR (Continued).

VOL. L 2 C

" Let us, then, be np and doing,
With a heart for any fate.
Still achieving, still pursuing,
Learn to labour and to wait."

Longfellow.

( 387 )

CHAPTER XIII.

The crisis had now come. EJwardes and Nicholson were
told that "they must rely upon themselves," and they felt it
was true. The time seemed past for raising Peshawur levies.
Delay had increased their dilliculties, and a conllict of some
kind seemed to be at liand.

Letters to his wii'e —

"At night, much dispirited, vre lay down in our clothes,
prepared for any alarm ; and, sure enough, at midnight we
were aroused with an ' express,' announcing that some com-
panies of the 55th Native Infantry, on duty at Nowshera,
thirty miles from Peshawur, were in open mutiny. The
European regiment had been called away to join the
movable column, and these companies of sepoys, together
with the 10th Irregular Cavalry, were in charge of the
station, with all the women and the children of the 27th
Queen's at their mercy ! Lieutenant Taylor,* of the Lieutenant
Engineers, like Horatius of old, cut away the bridge of boats, ;^'«^»"J«»"
and thus prevented the mutineers from being joined by the Engineers,
rest of the 55th Native Infantry from the Fort of Murdan,
of which they were in charge during the absence of the ^,.^

Guide Corps. /

" Things being in this state, Nicholson and I determined Council on
to advise the brigadier to take the initiative at Peshawur, '^^ ''"' .

° ' armament

* This is the same man whom we shall afterwards see so great iu heroic „» ' ^
deeds at Delhi — the engineer who planned the assault and siege of Delhi Peshawur.
with John Nicholson the night before the assault, when Nicholson led the
storming party up the scaling-ladders and through the breach of the walls
of Delhi, and carried the assault on September 15.

.388

SIR HERBERT B. EDWARD ES.

[1857.

and disiirm nearly the whole of the native troops. We
accordingly went over to the brigadier, who, at first, pro-
posed to detach a force of Europeans to quell the mutiny
at Nowshcra. We pointed out the danger of dividing his
European force here, while the native troops were in their
state of disaffection ; and he then concurred heartily, like
a good old soldier as ho is, in the propriety of disarming
the corps here. All the commanding officers were accord-
ingly summoned, and a most painful scene ensued. The
commandants of those regiments which were to be disarmed
unanimously and violently declared their implicit con-
fidence in their men. One advised conciliation, and another
threatened us that his men would resist and take the guns."

Nicholson and Edwardes had to take the odium of the
proposition.

Disarming
parade at
Peshawur,

Result of^
disarmiag.

" The brigadier saw the need of decision, and, accepting
the responsibility, he said, 'Gentlemen, no more discussion.
These are my orders, and I must have them obeyed.'

" This council lasted till 6 a.m. ; and at? a.m. we brought
out the troops, and ordered the bad regiments to lay down
their arms. The regiments of European Infantry, with
guns, were all ready to enforce obedience ; but the Sepoys
were completely cowed, and surrendered their arms with-
out a word. It was a painful and affecting thing to see
them putting their own firelocks into the Artillery waggons
— weapons which they had used honourably for years.
The officers of a Cavalry regiment, a very fine set of fellows,
threw in their own swords with those of their men, and even
tore off their spurs. It was impossible not to feel for and
with them ; but duty must be done, and I know that we
shall never regret the counsel that we gave.

" The result was instantaneous. The air was cleared as
if by a thunderstorm. We breathed freely again. On our

return from the disarming; parade, hundreds of Khans and
Urbabs, who stood aloof tlio (hiy before, appeared, as tliick
as flies, and were profuse of offers of service. They had not
calctdated on our havin<^ so much pluck, and they shame-
lessly appeared at the very instant when their services were
no longer wanted, I treated them very coldly indeed, and
1 believe they will be sorry for their want of calculation.
Henderson's succours from Kohat soon came flowing in, and
are still going on. Men are coming from ]\[eranzye, which
we were subduing last winter ! JMeranzye is now as quiet
as a Bayswater tea-garden. . . , ^^->l

" I was up at three o'clock, and threw a chain of Horse '
and Foot around the back of cantonments, so that, if the
men of the 51st had attempted to mutiny, I should have
cut them off. Happily, all passed off quietly. The
subahdar-major of the 51st was made to walk round the
whole paraded garrison ; his desertion and sentence to death
wcie explained ; and he was then hanged before them all.
This will have a great effect on the minds of the sepoys.
It shows them that we will maintain discipline, and are v
strong enough to enforce it." 1

Aiiain, to the same-

" Head the glorious speech of Sir Henry Lawrence to
the soldiery at Lueknow. How it rings ! True English !
Tiiey should make him Commander-in-chief at this crisis,
if they really want to reform the native army."

