Ex Libris 
 C. K. OGDEN 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 She Xonfcon Uibrarp 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 WILLIAM CAVENDISH 
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE 
 
 AND MARGARET HIS WIFE
 
 NEWCASTLE
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 WILLIAM CAVENDISH 
 
 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE 
 
 TO WHICH IS ADDED THE TRUE RELATION OF MY 
 BIRTH BREEDING AND LIFE 
 
 By 
 MARGARET, DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE 
 
 Edited by C. H. FIRTH, M.A 
 
 Regius Professor of Modern History in the University of Oxford 
 SECOND EDITION, REVISED, WITH ADDITIONAL NOTES 
 
 With Twelve Appendices and an Index 
 
 LONDON 
 
 GEORGE ROUTLEDGE & SONS LIMITED 
 NEW YORK : E. P. DUTTON & CO
 
 College 
 Library 
 
 J>A 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 EDITOR'S PREFACE ... . . vii 
 
 TITLE .... .... xxxiii 
 
 DEDICATION . . ..... xxxiv 
 
 EPISTLE TO THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE . . xxxv 
 
 PREFACE ......... xxxix 
 
 EPISTLE TO THE DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE . . xlvii 
 
 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM, DUKE OF NEWCASTLE 
 
 THE FIRST BOOK ... . . i 
 
 THE SECOND BOOK . . ... 43 
 
 THE THIRD BOOK . ..... ^3 
 
 THE FOURTH BOOK . ui 
 
 NOTES OF THE AUTHORESS . .... 142 
 
 Ax EPISTLE .... ... 151 
 
 BIRTH, BREEDING AND LIFE OF MAKGAHET, DUCHESS OF NEW- 
 CASTLE. ... ... 155 
 
 APPENDICES . . . 1 79 
 
 INDEX 120
 
 EDITOR'S PREFACE 
 
 THE first edition of this Life of the Duke of Newcastle was pub- 
 lished in 1667. It is a thin folio of about 200 pages. This 
 was followed in 1668 by a Latin version, translated by Walter 
 Charlton, well known in his later days as President of the 
 College of Physicians. In 1675 was published the third edi- 
 tion, a quarto ; for the translation, like the original edition, 
 is in folio. In 1872 a careful reprint of the first edition, edited 
 by Mark Antony Lower, was included in Russell Smith's 
 ' Library of Old Authors '. In the present edition, the spel- 
 ling has been modernized, and the punctuation occasionally 
 altered. 
 
 The three editions published during the lifetime of the sub- 
 ject testify to the popularity of the book at a time when the 
 events recorded in it were still fresh in the memories of those 
 who read it, and it still retains an enduring interest for later 
 generations. Somewhat contradictory have been the judg- 
 ments passed upon it. The volume of Letters and Poems in 
 Honour of the Incomparable Princess, Margaret, Duchess of 
 Newcastle, printed in 1676, preserves the opinions of the 
 learned persons and learned bodies to whom the Duchess sent 
 presentation copies. The response of the University of Cam- 
 bridge was worthy of the gift and the giver. ' Hereafter, if 
 generous and highborn men shall search our library for a 
 model of a most accomplished general, they shall find it 
 expressed to the life, not in Xenophon's Cyrus, but in the 
 Duchess of Newcastle's William ! ... In regard we could 
 not be admitted to the favour of kissing your hand, we cease 
 not to bestow ten thousand embraces upon even- page of that 
 book which hath so noble and immortal a subject as is his 
 grace the Duke of Newcastle.' Whilst the heads of the 
 University were expressing themselves with the mixture of 
 gallantry and respect which becomes learned bodies on such 
 occasions, Pcpys was confiding to paper his contempt for the
 
 viii Editor's Preface 
 
 book and its writer: 'March 18, 1668 Thence home, and 
 there in favour to my eyes staid at home, reading the ridicu- 
 lous history of my Lord Newcastle, wrote by his wife ; which 
 shows her to be a mad, conceited, ridiculous woman, and he 
 an ass to suffer her to write what she writes to him and of 
 him. So to bed, my eyes being very bad.' Without stopping 
 to inquire how far the state of the worthy Secretary's eyes 
 influenced his critical faculties, it may be taken for granted 
 that his recollections of the authoress influenced his judgment 
 of her book. Describing her visit to the Royal Society on 
 May 30, 1667, he had come to the conclusion that ' her dress 
 was so antick and her deportment so ordinary ' that he did 
 not like her at all, and expressed his terror lest her conduct 
 should make the Royal Society ridiculous. Perhaps it was 
 these very eccentricities and extravagances which had so 
 shocked Pepys which recommended the Duchess to Charles 
 Lamb. Certainly his larger sympathy, and keener insight, 
 enabled him to perceive in the style and in the writer those 
 finer qualities which the more conventional judgment of 
 Pepys had refused to recognize. Lamb never mentions with- 
 out praise 'that princely woman, thrice noble Margaret of 
 Newcastle '. For a book such as the Life of the Duke of New- 
 castle, a book ' both good and rare ', he held no binding too 
 good. ' No casket is rich enough, no casing sufficiently durable 
 to honour and keep safe such a jewel.' 
 
 To decide between these conflicting sentences, and expound 
 the precise amount of truth contained in each, would be a 
 tedious and ungrateful task. This at least may be said, that 
 the ' generous and highborn men ' who follow the recommen- 
 dation of the Cambridge Senate and study this Life as a contri- 
 bution to military history will find little in it which they could 
 not learn more fully and accurately from the pages of Rush- 
 worth or Whitelock. An occasional incident or anecdote, 
 the name of a forgotten officer, or the locality of an obscure 
 skirmish, an account of the Duke's personal share in one or 
 two engagements, sum up the amount of its contributions to 
 tiie military history of the civil wars. The special interest of 
 the book lies rather in the picture of the exiled royalist, cheer- 
 fully sacrificing everything for the King's cause, struggling 
 with his debts, talking over his creditors, never losing confi- 
 dence in the ultimate triumph of the right, and on his return
 
 Editor's Preface ix: 
 
 setting to work uncomplainingly to restore his ruined estate. 
 It lies rather in the portrait drawn of a great English nobleman 
 of the seventeenth century ; his manners and his habits, his 
 occupations and amusements, his maxims and his opinions, 
 his domestic policy and his alliances with neighbouring poten- 
 tates, all are recorded and set down with the loving fidelity 
 of a Boswell. For the account of her husband's exile and the 
 description of his daily life the Duchess depended on her own 
 observations and recollections. But for that part of the book 
 which treats of his warlike exploits she relied on the informa- 
 tion she received from his secretary, John Rolleston. 
 
 Rollcston had filled a position which must have enabled 
 him to know the truth on many doubtful points, and to explain, 
 had he thought fit, the causes which determined the strategy 
 of his General. It is therefore much to be regretted that so 
 meagre an account is given of many important incidents and 
 resolutions during the Yorkshire campaigns. For these 
 campaigns exercised a decisive influence on the course of the 
 Civil War in the eastern and midland counties, and had New- 
 castle been a more capable general, the northern army might 
 have forestalled the New-Model. The first and one of the 
 most important services of Newcastle was the occupation of 
 the town from which he took his title. The ports of the south 
 and east of England, from Bristol to the towns of the York- 
 shire coast, were all in the hands of the Parliament, and with- 
 out communication with the Continent the King could hardly 
 have conducted one campaign. The possession of Newcastle 
 enabled him to receive the arms and ammunition which he 
 urgently needed, and supplied, a landing-place for the old 
 soldiers who flocked from Holland and (icrmany to officer 
 his armies. In the next place, the great territorial influence 
 of Lord Newcastle enabled him to raise an army in the four 
 northern counties with unusual speed ; and. at a period when 
 2000 or 3000 men was a large army, to advance with double 
 that number into Yorkshire, and occupy York just when it 
 was on the point of falling into the hands of Lord Fairfax. 
 Considering the great superiority of his forces, Newcastle's 
 operations against Lord Fairfax, which commenced in Decem- 
 ber 1642, can hardly be considered very creditable to his 
 military talents. It required three separate attacks to expel 
 the Fairfaxes from the West Riding. The first commenced
 
 x Editor's Preface 
 
 with the attack on Tadcastcr (December 7, i<x[-) : was 
 followed by the repulse of Sir William Savile from Bradford 
 (December 18, 1^)42) ; and was brought to an end by the 
 brilliant recapture of Leeds by Sir Thomas Fairfax (January 
 23, 1643). The second began in April with an unsuccessful 
 attack on Leeds, and was marked by the capture of Rotherham 
 (May 4) and Sheffield (May 9). Again Sir Thomas Fairfax, 
 by the surprise of Wakefield on May 21, 1643, forced the 
 royalists to retreat. The third and successful attack began 
 with the capture of Howley Hall and the battle of Adwalton 
 Moor (June 30). and ended with the capture of Bradford and 
 Leeds, and the flight of the Fairfaxes to Hull. 
 
 In the interval between the first and second of these attacks 
 occurred the controversy between Newcastle and Lord Fairfax, 
 recorded in the opposing proclamations printed by Rushworth. 
 Newcastle sent Fairfax a characteristic challenge to come 
 out and fight, to follow ' the exampcs of our heroic ancestors, 
 who used not to spend their time in scratching one another 
 out of holes, but in pitched fields determined their doubts.' 
 Lord Fairfax replied by a refusal ' to follow the rules of Amadis 
 dc Gaule, or the Knight of the Sun, which the language of the 
 declaration seems to affect in offering pitched battles ' : but 
 withal protested his willingness to offer battle wheresoever 
 he found an opportunity. With these taunts were combined 
 legal arguments on the rights of kings and subjects, discus- 
 sions on the lawfulness of employing Catholics and sectaries, 
 and accusations of plunder and indiscipline against each other's 
 armies. 
 
 The conquest of the West Riding left Hull the only impor- 
 tant place in Yorkshire in the hands of the Parliament. Charles 
 summoned Newcastle to move southwards, and ordered him 
 to march through the eastern association on London J . He 
 obeyed so far as to march into Lincolnshire, where he recap- 
 tured Gainsborough (July 30) and garrisoned Lincoln, but 
 at the end of August he returned into Yorkshire to besiege 
 Hull. The combined movement on London planned by the 
 King might have changed the fortune of the war, for at the 
 end of July the Parliament had no army capable of keeping 
 
 1 ' He had orders to march into the associated counties, when, upon the t.ikine of 
 liristul, his Majesty had a purpose to have marched towards London on the other side.' 
 Cl-ir-iid' n, Kfbfllmn, vh'i, 86. See also vii, 177. Other statements are quoted in 
 the not? Vj p. 2').
 
 Editor's Preface xi 
 
 the field. Waller's forces had been reduced to a fc\v hundred 
 horse, Essex's troops were diminished by disease and deser- 
 tion, and disheartened by failure, and the army of the Eastern 
 association was still in the process of formation. Even if the 
 march on London had been unattempted, a vigorous inva- 
 sion of the Eastern association might have made a breach in 
 that stronghold of Puritanism, and would almost certainly 
 have prevented the relief of Gloucester. The reasons which 
 led Newcastle to disobey the King's order are differently 
 stated. Warwick asserts that his desire to retain his inde- 
 pendent command was the chief motive. To this was added 
 the opposition of the gentlemen of Yorkshire to the proposed 
 scheme, their objections to leaving their own county, and 
 their urgent appeals to Newcastle to capture Hull and put a 
 stop to Fairfax's inroads into Yorkshire. It was on this last 
 ground that Newcastle based his refusal, but there is little 
 doubt that it coincided with his own inclinations 1 . From 
 the time that Newcastle turned back into Yorkshire his good 
 fortune ended. One day (October i i. 164 ;) saw the defeat of 
 his field army at Winceby, and the rout of the besieging army 
 under the walls of Hull. November and December were spent 
 in recruiting his shattered forces, and in January 1644 he was 
 called northwards to oppose the entry of the Scots into Eng- 
 land. Slowly the Scots forced their way south, Newcastle 
 ever attempting to bring on a general action, and ever failing 
 through Lcsly's judicious choice of positions. Though he 
 was able by means of his great superiority in cavalry to cut 
 off their provisions, he could never absolutely reduce them to 
 extremity, and his best horse were ruined by the severity of 
 the season. At the same time, he had to contend against 
 the criticisms of his own party, and even thought of laying 
 down his commission to escape their complaints. ' I per- 
 ceive ', wrote the King to him. ' that the Scots are not the 
 only, or the least enemies you contest with at tins ime : where- 
 fore I must tell you in a word you must as much contemn the 
 impertinent or malicious tongues and pens of those that are 
 or profess to be your friends, as well as you despise the sword 
 of an equal enemy. The truth is. it either you or my Lord 
 Ethyn leave my service. I am sure all the north is lost. Remem- 
 ber all courage is not in fighting, constancy in a good cause
 
 xii Editor's Preface 
 
 being the chief, and the despising of slanderous tongues and 
 pens being not the least ingredient.' x This letter was written 
 on April 6, 1644, and on the iith of the same month New- 
 castle's lieutenant, Bcllasis, was defeated and taken prisoner, 
 and the Marquis himself forced to make a hurried retreat to 
 York, where the united armies of Fairfax, Lcsly, and Man- 
 chester closed in upon him, and made his surrender only a 
 question of time. Prince Rupert raised the siege ; but, not 
 content with that, and misunderstanding the King's orders, 
 pursued the retreating enemy, and, against the advice of the 
 Marquis, forced on the battle of Marston Moor. In that 
 battle the Marquis held no command, but fought as a private 
 gentleman at the head of a company of volunteers. The day 
 after, he, with his immediate friends, made his way to Scar- 
 borough and embarked for the Continent. If he had been 
 content to remain in England, and laboriously recommence 
 the task of raising armies for the King, he might have con- 
 siderably retarded the loss of the north. There were a hundred 
 examples of men, less eminent in position and command, 
 who struggled cheerfully, even though with little hope of 
 success, until all further resistance was impossible. But 
 Newcastle, loyal though he was, held no such troublesome 
 and exacting a view of his duty. His wife represents him as 
 leaving England because he saw there was nothing else to 
 be done, and was ' loath to have aspersions cast upon him ' 
 for failing to do what was impossible. Another account 
 makes him reply to Rupert's persuasions to recruit his forces 
 for another eltort, by saying ' I will not endure the laughter 
 of the court.' Clarendon, whilst discussing the causes of 
 this retirement, seizes the opportunity to draw one of those 
 portraits which no biographer can leave unquoted : 
 
 All that can be said for the Marquis is. that he was utterly 
 tired with a condition and employment so contrary to his 
 humour, nature, and education, that he did not at all con- 
 sider the means or the way that would let him out of it. and 
 free him for ever from having more to do with it. And it was 
 a greater wonder, that he sustained the vexation and fatigue 
 of it so long, than that he broke from it with so little circum- 
 spection. He was a very fine gentleman, active and full of 
 courage, and most accomplished in those qualities of horsc- 
 
 ' !!ii-, Ordinal Letters. I. iii. :,*.
 
 Editor's Preface xii'i 
 
 manship, dancing, and icncing which accompany a good 
 breeding ; in which his delight was. Besides that, he was 
 amorous in poetry and music, to which he indulged the greatest 
 part of his time ; and nothing could have tempted him out 
 of those paths of pleasure, which he enjoyed in a full and 
 ample fortune, but honour and ambition to serve the King, 
 when he saw him in distress, and abandoned by most of those 
 who were in the highest degree obliged to him, and by him. 
 He loved monarchy, as it was the foundation and support 
 of his own greatness ; and the Church, as it was well consti- 
 tuted for the splendour and security of the Crown ; and 
 religion, as it cherished and maintained that order and obedi- 
 ence that was necessary to both ; without any other passion 
 for the particular opinions which were grown up in it, and 
 distinguished it into parties, than as he detested whatsoever 
 was like to disturb the public peace. . . . He liked the pomp 
 and absolute authority of a general well, and preserved the 
 dignity of it to the full ; and for the discharge of the outward 
 state and circumstances of it, in acts of courtesy, affability, 
 bounty, and generosity he abounded ; which in the infancy 
 of a war became him, and made him for some time very 
 acceptable to men of all conditions. But the substantial 
 part, and fatigue of a general, he did not in any degree under- 
 stand (being utterly unacquainted with war) nor could submit 
 to 1 ; but referred all matters of that nature to his lieutenant- 
 general. King ... In all actions of the field he was still 
 present, and never absent in any battle : in all which he gave 
 instances of an invincible courage and fearlessness in danger ; 
 in which the exposing of himself notoriously did sometimes 
 change the fortune of the day when his troops began to give 
 ground. Such articles of action were no sooner over, than 
 he retired to his delightful company, music, or his softer 
 pleasures, to all which he was so indulgent, and to his ease, 
 that he would not be interrupted upon what occasions soever : 
 insomuch as he sometimes denied admission to the chiefest 
 officers of the army, even to (ieneral King himself, for two 
 days together ; from whence many inconveniences fell out. . . 
 The strange manner of the Prince's coming, anil undclibcratcd 
 throwing himself, and all the King's hopes, into that sudden 
 and unnecessar engagement, b which all the force the
 
 xiv Editor's Preface 
 
 Marquis had raised, and with so many difficulties preserved, 
 was in a moment cast away and destroyed, so transported him 
 with passion and despair, that he could not compose himself 
 to think of beginning the work again, and involving himself 
 in the same undelightful condition of life, from which he might 
 now be free. He hoped his past meritorious actions might 
 outweigh his present abandoning the thought of future action ; 
 and so without further consideration, as hath been said, he 
 transported himself out of the kingdom.' l 
 
 Very similar is the judgment passed on Newcastle by 
 another contemporary, Sir Philip Warwick. ' He was a 
 gentleman of grandeur, generosity, loyalty, and steady and 
 forward courage ; but his edge had too much of the razor in 
 it : for he had a tincture of a romantic spirit, and had the 
 misfortune to have somewhat of the poet in him : so as he 
 chose Sir William Davcnant, an eminent good poet, and loyal 
 gentleman, to be lieutenant-general of his ordnance. This 
 inclination of his own and such kind of witty society (to be 
 modest in the expression of it) diverted many counsels, and 
 lost many opportunities, which the nature of that affair this 
 great man had now entered into required.' '- 
 
 The very defects which, according to these two authorities, 
 prevented Newcastle from being a successful general, have 
 given him an additional claim to the remembrance of posterity. 
 His o\vn writings, and his patronage of other writers, combine 
 to secure him a niche in the literature of his age. 
 
 Newcastle's intimacy with Hobbes is attested by the stories 
 which the Duchess tells in order to illustrate her husband's 
 ' natural understanding and observation ' (p. 106). Their 
 acquaintance began long before they were fellow-exiles, as 
 the letters from Hobbes to Newcastle, written between 1634 
 and 1637, sufficiently attest. These letters, now preserved 
 at Wclbeck, were published in 1893 in the Report of the His- 
 torical Manuscripts Commission on the Duke of Portland's 
 Papers (vol ii, pp. 124-30). The intimacy owed its origin 
 to Newcastle's interest in science and philosophy. Hobbes 
 communicated to Newcastle his observations and experi- 
 ments about light, motion, and other scientific question^ 
 and his opinions about books. In one letter he mentions the 
 publication of Lord Herbert of Chcrburv's DC Vcntatc, 'a 
 
 2 Mfinoin, p. 135.
 
 Editor's Preface xv 
 
 bookc concerning truth, which is a high point '. In a second, 
 he relates his unsuccessful attempts to obtain for Newcastle 
 a copy of Galileo's Dialogues : ' It is not possible to get it 
 for money. There were but few brought over at first, and 
 they that buy such bookes, are not such men as to part with 
 them againe. I heare say it is called in, in Italy, as a bookc 
 that will do more hurt to their religion than all the bookes 
 have done of Luther and Calvin, such opposition they thinke 
 is between their religion and naturall reason.' In a third 
 letter, after referring to Walter Warner, the mathematician 
 and philosopher, whom Newcastle also patronised, Hobbcs 
 sets forth his own aims and hopes. Warner, he says, cannot 
 fulfil Newcastle's expectations. ' For the soule I know he 
 has nothing to give your Lordship any satisfaction. I would 
 he could give good reasons lor the facultycs and passions of 
 the soule, such as may be expressed in playne English ; if he 
 can, he is the first that I ever heard ot could speake sense in 
 that subject. If he cannot, I hope to be the first.' 
 
 With the generosity which he habitually showed to wits 
 and men of learning Newcastle sent Hobbcs a present of money, 
 which Hobbcs received with dignity. The gift, he said, was 
 proportioned to Newcastle's goodness not to his service. 
 ' If the world saw my little desert, so plainely as they sec your 
 great rewards, they might think me a mountebancke, and 
 that all I do or would do were in the hope of what I recoave. 
 I hope your Lordship does not thinke so, at least let me tell 
 your Lordship once for all, that though I honour you as my 
 Lord, yet my love to you is just of the same nature that it is 
 to Mr. Payne, bred out of private talke, without respect to 
 your purse.' Then, referring to his friend Payne, Hobbcs 
 laid down the principle that patrons who wished to encourage 
 the researches of learned men should reward the result rather 
 than contribute to the undertaking. ' I hope your Lordship 
 will not bestow much upon the hopes, but suffer the libcrall 
 sciences to be liberal!, and after some worthy effort your 
 Lordship then may be libcrall also.' 
 
 What attracted Hobbcs to Newcastle was Newcastle's 
 sympathy with his ideas ami his curiosity about questions 
 for which most noblemen of the time cared nothing. In one 
 of his letters he expresses to the Earl the hope that ' I may 
 have the happiness which your Lordship partly promises me.
 
 xvi Editor's Preface 
 
 to conferrc meditations for a good time together, which will 
 be not only honor to me, but that happiness which I and all 
 that arc in love with knowledge, use to fancy to themselves 
 for the true happiness in this life.' Both men were ' in love 
 with knowledge ' but with the one it was the passion of a life- 
 time, with the other little more than a passing fancy. 
 
 In October 1636 Newcastle apparently invited Hobbes 
 to leave the household of the Earl of Devonshire, and establish 
 himself permanently at Welbeck. Reluctant though he was to 
 part with the Earl and Countess, Hobbes was very nearly 
 accepting the invitation. ' Though my Lady and my Lord 
 do both accept so wel of my service as I could almost engage 
 myself to serve them as a domestique all my life, yet the 
 extreame pleasure I take in study overcomes in me all other 
 appetites. I am not willing to leave my Lord, so as not to 
 do him any service that he thinkcs may not so well be done 
 by another ; but I must not deny myselfc the content to 
 study in the way I have begun, and that I cannot conceave I 
 shall do any where so well as at Wclbeckc. and therefore I 
 mean if your lordship forbid me not. to come thither as 
 soonc as I can. and stay as long as I can without inconvenience 
 to your Lordship.' 
 
 It is doubtful whether the long visit ever took place. One 
 year the plague prevented Hobbes from coming to Welbeck. 
 another year Newcastle's appointment as governor of Prince 
 Charles called him to London, and then came the Scottish 
 troubles and the Civil War. Doubtless the two met again in 
 London, but their next recorded meeting is that mentioned 
 by Waller when Gasscndi, Descartes, Hobbes and himself 
 dined at Newcastle's table at Paris about 1648. 
 
 Newcastle's chief interest however was not in philosophy 
 but in the drama. He was not only a dramatic author 
 himself, but the friend and protector of most of the dramatic 
 authors of his time. ' Since the time of Augustus ', says 
 Langbainc, ' no person better understood dramatic poetry, 
 nor more generously encouraged poets ; so that we may truly 
 call him our English Maecenas.' l Jonson dedicated to him 
 elegies on his riding and fencing, wrote the epitaphs of his 
 father, mother, and other members of his family, composed 
 an interlude for the christening of his son Charles, and the two 
 
 1 Dramatic roe!*, p. 3S<>.
 
 Editor's Preface xvii 
 
 Masques entitled Love's Welcome at Welbcck, and Love's Welcome 
 at Bolsovcr, for his entertainments to the King and Queen. 
 Three of the poet's letters have been printed. In one lie 
 offers his patron ' the faith of a fast friend with the duties of 
 an humble servant, and the hearty prayers of a religious 
 bedesman '. In another, which probably accompanied Love's 
 Welcome at Welbeck, he thanks the Earl for ' a timely gratuity, 
 which fell like the dew of heaven on my necessities '. ' God 
 sends you ', he continues, ' these chargeable and magnificent 
 honours of making feasts, to mix with your charitable succours, 
 dropt upon me your servant ; who have nothing to claim of 
 merit but a cheerful undertaking whatsoever your lordship's 
 judgment thinks me able to perform.' 1 
 
 James Shirley also addressed a poem to Newcastle, and 
 dedicated to him in 1638 his play of The Traitor. When the 
 Civil War broke out, and Shirley was forced to leave London. 
 ' he was invited ', says Wood, ' by his most noble patron, 
 William, Earl of Newcastle, to take his fortune with him in 
 the wars ; for that Count had engaged him so much by his 
 generous liberality towards him, that he thought he could not 
 do a worthier act than to serve him, and consequently his 
 Prince '. According to the same author, ' Shirley did much 
 assist the Duke in the composure of certain plays, which the 
 Duke afterwards published.' On which Dyce remarks : 
 ' The style of his Grace's dramas would certainly have induced 
 me to suspect the truth of this statement, if I had not dis- 
 covered that a drinking song which is inserted in the Duke's 
 comedy called The Country Captain is printed amongst our 
 author's poems.' 2 
 
 Since Dyce published his edition of Shirley new evidence 
 has come to light. In 1883 Mr. A. II. Bullen published in 
 volume II of his ' Collection of Old English Plays ' an anony- 
 mous comedy called Captain Ihidcncit. ' Gerard Langbaine ', 
 he says in the introduction, ' tells us that Shirley left at his 
 death some plays in manuscript : I have little doubt, or 
 rather no doubt at all, that Captain Underwit is one of them. 
 In the notes I have pointed out several parallelisms to passages 
 
 1 Cunningham's Jonson, vol. iii, p. 459, Preface, pp. Ivii-lix, and 1'ndenvood's /i- 
 grams, 72 and 89. See also pp. 2, 4, 105, and 112 of those Memoirs. 
 
 2 Wood, Athrnte O.VOMICNSCS, ed. Hliss, iii, 7^7. I lyre's Shirlev. IVefare. p. xliii. 
 The song referred to is in act iv of The Country Caf<tiiin, .mil o'lnniriicrs (".urn- lit us 
 throw the dice.
 
 xviii Editor's Preface 
 
 in Shirley's plays ; and occasionally we find actual repetitions 
 word for word. But apart from these strong proofs, it would 
 be plain from internal evidence that the present piece is a 
 domestic comedy of Shirley's, written in close imitation of 
 Ben Jonson. All the characters are old acquaintances. 
 Sir Richard Huntlove, who longs to be among his own tenants, 
 and cat his own beef in the country ; his lady who loves the 
 pleasures of the town, balls in the Strand, and masques ; 
 Device, the fantastic gallant, these are well known figures 
 in Shirley's plays. No other playwright of that day could 
 have given us such exquisite poetry as we find in Captain 
 Underwit. The briskness, too, and cleverness of the dialogue 
 closely recall Shirley ; but it must be owned that there arc 
 few plays of Shirley's written with such freedom, not to say 
 grossness.' 
 
 Now this anoymous play which Mr. Bullcn, on internal 
 evidence only, attributes to Shirley, is Newcastle's Country 
 Captain. There arc a few verbal differences between the 
 version printed in 1649 and that printed in 1883, but that is 
 all. Mr. Bullcn's remarks on the style are very just, and it 
 seems clear that much of the play was the work of Shirley. 
 Some of the verses interspersed are undoubtedly Newcastle's, 
 he wrote many passages, and doubtless conceived the plan of 
 the play, but to fit it for the stage he had to call in the aid of 
 an expert dramatist, and owed more to his assistant than he 
 owned. As we shall see two other dramatists subsequently 
 collaborated with him in a similar fashion. 
 
 Newcastle's relations with Davcnant have already been 
 mentioned. It is very likely that the poet owed his post in 
 Newcastle's army to the recommendation of the Queen rather 
 than to the merits of his verse l . It is somewhat remarkable 
 that Davenant makes no mention of the Duke in his poems, 
 and that, with the exception of a brief poem on the marriage 
 of one of the Duke's daughters, there is no trace of this connec- 
 tion in his works. Drydcn, who also shared the favours of 
 Newcastle, takes the opportunity, in his florid dedication of 
 The Mock Astrologer to the Duke, to refer to his kindnesses to 
 former poets. ' The manes of Jonson and Davcnant seem to 
 require from me, that those favours which you placed on them, 
 and which they wanted opportunity to own in public, yet 
 
 l Lfltfrs nf Ouefn Henri fit a Mar it, r I. Or-n, p. 134.
 
 Editor's Preface xix 
 
 might not be lost to the knowledge of posterity, with a forget- 
 fulncss unbecoming of the Muses who arc the daughters of 
 memory. . . I am proud to be their remembrancer : for by 
 relating how gracious you have been to them, and arc to me, 
 I, in some measure, join my name to theirs ; and the con- 
 tinued descent of your favours to me is the best title which I 
 can plead for my succession.' Drydcn's enemy, Shadwell, 
 shared the Duke's bounty, and dedicated to him The Virtuoso 
 and The Libertine. Flccknoc, another of the victims of 
 Dryden's satire, rhymes assiduously in praise of the Duke 
 and Duchess '. But Drydcn's connection with Newcastle 
 was that of collaborateur as well as client. The Duke trans- 
 lated or adapted Moliere's L'Elourdi, which Dryden converted 
 into Sir Alartin Mar-all. It was performed under the name 
 of the Duke, and is entered on the books of the Stationers' 
 Company as his work 2 . Not till 1697 did it appear under 
 Dryden's name, but according to Pcpys the secret of its 
 authorship was well known at the time. 
 
 Newcastle's own plays arc four in number, vi/. The Country 
 Captain and The Variety, published in 1640, and The Humorous 
 Lovers and Triumphant Widoiv, published in 1677. Of the 
 first of these Pepys observes : ' so silly a play as in all my life 
 
 I never saw ' ; of the third, ' the most silly thing that ever 
 came upon a stage.' 3 Shadwell, however, who knew what 
 was likely to succeed as well as most men, thought sufficiently 
 well of The Triumphant Widow to insert a large part of it into 
 his Bury Fair. It is difficult to resist the conclusion that he 
 was the real author of this portion of the Triumphant U'idou; 
 and that he was only reclaiming his own property. But 
 whether original or not, the plays are certainly readable and 
 amusing. There is less to be said in favour of the Duke's 
 poems. They consist chiefly of songs in his own plays and 
 those of the Duchess, of adulatory verses prefixed to his wife's 
 publications, and some talcs in verse in her Nature's Pictures. 
 They are as far inferior to her poems as his plays are superior 
 to those of the Duchess. 
 
 Walpole, who never loses an opportunity of sneering at 
 
 l See U'alpole's Koyal uml \<>f>lf .-iuthorx, edited l>y P.uk. where -ivciinens of II,-, k- 
 noe's vfr-.cs arc given. Richard Hronie aNo prefixes to his play of 1'kt Cm-fnt (ianlfn 
 
 I 1 Ye,/,-,/, verses on the Duke's pl.iy entitled iht \\trifty. 
 - Scott's Dryjfn, vol. iii. 
 
 3 Sec the passages quoted from 1'epys on p. jo;, ("icneste. who desorilx-s the Puke's 
 plays (x. 73-75), sums up by saying that they ' ought not to have boon forgotten '.
 
 xx Editor's Preface 
 
 Newcastle, says, referring to his plays and poems : 'lie would 
 soon have been forgotten in the walk of fame which he chose 
 for himself. Yet as an author he is familiar to those who 
 scarce know any other author from his book of horseman- 
 ship.' l Horsemanship was a study to which Newcastle had 
 devoted himself from his youth. His father, Sir Charles 
 Cavendish, ' kept him several masters in the art of horseman- 
 ship, and sent him to the Mews to Mons. Antoine, who was 
 then accounted the best master in that art.' As governor of 
 Prince Charles he also taught him to ride, and continually 
 celebrates the progress of his pupil (see the passages quoted 
 in the note to p. 121), to whom he afterwards dedicated his 
 Mcthode Nonvclle de Dresser Ics Chcvaux. The same pursuit 
 filled the enforced leisure of his exile, and relieved its tedium. 
 
 Early in 1648, towards the end of his stay in France, New- 
 castle contrived to obtain credit, and promptly bought a 
 couple of Barbary horses, ' resolving for his own recreation 
 and divcrtiscmcnt to exercise the art of manage '. After his 
 removal to Antwerp he increased his stable to eight horses, 
 ' in which he took so much delight and pleasure that, though 
 he was then in distress for money, yet he would sooner have 
 tried all other ways than parted with any of them.' No 
 stranger of note thought of passing through Antwerp without 
 coming to see Newcastle's riding-house. ' It would fill a 
 volume ', he writes, ' to repeat all the commendations that 
 were given to horses and horsemanship, by several worthy 
 gentlemen of all nations, High and Low Dutch, Italians, 
 English, French, Spaniards, Polacks, and Swedes, in my own 
 private riding-house at Antwerp, which, though very large, 
 was often so full that my csquicr, Captain Mazin, had hardly 
 room to ride.' He relates in detail the compliments of some 
 of his more important visitors, tells us how he himself mounted 
 and performed before them, whilst Spaniards ' crossed them- 
 selves and cried Miraculo '. And that, ' though the French 
 think that all the horsemanship in the world is in France ', 
 one said : ' Par Dicu, Monsieur, il cst bien hardi qui monte 
 dcvant vous ', and another ' II n'y a plus seigneur commc vous 
 en Angletf-rre.' - The fruit of these experiences and studios 
 was published in 1658 at Antwerp under the title of La 
 
 1 Royal and \oble Authors, ill. 175. 
 
 2 I'rrf.io- to the AVre Methnd and Ktlraorjinary Invention, 1667. Some extracts 
 arc quoted in the notes to pp. Oo, hi.
 
 Editor's Preface xxi 
 
 Mvthodc ci Invention Noiivcllc dc DYCSSCY Ics Clicvaiix. It is a 
 magnificent folio, with two title-pages and 42 fine plates. The 
 Marquis wrote in English, but had his work translated into 
 French for publication l . 
 
 A letter which is printed in the Appendix shows that it was 
 owing to the help of his two friends, Sir Hugh Cartwright and 
 Mr. Loving, that Newcastle was able to produce so sumptuous 
 an edition of his book. In the numerous diagrams which 
 adorn it, we sec the Duke and Captain Ma/in alternately 
 exhibiting the various figures of their art in the riding-house. 
 Other plates represent Newcastle himself performing ' capri- 
 olles ' and ' balottades ' before the windows of Welbeck, or 
 under the towers of Bolsover. The frontispiece pictures 
 him mounted and upon a pedestal, crowned by flying Cupids, 
 with verses beneath stating that if he were to mount ' un 
 diable tres robustc ' it would become immediately as docile 
 as one of his own trained steeds. One emblematic design 
 displays the author driving a chariot drawn by centaurs 
 through a circle of kneeling horses ; in another he is seen 
 flying on a winged horse betwixt heaven and earth, below arc 
 submissively adoring horses, whilst from above the gods look 
 down and admire. The verses attached to this last picture 
 are so much superior to most of those supplied by Mons. D. V., 
 the poet employed by the Duke, that they deserve quotation : 
 
 II iiiontc avcc la main, Ics cpcrons ct g.iulc, 
 Le chcval dc 1'cgasc qtii voile, en capriole : 
 II niontc si haul qu'il louche do sa tetc Ics cicux, 
 Kt par scs mervcilles ravit en cxtases Ics Dicux. 
 I.cs chcvaux corruptibles qui la has sur tcrre sont, 
 En courbcttcs demi-airs, terrc a terrc vont, 
 Avcc liumilitc soumisskm ct basscssc, 
 L'adorcr coininc Dieu auU'iir de lour addrcssc. 
 
 When the Duke returned from exile he continued to occupy 
 himself with his favourite pursuit. ' In his old age ', writes 
 his wife, ' though he doth not ride himself, as he hath done, 
 yet he takes delight in seeing his horses of manage rid by his 
 escuyers, whom he instructs in that art for his own pleasure.' 
 In i(>(>,- he published a second book, under the following 
 
 t AocordinK In I.owndes (oil. Holm) the book w.1* published in 1657, anil the printed 
 title is sometimes altered by hand to 1058. Hut the copies 1 have myself seen are dated 
 1058. The Duke's first draft of the book is preserved at Welbeck. "
 
 xxii Editor's Preface 
 
 title : A New Alclhod and Extraordinary Invention to Dress 
 Horses, and Work them, according to Nature ; as also to perfect 
 Nature by the subtlety of Art ; which ivas never found out but 
 by the thrice noble, high, and pitissant Prince, William Cavendish, 
 etc. In the preface the Duke explains the relation of the 
 later to the earlier work : ' I did (during my long exile) publish 
 in French a book of Horsemanship ; and having again, since 
 my return to my native country, had much leisure, in my 
 solitary country life, to recollect my thoughts, and try new 
 experiments about that art ; I now, for the more particular 
 satisfaction of my countrymen, print this second book in 
 English, which, being neither a translation of the first, nor 
 an absolutely necessary addition to it, may be of use by 
 itself without the other, as the other hath been hitherto, 
 and is still, without this ; but both together will questionless 
 do best.' 
 
 Another work of Newcastle's has come to light only lately. 
 The Duchess tells us that during the exile her husband sent 
 King Charles II ' a little book wherein he delivered his opinion 
 concerning the govcrment of his dominions, whensoever God 
 should be pleased to restore him to his throne ' (p. icx>). Two 
 manuscript copies of this book are in existence, one in Ihc 
 Bodleian Library, which is probably the copy presented to 
 the King, and the other in the possession of the Duke of 
 Portland. The second was printed by Mr. S. A. Strong in 
 3903, in his Catalogue of Letters and other historical Documents 
 preserved in the Library at Welbeck. 
 
 Newcastle's advice to the King in some respects resembles 
 that which he gave the prince (Appendix p. 183). In both he 
 insists on the maintenance of ceremony as a fence to monarchy, 
 and the importance of externals as a means of impressing the 
 mind of the people. But in the advice to the King Newcastle 
 sets forth all his views on the arts of government in detail, 
 and all his observations on the errors of policy committed 
 by the king's father and grandfather. He passes in review 
 the court, the country, the lawyers, the clergy, the city and 
 the parliament, defining what the king's attitude should be 
 to each class and profession in the nation. More than once 
 in his reflections on the past and his recommendations as to 
 the future Newcastle echoes the views of Hobbcs, and there 
 arc many passages which might be paralleled from Leviathan
 
 Editor's Preface xxiii 
 
 or Behemoth. Like Hobbes Newcastle traces the Rebellion 
 to fanaticism. ' The Bible in English under every weaver's 
 and chambermaid's arm hath done us much hurt.' Hence- 
 forth religious zeal must be systematically repressed, preachers 
 controlled, and only permitted to deliver printed sermons 
 licensed by the bishops, teachers rigidly supervised, the 
 number of students in universities and schools limited, no 
 books of controversy save in Latin allowed, and the press put 
 under an effective censorship. Newcastle regarded the 
 Bishops as a sort of ecclesiastical policemen, intended to 
 maintain order in their dioceses, and to keep the king informed 
 about the movements of schismatics and papists. Episcopacy 
 was the only form of government compatible with monarchy, 
 which Popery and Presbytery alike tended to destroy. There- 
 fore the king must begin by re-establishing the Church of 
 England ' and thus shall your Majesty be not only an absolute 
 king, but pope within your dominions ', and his subjects 
 would have ' an easy and sweet government, in comparison 
 of the other two most tyrannical governments cither of Popery 
 or Presbytery '. 
 
 The most important thing however for the peace of both 
 Church and State was that the King should have complete 
 and sole control of the military forces of the realm. ' There 
 is nothing can so well settle the Church, and keep it in order, 
 as the power to be in your own hands, which is the drum and 
 the trumpet, for disputes will never have an end, and make 
 new and great disorders, but force quiets all things.' To begin 
 with therefore the London trained bands must be disarmed, 
 and two forts must be built on each side the Thames below 
 Greenwich to command the river and its trade, as the Spaniards 
 had done at Antwerp. There were to be good garrisons in the 
 port towns, a troop of horse kept on foot in every county, 
 and a militia commanded by trusty noblemen. 
 
 To provide money for the expenses of the army and navy 
 the King must encourage trade by every means in his jxiwcr. 
 ' It is the merchant that brings honey to the hive. There- 
 fore keep up the merchant as high as possibly you can.' Let 
 there be no abuses in the farming of the customs, and no 
 monopolies, but lower the rate of interest, and establish an 
 excise. Above all the King must be economical ; there must 
 be no profuseness in unnecessary things such as jewels or
 
 xxiv Editor's Preface 
 
 pictures, for extravagance would make him dependent upon 
 parliaments instead of their master. ' Riches, sir, in a king, 
 is more advantageous both at home and abroad than I can 
 express, therefore, Sir, put money in your purse and be rich.' 
 While however Newcastle thus warned Charles against 
 extravagance he at the same time sketched a programme of 
 ' divertiscmcnts ' for the King throughout the year. In 
 winter there were to be masques, and plays and balls at White- 
 hall. There were to be tiltings too, on coronation day, and 
 riding ' horses of manege '. In the summer he was to make 
 stately progresses through the country. In spring and autumn 
 he was to recreate himself with hunting and hawking. New- 
 market would be excellent for this, ' which is the sweetest 
 place in the world and the best air, and no place like it for 
 hunting, hawking and coursing, and horse races.' The people 
 too were to have their amusements, and it was of great political 
 importance that these should be encouraged when the King 
 was restored. For ' the divertiscmcnts will amuse the people's 
 thoughts and keep them in harmless action, which will free 
 your majesty from faction and rebellion. Once more there 
 must be bear-baiting at Paris Garden for ' the meaner people ' 
 and five or six playhouses for the pleasure of the better sort. 
 ' Puppet plays there will be to please them besides, as also 
 dancers on the ropes, with jugglers and tumblers, besides 
 strange sights of beasts, birds, monsters, and many other 
 things with several sorts of music and dancing, and all the 
 old holidays with their mirth and rites set up again. Feasting 
 daily will be in merry England, for England is so plcntifull 
 of all provisions, that if we do not cat them they will eat us, 
 so we feast in our defence.' Still more enthusiastic is his 
 enumeration of ' the country recreation '. There will be 
 once more ' may games, morris dances, the Lords of the May 
 and the Lady of the May ; the fool and the hobbyhorse must 
 not be forgotten ; also the Whitsun Lord and Lady, threshing 
 of hens at Shrovetide ; carols and wassails at Christmas, with 
 goodly plum porridge and pics, which now arc forbidden as 
 profane, ungodly things ; wakes, fairs and markets (which 
 maintain commerce and trade) ; and after evening prayer 
 every Sunday and holiday, the country people with their 
 fresher lasses to trip on the town green about the may-pole 
 to the louder bagpipe and to be refreshed with their ale and 
 cakes.'
 