"Mai/ 31. — What anxious fears you will have, and not The
without cause ! for indeed we have been passing through a with the
fiery trial. Had the people of India been in a state of Jj"|;ifth°"'
discontent, as some orators in Parliament assert, they would people,
have risen along with the troops, and we must have been
utterly exterminated. But it is most gratifying to observe
that, except in one or two places, there has been no rising
of the people ; and we ha>?e, therefore, been at liberty to

390 Sirv IIEBBERT B. EDWARDES. [1857.

struggle with the native troops as best we could. Even
at Peshawur, this lias been the case ; and when I called for
levies of Horse or Foot, the villagers and mountain inde-
pendent tribes have shown the greatest readiness to side with
us against the Hindostanee soldiery. But you can well
\ understand what a difficult game it has been to play. No
I such danger has ever yet threatened India. Nor is it yet
over. . . .

" Well, we are now picking up the fragments of this
Mutiny. Last night at 11 o'clock Nicholson started with
a small force of three hundred Europeans and eight guns,
to reach Murdan in two marches by Dobundee Ferry line,
and reduce the 55th Native Infantry to surrender. Home
has escaped out of the fort. (The mutineers threatened to
roast him.) He is now with Kadir Khan of Toroo, all right.
" The officers of the 55th * will be in a very painful
position. The men say they will murder their officers as
soon as any force comes against them. . . .

" I do feel so very thankful now that the trial, or rather
mercy, of separation was sent to us. It has made my heart
so light amid these cares, and enabled me to think more for
others. The foresight of Almighty God, how wonderful it
seems beside our beetle-vision !
Reflection " When all this Mutiny shall have been put down, it

will still remain for Grovernment to reconstruct its native
army — a task not easy to perform. The system and con-
fidence of a hundred years has passed away for ever like a
breath. The Government never again can trust the Sepoys,
nor the Sepoys believe themselves trusted. The wonderful
spectacle of thirty or forty thousand Europeans ruling
India will be seen no more. The natives have counted us
at last. Fortunately, they never can equal us in character
and in physique ; and one Englishman will still go a long
way. How Providence helps us, and confounds these

rebels !

' At Murdan, in Euzofzye.

the
Bituation.

1857.] MUTINY OF SOLDIERY, NOT PEOPLE. 391

*' Had they beeu unanimous, they could have niunlered
us in a day; but they have allowed us to deal with them
in detail. And in this iiirht there is great safety in the
extended empire it is the fashion to deplore. One province
or presidency may he surprised, but the remoter parts have
time to prepare and give assistance. It is a most remark-
able thing that the telegraph wire has never been cut
throuuhout the riinjab, and so we have been able to effect
the most rapid communication ; without this instrument we
might have been ruined. . . .

" The IMohammedans have, no doubt, beeu very active Absence of

,. Ill- 1 ••iirii- • 1 1 combina-

in this rebellion, but originally i believe it to have been tion be-
a Hindoo movement of caste-apprehension of Christianity, jiohTrnme-
seized upon, fostered, and taken advantaji-e of by Moslems ^.=»°* ^^^

^ . o J Hindoos.

as a good opportunity of working their own ends. Had
both creeds combined, and agreed to settle it between them-
selves, after expelling us, we must have been expelled; but
God did not permit it. And I bear that a terrible religious
strife broke out in Delhi between the ]\rohammedans and
the Hindoos, as soon as ever the mutineers had murdered
the Europeans. ...

"The consoling feature of this terrific Mutiny is that
the soldiery have met with very little sympathy indeed
from the i:)eople of any part of the country. Here and there
an apparent impunity of mutiny, and end of all government
have raised the loose characters to plunder and licence. But
as a rule the country has not stirred. This is a glorious
reply to those who would fain make out tliat our rule is not
a good one in India. . . . The Mohammedan element is
the most dangerous we have to contend with. Our English
rule found Hindoos oppressed, and brought them toleration.
It found ^Mohammedans on the throne, and deposed them.
As a broad rt-mark, therefore, we stand in the light of friends
to one race and enemies to the other.

" In the present ]\[utiny the panic was a sincere, though

392 S]R HERBERT B. EDWARDES. [1857.

ignorant, Hindoo IVclinj:;; but it has been fanned and. ag^a-a-
vated by ]\[oban]medans for their own purposes. The
\ Hindoos have only just found it out when they saw a 'King
of Delhi ' set up and persecution reeoinmoncing. . . .

"We had prayers in church this morning, to pray for
lielp iu this national crisis, and to offer thanksgivings for
the mercies we have received at this station."

Diary letters continued —

Feasting " To-night IS the ' Eed,' and I am preparing such heaps

of food to feast all our new levies, so that they may long
remember the year in which they came in to help us.* These
wild rascals frighten the sepoys out of their wits, and the
disarmed regiments are, I hear, quite in a panic about them.
It puts me so in mind of old times, in 1848. I feel quite at
home now the thing has come to military measures. I do
not understand it, for I always think I was meant for a
civilian; and yet it seems quite a holiday to have some
soldiering to do. Perhaps it is reaction after long years of
pen-and-ink work.
Good con- " The police and people of the district are behaving

jieopie. splendidly. They catch all the deserters from the regiments,
and bring ihem in with every rupee that was on them.
Yesterday they brought in a subahdar with nine hundred
rupees and a gold necklace. I wonder they did not kill and
<:s rob him."