 Editor's Preface xxv 
 
 So, forgetting statecraft for a moment, the mind of the 
 exile reverted to the England he had known before the civil 
 war began to the country of which we catch a glimpse in 
 Milton's L' Allegro and Ilerrick's Plespcridcs. The England 
 to which Newcastle came back in 1660 was a different and a 
 graver country, sobered by suffering as well as embittered 
 by strife. lie found his parks wasted, his woods cut down, 
 and his houses dismantled. lie had to set to work to restock 
 his farms, rebuild his houses, and repay his debts, and to do 
 all these with a diminished income. ' It may be concluded ', 
 says the Duchess, after computing his losses, ' that although 
 my Lord's estate was very great before the wars, yet now 
 it is shrunk into a very narrow compass, that it puts his pru- 
 dence and wisdom to the proof to serve his necessities." For 
 this reason, and also no doubt on account of his advanced age, 
 Newcastle after his return to England lived entirely in the 
 country. He made no attempt to press his advice upon his 
 royal pupil either in court or council. The Advice was his 
 political testament. 
 
 Though the Duke of Newcastle's contribution to literature 
 is by no means insignificant, his works arc far surpassed in 
 number by those of the Duchess. Poems and Plays, Letters, 
 Orations, and Stories, combined with a whole series of works 
 on Natural Philosophy, flowed from her facile pen. It was 
 during her exile, more especially during her visit to England 
 with Sir Charles Cavendish, that she published her earliest 
 works. The volume of Poems and Fancies was first printed 
 in 1653 ; a second edition followed in 1664, and a third in 
 1668 ; all three were published at London and in folio form. 
 This volume contains some of her best work : The Pastime 
 and Recreation of the Queen of the Fairies in Fairyland, and 
 The Dialogue betiveen J\tehmcholy and Mirth, both of which 
 will be found in the little volume of selections published by 
 Mr. Jenkins. Other poems arc scattered through the volume 
 entitled Nature's Pictures by Fancy's Pencil. The first edition 
 of the last-named book was published in 1656, and the second 
 in 1671. It contains the autobiography of the Duchess, and 
 several poems by the Duke, in addition to the talcs in verse 
 and prose which form the bulk of her volume. There should 
 be a front ispiece representing the Duchess seated with her 
 husband and his children telling them stories, but this is 
 
 d
 
 xxvi Editor's Preface 
 
 generally missing. In one of the very numerous prefaces she 
 prides herself on the tendency of her fictions, and condemns 
 the romances of the day. ' As for those talcs I name Roman- 
 cicall, I would not have my readers think I writ them, cither 
 to please or to make foolish whining lovers, for it is a humour 
 of all humours I have an aversion to ; but my endeavour is to 
 express the sweetness of Virtue, and the Graces, and to dress 
 and adorn them in the best expressions I can. . . Neither 
 do I know the rule or method of Romancy writing ; for 
 I never read a Romancy Book throughout in all my life, I 
 mean such as I take to be Romances, wherein little is writ 
 which ought to be practised, but rather shunned as foolish 
 amorosities, and desperate follies, not noble love's discreet 
 virtues, and true valour. The most I ever read of Romances 
 was but part of three books, as the three parts of one, and the 
 half of the two others. And if I thought those tales I call my 
 Romancicall Tales, should or could neither benefit the life, 
 nor delight the mind of my readers, no more than those pieces 
 of Romances I read did me, I would never suffer them to be 
 printed. . . Likewise if I could think that any of my writings 
 should create amorous thoughts in idle brains, I would make 
 blots instead of letters ; but I hope this work of mine will 
 rather quench amorous passions than inflame them, and beget 
 chaste thoughts, nourish love of Virtue, kindle humane Pity, 
 warm Charity, increase Civility, strengthen fainting Patience, 
 encourage noble Industry, crown Merit, instruct Life, and 
 recreate Time.' 
 
 The book entitled The World's Olio is a collection of essays, 
 observations, and aphorisms, published in 1655, with a second 
 edition dated 1671 (London, folio). The CCXI Sociable Letters, 
 published in 1664 (London, folio), consist of descriptions 
 of imaginary scenes, persons, and conversations, with one or 
 two letters to real persons intermixed, and one or two on 
 critical subjects, such as the works of Shakespeare and Daven- 
 ant. A still more curious proof of the versatility of the 
 Duchess is the volume called Orations of Divers Sorts accommo- 
 dated to Divers Places (first edition 1662, London, folio ; second 
 1668, do. do.)- It contains orations for all times and places 
 for funerals, for weddings, for law courts and battlefields, 
 speeches seditious and loyal, some to stir up mutiny, some to 
 prevent civil war, some for and some against taxes, speeches
 
 Editor's Preface xxvii 
 
 to the King in council and to the citi/.ens in market-place, 
 and dying speeches for all conditions, from kings to courtesans. 
 There is a collection of speeches for a convivial meeting of 
 country gentlemen in a market town, ending with ' a speech 
 of a quarter-drunk gentleman ' and ' a speech of a half- 
 drunken gentleman '. Another little collection, headed 
 Female Orations, reports the speeches delivered at a meeting 
 of women on the great question of combining together to 
 make themselves as ' free, happy, and famous as men ', and 
 concludes with an oration persuading them to remain as they 
 are and be content with their present position. It is hardly 
 necessary to say that the orations arc all singularly alike in 
 style and expression, for the Duchess, with a considerable 
 power of description, was entirely devoid of any dramatic 
 instinct. In all her plays there is hardly a single character 
 with any semblance of life ; her characters are mere abstrac- 
 tions, qualities, and humours, uttering the fantastic speeches 
 and quaint conceits which she loved to write 1 . The plots 
 arc original enough, but there is no skill in the construc- 
 tion to redeem the weakness of the character-drawing. All 
 that can be said for the dialogue is that it contains occasional 
 passages of poetic beauty, and some amusing descriptions, but 
 it is too strained and affected to be spoken on the stage. 
 Nevertheless the Duchess was an indefatigable playwright : 
 in 1662 she published a volume containing twenty-one plays 
 (Plays, London, 1662, folio) ; this was followed in 1668 by a 
 second containing five more (Plays Never before Printed, 
 London, 1668, folio). They were not particularly well re- 
 ceived by the world ; the Duchess complains that the critics 
 condemned in them the very things she had admitted in her 
 preface. ' My plays, they say, are not made up so exactly 
 as they should be, having no plots, designs, catastrophes, 
 and such like, I know not what, which I expressed in the 
 Kpistlcs prefixed before them ; acknowledging that I had 
 neither skill nor art to form them as they should be ' (Preface 
 to Orations). For this reason she boldly states, in the address 
 to the readers in her second volume : ' When I call this new 
 
 1 Some df the figures represent the authoress herself. ' In a scene in the second 
 part of Youth's Clorv ami Dfath's Hanquct, she apjx-.irs under the , har.u ter of l.adv 
 Sunsp.ireile, and gives what iu.iv be siipp<'M-d to In- a picture ol her own reception at 
 Court. As the Lady Contemplation in the play of that name, as the Lady Chastity 
 of the Matrimonial Trouhlt, and in a score of other characters, the Ouchess is recog- 
 ni/able.'- Dictionary of .\ationtil Uiography.
 
 xxviii Editor's Preface 
 
 one " Plays " I do not believe to have given it a very proi>cr 
 title ; for it would be too great a fondness to my works to 
 think such plays as these suitable to ancient rules, in which 
 I pretend no skill ; or agreeable to the modern humour, to 
 which I dare acknowledge my aversion : but having pleased 
 my fancy in writing many dialogues upon several subjects, 
 and having afterwards ordered them into acts and scenes, I 
 will venture in spite of the critics to call them " Plays " ; and 
 if you like them so, well and good ; if not, there is no harm 
 done ' 1 . 
 
 But the philosophical, or rather scientific works of the 
 Duchess, were those of which she herself was most proud, and 
 those which were most famous in her time. The first of 
 these was the Philosophical Fancies (London, 1653), afterwards 
 developed into Philosophical Opinions (London, 1655), and 
 still further enlarged and amended in the second edition of 
 Philosophical Opinions in 1663. In some verses on this book, 
 quoted in the note to page 303, she terms it ' of all that I have 
 writ, my best beloved and greatest favourite'. Already, 
 in her Poems in 1653, and inTheWorld's Olio, published in 1655, 
 she had set forth some of her views on natural philosophy. 
 One of the dozen prefaces to her Poems is specially addressed 
 ' to natural philosophers '. She pleads her complete ignorance 
 of the works of former writers on the subject, and the fact 
 that she understands no language but her own, and only 
 colloquial Knglish, as reasons for a kindly judgment of her 
 speculations. In the remarks attached to Philosophical 
 Opinions she prides herself that her views are all her own, 
 and all new. ' I desire all those that arc friends to my book 
 to believe that whatsoever is new is my own, which I hope 
 all is : for I never had any guide to direct me, nor intelligence 
 from any authors to advertise me, but writ according to my 
 own natural cogitations'. As might be expected from these 
 confessions, the ponderous tomes on science and philosophy 
 which the Duchess published arc entirely valueless. This 
 was not only due to the ignorance of the writings of others, 
 which the Duchess admits, but to the method which she 
 adopted in reasoning on physical science. One of her cor- 
 respondents, (ilanville, points this out to her. ' There arc 
 
 I 'Flu-re is a very fine portrait of the Duchess liy Diepcnlx-ck as frontispiece to the
 
 Editor's Preface xxix 
 
 two sorts of reasoning ', he says ; ' those that the mind 
 advaneeth from its inbred store, such are all mctaphysictil 
 contemplations ; and those natural researches which arc 
 raised from experiment and the objects of sense. Now, what 
 I have said about these matters is to tie down the mind in 
 physical things to consider nature as it is, to lay a foundation 
 in sensible collections, and from thence to proceed to general 
 propositions and discourses. So that my aim is that we may 
 arise according to the order of nature, from the exercise of 
 our senses to that of our reason ; which indeed is most noble 
 and most perfect when it concludes aright, but not so when 
 it is mistaken ; and that it may so conclude and arrive to 
 that perfection it must begin in sense ; and the more ex- 
 periments our reasons have to work on, by so much they arc 
 the more likely to be certain in their conclusions, and conse- 
 quently more perfect in their actings '. Whilst the Royal 
 Society and all those to whom the progress of physical science 
 in England during the latter half of the seventeenth century 
 was due were eagerly pursuing the experimental method, 
 the Duchess continued to spin her ' metaphysical cogitations ' 
 like a spider, as she says, from her own brain. 1 
 
 It is not surprising that her husband praised them, for he 
 held that nobody knew or could know the cause of anything, 
 all were but gucssers, and so his wife's opinions were as likely 
 to be correct as any one else's. But it is rather a shock to find 
 learned bodies and learned men lavishing unmeasured praise 
 upon them. Dr. Walter Charltou gravely writes to her, 
 bidding her not be discouraged, if her philosophy have not 
 the fate to be publicly read in all the Universities of Europe, 
 and discusses the question whether the jealousy of philosophical 
 teachers, the dislike of dogmatism which had recently sprang 
 up in England, or the influence of the opposing philosophy 
 of Aquinas, was the cause of this delay 2 . Some such reward 
 of her labours the Duchess seems to have expected, for she 
 
 1 In addition to these works the Duchess published the following : 
 
 (i.) Philosophical {.filers, or Moilest Reflections upon some Opinions in \,iiural Philo- 
 sophy maintained l>v several learned authors of the age. London, i(><>4, folio. 
 
 (2.) Observations upon Experimental Philosophy, to which is adJed the Description o/ 
 a AYtc World. London, KIWI, folio; second edition, IWKS. 
 
 (.?.) (jrouikls of \aturiil Philosophy. London, K>oS, folio. This is a second edition, 
 much altered, of 1'hilosophicitl and 1'hysical Opinions. 
 
 - Letters and Poems in Honour of the incomparable Princess, Margaret, Duchess of 
 \e-.irastle, icrilten by sc-ceral persons of honour and learning, 1676, p. ui, and The 
 liafforj Halla.b, ii, >SS.j.
 
 xxx Editor's Preface 
 
 liberally supplied the public libraries of Oxford and Cambridge, 
 and those of many of their Colleges, with copies of her works, 
 and dedicated her Philosophical Opinions to the Universities 
 of England, and her Grounds of Natural Philosophy to the 
 Universities of Europe. 
 
 Passing from the consideration of her works to the con- 
 sideration of the Duchess herself, the task of the critic is 
 more delicate and more difficult. She has been unduly praised 
 and unjustly depreciated. Clever people have sneered at 
 her as a pedant, and dull people still term her ' the mad 
 Duchess '. Her reputation has suffered something from the 
 pens of others, but more from her own. She wrote a number 
 of excellent things, but carefully buried them in a vast heap 
 of rubbish. No woman ever more frankly described herself 
 in her autobiography, or more carelessly displayed herself 
 in her writings. Even those who admire and love her most 
 must admit that some of her defects are too highly developed 
 for the character of a perfect heroine. Her love of singularity 
 amounted to a passion ; in her philosophy as in her clothes she 
 was determined above all things to be original. Her vanity 
 was enormous and insatiable. ' Vanity,' she says somewhere, 
 ' is so natural to our sex that it were unnatural not to be so ' ; 
 but her vanity was something supcrfcminine. 
 
 Yet her weaknesses were very largely the results of the 
 circumstances in which she grew up, and the position in which 
 Fortune placed her. Her education was neglected, her youth 
 solitary and secluded. She associated only with the members 
 of her own family, and shunned the company of even near 
 connections. Her stay in the court of Henrietta Maria was 
 too brief to give her a taste for society, or to fit her for it. 
 After her marriage with the Marquis of Newcastle she continued 
 her secluded and contemplative way of living, immuring her- 
 self in a little world of speculations and fancies, out of sight 
 and out of sound of the real world outside. She had no 
 children, and the management of an exile's household afforded 
 her little occupation ; writing became to her a resource, a 
 pleasure, and a necessity. ' Be not too severe in your cen- 
 sures ', she says in one of the prefaces to her first book, ' for 
 first, I have no children to employ my care and attendance 
 on. Next, my lord's estate being taken away in those times 
 when I writ this book, I had nothing for huswifery or thrifty
 
 Editor's Preface xxxi 
 
 industry to employ myself in, having no stock to work on. 
 Thirdly, you are desired to spare your severe censures, because 
 I had not so many years of experience when I wrote this book, 
 as could make me a garland to crown my head : only I had 
 so much time, as to gather a little posy to stick upon my 
 breast. Lastly, the time I have been writing them hath not 
 been very long, but since I came into England, being eight 
 years out and nine months in ; and of these nine months, only 
 some hours in the day, or rather in the night ; for my rest 
 being broken with discontented thoughts, because I was from 
 my Lord and husband, knowing him to be in great wants, 
 and myself in the same condition ; to divert them I strove 
 to turn the stream, and, shunning the muddy and foul ways 
 of vice, I went to the well of Helicon, and by the well's side 
 I did sit, and wrote this work.' And again : ' Since all times 
 must be spent cither ill, or well, or indifferently, I thought this 
 was the most harmless pastime : for sure this work is better 
 than to sit still, and censure my neighbours' actions, which 
 nothing concern me ; or to condemn their humours, because 
 they do not sympathise with mine ; or their lawful recreations, 
 because they are not agreeable to my delight ; or ridiculously 
 to laugh at my neighbour's clothes, if they are not of the mode, 
 colour, or cut, or the ribbons tied with a mode-knot ; or to 
 busy myself out of the sphere of our sex, in politics of state, 
 or to preach false doctrine in a tub ; or to entertain myself in 
 hearkening to vain flatteries, or to the incitements of evil 
 persuasions ; whereas all these follies, and many more, may 
 be cut off by such innocent work as this.' 
 
 Another motive urged the Duchess to write, and she owns 
 it with charming simplicity. ' I confess my ambition is rest- 
 less, and not ordinary, because it would have an extraordinary 
 fame : and since all heroic actions, public employments, 
 powerful governments, and eloquent pleadings, arc denied 
 our sex in this age, or at least would be condemned for want 
 of custom, is the cause I write so much ; for my ambition 
 being restless, though rather busy than industrious, yet it 
 hath made that little wit I have to run upon every subject I 
 can think of, or is fit for me to write on ' (Epistle to the 
 Reader, Nature's Pictures, 1656). 
 
 ' It will satisfy me ', says she elsewhere, ' if my writing 
 please the readers, though not the learned ; for I had rather
 
 xxxii Editor's Preface 
 
 be praised, in this, by the most, although not the best ; for 
 all I desire is fame, and fame is nothing but a great noise, 
 and noise lives most in a multitude'. By a curious reversal 
 of her wishes, exactly the contrary of what she hoped for has 
 happened. What fame she has is with the few, and not with 
 the many, with the best and not with the most. To some 
 she is still the ' incomparable Princess ', as contemporary 
 panegyrists termed her, and Lamb delighted to style her. 
 But to most she is and will be merely the fantastic figure 
 which flits for a moment across the pages of Pcpys. 
 
 The last work written by the Duchess was the Grounds of 
 Natural Philosophy, published in 1668. She died on Decem- 
 ber 15, 1673, leaving, it is said, three volumes of poems in 
 manuscript. She was buried in Westminster Abbey, on 
 January 7, 1674, near the chapel of St. Michael. Her husband 
 survived her three years, dying on December 25, 1676 l . On 
 their monument, erected by the Duke during his lifetime, is 
 the following inscription : 
 
 Here lyes the Loyall Duke of Newcastle, and his Dutches, his second 
 wife, by whom he had noe issue : Her name was Margarett Lucas, yongest 
 sister to the Lord Lucas of Colchester, a noble familie ; for all the Hrotliers 
 were Valiant, and all the Sisters virtuous. This Dutches was a wise, wittie, 
 and Learned Lady, which her many Bookes do well tcstific : she was a 
 most Virtuous and a Loveing and carefull wife, and was with her Lord 
 all the time of his banishment and miseries, and when he came homo, 
 never parted from him in his solitary retirements. 
 
 1 The date of the death of the Duchess is given by Anthony Wood in his account of 
 WaltiT Charltnn, who translated her life of the Duke into Latin (Athen.T Oxoniensos). 
 The date of the Duke's death, and the epitaph, are from Collins, who gives an engrav- 
 ing of the monument (Collins, Historical Collections, p. 44).
 
 THE LIFE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Thrice noble, high and puissant PRINCE 
 
 WILLIAM CAVENDISH 
 
 Duke, Marquis, and Earl of Newcastle ; Earl of Ogle ; Vis- 
 count Mansfield ; and Baron of Bolsovcr, of Ogle, Bothal 
 and Hcpple : Gentleman of His Majesty's Bed-chamber ; 
 one of His Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council ; 
 Knight of the most noble Order of the Garter ; His Majesty's 
 Lieutenant of the county and town of Nottingham ; and 
 Justice in Eyre Trent-North : who had the honour to be 
 Governor to our most glorious King and gracious Sovereign, 
 in his youth, when he was Prince of Wales ; and soon after 
 was made Captain-General of all the provinces beyond 
 the river of Trent, and other parts of the kingdom of 
 England, with power, by a special commission, to make 
 Knights. 
 
 Written bv the thrice noble, illustrious and excellent Princes*, Margaret, 
 Duchess of AYuTKs//,-. his Wife 
 
 L O X D O N, 
 Printed by A. Afu.vu'dl, in the Year if^T 
 
 XXXlll
 
 TO HIS MOST SACRED MAJESTY 
 
 CHARLES THE SECOND, 
 
 By the Grace of God, of England, Scotland, France, and Ire- 
 land King, Defender of the Faith, &c. 
 
 MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MAJESTY, I have, in confidence of 
 your gracious acceptance, taken the boldness, or rather the 
 presumption, to dedicate to your Majesty this short history 
 (which is as full of truths, as words) of the actions and sufferings 
 of your most loyal subject, my lord and husband (by your 
 Majesty's late favour) Duke of Newcastle ; who when your 
 Majesty was Prince of Wales, was your most careful governor, 
 and honest servant. Give me therefore leave to relate here, 
 that I have heard him often say, he loves your royal person 
 so dearly, that he would most willingly, upon all occasions, 
 sacrifice his life and posterity for your Majesty : whom that 
 Heaven will ever bless, is the prayer of your most obedient, 
 loyal, humble subject and servant, 
 
 M AFC \RF.T NEWCASTLE. 
 
 X X X 1 V
 
 TO HIS GRACE 
 
 THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE, 
 
 MY NOHLE LORD, It luitli always been my hearty prayer 
 to God, since I have been your wife, that first I might prove 
 an honest and good wife, whereof your Grace must be the only 
 judge : next, that God would be pleased to enable me to set 
 forth and declare to after ages, the truth of your loyal actions 
 and endeavours, for the service of your King and country ; 
 for the accomplishing of which design, I have followed the 
 best and truest observations of your secretary John Rollcs- 
 ton l , and your Lordship's own relations, and have accordingly 
 writ the history of your Lordship's life, which, although I 
 have endeavoured to render as perspicuous as ever I could, 
 yet one thing I find hath much darkened it ; which is, that 
 your Grace commanded me not to mention any thing or 
 passage to the prejudice or disgrace of any family or particu- 
 lar person (although they might be of great truth, and would 
 illustrate much the actions of your life) which I have dutifully 
 performed to satisfy your Lordship 2 , whose nature is so 
 generous, that you are as well pleased to obscure the faults 
 of your enemies, as you are to divulge the virtues of your 
 friends. And certainly, my Lord, you have had as many 
 enemies, and as many friends, as ever any one particular 
 person had ; and I pray God to forgive the one, and prosper 
 the other. Nor do I so much wonder at it, since I, a woman, 
 cannot be exempt from the malice and aspersions of spiteful 
 tongues, which they cast upon my poor writings, some deny- 
 ing me to be the true authoress of them ; for your Grace 
 remembers well, that those books I put out first to the judg- 
 ment of this censorious age, were accounted not to be written 
 by a woman, but that somebody else had writ and published 
 
 1 Rolleston died in 1681. His epitaph is printed in Bailey's Annals of Notts, ii, qS8. 
 
 2 This is probably the reason for the oMitcr.ition of so many proper names in the 
 first edition, which was done by hand alter the book had been printed. 
 
 XXXV
 
 xxxvi To His Grace the 
 
 them in my name ; by which your Lordship was moved to 
 prefix an Epistle before one of them in my vindication, wherein 
 you assure the world upon your honour, that what was written 
 and printed in my name, was my own l ; and I have also 
 made known, that your Lordship was my only tutor, in 
 declaring to me what you had found and observed by your 
 own experience ; for I being young when your Lordship 
 married me, could not have much knowledge of the world : 
 but it pleased God to command His servant Nature to indue 
 me with a poetical and philosophical genius, even from my 
 birth ; for I did write some books in that kind, before I was 
 twelve years of age, which for want of good method and 
 order, I would never divulge. But though the world would 
 not believe that those conceptions and fancies which I writ 
 were my own, but transcended my capacity, yet they found 
 fault that they were defective for want of learning ; and on 
 the other side, they said I had plucked feathers out of the 
 universities ; which was a very preposterous judgment. Truly, 
 my Lord, I confess that for want of scholarship, I could not 
 express myself so well as otherwise I might have done, in 
 those philosophical writings I published first ; but after I 
 was returned with your Lordship into my native country, 
 and led a retired country life, I applied myself to the reading 
 of philosophical authors, of purpose to learn those names and 
 words of art that are used in schools ; which at first were so 
 hard to me, that I could not understand them, but was fain 
 to guess at the sense of them by the whole context, and so 
 write them down as I found them in those authors, at which 
 my readers did wonder and thought it impossible that a 
 woman could have so much learning and understanding in 
 terms of art, and scholastical expressions ; so that I and my 
 books arc like the old apologue, mentioned in /lisop, of a 
 father, and his son, who rid on an ass through a town when 
 his father went on foot, at which sight the people shouted and 
 cried shame, that a young boy should ride, and let his father, 
 an old man, go on foot : whereupon the old man got upon 
 the ass, and let his son go by. But when they came to the 
 next town, the people exclaimed against the father, that he, 
 
 1 An Kpistlc to justify the Lady Newcastle, nnd truth against falsehood, laying those 
 f.ilv and in.ilirious aspersions of her, that she was not author of her books,' prefixed, 
 to f'kUotofkicaJ and I'hywal (if'inifm, 1655.
 
 Duke of Newcastle xxxvii 
 
 a lusty man, should ride, and have no more pity of his young 
 and tender child, but let him go on foot. Then both the 
 father and his son got upon the ass, and coming to the third 
 town, the people blamed them both for being so unconscion- 
 able as to overburden the poor ass with their heavy weight. 
 After this both father and son went on foot, and led the ass ; 
 and when they came to the fourth town, the people railed 
 as much at them as ever the former had done, and called 
 them both fools, for going on foot, when they had a beast 
 able to carry them. The old man, seeing he could not please 
 mankind in any manner, and having received so many blem- 
 ishes and aspersions, for the sake of his ass, was at last resolved 
 to drown him when he came to the next bridge. But I am 
 not so passionate to burn my writings for the various humours 
 of mankind, and for their finding fault, since there is nothing 
 in this world, be it the noblest and most commendable action 
 whatsoever, that shall escape blameless. As for my being the 
 true and only authoress of them, your Lordship knows best, 
 and my attending servants are witness that I have had none 
 but my own thoughts, fancies, and speculations to assist 
 me ; and as soon as I have set them down, I send them to 
 those that arc to transcribe them, and fit them for the press ; 
 whereof since there have been several, and amongst them 
 such as only could write a good hand, but neither understood 
 orthography, nor had any learning (I being then in banish- 
 ment with your Lordship, and not able to maintain learned 
 secretaries), which hath been a great disadvantage to my poor 
 works, and the cause that they have been printed so false and 
 so full of errors ; for besides that I want also the skill of 
 scholarship and true writing, I did many times not peruse 
 the copies that were transcribed, lest they should disturb 
 my following conceptions ; by which neglect, as I said, many 
 errors are slipt into my works, which yet I hope learned and 
 impartial readers will soon rectify, and look more upon the 
 sense than carp at words. I have been a student even from 
 my childhood ; and since I have been your Lordship's wife, 
 I have lived for the most part a strict and retired life, as is 
 best known to your Lordship, and therefore my ccnsurcrs 
 cannot know much of me, since they have little or no acquain- 
 tance with me. 'Tis true, I have been a traveller both before 
 and after I was married to your Lordship, and sometimes
 
 xxxviii To His Grace the Duke of Newcastle 
 
 show myself at your Lordship's command in public places 
 or assemblies ; but yet I converse with few. Indeed, my 
 Lord, I matter not the censures of this age, but am rutlicr 
 proud of them ; for it shows that my actions arc more than 
 ordinary, and according to the old proverb, it is better to be 
 envied than pitied : for I know well, that it is merely out of 
 spite and malice, whereof this present age is so full, that none 
 can escape them, and they'll make no doubt to stain even 
 your Lordship's loyal, noble, and heroic actions, as well as 
 they do mine, though yours have been of war and fighting, 
 mine of contemplating and writing: yours were performed 
 publicly in the field, mine privately in my closet : yours had 
 many thousand eye-witnesses, mine none but my waiting- 
 maids. But the great God, that hath hitherto blessed both 
 your Grace and me, will, I question not, preserve both our 
 fames to after ages, for which we shall be bound most humbly 
 to acknowledge His great mercy ; and I myself, as long as I 
 live, be your Grace's honest wife, and humble servant, 
 
 M. NEWCASTLE.
 
 THE PREFACE 
 
 WHEN I first intended to write this history, knowing myself 
 to be no scholar, and as ignorant of the rules of writing his- 
 tories, as I have in my other works acknowledged myself to 
 be of the names and terms of art ; I desired my Lord, that 
 he would be pleased to let me have some elegant and learned 
 historian to assist me ; which request his Grace would not 
 grant me ; saying, that having never had any assistance in 
 the writing of my former books, t should have no other in 
 the writing of his life, but the informations from himself, and 
 his secretary, of the chief transactions and fortunes occurring 
 in it, to the time he married me. I humbly answered, that 
 without a learned assistant, the history would be defective : 
 but he replied, that truth could not be defective. I said again, 
 that rhetoric did adorn truth : and he answered, that rhetoric 
 was fitter for falsehoods than truths. Thus I was forced by 
 his Grace's commands, to write this history in my own plain 
 style, without elegant flourishings, or exquisite method, 
 relying entirely upon truth, in the expressing whereof, I have 
 been very circumspect : as knowing well, that his Grace's 
 actions have so much gloiy of their own, that they need 
 borrow none from anybody's industr\-. 
 
 Many learned men, I know, have published rules and 
 directions concerning the method and style of histories, and 
 do with great noise, to little purpose, make loud exclamations 
 against those historians, that keeping close to the truth of 
 their narrations, cannot think it necessary to follow slavishly 
 such instructions ; and there is some men of good under- 
 standings, as I have heard, that applaud very much several 
 histories, merely for their elegant style, and well-observed 
 method ; setting a high value upon feigned orations, mystical 
 designs, and fancied policies, which are, at the best, but pleasant 
 romances. Others approve, in the relations of wars, and of 
 military actions, such tedious descriptions, that the reader, 
 tired with them, will imagine that there was more lime spent 
 
 xxxix
 
 xl The Preface 
 
 in assaulting, defending, and taking of a fort, or a petty garri- 
 son, than Alexander did employ in conquering the greatest 
 part of the world : which proves, that such historians regard 
 more their own eloquence, wit, and industry, and the know- 
 ledge they believe to have of the actions of war, and of all 
 manner of governments, than of the truth of the history, 
 which is the main thing, and wherein consists the hardest task, 
 very few historians knowing the transactions they write of, 
 and much less the counsels and secret designs of many differ- 
 ent parties, which they confidently mention. 
 
 Although there be many sorts of histories, yet these three 
 are the chiefest : ( i ) a general history ; (2) a national history ; 
 (3) a particular history. Which three sorts may, not unfitly, 
 be compared to the three sorts of governments, democracy, 
 aristocracy, and monarchy. The first is the history of the 
 known parts and people of the world ; the second is the his- 
 tory of a particular nation, kingdom, or commonwealth. 
 The third is the history of the life and actions of some particu- 
 lar person. The first is profitable for travellers, navigators, 
 and merchants ; the second is pernicious, by reason it teaches 
 subtle policies, begets factions, not only between particular 
 families and persons, but also between whole nations, and 
 great princes, rubbing old sores, and renewing old quarrels, 
 that would otherwise have been forgotten. The last is the 
 most secure ; because it goes not out of its own circle, but 
 turns on its own axis, and for the most part keeps within the 
 circumference of truth. The first is mechanical, the second 
 political, and the third hcroical. The first should only be 
 written by travellers and navigators ; the second by states- 
 men ; the third by the prime actors, or the spectators of those 
 affairs and actions of which they write, as Ca?sar's Commen- 
 taries arc, which no pen but of such an author, who was also 
 actor in the particular occurrences, private intrigues, secret 
 counsels, close designs, and rare exploits of war he relates, 
 could ever have brought to so high perfection. 
 
 This history is of the third sort, as that is ; and being of 
 the life and actions of my noble lord and husband, who hath 
 informed me of all the particular passages I have recorded, I 
 cannot, though neither actor nor spectator, be thought ignor- 
 nnnt of the truth of what I write. Nor is it inconsistent 
 with my being a woman, to write of wars, that was neither
 
 The Preface xli 
 
 between Mcdes and Persians, Greeks and Trojans, Christians 
 and Turks, but among my own countrymen, whose customs 
 and inclinations, and most of the persons that held any con- 
 siderable place in the armies, was well known to me ; and 
 besides all that (which is above all) my noble and loyal Lord 
 did act a chief part in that fatal tragedy, to have defended 
 (if human power could have done it) his most gracious sovereign 
 from the fury of his rebellious subjects. 
 
 This history being (as I have said) of a particular person, 
 his actions and fortunes, it cannot be expected that I should 
 here preach of the beginning of the world ; nor seem to express 
 understanding in the politics, by tedious moral discourses, 
 with long observations upon the several sorts of government 
 that have been in Greece and Rome, and upon others more 
 modern. I will neither endeavour to make show of eloquence, 
 making speeches that never were spoken, nor pretend to great 
 skill in war, by making mountains of molehills, and telling 
 romancical falsehoods for historical truths ; and much less 
 will I write to amuse my readers, in a mystical and allegorical 
 style, of the disloyal actions of the opposite part}', of the treach- 
 erous cowardice, envy, and malice of some persons, my Lord's 
 enemies, and of the ingratitude of some of his seeming friends ; 
 wherein I cannot better obey his Lordship's commands to 
 conceal those things, than in leaving them quite out, as I do, 
 with submission to his Lordship's desire, from whom I have 
 learned patience to overcome my passions, and discretion to 
 j'ield to his prudence. 
 
 Thus am I resolved to write, in a natural plain style, without 
 Latin sentences, moral instructions, politic designs, feigned 
 orations, or envious and malicious exclamations, this short 
 history of the loyal, heroic, and prudent actions of my noble 
 Lord, as also of his sufferings, losses, and ill-fortunes, which 
 in honour and conscience I could not suffer to be buried in 
 silence ; nor could I have undertaken so hard a task, had 
 not my love to his person, and to truth, been my cncourager 
 and supporter. 
 
 I might have made this book larger, in transcribing (as is 
 ordinary in histories) the several letters ', full of affection. 
 
 1 Sovon of these letters of the King's liavo Ixrti published l>v Sir Henry Kills, Original 
 Letters, scries I, vol. iii, pp. 201- -503. Those ol the (Juecn will N- found iti Mrv M. ]'. 
 C.reen's I. filers o/ (>ffti Hrnriftlti .\lnrin. 
 
 The Declarations referred to In-low are reprintid in Rushworth's Collection: 'A
 
 xlii The Preface 
 
 and kind promises he received from his Gracious Sovereign, 
 Charles the First, and from his royal consort, in the time he 
 was in the actions of war, as also since the war, from his dear 
 sovereign and master, Charles the Second : but many of 
 the former letters having been lost, when all was lost, I thought 
 it best, seeing I had not them all, to print none. As for 
 orations, which is another way of swelling the bulk of histories, 
 it is certain, that my Lord made not many ; choosing rather 
 to fight than to talk ; and his Declarations having been printed 
 already, it had been superfluous to insert them in these nar- 
 rations. 
 
 Tins book would, however, have been a great volume, if 
 his Grace would have given me leave to publish his enemy's 
 actions. But being to write of his own only, I do it briefly 
 and truly ; and not as many have done, who have written of 
 the late Civil War, with but few sprinklings of truth, like as 
 heat-drops upon a dry barren ground : knowing no more of 
 the transactions of those times, than what they learned in 
 the gazettes, which, for the most part (out of policy to amuse 
 and deceive the people), contain nothing but falsehoods and 
 chimeras ; and were such parasites, that after the King's 
 party was overpowered, the government among the rebels 
 changing from one faction to another, they never missed to 
 exalt highly the merits of the chief commanders of the then 
 prevailing side, comparing some of them to Moses, and some 
 others to all the great and most famous heroes, both Greeks 
 and Romans l . Wherein, unawares, they exceedingly com- 
 mended my noble Lord ; for if those ringleaders of factions 
 were so great men as they arc reported to be, by those time- 
 servers, how much greater must his Lordship be, who beat 
 most of them, except the Earl of Essex, whose employment 
 was never in the northern parts, where all the rest of the 
 greatest strength of the Parliament was sent, to oppose my 
 Lord's forces, which was the greatest the King's party had 
 anywhere 
 
 Declaration made liy the Farl of Newcastle for his resolution of marching into York- 
 shire, as also a just vindication of himself from that unjust aspersion laid upon him for 
 entertaining vine I'opjsh recusants in his service.' Rushworth, III, i, 78-81. 'A 
 IVrl.iratirin of his Fxccllencv the Karl of Newcastle, in answer to the aspersions cast 
 upon him liy the I.ord Fairfax in his warrant liearing date February id.' Kushworlh 
 Ml, i. m 
 I Thii u evidently a hit at Thomas May's History of the A/rnj Parliament.
 
 The Preface xliii 
 
 Good lortunc is such an idol of the world, and is so like the 
 golden calf worshipped by the Israelites, that those arch-rebels 
 never wanted astrologers to foretell them good success in all 
 their enterprises, nor poets to sing their praises, nor orators 
 for panegyrics ; nay, which is worse, nor historians neither, 
 to record their valour in fighting, and wisdom in governing. 
 But being, so much as I am, above base profit, or any prefer- 
 ment whatsoever, I cannot fear to be suspected of flattery, 
 in declaring to the world the merits, wealth, power, loyalty, 
 and fortunes of my noble Lord, who hath done great actions, 
 suffered great losses, endured a long banishment, for his 
 loyalty to his King and country ; and leads now, like another 
 Scipio, a quiet country life. If, notwithstanding all this, 
 any should say, that those who write histories of themselves, 
 and their own actions, or of their own party, or instruct and 
 inform those that write them, are partial to themselves ; I 
 answer, that it is very improbable worthy persons, who having 
 done great, noble, and heroic exploits, deserving to be recorded, 
 should be so vain as to write false histories ; but if they do, 
 it proves but their folly ; for truth can never be con- 
 cealed, and so it will be more for their disgrace than for their 
 honour and fame. I fear not any such blemishes in this 
 present history, for I am not conscious of any such crime as 
 partiality or falsehood, but write it whilst my noble Lord 
 is yet alive, and at such a time where truth may be declared, 
 and falsehood contradicted ; and I challenge any one (although 
 I be a woman) to contradict anything that I have set down, 
 or prove it to be otherwise than truth ; for be there never so 
 many contradictions, truth will conquer all at last. 
 
 Concerning my Lord's actions in war, which are compre- 
 hended in the first Book, the relation of them I have chiefly 
 from my Lord's secretary, Mr. Rolleston, a person that has 
 been an eye-witness thereof, and accompanied my Lord as 
 secretary in his army, and gave out all his commissions ; 
 his honesty and worth is unquestionable by all that know 
 him. And as for the second Book, which contains my Lord's 
 actions and sufferings, during the time of his exile, I have 
 set down so much as I could possibly call to mind, without 
 any particular expression of time, only from the time of his 
 banishment, or rather (what I can remember) from the time 
 of my marriage, till our return into England. To the end of
 
 xliv The Preface 
 
 which I have joined a computation of my Lord's losses, which 
 he hath suffered by those unfortunate wars. In the third 
 Book I have set down some particular chapters concerning 
 the description of his person, his natural faculties, and per- 
 sonal virtues, etc. And in the last, some essays and discourses 
 of my Lord's, together with some notes and remarks of mine 
 own ; which I thought most convenient to place by them- 
 selves at the end of this work, rather than to intermingle 
 them with the body of the history. 
 
 It might be some prejudice to my Lord's glory, and the 
 credit of this history, not to take notice of a very considerable 
 thing I have heard, which is, that when his Lordship's army 
 had got so much strength and reputation, that the rebellious 
 Parliament finding themselves overpowered with it, rather 
 than to be utterly ruined (as was unavoidable), did call the 
 Scots to their assistance, with a promise to reward so great 
 a service with the four northern counties of Northumberland, 
 Cumberland, Westmoreland, and the bishopric of Durham, 
 which I have not mentioned in the book. 
 
 And it is most certain, that the Parliament's forces were 
 never powerful, nor their commanders or officers famous, 
 until such time as my Lord was overpowered ; neither could 
 loyalty have been overpowered by rebellion, had not treachery 
 had better fortune than prudence. 
 
 When I speak of my Lord's pedigree, where Thomas, Earl 
 of Arundel, grandfather to the now Duke of Norfolk, is men- 
 tioned, they have left out William, Viscount Stafford, one of 
 his sons, who did marry the heir of the last Baron Stafford, 
 descended from the Dukes of Buckingham ; which was set 
 down in my original manuscript. 
 
 Some of those omissions, and very probably others, arc 
 happened, partly for want of timely information, and chiefly 
 by the death of my secretary who did copy my writings for 
 the press, and died in London, attending that service, afore 
 the printing of the book was quite finished. And as I hope 
 of your favour to be excused for omitting those things in the 
 book ; so I expect of your justice to be approved in putting 
 them here, though somewhat unseasonably. 
 
 Before I end this Preface, I do beseech my readers not to 
 mistake me when I speak of my Lord's banishment, as if I 
 would conceal that he went voluntarilv out of his native
 
 The Preface xlv 
 
 country ; for it is most true, that his Lordship prudently 
 perceiving all the King's party lost, not only in England, 
 but also in Scotland and Ireland ; and that it was impossible 
 to withstand the rebels, after the fatal overthrow of lu's army ; 
 his Lordship, in a poor and mean condition, quitted his own 
 country, and went beyond sea ; soon after which, the rebels 
 having got an absolute power, and granted a general pardon 
 to all those that would come in to them, upon composition, 
 at the rates they had set down, his Lordship, with but few 
 others, was exccptcd from it, both for life and estate, and did 
 remain thus banished till his Majesty's happy restoration. 
 
 I must also acknowledge, that I have committed great 
 errors in taking no notice of times as I should have done in 
 many places of this history : I mention in one place the Queen 
 Mother's being in France, when my Lord went thither, but do 
 not say in what year that was ; nor do I express when his 
 Majesty (our now gracious Sovereign) came in, and went out 
 again several times from that kingdom, which has happened 
 for want of memory, and I desire my readers to excuse me 
 for it 
 
 Nobody can certainly be more ready to find faults in this 
 work, than I am to confess them ; being very conscious 
 that I have, as I told my Lord I should, committed many 
 for want of learning, and chiefly of skill in writing histories. 
 But having, according to his Lordship's commands, written 
 his actions and fortunes truly and plainly, I have reason to 
 expect, that whatsoever else shall be found amiss, will be 
 favourably pardoned by the candid readers, to whom I wish 
 all manner of happiness.
 