Derajat * « In the war of 1848-49 it was the whole length of the Derajut border

."7''"^^°'"® which gave us those levies of wild swordsmen, matchlock-men, and
same stock '^'^'^•'^I'T which enabled us, in a season adverse to the march of European
as at troops, to shut up the rebel Dewan Moolraj in his fortress at Mooltan

iloohan in and wrest from him one of the most fertile divisions of the Punjab. When
1848-49. the next struggle came, in this terrible Sepoy Mutiny of 1857, the chiefs

of the Derajat instantly took up arms, raised Horse and Foot, and hurried

to our aid.

" From Peshawur to Bengal these loyal men were once more found

fighting our battles, in spite of the taunts of the Mohammedans of India."

— (H. B. E.)

o 5

]sr,7.] JOHN NICHOLSON IN PUIiSUIT OF MUTINEERS. 393

AVc hav'e seen NichoLsuu start to l»ring the 5.jtli lie^dmeiit,
at Miirdan, to order ; and we must follow him by the aid of
tlic diary,

" Wlien the ooliiinn came in sight of the fort, all but Contrast^

a hundred and twenty men had mutinied, and marched off St-poys of

towards 8wat. Colonel Spottiswnod (their commandant), '-'''*''•

seeing what tnru tilings liad taken, blew his brains out

with a pistol. He was an old and good officer, much

beloved by sepoys, and he con Id not apparently bear the

icvulsion of the good feelings of a life. The few men wdio

lomained loyal came out with their officers, ami were sent

off to Nowshera. Then began the pursuit of the mutineers.

They had got so great a start that the guns could not come

up to them ; and the pursuit fell entirely on the Cavalry,

of which Nicholson had very few that were really trust- John

Tir t ^ • 1 111111 Nicholson,

wortliy. Mounted on his great grey, he nobly lea the chase,

was twenty hours in the saddle, and rode seventy miles.

" The mutineers fought d( sperately w henever overtaken,
but a hundred of them were killed, a huu(]red and fifty
taken prisoners, and about four hundred got clear off into
the hills. They are supposed now to be in Swat.

" The force is still out in the field, on the left bank of
the Swat river; and will probably remain hovering about
Aboozye till this crisis subsides. . . .

"The King of Delhi has certaiidy committed himself;
and the notion of a ]\[ohammedan King of Delhi has
a very dangerous influence among these fanatical border
tribes. Had the Commander-in-chief been a man of action,
Delhi would probably have been recovered long ago, and
that would have quieted India. As it is, General Anson has
died. . . . General Keed succeeds to the command-in-chief
of the army temporarily (by force of years), and Brigadier
Cotton becomes General of the Peshawur Division. ... I
have convinced John Lawrence that ho must throw his

394 SIR IIEIiJiEIlT ]i. EDWARDES. [18

0(.

strength now upon Pcslulwur, for it will not do to get into
any embamassment here. He is sending us reinforcements.
I have got a very anxious and arduous post here, and all my
powers are taxed to the utmost.

" I hope the home Government is aware of what a
'crisis' this is. Twenty or thirty thousand men should
he sent to India, even if the IMilitia has to be called out
again. . . . You will be glad to hear that Mrs. Charles
Saunders and'^her husband have escaped safely, after riding
seventy miles. Some faithful native horsemen escorted tliem
all the way. Many chivalrous things, and heroic things, will
have to be told of these extraordinary natives, when all
comes out ; as well as many horrors — perhaps too sad to see
the light. One of the rebel troopers killed at Delhi was

found with __Mrs. 's picture hanging round his filthy

neck ! "

From Peshawur, to his wife (continued) —

" June, 1857.
Levios "^ " I ^ am overwhelmed with offers of men for service
suiTouiul- ^i'0"i ^: every wild tribe 'on the surrounding hills. Doubt-
ing hills, iggg j|. ^^^g fortunate that we invited these oflfers ; for it
has drawn into our pay all those who, if idle, might have
been led into opposition. It must be a dull heart, indeed,
that] does not acknowledge that nothing but God's mercy
has saved us. One turning-point in the crisis was the
persecuting spirit shown by the elated Mohammedans at
Delhi. The Hindoo Eajahs took alarm, bethought them of
former Mogul times, and rallied round John Company. So
the setting-up of the King excited the Mussulmans against
us and the Hindoos for us. The most seditious letters have
been intercepted, preaching the extermination of the infidels.
The devil has certainly done his best to get rid of us ; and,
depend upon it, it shows that Christianity is working at the
very foundations of _ Hindooism and Mohammedanism.

ls-,7.] ON DISSOLUTION OF THE SEPOY ARMY. .395

Religious fear and religious hatred have caused this fright-
ful rebellion, and political causes will be sought in vain.