 AN EPISTLE TO HER GRACE 
 
 THE DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE 
 
 MAY IT PLEASE YOUR GRACE, I have been taught, and 
 do believe, that obedience is better than sacrifice ; and kno\v, 
 that both are due from me to your Grace ; and since I have 
 been so long in obeying your commands, I shall not presume 
 to use any agrumcnts for my excuse, but rather choose ingen- 
 uously to confess my fault, and beg your Grace's pardon. 
 And because forgiveness is a glory to the suprcmcst powers, 
 I will hope that your Grace by that great example will make 
 it yours. And now I humbly take leave to represent to your 
 Grace, as faithfully and truly as my memory will serve me, all 
 my observations of the most memorable actions, and honour- 
 able deportments of his Grace, my most noble lord and master, 
 William, Duke of Newcastle, in the execution and perform- 
 ance of the trusts and high employments committed and com- 
 mended to his care and charge by three kings of England ; that 
 is to say, King James, King Charles the First, of ever blessed 
 memory ; and our gracious King, Charles the Second ; under 
 whom he hath had the happiness to live, and the honour to 
 serve them in several capacities. And because I humbly 
 conceive, that it is not within the intention of your Grace's 
 commands, that I should give you a particular relation of 
 his Grace's high birth, his noble and princely education and 
 breeding, both at home and abroad ; his natural faculties, 
 and personal virtues ; his justice, bounty, charity, friendship ; 
 his right approved courage, and true valour, not grounded 
 upon, or governed by passion, but reason ; his magnificent 
 manner of living and supporting his dignity, testified by his 
 great entertainments of their Majesties, and his private friends, 
 upon all fit occasions, beside his ordinary and constant house- 
 keeping and attendants, some for honour, and some for busi- 
 ness, wherein he exceeded most of his quality ; and that ho 
 was and is, an incomparable master to his servants, is sufti- 
 
 xlvii
 
 xlviii An Epistle to the Duchess of Newcastle 
 
 cicntly testified by all or most of the chiefest of them, living 
 and dying in his Grace's service, which is an argument that 
 they thought themselves as happy therein, as the world could 
 make them ; nor of his well-chosen pleasures, which were 
 principally horses of all sorts, but more particularly horses 
 of manage ; l his study and art of the true use of the sword ; 
 his magnificent buildings. Those are his chiefest delights, 
 wherein his Grace spared for no cost nor charge, which are suffi- 
 ciently manifested to the world ; for other delights, as those 
 of running horses, hawking, hunting, etc., his Grace used 
 them merely for society's sake, and out of a generous and 
 obliging nature to please others, though his knowledge in 
 them excelled, as well as in the other. And yet, notwith- 
 standing these this large and vast expenses, before his Grace 
 was called to the court, he increased his revenue by way of 
 purchase to a great value ; and when he was called to the 
 court, he was then free from debts, and, as I have heard, 
 some thousands of pounds in his purse. These particulars. 
 and as many more of this kind as would swell a volume, 
 I could enumerate to your Grace ; but that they are so well 
 known to your Grace, it would be a presumption in me, rather 
 than a service, to give your Grace that trouble ; and therefore 
 I humbly forbear, and proceed, according to my intention, to 
 give your Grace a faithful account of your Grace's commands, 
 as becomes, may it please your Grace, your Grace's most 
 humble and most obedient servant, 
 
 JOHN ROLLHSTON. 
 
 l Horses trained in the riding-school. Manage is from the French manage, the train- 
 ing of .1 horse in .1 riding-school ; Italian tnantzKiare, to handle, train, from Latin manu*. 
 In Ifcmk II of these Memoirs the Duchess speaks of her husband Inlying horses ' to 
 rxrniw the art of manage, which he is a great lover and master of'. 'They vault 
 from hunters to the tn.in.igrd steed ', says Young, and Scott even speaks of a ' managed 
 hawk '. Orlando, when complaining f his brother's neglect, savs : ' His horses are 
 br.-d Ix-tti-r ; for, Ix-sides that they are fair with their feeding, they are taught their 
 manage, and to that end riders dearly hired.' As You Like It, I, i, tt-.V I.ady Mot- 
 -.pur also tells her husband th.it she has heard him in his sleep ' speak terms of manage 
 to thy iNMindiiig steed.' i Henry IV, II, iii, 52.
 
 THE LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS PRINCE, 
 
 WILLIAM, DUKE OF NEWCASTLE 
 
 THE FIRST BOOK 
 
 SINCE my chief intent in this present work is to describe the 
 life and actions of my noble Lord and husband, William, Duke 
 of Newcastle, I shall do it with as much brevity, perspicuity, 
 and truth, as is required of an impartial historian. The history 
 of his pedigree I shall refer to the Heralds, and partly give you 
 an account thereof at the latter end of this work ; only thus 
 much I shall now mention, as will be requisite for the better 
 understanding of the following discourse. 
 
 His grandfather by his father's side was Sir William Caven- 
 dish, Privy Counsellor and Treasurer of the Chamber to King 
 Henry the Eighth, Edward the Sixth, and Queen Mary. His 
 grandfather by his mother was Cuthbcrt, Lord Ogle, an 
 ancient Baron. His father, Sir Charles Cavendish, was the 
 youngest son to Sir William, and had no other children but 
 three sons, whereof my Lord was the second ; but his elder 
 brother dying in his infancy, left both his title and birthright 
 to my Lord, so that my Lord had then but one only brother 
 left, whose name was Charles after his father, whereas my 
 Lord had the name of his grandfather '. 
 
 These two brothers were partly bred with Gilbert, Earl of 
 Shrewsbury, their uncle-in-law. and their aunt Mary. Countess 
 
 i Sir William Cavendish dii-d in 1557. His widow, Elizabeth Hardwick, married 
 George Talbot, Karl of Shrewsbury, and thus began the connection between the Talbot 
 and Cavendish families, which was strengthened and completed by the marriage of 
 Mary Cavendish, youngest daughter of Sir William, to C.ill>ert Tallxit, the eldest son 
 of Karl George, whilst Henry Cavendish, eldest son of Sir William, married Grace Tallot, 
 youngest daughter of the same Karl. William Cavendish, the hero of this Memoir, 
 
 B
 
 2 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 of Shrewsbury, Gilbert's wife, and sister to their father ; for 
 there interceded an entire and constant friendship between 
 the said Gilbert, Earl of Shrewsbury, and my Lord's father. 
 Sir Charles Cavendish, caused not only by the marriage of 
 my Lord's aunt, his father's sister, to the aforesaid Gilbert, 
 Earl of Shrewsbury, and by the marriage of George, Earl of 
 Shrewsbury, Gilbert's father with my Lord's grandmother, 
 by his father's side ; but Sir Charles Cavendish, my Lord's 
 father, and Gilbert, Earl of Shrewsbury, being brought up 
 and bred together in one family, and grown up as parts of one 
 body, after they came to be beyond children, and travelled 
 together into foreign countries, to observe the fashions, laws, 
 and customs of other nations, contracted such an entire 
 friendship which lasted to their death. Neither did they 
 outlive each other long, for my Lord's father, Sir Charles 
 Cavendish, lived but one 3'ear after Gilbert, Earl of Shrewsbury. 
 But both my Lord's parents, and his aunt and uncle-in-law, 
 showed always a great and fond love to my Lord, endeavouring, 
 when he was but a child, to please him with what he most 
 delighted in. When he was grown to the age of fifteen or 
 sixteen, he was made Knight of the Bath, an ancient and 
 honourable order, at the time when Henry, King James, of 
 blessed memory, his eldest son, was created Prince of Wales * : 
 and soon after he went to travel with Sir Henry Wotton 2 , 
 who was sent as ambassador extraordinary to the then Duke 
 of Savoy ; which Duke made very much of my Lord, and 
 
 was horn in 1502. Oillwrt, Karl of Shrewsbury, died May 8, ifiifi, and Sir Charles Cavrn- 
 dish died April 4, 1617. Ben Jonson wrote the following epitaph upon him : 
 
 Charles Cavendish to hit I'oslfriiv. 
 
 Sons, seek me not amongst these polished stones, 
 These only hide part of my flesh and Nmes, 
 Which, did they ne'er so neat or proudly dwell. 
 Will all turn dust, and may not make me swell. 
 
 I ft such as justly have outlived all praise, 
 Trust in the tombs their careful friends dn r.iUe ; 
 I made rny life my monument and vours, 
 To which there's no material that endures. 
 
 N'or yet inscription like it. Write l>ut th.it, 
 And teach your nephews it to emulate : 
 It will tx- matter loud enough to tell 
 Not when I died, hut how I lived farewell. 
 Collins' Hutoncal Collection*, p. 2:, and Cunningham's Jonson, iii, 4<jQ. 
 
 t I'rincf. Henry was created lYincr of Wales, June 4, 1610. William Cavendish 
 was made Knieht of thr Math. June T Birch. J.ife of Henry 1'nnce n/ H 'ales, p. 192. 
 2 In I'nj. Sec NK hols, /Toyrrsn-s of A'in? James I, ii, 438.
 
 The First Book 3 
 
 when he would be free in feasting, placed him next to himself. 
 Before my Lord did return with the ambassador into England, 
 the said Duke proffered my Lord, that if he would stay with 
 him, he would not only confer upon him the best titles of 
 honour he could, but also give him an honourable command 
 in war, although my Lord was but young, for the Duke had 
 then some designs of war. But the ambassador, who had 
 taken the care of my Lord, would not leave him behind with- 
 out his parents' consent. 
 
 At last, when my Lord took his leave of the Duke, the Duke 
 being a very generous person, presented him with a Spanish 
 horse, a saddle very richly embroidered, and with a rich jewel 
 of diamonds. 
 
 Some time after my Lord's return into England, (iilbcrt, 
 Earl of Shrewsbury, died, and left my Lord, though he was 
 then but young, and about twenty-two years of age, his 
 executor l ; a year after, his father, Sir Charles Cavendish, 
 died also. His mother, being then a widow, was desirous 
 that my Lord should marry : in obedience to whose commands, 
 he chose a wife both to his own good liking, and his mother's 
 approving ; who was daughter and heir to William Basset of 
 Blorc, Esq. ; a very honourable and ancient family in Stafford- 
 shire, by whom was added a great part to his estate, as here- 
 after shall be mentioned 2 . After my Lord was married, he 
 lived, for the most part, in the country, and pleased himself 
 and his neighbours with hospitality, and such delights as the 
 country afforded ; only now and then he would go up to 
 London for some short time to wait on the King. 
 
 About this time King James, of blessed memory, having a 
 purpose to confer some honour upon my Lord, made him 
 Viscount Mansfield, and Baron of Bolsovcr 3 ; and after the 
 decease of King James, King Charles the Eirst, of blessed 
 memory, constituted him Lord Warden of the Eorest of Sher- 
 wood and Lieutenant of Nottinghamshire, and restored his 
 
 1 Tlio Karl of Shrewsbury di <l May 8,1616. His will is printed in Hunter's //i's/ory 
 ol Hullaiiishirf, oil. (l.itty |>. ic 
 
 -' The rents of the Duke of N 
 |x>r annum. See the account 
 widow of Henry Howard, thii 
 took place in IMS. 
 
 ,-castle's Staffordshire estates amounted to (iw> 1 
 '( the Puke's e-t.ites Riven later. This ladv w.i 
 1 son of the Karl oi Suffolk. The marriage prol 
 
 . 4 d. 
 the 
 ihly 
 
 tine 
 iN-r 
 
 3, 1620. Collins, Histiirifal ('(>//<V/IOM.S- of tin- \, <'>!< I'amilics ol Cicrti./is'i, Hollts, etc., 
 
 1'. i<). 
 
 his took place after the Kind's visit to \\V1Nvk in iMo. The patent ere 
 Sir William Cavendish Lord Ojjle ol Bothal and Viscount Mansfield is dated Nov
 
 4 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 mother, Catharine, the second daughter of Cuthbert, Lord 
 Ogle, to her father's dignity, after the death of her only sister 
 Jane, Countess of Shrewsbury, publicly declaring, that it 
 was her right l ; which title, after the death of his mother, 
 descended also upon my Lord, and his heirs general, together 
 with a large inheritance of ^3000 a year, in Northumberland. 
 
 About the same time, after the decease of William, late 
 Earl of Devonshire, his noble cousin-german, my Lord was 
 by his said Majesty made Lord Lieutenant of Derbyshire ; 
 which trust and honour, after he had enjoyed for several 
 years, and managed it, like as all other offices put to his trust, 
 with all possible care, faithfulness, and dexterity, during the 
 time of the said Earl's son, William, the now Earl of Devon- 
 shire, his minority, as soon as this same Earl was come to age, 
 and by law made capable of that trust, he willingly and freely 
 resigned it into his hands, he having hitherto kept it only for 
 him, that he and nobody else might succeed his father in that 
 dignity. 
 
 In these, and all other both public and private employments, 
 my Lord hath ever been careful to keep up the King's rights 
 to the uttermost of his power, to strengthen those mentioned 
 
 1 I-idy Jane Ogle died in I6JS- Her epitaph was written by Jon son, vide Jonson's 
 works, cd. Cunningham, p. 4(10. Lady Catharine was created Baroness Ogle, December 
 4, i6;8 (Collins, p. 24). She died about April 1629 (Kcfwrt on the I'urtland MSS. ii, uo) 
 Jonson's epitaph on this lady is as follows : 
 
 She was the light (without reflex 
 
 Upon herself) of all her sex, 
 
 The best of women ! Her whole life 
 
 Was the example of a wife, 
 
 Or of a parent, or a friend ! 
 
 All circles had their spring and end 
 
 In her, and what could perfect be 
 
 And without angles, // was skt. 
 
 All that was solid in the name 
 Of virtue ; precious in the frame, 
 Or else magnetic in the force, 
 Or sweet, or various in the course ; 
 What was proportion, or could be 
 By warrant called just symmetry, 
 In number, measure, or degree 
 Of weight or fashion, // iras sHf. 
 
 Her soul possessed her flesh's state 
 In freehold, not as an inmate, 
 And when the flesh here shut up day, 
 I-'ame's heat upon the grave did stay, 
 And hourly brooding o'er the same, 
 Keeps warm the spice of her good name, 
 I'ntil the ashes turned I>c 
 Into a 1'hrrnix --Which j she. 
 
 Tim is followe 1 by two other pieces of verse on the same subject. Jonson, ed. Cunning- 
 
 li mi, MI, 4>f>.
 
 The First Book 5 
 
 counties with ammunition, and to adminstcr justice to every 
 one ; for he refused no man's petition, but sent all that came 
 to him, cither for relief or justice, away from him fully 
 satisfied *. 
 
 Not long after his being made Lieutenant of Nottingham- 
 shire, there was found so great a defect of arms and ammuni- 
 tion in that county, that the Lords of the Council being adver- 
 tised thereof, as the manner then was, his Majesty commanded 
 a levy to be made upon the whole county for the supply thereof. 
 Whereupon the sum of ^500, or thereabout, was accordingly 
 levied for that purpose, and three persons of quality, then 
 Deputy Lieutenants, were desired by my Lord to receive the 
 money, and sec it disposed ; which being done accordingly, 
 and a certain account rendered to my Lord, he voluntarily 
 ordered the then Clerk of the Peace of that county, that the 
 same account should be recorded amongst the sessions rolls, 
 and be published in open sessions, to the end that the country 
 might take notice how their monies were disposed of ; for 
 which act of justice my Lord was highly commended. 
 
 Within some few years after, King Charles the First, of 
 blessed memory, his gracious Sovereign, in regard of his true 
 and faithful service to his King and country, was pleased to 
 honour him with the title of Earl of Newcastle, and Baron of 
 Bothal and Ileple 2 ; which title he graced so much by his 
 noble actions and deportments, that some seven years after, 
 which was in the year 1638, his Majesty called him up to 
 Court, and thought him the fittest person whom he might 
 intrust with the government of his son Charles, then Prince of 
 Wales, now our most gracious King, and made him withal a 
 a member of the Lords of his Majesty's most honourable 
 Privy Council ; which, as it was a great honour and trust, 
 so he spared no care and industry to discharge his duly accord- 
 ingly ; and to that end, left all the care of governing his own 
 family and estate, with all fidelity attending his master, not 
 without considerable charges, and vast expenses of his own 3 . 
 
 1 A letter from tlic )>uke (.is Viscount Mansfield) to StratTord is printed in the StrafToid 
 correspondence, vol. i, j>. 4 ?, r 
 
 2 ' On the 7th cl.iy of March ii 
 to the dignity of j?aron I'avei 
 Collins, Historical Collfctions, 
 
 Newcastle's letters to his 
 
 the third year of King Charles 1 lie \v.is further advanced 
 ilish of Bolsover and Karl of Ncwcastle-upon-Tync.' 
 2(>. 
 ifc show that he was seeking for this j>ost as early as 
 
 April 16 ',6, and had go<xl hopes of success. (I'vrtliinJ .W.S'S., ii, 1:7). The patent a|>- 
 l>ointing the liarl ot Newcas-tle governor of the IVincc is dattd June 4, lOjS, and has
 
 6 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 In this present employment he continued for the space of 
 three years, during which time there happened an insurrection 
 and rebellion of his Majesty's discontented subjects in Scot- 
 land, which forced his Majesty to raise an army, to reduce 
 them to their obedience, and his treasury being at that time 
 exhausted he was necessitated to desire some supply and 
 assistance of the noblest and richest of his loyal subjects. 
 Amongst the rest, my Lord lent his Majesty 10,000 and 
 raised himself a volunteer troop of horse, which consisted of 
 \zo knights and gentlemen of quality 1 , who marched to 
 Berwick by his Majesty's command, where it pleased his 
 Majesty to set this mark of honour upon that troop, that it 
 should be independent, and not commanded by any general 
 officer, but only by his Majesty himself. 2 The reason thereof 
 was upon this following occasion. 
 
 His Majesty's whole body of horse, being commanded to 
 march into Scotland against the rebels, a place was appointed 
 for their rendezvous ; immediately upon their meeting, my 
 Lord sent a gentleman of quality of his troop 3 to his Majesty's 
 then General of the Horse, to know where his troop should 
 march ; who returned this answer, That it was to march next 
 after the troops of the General Officers of the Field. My Lord 
 conceiving that his troop ought to march in the van, and not 
 in the rear, sent the same messenger back again to the General, 
 to inform him, that he had the honour 1o march with the 
 Prince's colours, and therefore he thought it not fit to march 
 
 Iwen printed by Collins (Historical Collections, p. 27). Windebanke's letter offering 
 this post to the Marl, and the Karl's reply, are both contained in the Clarendon State 
 Tapers, and dated iQth and 2ist March 1638. For these see the Appendix. ' It is 
 certainly a mighty mark of his Majesty's estimation of yon ', writes Strafford, ' that 
 he intrusts you with the keeping of so precious a jewel '. The I,ord Deputy sends at 
 the same time a number of counsels for the Karl's guidance at court (Straftord J'apfrs, 
 it. 174). The advire given by the Karl to his pupil, originally printed by Sir Henry 
 Kllis, is also given in the Appendix. A letter in the Record Office, written by one Thomas 
 Wiseman on Newcastle's retirement from this post, states that the Karl ran himself 
 into debt to the amount of ^40,000 during his employment. 
 
 1 Mrs. Hutchinson's testimony to the Karl's great popularity is worth quoting: it 
 will be observed that her account of the volunteer troop differs slightlv from that given 
 bv the I>urhess ' ' Hie Karl of Newcastle ... a lord once so much beloved in his Coun- 
 trv, that when the first expedition was against the Scots, the gentlemen of the country 
 vt him forth two troops, one all of gentlemen, the other of their men, who waited on 
 him into the north at their own charges. He had, indeed, through his great estate, 
 his li!wr.il hospitality, and constant residence in his country, > endeared them to him, 
 th.it no man was a greater prince than he was in all that northern quarter ; till a foo'Mi 
 ambition of glorious slavery carried him to court, where he- ran himself much into debt, 
 t" purchase neglects of the King and Oueeri, and scorns of the proud courtiers.' .Memoirs, 
 vol. i, p.. ji,\. 
 
 2 On April i. \ff\i) Newcastle was commissioned as captain of the troop of horse called 
 l-rinrr Charles's troop. (Trrtland .V.S.v, ji, 133). 
 
 T Sir William Carnaby, Kt.
 
 The First Book 7 
 
 under any of the Officers of the Field ; yet nevertheless the 
 General ordered that troop as he had formerly directed. 
 Whereupon, my Lord thinking it unfit at that time to dispute 
 the business, immediately commanded his Cornet l to take 
 off the Prince's colours from his staff, and so marched in the 
 place appointed, choosing rather to march without his colours 
 flying, than to lessen his master's dignity by the command of 
 any subject 2 . 
 