"All is well at Lucknow, we now hear. Sir Henry Noble
Lawrence has done more noblo things than any one. We Heury
have overcome force with force. Sir Henry has appealed to ^I'l'T*^*
the native regiments with success. He is as wise as he is now.
good. They ought now to make him Commander-in-chief,
and collect a Committee to reorganize the Indian army,
while the lesion is fresh. . . .

"We want about twenty more European regiments in
India, the expense to be made up by getting rid of the
useless number of English oflficers with the native corps.
Let the native army be almost entirely a native army, with
only three English officers in each corps ; but have one
European corps to every two or three native corps, so that
the whites could thrash the blacks.

'* Sir John Lawrence has steered his province through the John Law-
storm with courage, and I hope the Punjab has set a good Punjabi
example to the rest of India. . . .

'* It has been a struggle for empire. It was, I always struggle
thought, one of the standing wonders of the world that we
held India by an Indian army. The fabric of a hundred
years, piled up unreflectingly, province on j^rovince, kingdom
on kingdom, on the bayonets of a single race, has subsided
in a month, like a snow-palace in the sun, and nothing
short of this dissolution would, I believe, have ever brought
about the reorganization of the army of India on a
more solid footing. So it's all for the best, but, alas ! the
price that has been paid. What mourning and grief there
•will be in England ! It is a second Cabul — not quite so much i

blood ; but really fifty times more danger. . . .

"Dear Sir Henry was all right on June 1, but Oude in state of
a fearful state. Worse in Rohilcund, where all our country- .
men were obliged to fly to Nainee Tal and Meerut.

" The Kohilla chief has actually * executed ' (I suppose

306 SIR IlEIiDERT n. EDWARDES. [1857.

hanged) Dr. ITay, the Civil Surgeon of Bareilly (son-in-law
of Mr, Thomason), also the judge, named Robertson, and
two otiiers. All the oflicers of the 18th Native Infantry
at Bareilly are said to be murdered. The troops of the
Bhurtpore luijali refused to act against the rebels. John
Lawrence is working very energetically to send down rein-
forcements to General Reed, Coke's and Rothney's regiments
are on their way by forced marches. They are urgently
wanted.

" Jiine 19. — Our news from Delhi is not good. General
Reed has only half as many men and only half as many
guns as the enemy. . . . We shall evidently have as much
as we can do to liold India till succours arrive from England ;
but if we are true fo ourselves and act vigorously, with God's
help always, we shall do it ; and, however anxious and harassed
Confidence J j^^y \)q^ J never for a moment admit the possibility of

and hope.

ultimate failure. Whatever trials we pass through, I feel
quite sure we shall triumph. But it is a dreadful period
to have to go through July, August, September, before any
large reinforcements can reach India."

There is a public letter from John Lawrence to Govern-
ment at this time, in wliich he says, " The Chief Commissioner
feels assured that, with three such officers at Peshawur as
Brigadier Sydney Cotton, Lieutenant-Colonel Edwardes, and
Lieutenant-Colonel Nicholson, everytliing that is possible will
be done to maintain order and security."

Commendation like this did not often come from this
quarter ; and it astonished them all. But it cheered the
hard-pressed, struggling lives of these brave men, and was
worth the effort. Days were too short for work, and nights
could rarely be spared for sleep. Edwardes writes to his
wife —

" You have no idea what a life I have led. From earliest
dawn to latest night receiving reports, ii^suing orders, holding
consultations, enlisting levies, writing innumerable letters

1857.] A TIME OF DEPRESSION. 397

ami then aiMUSed several times in the night to read * ex-
p I esses.'

"June 10. — There is nothing decisive yet from Delhi,
and 1 almost j'ear our troops there are too few ; — tlie old
IMooltiUi story over again. . . . It is a great trial to lead this
life of hot-and-colJ fits of public news — enough to make
one old and grey. There is more trial in this than in
fii^htino: !

"June 17. — The state of tlie country gets worse and Things got

_ _ worse.

worse daily ; and John Lawrence tells me it is a matter of
great difTiculty to maintain the communication with General
Reed and forward supplies. The head-quarters of the army
are approaching Delhi, to recover it from the wretched crea-
ture who has declared himself a King. There is a great deal
in the name of 'the King of Delhi,' and it has excited the
imagination of the jMohammedans a great deal, especially
hereabouts; so that the sooner this farthing ruhhlight
is extinguished the better. No new atrocities have taken
place since I last wrote, and the postal communications with
dilferent parts of the country are gradually being restored.
At one lime they were at an end. . . . There has been
lamentably frequent want of energy. John Lawrence
writes, ' There has been no vigour shown, except at Peshawur,
(the same at Lahore)."

Edwardes continues —

•' I felt that it was not like an ordinary campaign, in
which there is one army against another, and you feel reliance
on yuur own and never doubt as to the issue. Here our own
army was the enemy, and the issue very doubtful indeed.
God only could have carried us through it. There is a
sure refuge in our God, in faith and prayer."

In writing to John Lawrence, Edwardes says (.rune 13) —

"As to holding the Punjab by two grips — at Peshawur

108

SIR HER BERT />'. EDWARDES.

[iHuT.

Ryilncy
Cotton
(iroposed
liy .John
Lawrence
for promo-
tion to
biisradier

and J.ahoro, if you consider the matter, tliis is just what the
Sikhs did. I am glad you have written to get Cotton made
a brigadier-general. He is, indeed, a fine old fellow, and we
are most fortunate in having had him here."

general. Extracts froiii (Ilury letters (continued) to his wife —

Position of
affairs at
I'eshawur.

Unanimity
in council
at
Peshawur.

People of
Peshawur
loyal.

" It is the gravest crisis I have ever seen, thougli I have
been in some trouble ere now. But I rely firmly on God's
help and ivill, and believe that it is of little use for the
heathen furiously to rage against the great Disposer of
events. I have many sources of comfort and support, too.
First, that you, my most precious possession, are not here in
this Maelstrom. What a relief is this ! . , . Second, I have
such a noble coadjutor in Nicholson. It was, doubtless, all
Providential my labouring to get him here. Third, there is
entire harmony between us and Brigadier Cotton ; and the
civil and military strength are united on every occasion.
Fourth, God gives me good health throughout all this trial.
Fifth, there seems no disposition of the people to ris^i
against us, though, of course, if we got involved in a doubtful
struggle with our own troops, bit by bit the people would
be tempteii into excesses and awaken all their religious
passions. It is absolutely necessary for the safety of the
Punjab that Peshawur should be secure ; and I am glad that
John Lawrence has aroused himself to see it. He began by
checking me for raising levies ! Now we can hardly get
enough of them !

" How valuable, too, is now our friendly policy with
Afghanistan! Suppose we had b^en still on the terms I
found existing at the close of 1853. We must have surely
had Dost Mahommed Khan down upon us."

In a letter written to John Lawrence a little later on,
dated September 12, when the test had been a little longer
tried, Edwardes says —

180?.] FRIENDLY POLICY AND AFOIJANISTAN. 3!)9

" I am glad you will try and eoufrivo to biiug up one,
if not two European corps into this neighbourhood (Pindee
and Huttcau or Shumshabad would be better than Peshawur
itself) as soon as you can. Either we never wanted wny force
here or we are now trusting to a chapter of accident>^. There
is no help for it ; and the policy we have adopted with Cabul Value of
has proved a perfect God-send to us ; it keeps all above us ship with
quiet in a wonderful way, (Still, we ought not to stand in '^'^'
this helpless position a week longer than we can help."

And, after giving instances of the efl'ect of our relations
with Cabul being friendly, he adds —

" It is clear that, if we had been on bad terms just now
with Cabul, we should have lost, first Pesluiwur, and then
the Punjab, and all India would have reeled under the
blow.

" Does it strike you so ? And do you now regret the
time and money given to our treaties and moolakats ?

" Positively, God has provided for us, when we little
saw the full force of what we were doing."

This gentle effort to point a moral is the only effort ever
made by him to extort an acknowledgment from his chief
of the value of the treaties which he so much opposed, and
the only reply was, " But you didn't know when you made
the treaty that the Mutiny was coming," to which Edwardes
answered —

" Concerning our policy with Cabul, of course, we did Letter to

. . , John Law-

not foresee this Mutiny when we made our treaties ; but the rence on
object of every treaty is to make friends against a day of treaties,
diiliculty, whatever that difficulty may be ; and it seems to
me that our not foreseeing that the difiiculty would bo a
mutiny does not affect the wisdom of the policy or the
advantage of the result.

" When you put a paling round your garden, you do it

400 SIR IlERnERT B. EDWARDES. [1S57.

to save the flowers, and it will be impossible to say whether
it will bo your own donkey or your neighbour's which will
break loose and try to get into the parterre.

" Yours afTectionately,

" H. B. E."

This is a curious little episode, after all our past ex-
perience, and looks as if —

" A man convinced against liis will
Is of the same oijinion still."

It is of interest to know that the opinions of John
Nicholson and Herbert Edwardes were identical on this
subject, as on most political subjects. We find an entry here
in Edwardes's diary letters to his wife —

Nicholson's " Nicholson was saying this morning he never thought

OJiinion. iiit ^ • ^ tii

we should live to derive such solid advantage irom our
alliance with Dost Mahommed as we are doing at this crisis,
in the perfect peace of our border ; so that we are left at
liberty to contend with our own sepoys. There can be no
question as to what must have happened had the Ameer of
Cabul now been our foe, and moved down upon us while the
army was in mutiny. You will understand how satisfactory
this is to me."