 Immediately after the return from that expedition to his 
 Majesty's leaguer, the General made a complaint thereof to 
 his Majesty ; who being truly informed of the business, com- 
 mended my Lord's discretion for it, and from that time 
 ordered that troop to be commanded by none but himself. 
 Thus they remained upon duty, without receiving any pay- 
 ment or allowance from his Majesty 3 , until his Majesty had 
 reduced his rebellious subjects, and then my Lord returned 
 with honour to his charge, viz. the government of the Prince. 
 
 At last when the whole army was disbanded, then, and not 
 before, my Lord thought it a fit time to exact an account 
 from the said General for the affront he passed upon him, and 
 sent him a challenge ; the place and hour being appointed by 
 both their consents, where and when to meet, my Lord ap- 
 peared there with his second 4 , but found not his opposite. 
 After some while his opposite's second came all alone, by 
 whom my Lord perceived that their design had been discov- 
 ered to the King by some of his opposite's friends, who pre- 
 sently caused them both to be confined until he had made 
 their peace r> . 
 
 My Lord having hitherto attended the Prince, his master, 
 with all faithfulness and duty befitting so great an employ- 
 ment, for the space of three years, in the beginning of that 
 
 l Mr. ('.ray, brother to the Lord Gray of the North. 
 
 - This incident took plan- on the inarch to Ounse, M.iv ;r. "'V) Accounts of the 
 dispute confirming that given bv the I>uche-x are printed in the K?f\>rt DM thf .U.VS". of 
 thf Dukf (i/ KnUiiiitl, i, 51*, 517. and in Warner's l-'f>i\tt>l,iry ('urittsitif*. i, .'oi. 
 
 l The words in italic have Ix-eti carefully obliterated with ink. 
 
 4 Kr.mcis Palmes. 
 This General of the Horse was the Karl of Holland, Clarendon's account of this 
 
 incident is very similar to that given in 
 
 the Puke himself. As soon as the an 
 
 ' sent a challenge to the Karl of Holland, b 
 
 with those errands ; who took a proper 
 
 bility of suspicion. The Karl of Holl.u 
 
 in this occasion ho showed not that ala. 
 
 and so by the King's authority the matter was 
 
 i', -3- 
 
 he te\t, and was very probablv derived Ironi 
 tided, savs Clarendon. Newcastle 
 very punctual .indwell ac<]n.iinted 
 ntion it to him, without a possi- 
 susjx'i till to want courage, vet 
 t the delav exposed it to notice; 
 i posed.'- //ixVry i>/ tkf KftvHiori, 
 
 a gentlemai 
 
 .e.ison to n 
 I was u
 
 8 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 rebellious and unhappy Parliament, which was the cause, of 
 all the ruins and misfortunes that afterwards befell this king- 
 dom, was privately advertised, that the Parliament's design 
 was to take the government of the Prince from him, which he, 
 apprehending as a disgrace to himself, wisely prevented, and 
 obtained the consent of his late Majesty, with his favour, to 
 deliver up the charge of being governor to the Prince, and 
 retire into the country 1 . Which he did in the beginning of 
 the year 1641, and settled himself, with his lady, children, 
 and family, to his great satisfaction, with an intent to have 
 continued there, and rested under his own vine, and managed 
 his own estate. But he had not enjoyed himself long, but an 
 express came to him from his Majesty, who was then unjustly 
 and unmannerly treated by the said Parliament, to repair 
 with all possible speed and privacy to Kingston-upon-Hull, 
 where the greatest part of his Majesty's ammunition and 
 arms then remained in that magazine, it being the most consi- 
 derable place for strength in the northern parts of the kingdom. 
 Immediately upon the receipt of these his Majesty's orders 
 and commands, my Lord prepared for their execution, and 
 about twelve of the clock at night, hastened from his own 
 house when his family were all at their rest, save two or three 
 servants which he appointed to attend him. The next day 
 
 It.ill.inl, ' tli.it, il there were <* ration, the army should remove their quarters into NottiiiR- 
 h.iinshire. win-re the I'rinrr and the Karl of Nrwrastle should im-et them with a thousand 
 h-.rse. .ind .ill the I remh that wrrc in London should IK- iniititc<l, and likewise nnt-t
 
 The First Book 9 
 
 early in the morning he arrived at Hull, in the quality of a 
 private gentleman, which place was distant from his house 
 forty miles ; and none of his family that were at home knew 
 what was become of him, till he sent an express to his lady to 
 inform her where he was. 
 
 Thus being admitted into the town, he fell upon his intended 
 design, and brought it. to so hopeful an issue for his Majesty's 
 service, that lie wanted nothing but his Majesty's further 
 commission and pleasure to have secured both the town and 
 magazine for his Majesty's use : and to that end by a speedy 
 express l gave his Majesty, who was then at Windsor, an 
 account of all his transactions therein, together with his 
 opinion of them, hoping his Majesty would have been pleased 
 cither to come thither in person, which he might have done 
 with much security, or at least have sent him a commission 
 and orders how he should do his Majesty further service. 
 
 But instead thereof he received orders from his Majesty to 
 observe such directions as lie should receive from the Parlia- 
 ment, then sitting : whereupon he was summoned personally 
 to appear at the House of Lords, and a committee chosen to 
 examine the grounds and reasons of his undertaking that 
 design ; but my Lord showed them his commission, and that 
 it was done in obedience to his Majesty's commands, and so 
 was cleared of that action 2 . 
 
 1 Captain Mazine. 
 
 2 The warrant to Newcastle is dated Hampton Court, January it, 1642 (l.orjs' 
 Journals, iv, 5X5). Captain Legg was despatched to Hull to prepare the citizens to 
 receive Lord Newcastle as their governor. The Parliament obtained information of 
 the King's purpose, and sent off Captain Hotham with orders to his father. Sir John 
 Hotham, to secure Hull by means of the Yorkshire Trained Hands, and not to deliver 
 it up till he was ordered to do so by ' the King's authority, signified u:ito him by the 
 Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament '. Newcastle was despatched bv 
 the King in person as soon as Captain Hotham's journev w.is known. The King's 
 object was not only to secure the munitions stored up at Hull, but to obtain possession 
 of a port where the Danish soldiers he was then purposing to hire might In- safelv landed, 
 (('.irdiner, History of /Mi.'.W/, vol. \, pp. i.SJ.is.).) A letter Irom Legg toSir K. Nicholas 
 states that Newcastle arrived at Hull on J.miiarv ij; Newcastle himself announced 
 his arrival to the King in a letter dated Janiiarv is, whi h is i:iven in the Appendix. 
 (Donit-stic Slate I'af>,-rs, Ch<irl<-s I, vol. ^S.S. Nos. 5^ and <>.- ) According t<> Rushworth 
 (III. i, Si>t), the Karl 'desired to pass unknown, railing luin--.lt Sir John Savage, and 
 at his tirst coming was brought In-fore the Mavor under tli.it name, till N-ing known 
 bv some bystanders he was toned to own lioth Ins name and his errand.' Hie Mavor 
 refused to admit either Hotham's or Newcastle's troops, ,md huinblv desired the King 
 and Parliament to join in appointing a garrison. ' A strong p.utv In-stirred themselves 
 for the Karl with great ex|x- ( tations of the Kind's rov.il favour to tin- town thcrebv '. 
 continues Kushworth, and lie might |x>Ssiblv have secured the town it the King's ill 
 success elsewhere had not obliged him to yield and recall Newcastle. On Janiiarv jo, 
 the House of Lords pissed a resolution ordering him to attend the House. He made 
 no haste to return upon the summons of the House, but s it t>> the King to know his 
 pleasure; who, not thinking matters yet ri|>e enough to make anv such declaralion. 
 appointed him to come away (Clarendon, AYM/ion, iv, 215). ' But the same day that 
 

 
 io The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 Not long after, my Lord obtained the freedom from his 
 Majesty to retire again to his country life, which he did with 
 much alacrity. He had not remained many months there, 
 but his Majesty was forced, by the fury of the said Parliament, 
 to repair in person to York, and to send the Queen beyond 
 the seas for her safety. 
 
 Xo sooner was his Majesty arrived at York but he sent his 
 commands to my Lord to come thither to him : which, accord- 
 ing to his wonted custom and loyalty, he readily obeyed, and 
 after a few days spent there in consultation, his Majesty was 
 pleased to command him to Newcastle-upon-Tyne, to take 
 upon him the government of that town, and the four counties 
 next adjoining 1 ; that is to say, Northumberland, Cumber- 
 land, Westmoreland, and the Bishopric of Durham. Which 
 my Lord did accordingly, although he wanted men, money, 
 and ammunition, for the performance of that design ; for 
 when he came thither he neither found any military provision 
 considerable for the undertaking that work, nor generally any 
 great encouragement from the people in those parts, more 
 than what his own interest created in them. Nevertheless, 
 he thought it his duty rather to ha/ard all, than to neglect 
 the commands of his Sovereign ; and resolved to show his 
 fidelity, by nobly setting all at stake, as he did, though he 
 well knew how to have secured himself, as too many others 
 did, either by neutrality or adhering to the rebellious party ; 
 but his honour and loyalty was too great to be stained with 
 such foul adhcrcnccs. 
 
 As soon as my Lord came to Newcastle, in the first place 
 he sent for all his tenants and friends in those parts, and pre- 
 sently raised a troop of horse consisting of uo, and a regiment 
 
 the F.arl departed, Mr. Hotham was freely received into tho town, with three companies 
 of Trained Hands, and thr keys of the |x>rts, and the maga/ine, were surrenderee! into 
 his hands' (Rushworth). This took place before the end of January. The Karl did 
 not appear in the MOMS.- of Lords till after the r/th February, and was finally. ,.n the 
 I4th February, after delivering up his commission, granted lease to go into the country 
 for his health's sake. (lj,rdS Journals, February M. I'MJ.) See also Sanlord. .MuJifi 
 and ///us/rii/iH.f <</ the <irtat KfhfUion, p. 474 ; and Huff, Dif I'ultlik Hurls Jcs l-'.r\tfn 
 in ilfn rrslfn H'ocken nach sfinfr I : luchl ron l.nJ<m, pp. "i IS. 
 
 t The King's commission t<> the Karl is dated June 20. 1642 (Collins, Historical ( '>!- 
 Ifclum^, p. 30). Brand, referring to Rymer's Futlera, torn. xx. p. <*\\, says June iej. 
 The earlier date is most probable, fur the Commons' Journals (June v>) mention the 
 Farl haying sent out his warrants from Newcastle into the county of Durham com- 
 manding 600 foot and loo horse of the trained band of Durham to come into Newcastle. 
 An attract of vmie letters from Newcastle, dated 22 and 2] June, is printed in the 
 tsirds' Journals, v, 170. Moreover, a news letter in the Record Office, dated June 17, 
 says that the Karl left York for Newcastle on the preceding Wednesday, i.e. June 15.
 
 The First Book 11 
 
 of foot, and put them under command, and upon duty and 
 exercise in the town of Newcastle ; and with this small begin- 
 ning took the government of that place upon him ; where with 
 the assistance of the townsmen, particularly the Mayor l 
 (whom, by the power of his forces, he continued Mayor for the 
 year following, he being a person of much trust and fidelity, 
 as he approved himself), and the rest of his brethren, within 
 few days he fortified the town, and raised men daily, and put 
 a garrison of soldiers into Tynmouth Castle, standing upon 
 the river Tync, betwixt Newcastle and the sea, to secure that 
 port, and armed the soldiers as well as he could. And thus 
 he stood upon his guard, and continued them upon duty ; 
 playing his weak game with much prudence, and giving the 
 town and country very great satisfaction by his noble and 
 honourable deportment 2 . 
 
 In the meantime, there happened a great mutiny of the 
 train-band soldiers of the Bishopric at Durham, so that my 
 Lord was forced to remove thither in person, attended with 
 some forces to appease them ; where at his arrival (I mention 
 it by the way, and as a merry passage) a jovial fellow used 
 this expression, that he liked my Lord very well, but not his 
 company (meaning his soldiers). 
 
 After my Lord had reduced them to their obedience ;md 
 duty, he took great care of the Church government in the said 
 bishopric (as he did no less in all other places committed to 
 his care and protection, well knowing that schism and faction 
 in religion is the mother of all or most rebellions, wars, and 
 disturbances in a state or government) and constituted that 
 learned and eminent divine the then Dean of Peterborough, 
 now Lord Bishop of Durham 3 , to view all sermons that were 
 to be preached, and suffer nothing in them that in the least 
 reflected against his Majesty's person and government, but 
 to put forth and add whatsoever he thought convenient, and 
 punish those that should trespass against it. In which that 
 worthy person used so much care and industry, that never 
 
 l Sir John Marlay, Kt. 
 
 - Our information concerning tlir !". 
 tiling, however, may IK- gathered fn 
 attributed to Sir John Marlav, No. 20 
 the North from U>.|i to itijs inclusive 
 was concerned, and whieh relate to th 
 
 :1 Mr. (.'osjn : nnfortnnatelv there 
 of Cosin collected bv Mr. Ornsbv. 
 
 rl's conduct at Newcastle is very seantv. Some- 
 i a paper amongst tin- Clarendon State 1'apers. 
 
 I : ' An Account of the unlit. u v procoodinRS in 
 
 chietlv those in which the Marquis of Ncwcastlo 
 
 town of Newcastle.' 
 
 MS at this point a gap of five years in the letters
 
 12 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 the Church could be more happily governed than it was at 
 that present. 
 
 Some short time after, my Lord received from her Majesty 
 the Queen ', out of Holland, a small supply of money, viz. a 
 little barrel of ducatoons, which amounted to about ^500 
 sterling ; which my Lord distributed amongst the officers of 
 his new-raised army, to encourage them the better in their 
 service ; as also some arms, the most part whereof were con- 
 signed to his late Majesty ; and those that were ordered to be 
 conveyed to his Majesty, were sent accordingly, conducted 
 by that only troop of horse, which my Lord had newly raised, 
 with orders to return again to him ; but it seems his Majesty 
 liked the troop so well, that he was pleased to command their 
 stay to recruit his own army. 
 
 About the same time the King of Denmark was likewise 
 pleased to send his Majesty a ship, which arrived at Newcastle, 
 laden with some ammunition, arms, regiment pieces, and 
 Danish clubs - ; which my Lord kept for the furnishing of 
 some forces which he intended to raise for his Majesty's service. 
 For he perceiving the flames increase more and more in both 
 the Houses of Parliament then sitting at Westminster, against 
 his Majesty's ]x?rson and government ; upon consultation 
 with his friends and allies, and the interest he had in those 
 northern parts, took a resolution to raise an army for his 
 Majesty's service, and by an express acquainted his Majesty 
 with his design ; who was so well pleased with it, that he sent 
 him commissions for that purpose, to constitute him General 
 
 1 The Queen's correspondence with Newcastle is contained in the Letters of Queen 
 /lenrtettii Maria, edited by Mrs. M. K. (Irecn. ' The Queen herself intended at first 
 to land at Newcastle and j'>jn the Karl. She writes to the King on November 20, i*>42 : 
 " As I was ready to si-t out, and had fixed the day, the wind changed, which has made 
 me change my resolution. I have received letters from the Karl ot Newcastle, by which 
 he Iwgs me not to runic yet. fur he is constrained to march into Yorkshire. Hotham 
 is playing the devil. S<> that 1 shall await the issue of his march, of which in a week 
 I ho|>e to hear tidings." ' Letters, p. 145. Brand states that on October 13 a small 
 vessel arrived at Newcastle with arms for a thousand men, and 10,000 in money. His- 
 tory n/ Xeuvaslle, i, 461. 
 
 2 Vicars mentions the rapture in August 1643 of a Danish ship bringing arms to the 
 King, including 1000 ' piked Hubs or Roundheads ' (doit's Ark, p. 22). One of the 
 chief reasons which induced the King to attempt the seizure of Hull, in January i'>42, 
 was its convenience lor landing Danish troops. The King was still seeking to obtain 
 troops and munitions from Denmark, vide Letters of ()ueen Henrietta Maria, pp. 14^, 
 153, and an intercepted letter fnuii the Hague, dated NovemlM-r 2ti, 1^41, addressed 
 to Se<retary Nicholas, and printed by order of the Parliament. ' J-rom Denmark are 
 lik'-wiv vnt .inns fur 10,000 foot, and i.soo horse, with a train of artillery and every- 
 thing proportionable, to the very drums and halberds. Two good men of war come 
 their (onvoy, and in them an ambassador to his Majesty, a person of great quality in 
 Denmark.' Kushworth, III, ii, >- t .
 
 The First Book 13 
 
 of all the forces raised and to be raised in all the parts of the 
 kingdom, Trent-North, and moreover in the several counties 
 of Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, Lancashire, Cheshire, Lei- 
 cester, Rutland, Cambridge, Huntingdon, Norfolk, Suffolk, 
 and Essex, and Commandcr-in-Chicf for the same ; as also 
 to empower and authorise him to confer the honour of knight- 
 hood upon such persons as he should conceive deserved it, and 
 to coin money and print whensoever he saw occasion for it. 
 Which as it was not only a great honour, but a great trust 
 and power ; so he used it with much discretion and wisdom, 
 only in such occurrences where he found it tending to the 
 advancement of his Majesty's service, and conferred the honour 
 of knighthood sparingly, and but on such persons whose 
 valiant and loyal actions did justly deserve it, so that he 
 knighted in all to the number of twelve l . 
 
 Within a short time, my Lord formed an army of 8000 foot, 
 horse and dragoons, and put them into a condition to march 
 in the beginning of November 1642. No sooner was this 
 effected, but the insurrection grew high in Yorkshire, insomuch, 
 that most of his Majesty's good subjects of that country, as 
 well the nobility as gentry, were forced, for the preservation 
 of their persons, to retire to the city of York, a walled town, 
 but of no great strength ; and hearing that my Lord had not 
 only kept those counties in the northern parts generally faithful 
 to his Majesty, but raised an army for his Majesty's interest, 
 and the protection of his good subjects ; thought it convenient 
 to employ and authorise some persons of quality to attend 
 upon my Lord, and treat with him on their behalf, that he 
 would be pleased to give them the assistance of his army, 
 which my Lord granted them upon such terms as did highly 
 advance his Majesty's service, which was my Lord's chief 
 and only aim -. 
 
 Thus my Lord being with his army invited into Yorkshire, 
 he prepared for it with all the speed that the nature of that 
 
 1 The Karl of Kssex in Queen Kliialx-th's reign also enjoyed, and, according to the 
 (Jneen, too freely exercised, this power of making knights. Amongst his knights were 
 Sir John Harington (A'i<c<r AntiijUir, ed. I'.irk, i, _iiS) and Sir Rolx-it (.arv (Lord Orrery's 
 prefaee to the .Memoirs of .Sir Kii'ifrl Cary, p. xxiv, ed. iSof, where many similar cases 
 are cited). 
 
 2 The letters relating to Newcastle's inarch into Yorkshire, and the terms finally 
 agreed upon, are printed in a pamphlet entitled, .-1 .Yii- />I>IWTV c/ HiMfn Sffrrls, 
 1645. The tirst letter is dated Septemlx-r 2(\ three davs Ix-tore the' treaty of neutrality 
 between the Yorkshire Cavaliers and Parliamentarians was signed at Kodwell. 1'ort 
 of the correspondence is printed in Appendix iv., and other letters are to be found in 
 the J'ortliiml .U.S.S., i, (>.
 
 14 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 business could possibly permit ; and after he had fortified 
 the town of Newcastle, Tynmouth Castle, Hartlcpool (a haven 
 town), and some other necessary garrisons in those parts, and 
 manned, victualled, and ordered their constant supply, he 
 thought it fit in the first place, before he did march, to mani- 
 fest to the world, by a Declaration in print, the reasons and 
 grounds of his undertaking that design l ; which were in 
 general, for the preservation of his Majesty's person and 
 government, and the defence of the orthodox Church of 
 England ; where he also satisfied those that murmured for 
 my Lord's receiving into his army such as were of the Catholic 
 religion, and then he presently marched with his army into 
 Yorkshire to their assistance, and within the time agreed 
 upon, came to York, notwithstanding the enemy's forces gave 
 him all the interruption they possibly could, at several passes. 
 Whereof the chief was at Picrccbridge, at the entering into 
 Yorkshire, where i >fX) of the enemy's forces, commanded in 
 chief by Colonel Hotham, were ready to interrupt my Lord's 
 forces, sent thither to secure that pass, consisting of a regiment 
 of dragoons, commanded by Colonel Thomas Howard, and a 
 regiment of foot, commanded by Sir William Lambton, which 
 they performed with so much courage, that they routed the 
 enemy, and put them to flight, although the said Colonel 
 Howard in that charge lost his life by an unfortunate shot 2 . 
 
 The enemy thus missing of their design, fled until they met 
 with a conjunction of their whole forces at Tadcaster, some 
 eight miles distant from York, and my Lord went on without 
 any other considerable interruption. Being come to York, 
 he drew up his whole army before the time, both horse and 
 foot, where the Commander-in-Chicf, the then Earl of Cumber- 
 land, together with the gentry of the country, came to wait 
 on my Lord, and the then Governor of York, Sir Thomas 
 (ilenham, presented him with the keys of the city 3 . 
 
 1 ' A Declaration made hv the Earl o/ \eu-castle for his resolution of marching into 
 \nrkskire, as also a just rim/icn/i"n of himself from that unjust aspersion laid ufrm him 
 fur entertaining some I'ofnsh recusants in kit service.' - Riishworth, III, ii, 78-81. 
 
 The K.irl h.-icl l*-en not inprely permitted, but instructed by the King to employ Catho- 
 lics who offered their services. See the King's letter to Newcastle (Kllis, On final I filers, 
 wrii-s I, vol. iii, j 3<ii, quoted ;il>o in the Memoirs of Col. Hutfhin~son. vol. i, p. 215): 
 ' Therefore, I <lo [ tit only permit, but command you to make use of all my IOVIIIK Mii>- 
 jf-rts' services, w thout examining their cr-nsciei.os (mere than their loyalty to me) 
 a* you shall find lost to rondure to the upholding of rny just regal power.' 
 
 J A brief arroi it of this action is contained in Kushworth, III, ii, 77. It is there 
 s.ii't to have take place on IV-remlier I, 1042. 
 
 T According to Drake's l-.hnracum, Newcastle arrived at York on November 30. It 
 cannot be dcuicd ', say* Clarendon, ' that the Earl of Newcastle, by his quick march
 
 The First Book 1 5 
 
 Thus my Lord marched into the town with great joy, and 
 to the general satisfaction both of the nobility and gentry, 
 and most of the citizens ; and immediately without any delay, 
 in the later end of December 1642, fell upon consultations 
 how he might best proceed to serve his King and country ; 
 and particularly, how his army should be maintained and paid 
 (as he did also afterwards in every country wheresoever he 
 marched), well knowing, that no army can be governed with- 
 out being constantly and regularly supported by provision 
 and pay. Whereupon it was agreed, that the nobility and 
 gentry of the several counties, should select a certain number 
 of themselves to raise money by a regular tax, for the making 
 provisions for the support and maintenance of the army, 
 rather than to leave them to free-quarter, and to carve for 
 themselves ; and if any of the soldiers were exorbitant and 
 disorderly, and that it did appear so to those that were autho- 
 rized to examine their deportment, that presently order 
 should be given to repair those injuries out of the moneys 
 levied for the soldiery ; by which means the country was 
 preserved from many inconveniences, which otherwise would 
 doubtless have followed. 
 
 And though the seasons of the year might well have invited 
 my Lord to take up his winter quarters, it being about Christ- 
 mas ; yet after he had put a good garrison into the city of 
 York, and fortified it, upon intelligence that the enemy was 
 still at Tadcaster, and had fortified that place, he resolved to 
 march thither. The greatest part of the town stands on the 
 west side of a river not fordablc in any place near thereabout. 
 nor allowing any passage into the town from York, but over 
 a stone-bridge, which the eiKMny had made impassable In- 
 breaking clown part of the bridge and planting their ordnance 
 upon it, and by raising a very large and strong fort upon the 
 top of a hill, leading eastward from that bridge towards York, 
 upon design of commanding the bridge ami all other places 
 (it to draw up an army in, or t ) plant cannon against them '. 
 
 with his troops, ;is soon MS lie h. 
 depth of winter, redeemed or resci 
 upon it as their own, .nul h.ul it i 
 1 I.oril I'airfax mentions merely 
 in his Short MfHiiirinl. s.ivs : ' In 
 th.it we should dr.iw out to .in .id 
 
 1 re, 
 d tl 
 
 en 
 si 
 
 .int 
 
 ived his 
 ritv of ^> 
 itliin thei 
 bre.istw, 
 icil of wa 
 f-eous pie< 
 
 onunission to tie general, .ind in the 
 oik Irom the rel-l>. when they looked 
 r Kiasp.' KfMlii'n. vin, *.. 
 rks for our musketeers '. Sir Thomas, 
 the town w.is judged untenable, and 
 of ground bv the town ; but, Ix-tore 
 
 some foot in a slight work alnive the 1 
 sing on us, forced us to draw back, to 
 
 ide to sot 
 
 Mint. mi th 
 
 ire our retreat ; but, the enemv pres- 
 at ground.' SAert ,\lrtnonaJ, Masercs' 
 
 Tracts, i, 417.
 
 16 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 But notwithstanding all these discouragements, my Lord, 
 after he had refreshed his army at York, and recruited his 
 provisions, ordered a march before the said town in this 
 manner : that the greatest part of his horse and dragoons 
 should in the night march to a pass at Wcatherby, five miles 
 distant from Tadcastcr, towards north-west, from thence 
 under the command of his then Licutcnant-Gencral of the 
 army, to appear on the west side of Tadcastcr early the next 
 morning, by which time my Lord with the rest of his army 
 resolved to appear at the east side of the said town. Which 
 intention was well designed, but ill executed ; for though my 
 Lord with that part of the army which he commanded in 
 person, that is to say, his foot and cannon, attended by some 
 troops of horse, did march that night, and early in the morning 
 appeared before the town on the cast side thereof, and there 
 drew up his army, planted his cannon, and closely and orderly 
 besieged that side of the town, and from ten in the morning 
 till four o'clock in the afternoon, battered the enemy's forts 
 and works, as being in continual expectation of the appearance 
 of the troops on the other side, according to his order : yet 
 (whether it was out of neglect or treachery that my Lord's 
 orders were not obeyed) that day's work was rendered ineffec- 
 tual as to the whole design l . 
 
 However, the vigilancy of my Lord did put the enemy into 
 such a terror, that they forsook that fort, and secretly fled 
 away with all their train that very night to another stronghold 
 not far distant from Tadcastcr, called Cawood Castle, to which, 
 by reason of its low and boggy situation, and foul and narrow 
 lanes and passages, it was not possible for my Lord to pursue 
 them without too great an hazard to his army 2 . Whereas 
 
 * The battle took place on Tuesday, Dccemlx-r 6 at least F,ord Fairfax, in his letter 
 of DecemlxT 10, mentions the preceding Tuesday as the day of the battle. Vicars, 
 however (Jehm-ak Ji'fh, p. 2}o), fixes Wednesday, December 7, as the date. Hut Decem- 
 ber 7 was a Tuesday in 1642. 
 
 Hie I.ieiitenant-Cleneral of Newcastle's army was then the Karl of Newport. His 
 delay is thus explained by Drake (Kl>oracum, I'n) : ' Captain Hotham, at the Ix'ginning 
 of the fight, wrote a letter to the Karl of Newport signed " Will. Newcastle ", and sent 
 it bv a running fnotlmy to tell him that, though his commission was to come and a-sist 
 him, yet he might now spare his pains, and stay till he sent him order the' 
 
 Newport was deceived by this trick, delayed his march, and gave I,o 
 time to escape. Sir Henry Slingsbv, however, says that Newport's mar 
 troublesome, having with him two drakes, that it grew too late, and a co 
 
 d Fairfax 
 ' was so 
 iter-order 
 arter.'-- 
 
 (was) sent him on Clifford Moor to march back to \\Vtherby and there q 
 \frmrnn. p. M6. 
 
 ^ l-.urfax thus explains his retreat : ' In this fight our men lx-haved themselves with 
 very gre.it revolution tar Ix-vond expectation, insomuch as I conceive we might have 
 maintained the pl.xe still, if we had been furnished with powder and shot, but having
 
 The First Book 17 
 
 had the I.icutennnt-Gcneral performed his duty, in all pro- 
 bality the greatest part of the principal rebels in Yorkshire 
 would that day have been taken in their own trap, and their 
 further mischief prevented. My Lord, the next morning, 
 instead of storming the town (as he had intended), entered 
 without interruption, and there stayed some few days to 
 refresh his army, and order that part of the country. 
 
 In December 1642, my Lord thought it fit to march to 
 Pomfret 1 , and to quarter his army in that part of the country 
 which was betwixt Cawood and some garrisons of the enemy, 
 in the west part of Yorkshire, viz. Halifax, Bradford, Leeds, 
 Wakcficld, &c., where he remained some time to recruit and 
 enlarge his army, which was much lessened by erecting of 
 garrisons, and to keep those parts in order and obedience to 
 his Majesty 2 . And after lie had thus ordered his affairs, lie 
 was enabled to give protection to those parts of the country 
 that were most willing to embrace it, and quartered his army 
 for a time in such places which he had reduced. Tadcastcr, 
 which stood upon a pass, he made a garrison, or rather a strong 
 quarter, and put also a garrison into Pomfret Castle, not 
 above eight miles distant from Tadcastcr, which commanded 
 that town, and a great part of the country. 
 
 During the time that his army remained at Pomfret, my 
 Lord settled a garrison at Newark in Nottinghamshire, standing 
 upon the river Trent, a very considerable pass, which kept 
 the greatest part of Nottinghamshire, and part of Lincoln- 
 shire, in obedience''; and after that he returned, in the 
 beginning of January i(>.\2, back to York, with an intention 
 to supply himself with some ammunition, which he had 
 
 spent ill a manner all our whole store (if bullet, match, and |*nv<W, I advised with the 
 commanders, and by general consent I w.is thought lit to rise with our forces and nurch 
 to Cawood and Selby, to secure those places, and then- receive supplies of ammunition 
 and men ; which was accordingly done : and now I am at Selbv with part of the arinv, 
 and the rest with Captain Motham at Cawood.' Letter of Lord l-'airtax to the S|x-aker, 
 December 10, 1642, Rushworth, III, ii, <).:. 
 
 i Pontefract. 
 
 '- The Duchess does not mention an important episode in the Yorkshire civil war 
 which took place during this halt at I'omfret. Sir \\illiaia Savile was detached bv the 
 Karl of Newcastle to sulxlue the manufacturing towns of the We-t Riding. Leeds 
 and \Vaketield submitted without fighting, and Sir William attack.nl Hr.idtord on IV- 
 cember iS, 1642. The men of Halifax came to the aid of the men of Bradford, and 
 the royalists were beaten off with considerable loss. Sir Thomas Fairfax, with four 
 or five hundred men, made his way to Bradford a few davs later, and tixik command 
 of the local levies. With these forces he attacked Sir William Savile at Leeds on' January 
 2?, i<>43, and captured the town and about soo prisoners. 
 
 1 The garrisoning of Newark took place alxnit Christmas 1(14;. under Sir John Hen- 
 derson. Newcastle returned to York on January ;;, 1(14 ; M.ukh.un's l-\itrl.n, p. >! 
 
 D
 
 1 8 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 ordered to be brought from Newcastle. A convoy of horse 
 that were employed to conduct it from thence, under the 
 command of the Lieutenant-General of the Army, the Lord 
 Kthyn, was by the enemy at a pass, called Yarum Bridge, 
 in Yorkshire, fiercely encountered ; in which encounter my 
 Lord's forces totally routed them, slew many, and took many 
 prisoners, and most of their horse colours, consisting of 
 seventeen cornets ; and so marched on to York with their 
 ammunition, without any other interruption l . 
 
 My Lord, after he had received this ammunition, put his 
 army into a condition to march, and having intelligence that 
 the Queen was at sea, with intention to land in some part of 
 the East Riding of Yorkshire, he directed his march, in Feb- 
 ruary 1642, into those parts, to be ready to attend her Majesty's 
 landing, who was then daily expected from Holland. Within 
 a short time, after it had pleased God to protect her Majesty 
 both from the fury of wind and waves, there being for 
 several days such a tempest at sea that her Majesty, with all 
 her attendance, was in danger to be cast away every minute, 
 as also from the fury of the rebels, which had the whole 
 naval power of the kingdom then in their hands, she arrived 
 safely at a small port in the Hast Riding of Yorkshire called 
 Burlington Key. Where her Majesty was no sooner landed, 
 but the enemy at sea made continual shot against her ships 
 in the port, which reached not only her Majesty's landing, 
 but even the house where she lay (though without the least 
 hurt to any), so that she herself, and her attendants, were 
 forced to leave the same, and to seek protection from a hill 
 near that place, under which they retired ; and all that while 
 it was observed that her Majesty showed as much courage 
 as ever any person could do : for her undaunted and generous 
 spirit was like her royal birth, deriving itself from that unpar- 
 alleled king, her father, whose heroic actions will be in perpetual 
 memory whilst the world hath a being -. 
 
 1 This fight .it Y.irmn Bridge took place on I-'ebniary i, 16.41. Lord Ethyn (or ICytliin) 
 is hotter known as General King. He h.id served in. my years in the Swedish army 
 in (iermanv and was created a peer of Scotland Man h 2*, I'm. A life of King is given 
 in vol. \\\i of the Dictionurv of Satinnal llnzriiphv (p. nsl. 
 
 J The 'J'leen landed at H irlington on February 22i\d. She gives the following account 
 of her adventure (l-ttttrt, p. iW>) : ' (iod, who took rare of me at sea, was pleased to 
 continue his protection bv land, for that night, four of the Parliament ships arrived 
 at Burlington without our knowledge, and in the morning (l-ebruary ^4), about four 
 o'clock, the alarm was given fiat we should send down to the harbour to secure our 
 ammunition boats, which had not yet been able to be unloaded ; but, about an hour
 
 The First Book 19 
 
 My Lord, finding her Majesty in this condition, drew his 
 army near the place where she was, ready to attend and 
 protect her Majesty's person, who was pleased to take a view 
 of the army as it was drawn up in order ; and immediately 
 after, which was in March 1643, took her journey towards 
 York, whither the whole army conducted her Majesty, and 
 brought her safe into the city. About this time, her Majesty 
 having some present occasion for money, my Lord presented 
 her with ^3000 sterling, which she graciously accepted of, 
 and having spent some time there in consultation about the 
 present affairs, she was pleased to send some arms and ammu- 
 nition to the King, who was then in Oxford. To which end, 
 my Lord ordered a party, consisting of 1500, well commanded, 
 to conduct the same, with whom the Lord Percy, who then 
 hud waited upon her Majesty from the King, returned to 
 Oxford ; which party his Majesty was pleased to keep with 
 him for his own service 1 . 
 
 Not long after, my Lord, who always endeavoured to win 
 any place or persons by fair means, rather than by using of 
 force, reduced to his Majesty's obedience a strong fort and 
 castle upon the sea, and a very good haven, called Scarborough 
 Castle, persuading the governor thereof, who heretofore had 
 opposed his forces at Yarum Bridge, with such rational and 
 convincible arguments, that he willingly rendered himself, 
 and all the garrison, unto his Majesty's devotion. By which 
 prudent action my I .ord highly advanced his Majesty's interest ; 
 for by that means the enemy was much annoyed and prcju- 
 
 after, these four ships bewail to fire so briskly, that we were all obliged to rise in haste, 
 and leave the village to them : at least the women, for the soldiers remained very reso- 
 lutely to defend the ammunition. One of these ships had clone me the honour to flank 
 my house, whieh fronted the pier, and before I could get out of bed, the balls were whist - 
 lint; upon me iu such style that you may easily believe I loved not such music. Kvery- 
 body came to force me to go out, the balls beating so on all the houses, that, dressed 
 just as it happened, I went on foot to some distance from the village, to the shelter of 
 a ditch, like those at Newmarket ; but before we could reach it, the balls were singing 
 round us in tine style, and a sergeant was killed twenty paces from me. \Ve placed 
 ourselves then under this shelter, during two hours that they were f.ring upon vs, and 
 the balls passing always over our heads, and sometimes covering us with dust. At 
 last, the Admiral of Holland scut to tell them, that if they did not cease. l;e would tire 
 upon them as enemies. . . . On this they stopped, and the tide went down, so that 
 then' was not water enough for them to" stay where they were. ... 1 am told that 
 one of the captains of the Parliament ships had been beforehand to rcionnoitie where 
 my lodging was, and I assme you that it was well market!, for they always shot upon 
 it.' The O.uccn arrived at Voi'k, March ;th, KM-,- Kushworth. 
 
 1 This convoy left Newark under the conduct of Col. Hastings on May 8 (Dugdalc's 
 Diary), and arrived at Oxford on May 15. A note in .Vrri i/rius Aulii'iif. May is, 1643, 
 says: 'The conductors were Col. Hastings, the Lord of Hover, and Mr. 1'errv ; the'y 
 brought with them twciitv troops of horse and ;ooo foot, and about two and fifty cart 
 loads of arms and ammunition.'
 
 2o The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 diced at sea, and a great part in the East Riding of Yorkshire 
 kept in due obedience. 1 
 
 After this, my Lord having received intelligence that the 
 enemy's General of the Horse 2 had designed to march with 
 a party from Cawood Castle, whither they were fled from 
 Tadcaster, as before is mentioned, to some garrisons which 
 they had in the west of Yorkshire, presently ordered a party 
 of horse, commanded by the General of the Horse, the Lord 
 George Goring, to attend the enemy in their march, who 
 overtook them on a moor, called Scacroft Moor, and fell upon 
 their rear, which caused the enemy to draw up their forces 
 into a body ; to whom they gave a total route (although 
 their number was much greater), and took about 800 prisoners, 
 and 10 or 12 colours of horse, besides many that were slain 
 in the charge ; which prisoners were brought to York, about 
 10 or 12 miles distant from that same place 3 . 
 
 Immediately after, in pursuit of that victory, my Lord 
 sent a considerable party into the west of Yorkshire, where 
 they met with about 2000 of the enemy's forces, taken out 
 of their several garrisons in those parts, to execute some 
 design upon a moor called Tankcrly Moor, and there fought 
 them, and routed them ; many were slain, and some taken 
 prisoners. 
 
 Not long after, the remainder of the army that were left 
 at York marched to Leeds 4 , in the west of Yorkshire, and 
 from thence to Wakefield, being both the enemies' quarters, 
 
 This governor was Sir Hugh Cholinlcy, who declared for the King on March 25. 
 Rushworth, III, ii, 264. See also Clarendon Rebellion, vi, 268. 
 
 2 Sir Thomas Fairfax. 
 
 3 The best account of the battle at Scacroft Moor is given in Sir Thomas Fairfax's 
 Short Memorial, Mascres' Tracts, vol. i, p. 421 ; Markham's Life of the (ireal Isrrd Fair- 
 ax < P- '>"> The battle took place on March 30, 1643 (see Mercuriut Aulicus, April 4). 
 
 * The Queen's Letters give an account of this second advance into the West Riding. 
 Newcastle's army iiumlieret], according to her, 7000 foot and 3500 horse. The Par- 
 liamentarians quitted I'ontefract at their approach, and retired to Leeds, where they 
 were l>e.sieged liy Newcastle. General King and the officers of experience were against 
 an assault, and thought an effectual siege impossible. Newcastle, after two or three, 
 davs' ineffectual cannonading, thought t>est to follow their advice and raise the siege. 
 This was done under colour of a cessation of arms for four days for the piirjxise of treat- 
 ing, and the army retired to Wakefield (see also Mrrfunus .-tultcus. April 2S|. Tin-re 
 Newcastle left them for a few days. ' I am still waiting the return of the Karl of New- 
 castle ' writes the Queen on April 2} ; 'he is gone to burv his wife, who has died, and 
 i* not vet returned. . . He is staving ', she adds, ' to treat with Hotham's son ; if he 
 succeeds, our affairs will go well' I Letters, p. I.S8). According to |>ngd.ile's />i<irv, 
 the Karl of Newcastle came privately to Welbeck on April 13. Four letters from young 
 Motharn to Newcastle, written between April 20 and May i, are printed by Sanfnrd 
 (S/u</i ami /liiutraliims of the Great Re>>elltnn, p. ssi). Twelve are printed in I'ortland 
 .V.SS".. vol. i. which give a full history of this intrigue (pp. 81, 8_s, 87, Ko, <y )t 105, io</, 
 699, 701, 702, 704, 707).
 
 The First Book 21 
 
 to reduce and settle that part of the country. My Lord 
 having possessed himself of the town of VVakefield, it being 
 large and of great compass, and able to make a strong quarter, 
 ordered it accordingly ; and receiving intelligence that in 
 two market towns south-west from Wakefield, viz. Kother- 
 ham and Sheffield, the enemy was very busy to raise forces 
 against his Majesty, and had fortified them both about four 
 miles distant from each other, hoping thereby to give pro- 
 tection and encouragement to all those parts of the country 
 which were populous, rich, and rebellious, he thought it neces- 
 sary to use his best endeavours to blast those their wicked de- 
 signs in the bud ; and thereupon took a resolution, in April 1643, 
 to march with part of his army from Wakeiield into the 
 mentioned parts, attended with a convenient train of artillery 
 and ammunition, leaving the greatest part of it at Wakefield, 
 with the remainder of his army, under the care and conduct 
 of his General of the Horse, and Major General of the Army '. 
 which was so considerable, both in respect of their number 
 and provision, that they did, as they might well, conceive 
 themselves master of the field in those parts, and secure in 
 that (piarter, although in the end it proved not so, as shall 
 hereafter be declared, which must necessarily be imputed 
 to their invigilancy and carelessness. 
 
 My Lord first marched to Rotherham, and finding that the 
 enemy had placed a garrison of soldiers in that town, and 
 fortified it, he drew up his army in the morning against the 
 town, and summoned it ; but they refusing to yield, my 
 Lord fell to work with his cannon and musket, and within 
 a short time took it by storm, and entered the town that 
 very night : some enemies of note that were found therein 
 were taken prisoners ; and as for the common soldiers, which 
 were by the enemy forced from their allegiance, he showed 
 such clemency to them, that very many willingly took up 
 arms for his Majesty's service, and proved very faithful and 
 loyal subjects and good soldiers'-'. 
 