Visit of An exciting scene occurred about this time at Peshawur,

three hun- -^yijich y^ m vc a Sample of the surroundings of Edwardes's life.

ilreu out- o J. o

laws. One day, one of his men came running into his study, saying,

" Sahib ! a number of armed hill-men are coming into
the cantonment, and calling out for your house. What are
we to do ? " And so it truly was. " Nearly three hundred
Afreedees, armed in every imaginable manner, came down
from the hills, and asked me to enlist them as regular soldiers."
They were " outlaws " — wild men who had committed crimes
so many and so great that they had to take to their hills and
hide from the pursuit of justice. And they thought, wisely,
that noiv the time had come to get the score paid off in

1K57.] VISIT FROM THREE HUNDRED " OUTLAWS." 401

" service." So Eclwardes made tlicin sit down cjii tlu; lawn
and seated himself in their midst, and drew out the stories
of tlieir deeds of crime and "outlawry." And as they told
them, he called his moonshee to hrin;j; out the " records " and
compare the account.

And then he ruled what ready justice they were to
purfunn, aecordinir to their own rude laws, to give such
compensation as they could to the men they had injured.
Rough-and-ready justice, such as became the times and the
circumstances, was all that suited the occasion ; but it was
enough to show theiu tliat their crimes were not condoned
until they had done their best to make restitution, and only
then could their ban be taken off or their " services " be ac-
cepted by the Government they had defied.

" ^Vhat a scene it was ! It might liave been an ambush
as easily as anything else. They might have cut me in
lueces and dispersed themselves immediately. At least, these
thouglits occurred to me at the moment as among the possi-
bilities. But the great seciet of association with tliesc utter
barbarians is to take them as they come, like wild beasts,
and show no fear of ihem. Habit has taught me this; and
1 went among them and picked out their youths, and enrolled
them as recruits, then brought the older ones, weather-
beaten, scari-ed, and scored with frays, into our willow-walk
ill the garden, sat them down in the shade, and, after talking
to them, dismissed them to their hills again with a rupee
each, quite satisfied that they had been honourably treated.
I was not sorry, however, to get them out of the canton-
ments again.

" What short-sighted creatures these Hindostanee
sepoys are! Ilow many now races, like unworked mines,
are ready to fill u]) the gaps in our native army ! "

It was a great advantage to the peace of Peshawur to a field for
give employment to these wild and turbulent spirits ; and spii-it'J"
Edwardes says —

" I am inviting a big l)!a('kguiir(l, named ^lokurrum
VOL. I. 2d

402 SIR HEllBEUT n. EDWABDES. [1857.

Kluan (who is tircl of Swat), to come with his followers and
go down to Delhi with Shazadah Jumhoor's son. The old
Shazadah proposed it, and I was delighted to agree. He is
a man of mettle, and liis sowars too. They have bothered
us for six years, but never done unforgiveable things.
Swat is being a very good neighbour to us just now, by a
wonderful turn in the cards ; and I hope this district will
send aid instead of being a trouble."

Amusing There was an amusing incident with this Shazadah. One

inruient. ^ ^ askcd for an interview, and, it beinf' mranted, he came
Fables. in and threw down his turban at Edwardes's feet.

" Wliat is the matter ? " said he. " What does this
mean ? "

" My Lord," he said, " I always knew you were a wise
man ; but I never knew you were so gi'eat a man as I know
you to be now ! I verily believe you are the author himself of
-^sop's Fables " (the highest pinnacle of wisdom in their eyes).

" Why, what do you mean ? What have I done ? "

" Done ? " said Shazadah Jumhoor ; " why, see what you've
done ! This last stroke of policy is wisdom itself " (in having
sent down to Dellii a regiment of wild frontier men). " See,
if they kill the enemy — ivell; if the enemy kills them —
tetter still ! Nmv I know that you are the wisest man that
was ever known. The peace of this frontier is secured which-
ever way it happens ! "

About this time Edwardes writes —

Thoughts.- " Thinking over Job's prayer, ' Do not condemn me ;

opium I show me wherefore Thou contendest with me,' it strikes me
as a curious coincidence that the East India Company's
Government is shaken to its very foundations at the very
time that we are warring with China ; w hich Indian legis-
lation and English legislation together have been for several
years attacking and poisoning with opium, to the moral
degradation of millions of Chinese. The very troops that
England had upon the seas on their way to coerce Canton
are obliged to be intercepted and brought to the rescue of

trade.

1857.] OPIUM TBADE. MILITARY EXECUTIONS. 403

India. In this, chastisement and mercy, trouble and remedy,
are mixed tuj^ctlior in the marvollous way that God's deal-
ings delight in ; but I cannot but think that the opium trade
from China to India is one main reason for the national
shock we are now enduring. I am no Cobdenite, and would
certainly have voted with Lord Palmerston on the Chinese
War question ; but the melancholy thing is that we are
morally in the wrong witli reference to the Chinese ; the
opium injury lies at the root of all their hostilities against
us. Our commerce is unholy in this matter, and I hope
Lord Shaftesbury will carry his point with all my heart."

"June 10. — This morning there was a terrible execution Military
parade. Out of one hundred and twenty men of the 55th parade'at
Native Infantry taken prisoners in the fight and flight of ^«sii^wur.
]\Iay 25, at ]\[nrdan, one-third (or forty mutineers) were
blown away from guns. I was out with all my levies,
guarding the avenues of cantonments ; so I did not witness
it. But the general says it was a frightful spectacle. All
this is very dreadful, but right and necessary." *

This is tlie occasion taken by the biogi-apher of Lord
Lawrence lately to enlarge upon " Colonel Edwardes's blood-

* "The news of these executions and the mode adopted in carrying Effect of
them into effect spread far and wide, and, even in the city of Cabul itself, vigorous
were the subject of discussion and of astonishment. It was clear to all that p*^*'l°? ''*'
discipline was upheld and maintained . . . and the Afghans, keenly watch- f^^ j^
ing tlie turn of events, on finding that the supremacy of the ]3ritish Cabul.
Government had prevailed, wore deterred from an aggressive movement. . . .
The subsidy given by the British Commissioner to Dost Mahommed no
doubt had some eflect on the mind of that monarch ; but the Afghans
themselves, ever restless and unsettled, were thoroughly meditating an
attack on the British frontier, and a rich harvest in Uiiidostan, and were
alone deterred from the movement by the imposing attitude which had
been assumed at I'eshawur; and it came to the author's knowledge after-
wards that thirty thousand Afghans had shod their horses at one time,
ready to invade our territory " (Cotton, pp. 174, 175. See also " Enclosures
to Secret Letters from India," July 23, 1858, pp. 152, 109, 197.) " In a
proclamation issued by the Persian Government, the Ameer was urged,
as a Mohammedan, to side with the Persians against the English"
(Ibid., p. 124).

Cotton's
opinion

404 'SIR IIEUIiERT D. EDWARDES. [1857.

tliirstincss ; " and, of course, not understanding- his cliaraeter,
lie is not aware liow entirely the opposite of truth is any such
allegation ; luit lie must also have forgotten (or be ignorant
of) the relative (Uities of civil and political charge, and
military command ; for these trials were by military court-
martial, and the punishments were military also, in which
Colonel Edwardes could not interfere nor be in any way
held responsiljle.

This is only remarked in passing, for by no one who
knew Colonel Edwardes could the idea be ever entertained
of his character for a moment ; and it therefore does not call
for further notice.

Brigadier Sydney Cotton expresses his opinion in a public
letter on this matter.

" Tesbawur, April 20, 1858.
Sydney "With regard to the injunction placed on me by the

Chief Commissioner not to carry into effect the execution of
the hundred and forty criminals, but to take one-fourth or
one-third of them, which latter I determined on. . . .

'' I am of opinion, and I was at the time of the great
execution of forty criminals blown away from guns, that
mutiny was raging to such an extent throughout the country
that no one ought to escape punishment (capital) ; and I
now believe that if the hundred and forty men had been
executed, as 1 intended, we should not have had the 51st affair
at all.

" No doubt Sir John Lawrence's ^'iews were humane, hut
it ivas not mercy in the end. . . .

"(Signed) Sydney Cotton."

While such exciting scenes were taking place at Peshawur,
it is refreshing to turn to the comparatively peaceful Hazara,
and read the report of it given by the pen of Major John 11.
Becher, who was doing good ser\'ice there, and holding the
people firmly, while he won their love and regard.

" Abbottabad, June 2, 1857.

" My dear Edwardes,
^ohn " I am very much obliged to you for your letter ;

Becher in . i i t • •

Hazaia. it was most acceptable. I rejoice to see you thus riding on

I!r57.] IIAZAIIA LOYAL. 405

tlio wlihluiiid and controlling the st(jrm, and glud amidst
the thuudcr-cloiids. The letter sounds like a clarion-blast,
full of vigour and self-reliance. And I am i)roud to see
you and Nicholson in this grand storm masters at your
work, right glad that Nicholson did not leave ; there was
work for his war-horse, and he is in his element, the first
who has struck a death-blow.

" And we may Ijc proud of John Lawrence as a master-
spirit in these times.

" I long every hour to hear more of you at Peshawur.
Here I am tranquil, only that, of course, there is excitement
among the people. Chiefs and people flock in. They are
in the most loyal spirit, desirous only to be employed more
than I can employ them. If I ask for two horsemen I get
ten supplied. I really feel very happy at seeing this good
disposition, and am very confident that it will endure.
Fiizul Khan has put some of his hawk-horse across the
river, and they have caught Poorbeas on their way to Sat-
taua. I have placed posts at all the points of communica-
tion with Pindee or Cashmere, to intercept correspondence
or one black sheep of Poorbeas. . . .

" Hurrah for Sir Henry at Lucknow ! What a good,
noble speech he has made ! and how wise he is!

" Ever yours, my dear Edwardes,

" John R. Becher."

And John Lawrence, writing to Etlwardes about the same
date, says —

"The Governor-General says that Henry has managed
admirably in Oude. He is just the man for such a crisis.
I wish we had another like him at Delhi.

"(Signed) J. L."

Frohi Sir John Lawrence to Colonel Edwardes.

"Juno 13, 18o7.
" I have sent four kossids oft' from Umballa to Airra,

40G SIR IIKliBERT n. EDWARDES. [I8i:7.

to get a message tclegniphed that Cotton may be made a
brigadier-general. He is an old ' trump.'

" Yours affectionately,
"(Signed) John Lawrence."

Here's a nice Lit of friendship between Edwardes and
Cotton, ill a letter from the latter —

" Pcshawur, May 28, 1857.

" My dear Edwardes,

"I thank you very sincerely for your kind and
cordial congratulations.

"I feel confident in the prevailing unanimity amongst
us all, and pray for its continuance.

" I feel very proud of your expressions of confidence in
me.

" We have had the experience of nearly four years
together on this frontier.

" Believe me,

" Ever yours most sincerely,
" (Signed) Sydney Cotton."

Unanimity Such unanimity and cordiality of feeling between all tlie

^"'l.*^"/: men on this frontier was a great strength and power, and

councVr made every tiling work well, all joining heart and hand

strength in tonethcr. Maior Hcuderson, Deputy-Commissioner at Kohat,

work. o •'

writes —

"KoMt, May 21, 1857.

" My dear Edwardes,
Major « It is of no usc making any concealment any

HcndGrsoD

at Kohat. lono-er, so I'll move the treasure into the fort in the morning,
and I have already garrisoned it with my own men. From
to-morrow I will also mount a strong picket over the guns,
and then, come what may, we need not fear for the result. If
you want more men, tell me, and you shall have them at
once."

1857.] UNANIMITY AMONG FRONTIER OFFICERS. 407

And lioiii Major iJiclianl Tollock, then Ocpuly-Coniniis-
siiMUT in Deiaji'it —

" Dora Oliazee Khan.
" Notliing could really have been better than the feeling
exhibited by the head-men of this district. They could
hardly conceive that any one would dare perpetrate the
enormities they heard of, but begged to be employed if
they could be of use."

And there were ready hands to volunteer for commanding
the new levies. As a sample, here is one —

" Kohat, May 16, 1857.

" My dear Colonel Edwardes,

" I write to propose to you, if Government requires
to raise a few men as a temporary measure, to offer my
services.

" I could raise a regiment in a short time, and if a few
of the disciplined trained Puthan troops were intermixed, a
draft of ten from two or three of the regiments, a respect-
able regiment might be ready for immediate fighting at
all events, if required. . . . Don't trouble yourself with
answering this unless you like my proposal, as I know you
have too much to do in these troubled, anxious times. But
if I can be of use, here I am.

" Yours very truly,
"(Signed) Thomas Keyes."

It would give a very incomplete idea of the work done
by the Commissioner of Peshawur during these years we
have been passing through, to tell only of the political work
connected with the relations of England with Afghanistan,
resulting in l»ringiug about and concluding the Treaties with
the Afghans, which, as we have seen, were signed in 1855
and 1857. Arduous as this political work with Cabul was,
there was, besides it, a vast amount of labour and tact

dent

408 SIR HERBERT B. EDWARDES. [1857.

rcij["j.irctl iu Llio dulicatu liaii(l]iii^ of all the many hill tribes
that surround Peshawur and form the border of the north-
west frontier of British India. Quoting fromDr, I>ellew, "It
may l)e said to commence at the top of the Kaghan Valley
Position of adjoining tlie Chilas district. It skirts the range of the I'lack
Peshawur ]\jountain, whicli sei:arates Kaghan from the Indus, and then,

among the .

surround- reaching that river, follows its left bank to 1'orljela, where,

t"^b*s^^ crossing once, it runs along the base of the hills encircling

many of the Pcshawur Valley as far as the Khyber Pass. From this

^e'TTof"^ point the border is deflected back towards the Indus, and,

Cabui, and passing round the Afreedie Hills to Kohat, thence proceeds

many tho- -^yestward Tip the Meranza Valley along the base of the

roughly , ^ . .

indepen- Orukzal and Zwaeenakht Hills to the river Kurrum. Here
it is again turned back, and, passing round the Wuzuree Hills,
strilvcs the Tukhti-Suleman range in the Dera Ismael Khan
district. Our north-west frontier, as we received it from the
Sikhs, extends in an irregular and iil-defined line along the
base of the mountain region separating the Indus Valley
from the Cabul Highlands. These mountains may Ije de-
scribed in general terms as forming a continuous, though
somewhat uneven chain, with a generally bare and rocky
aspect towards the southern portion of the range, and with
a more or less wooded or pine-clad surface in its northern
portion. Tliey are traversed by a series of passes leading
down from the Cabul Highlands to the Indus Valley, and
are inhabited by a number of different Pathan tribes, of
whom those located on the western slopes are the subjects
of the Cabul Government ; whilst those occupying the
eastern slopes, where the valleys mostly open directly on to
the Indus Valley, and all either directly or indirectly drain
into it, are, as regards government, taxes, and allegiance,
thoroughly independent."

This sketch of the wild hills that surround Peshawur will
help the reader to understand that the wild inhal)itants of
such regions were but restless and dangerous neighbours in
such troubled times as these, and would add greatly to the
anxiety of the events that will follow.

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