 1 ' The I.ordC.oriiiK .uul Sir I-'r.tiu is Mackworth. Knight '. The-,' ii.iiurswrtv printed 
 in a side note, ami carefully oblitei .ited bv h.nul betore pnbli. atiou. 
 
 - Lord l ; .iirt.ix, in Ins letter <! M.iv jnl to 1 enth.il, says: ' P<e tones in Rother- 
 h.nn lield <mt two d.ivs' sieije. .ind yielded up the town upon tre.ity : wherein it w.is 
 agreed, tint the town should not be plundered : .ind th.it .ill the gentlemen, 
 and soldiers (six only e\cepted th.it were especially named). leaving their 
 
 have free liberty to yo whither they pleased. Hut when the enemy enter 
 to their articles, they have not only plundered the town, but have also I 
 commanders and soldiers prisoners ; and do endeavour to constrain then 
 
 s, should 
 d. contrary 
 i.ule all the 
 to take up
 
 22 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 After my Lord had stayed two or three dajs there, and 
 ordered those parts, he marched with his army to Sheffield, 
 another market town of large extent, in which there was an 
 ancient castle ; which when the enemy's forces that kept 
 the town came to hear of, being terrified with the fame of 
 my Lord's hitherto victorious army, they fled away from 
 thence into Derbyshire, and left both town and castle (with- 
 out any blow) to my Lord's mercy. And though the people 
 in the town were most of them rebclliously affected, yet my 
 Lord so prudently ordered the business, that within a short 
 time he reduced most of them to their allegiance by love, 
 and the rest by fear, and recruited his army daily ; he put a 
 garrison of soldiers into the castle, and fortified it in all respects, 
 and constituted a gentleman of quality l governor of both the 
 castle, town, and country ; and finding near that place some 
 iron works, he gave present order for the casting of iron cannon 
 for his garrisons, and for the making of other instruments 
 and engines of war ~. 
 
 Within a short time after, my Lord receiving intelligence that 
 the enemy in the garrisons near Wakcficld had united them- 
 selves, and being drawn into a body in the night time, and 
 surprised and entered the town of Wakcfield, and taken all, 
 or most of the officers and soldiers left there prisoners (amongst 
 whom was also the General of the Horse, the Lord Goring, 
 whom my Lord afterwards redeemed by exchange), and 
 possessed themselves of the whole magazine, which was a 
 very great loss and hindrance to my Lord's designs, it being 
 
 ;irins on thrir party.' Ruslnvorth, III, ii, 268. This statement as to the breach of 
 tlir capitulation, is confirmed tiy the Rev. John Shaw, at that time tin- Vi< .ir ot Rother- 
 liaui. Sec the indication to his srrnion, entitled The Three Kinxthims Casf, ibjf'. Shaw 
 states that the town was taken on Thursday, May 4. Yorkshire Diaries, vol. i, pp. 
 >J f) , V*5 (Snrtees Society). 
 
 1 Sir \Villiarn Savile, knight and baronet. 
 
 - The commanders at Sheffield, says Lord Fairfax in the letter before quoted, hear- 
 ing of the loss of Rotherham, and seeing some of the enemy's forrcs advanced in \ie\v 
 ol the town, they all presently deserted the plarc, as not tenable with so fi-w against 
 so ' potent an army; and fled away with their nrins, some to Chesterfield and some 
 to Manchester'. The ICarl of Newcastle- nppointexi Sir William Savile governor of 
 Sheffield on May i, 1643. Hunter's llal'am\kire, ed. C.atty, p. iy.. See also \ trs 
 ami Oufri(\, Manh 24, 'i8RH. Mi-ntinus Aulicus for May'ej thus notes the c apt ire 
 of these two places: ' News that Rotherham and Sheffield, two towns of principal i .te 
 in the West Riding of Yorkshire, were vielded up to his Majesty: bv gelling wl h 
 his Majesty had obtained two convenient passes, the one bv Sheffield into IVrt.\sl re, 
 the other iiy Rotherham into those parts of Nottinghamshire which are m<>st helpful 
 unto (lell and his associates: and that besides the use his Majesty might have c,f the 
 Sheffield cutlers (for which that town is very famous) in the employment of his armoury , 
 there were found 1400 arms in Rotherham fit for present use, together with (,5000 
 in ready money.'
 
 The First Book 23 
 
 the moiety of his army, and most of his ammunition ', lie 
 fell upon new counsels, and resolved without any delay to 
 march from thence back towards York, which was in May 
 1643, where after he had rested some time, her Majesty being 
 resolved to take her journey towards the southern parts of 
 the kingdom, where the king was, designed first to go from 
 York to Pomfrct, whither my Lord ordered the whole march- 
 ing army to be in readiness to conduct her Majesty, which 
 they did, he himself attending her Majesty in person. And 
 after her Majesty had rested there some small time, she being 
 desirous to proceed in her intended journey, no less than a 
 formed army was able to secure her person : wherefore my 
 Lord was resolved out of his fidelity and duty to supply her 
 with an army of 7,000 horse and foot, beside a convenient 
 train of artillery, for her safer conduct, choosing rather to 
 leave himself in a weak condition (though lie was even then 
 very near the enemy's garrisons in that part of the country) 
 than suffer her Majesty's person to be exposed to danger. 
 Which army of /,o<x) men, when her Majesty was safely 
 arrived to the King, he was pleased to keep with him for his 
 own service '-. 
 
 After her Majesty's departure out of Yorkshire, my Lord 
 was forced to recruit again his army, and within a short 
 time, vi/. in June 1643, took a resolution to march into the 
 enemy's quarters, in the western parts ; in which march he 
 met with a strong stone house well fortified, called Howley 
 I louse, wlu-reiii was a garrison of soldiers, which my Lord 
 summoned ; but the governor disobeying the summons 
 he battered it with his cannon, and so took it by force. The 
 
 1 This victory took pi. lev on Suml.iv, May .'r, tfi|; --Rushworth, III, ii. :!>>, whore 
 the despatches of Lord Fairfax ami Sir Thomas arc Kivrn, and the Sh,l M,-in,it in 
 Maseres' I'ritcts, p. I-M. Sir Thomas savs 'This appeared the jjrraler mercy when 
 we saw our mistake ; lor we found 5000 men in the town and ex|>ected but halt the 
 number. \Ve brought away i.|oo prisoners, ,So ollicers, jS colours, and reat store of 
 ammunition.' His own force numbered only noo men, anil he concludes bv olcr\ini; 
 ' This w.is more a miracle than a victory.' 
 
 '* The (Jtieen left York on J nne | (I >r. ike's l-'.hitratiim) : she arrived at Newark on June 
 iT> (Du^dale's />i<iry), and left that place on |nlv ,. reaching Oxford on July 14 (t''iJ.). 
 The yueen at first thought of brin^im: with her merelv her own two regiments of loot 
 and horse, consisting of about two thousand men (/r//<-rv, pp. iSo .|O. On the 141!! 
 of May, the (Jneen speaks of brinnim; jooo men ; tlie Kim; desired at least icxx> loot 
 and i.soo horse (l.,i/,-rs, pp. ;no ;). Most of these troops were armeil with the wea|x>ns 
 brought bv tlie Oueen, but raised bv tlie I'.ul ol Newcastie. 1 carrv with me ' writes 
 Henrietta to the Kini; from Newark, ' ;,ooo foot, thirtv companies ol horse and dra);iiis, 
 six pieces of cannon and two mortars.' l.ttUrs of (Jiiffn Hfnri,-!t,i .M,iri<i, r\\. (Irecn , 
 p. c^j. The num'icr ^iven in tlie text is certainly exaggerated ; 4500 or 5000 men 
 probably represents the total strength of the Queen's anuy.
 
 24 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 governor, having quarter given him contrary to my Lord's 
 orders, was brought before my Lord by a person of quality, 
 for which the officer that brought him received a check ; and 
 though he resolved then to kill him, yet my Lord would not 
 suffer him to do it, saying, it was inhuman to kill any man 
 in cold blood. 1 lercupon the governor kissed the key of the 
 house door, and presented it to my Lord ; to which, my Lord 
 returned this answer : ' I need it not ', said he, ' for I brought 
 a key along with me, which yet I was unwilling to use, until 
 you forced me to it.' 1 
 
 At this house my Lord remained five or six days, till he 
 had refreshed his soldiers ; and then a resolution was 
 taken to march against a garrison of the enemy's called 
 Bradford, a little but a strong town. In the way he met 
 with a strong interruption by the enemy drawing forth a 
 vast number of musketeers, which they had very privately 
 gotten out of Lancashire, the next adjoining county to those 
 parts of Yorkshire which had so easy an access to them at 
 Bradford, by reason the whole country was of their party, 
 that my Lord could not possibly have any constant intelli- 
 gence of their designs and motions. For in their army there 
 were near 5000 musketeers, and eighteen troops of horse, 
 drawn up in a place full of hedges, called Athcrton Moor, 
 near to their garrison at Bradford, ready to encounter my 
 Lord's forces, which then contained not above half so many 
 musketeers as the enemy had ; their chicfest strength con- 
 sisting in horse, and these made useless for a long time together 
 by the enemy's horse possessing all the plain ground upon that 
 field ; so that no place was left to draw up my Lord's horse, 
 but amongst old coal-pits. Neither could they charge the 
 enemy, by reason of a great ditch and high bank betwixt 
 
 l Howley House was garrisoned by the Parliamentarians on January if>, j(<^2 ; its 
 owner, I.ord Savile, had made a composit on with young Hotham in the preceding 
 O< tolxT, and also received a similar promts of protection from I.ord Fairfax, ami had 
 in consequence declined to receive a detac hi ent sent l>v Newcastle to occupy the house. 
 The suspicions raised l>v these transaction caused Newcastle to arrest S.nilc, and to 
 send to the King a lengthv information : gainst him. (/n/<-riittitin ayaimt Ihf I urj 
 I'isroun/ Savtlf, in /'a/vrs rflaiinf t the f)fl m/ufnfv f Lord Sai'ilf, ( amJfn .WiVc//iny , 
 vol. vni). The King, however, decided that though Newcastle had verv good i ause 
 for suspicion, and was justified in what he did, yet Savile 's explanations were satis- 
 factory. Howlev House was al-out half way U-tween Wakefield and Leeds. The 
 capture mentioned atiove took place on June 22, l'>n- (Kushworth III. ii, 2?vK The 
 governor referred to was Sir John Savile of I upset, cousin of Lord Savile. 'Ihe House 
 was retaken l.v the Parliament fc.rc.-s m February 164) (Sfolliih l)wc, 2jrd February 
 to 1st March).
 
 The First Book 25 
 
 my Lord's and the enemy's troops, but by two on a breast, 
 and that within musket shot ; the enemy being drawn up 
 in hedges, and continually playing upon them, which rendered 
 the service exceeding difficult and hazardous. 
 
 In the meanwhile the foot of both sides on the right and 
 left wings encountered each other, who fought from hedge 
 to hedge and for a long time together overpowered and got 
 ground of my Lord's foot, almost to the environing of his 
 cannon ; my Lord's horse (wherein consisted his greatest 
 strength) all this while being made, by reason of the ground, 
 incapable of charging. At last the pikes of my Lord's army 
 having had no employment all the day, were drawn against 
 the enemy's left wing, and particularly those of my Lord's 
 own regiment, which were all stout and valiant men, who 
 fell so furiously upon the enemy, that they forsook their 
 hedges, and fell to their heels. At which very instant my 
 Lord caused a shot or two to be made by his cannon against 
 the body of the enemy's horse, drawn up within cannon shot, 
 which took so good effect, that it disordered the enemy's 
 troops. Hereupon my Lord's horse got over the hedge, not 
 in a body (for that they could not), but dispcrsedly two on 
 a breast ; and as soon as some considerable number was 
 gotten over, and drawn up, they charged the enemy, and 
 routed them. So that in an instant there was a strange 
 change of fortune, and the field totally won by my Lord, 
 notwithstanding lie had quitted 7ixx> men, to conduct her 
 Majesty, besides a good train of artillery, which in such a 
 conjuncture would have weakened Caesar's army. In this 
 victory the enemy lost most of their foot, about 31x10 were 
 taken prisoners, and 700 horse and foot slain, and those that 
 escaped tied into their garrison at Bradford, amongst whom 
 was also their C.eneral of the Horse 1 . 
 
 After this my Lord caused his armv to be rallied, and 
 
 Sir Thomas Fairfax. The 1 
 June ioth. I ; .iirfax estimates t 
 accounts agree that the Kittle > 
 savs 1-airfax, were thinking of r 
 ' Whilst thev were in this wave 
 to let him charge onee with a s 
 and, thev not being relieved bv < i 
 officers, chiefly Major-General' G 
 lost ground, which the enemv set 
 
 . tile of Atherton, or Adw.ilton Moor, took place on 
 number of the I'.u liammt.irv troops at -,ooo. All 
 ^ in favour. iblv to the Parliament. ui.ins. The enemv, 
 eating, ami some h.ul a< tuallv marchetl on* the field, 
 g condition, one I'olonel Skirton desired his gnier.il 
 ul of pikes, with which he broke in upon or.r men : 
 r reserves (which wen- comm.indcd l>v some ill-affected. 
 Tord, who did not his part as he ought to dot. onr men 
 g, pursued this advantage l>v bringing on fresh troops : 
 
 ours being herewith discouraged began to fly. and were scxm routed.'- Skivt 
 Maseres' Tracts, i, .(.-d. A go<xi account of the battle in a letter from Thomas St. 
 dale to the Speaker, is printed in 1'ortliin.l .W>'S., i, 717. 
 
 E
 
 26 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 marched in order that night before Bradford, with an inten- 
 tion to storm it the next morning ; but the enemy that were 
 in the town, it seems, were so discomfited, that the same night 
 they escaped all various ways, and amongst them the said 
 General of the Horse, whose Lady being behind a servant on 
 horseback, was taken by some of my Lord's soldiers, and 
 brought to his quarters, where she was treated and attended 
 with all civility and respect, and within a few days sent to 
 York in my Lord's own coach, and from thence very shortly 
 after to Kingston-upon-Hull, where she desired to be attended 
 by my Lord's coach and servants l . 
 
 Thus my Lord, after the enemy was gone, entered the town 
 and garrison of Bradford, by which victory the enemy was 
 so daunted, that they forsook the rest of their garrisons, that 
 is to say, Halifax, Leeds, and Wakefield, and dispersed them- 
 selves severally, the chief officers retiring to Hull, a strong gar- 
 rison of the enemy ; and though my Lord, knowing they would 
 make their escape thither, as having no other place of refuge to 
 resort to, sent a letter to York to the Governor of that city, to 
 stop them in their passage ; yet by neglect of the post, it com- 
 ing not timely enough to his hands, his design was frustrated. 
 
 The whole county of York, save only Hull, being now 
 cleared and settled by my Lord's care and conduct, he marched 
 to the city of York, and having a competent number of horse 
 well armed and commanded, he quartered them in the East 
 Riding, near Hull, there being no visible enemy then to 
 oppose them. In the meanwhile my Lord, receiving news 
 that the enemy had made an invasion into the next adjoining 
 county of Lincoln, where he had some forces, he presently 
 despatched his Lieutcnant-General of the Army 2 away with 
 some horse and dragoons, and soon after marched thither 
 himself with the body of the army, being earnestly desired 
 by his Majesty's party there. The forces which my Lord 
 had in the same countv, commanded bv the then Lieutenant - 
 
 1 Sir Thomas Fairfax had married, in lf>i/, Anno, daughter of Hor 
 of Tilburs-. ' My wife ', says Sir Thomas, ' r.m the same hazard with us 
 
 , Lord Vere 
 
 o urs-. y we , says r omas, r.m e same azar w 
 
 and with as little expression of fear ; not from any zeal or delight in 
 
 ' 
 
 willing and patient suffering of this undesirable conditio
 
 The First Book 27 
 
 General of the Horse, Mr. Charles Cavendish, second brother 
 to the now Earl of Devonshire, though they had timely notice, 
 and orders from my Lord to make their retreat to the Lieu- 
 tenant-General of the Army, and not to fight the enemy ; 
 yet the said Lieutenant-General of the Horse being transported 
 by his courage (he being a person of great valour and conduct) 
 and having charged the enemy, unfortunately lost the field, 
 and himself was slain in the charge, his horse lighting in a 
 bog 1 ; which news being brought to my Lord when he was 
 on his march, he made all the haste he could, and was no 
 sooner joined with his Lieutcnant-Gcncral, but fell upon the 
 enemy, and put them to flight. 
 
 The first garrison my Lord took in Lincolnshire was Gains- 
 borough, a town standing upon the river Trent, wherein 
 (not long before) had been a garrison of soldiers for his Majesty 
 under the command of the then Earl of Kingston, but sur- 
 prised, and the town taken by the enemy's forces, who having 
 an intention to convey the said Earl of Kingston from thence 
 to Hull, in a little pinnace met with some of my Lord's forces 
 by the way, commanded by the Lieutenant of the Army, 
 who being desirous to rescue the Earl of Kingston, and making 
 some shots with their regiment pieces, to stop the pinnace, 
 unfortunately slew him and one of his servants -. 
 
 1 The Queen, in her letter to the King from Newark on 27th June, writes that she 
 leaves behind her, for the protection of Nottinghamshire and Lincolnshire, 2000 fix>t 
 and twenty companies of horse ; ' all this to be under Charles Cavendish, whom the 
 gentlemen of the county have desired me not to carry with me against his will, for 
 he desired extremely to go.' Cavendish, on the petition of the King's Commissioners 
 for those two counties, had been appointed Coininander-in-Chief of their forces, with 
 the rank of Colonel-General. On April II, he had defeated voting Hotham and the 
 Lincolnshire Parliamentarians at Ancaster, and on July 2, whilst convoying the Queen 
 to Oxford, took Hurton. Now, whilst attempting to prevent the raising of the siege 
 of (iainsl)orough, he was defeated bv Cromwell, and slain ou July iS, 11143. The cava- 
 liers were at one moment of the light nearly gaining the victory. The main l>ody of 
 the Parliamentarians charged and routed the main Iwxly of the Royalists. Charles 
 Cavendish, with their reserve, almost changed the fortune of the dav ; but Cromwell, 
 witli three troops he had kept in hand, retrieved the battle. ' Whilst the enemy was 
 following our living troops, I charged him on the rear with tnv three troops ; drove 
 him down the hill, brake him all to pieces : forced I jenteuant-Cirneral Cavendish into 
 a bog, who fought in this reserve : one officer cut him on the head, and as he lay, my 
 Captain-Lieutenant Herry thrust him into the short ribs, of which he died about two 
 hours after in Gainsborough. 1 Carlyle's Cromwell, Appendix s, and also Letter xii. 
 Mcrcurius Aulicus of August i contains the Royalist account of the battle. It is stated 
 there that Cavendish, ' being cut most dangerously on the head, was struck off his horse, 
 and so, unfortunately, shot witli a trace of bullets after he was on the ground.' Lloyd, 
 in his Memoirs of Kxcellent rersonages, says ' He died magnanimously, refusing quarter 
 and throwing the blood that ran from his wounds in their faces that shed it ' (p. (1/3). 
 
 - Gainsborough was taken by Lord Willoughby on the K>th of July. Kicraft's Ckaifi- 
 pious, p. 3S. Sec also The. Kingdom's Weekly Intelligence, l8-j.s July; Rushworth 
 III, ii, 278.' 
 
 ' Lord Willoughby having sent away many of his carriages towards Lincoln, am.
 
 28 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 My Lord drawing near the mentioned town of Gainsborough, 
 there appeared on the top of a hill, above the town, some of 
 the enemy's horse drawn up in a body ; whereupon he imme- 
 diately sent a party of his horse to view them ; who no sooner 
 came within their sight, but they retreated fairly so long as 
 they could well endure ; but the pursuit of my Lord's horse 
 caused them presently to break their ranks, and fall to their 
 heels, where most of them escaped, and fled to Lincoln, another 
 of their garrisons. Hereupon my Lord summoned the town 
 of Gainsborough ; but the Governor thereof refusing to yield, 
 caused my Lord to plant his cannon, and draw up his army 
 on the mentioned hill ; and having played some little while 
 upon the town, put the enemy into such a terror, that the 
 Governor sent out and offered the surrender of the town 
 upon fair terms, which my Lord thought fit rather to embrace 
 than take it by force ; and though, according to the article 
 of agreement made between them, both the enemy's arms 
 and the keys of the town should have been fairly delivered 
 to my Lord, yet it being not performed as it was expected, 
 the arms being in a confused manner thrown down, and the 
 gales set wide open, the prisoners that had been kept in the 
 town began first to plunder ; which my Lord's forces seeing, 
 did the same, although it was against my Lord's will and 
 orders '. 
 
 After my Lord had thus reduced the town, and put a good 
 garrison of soldiers into it, and better fortified it, he marched 
 
 put his prisoners aboard a pinnace which was sent from Hull, did intend to quit the 
 place, as not being able to defend it. lint before those intents were put in execution 
 he w.is surrounded by a part of the Karl of Newcastle's forces, who sat down before 
 
 Saturday night last, July 2<), the Commissioners for both ['arts did agree, in the next 
 morning early (that is to say, about two of the clx-k), that the town should be delivered, 
 by live of the clock that morning, to such as his Kxcellcncv the Karl of Newcastle should 
 appoint to receive it for his Majesty : the Lord \\illoughby and other officers of the 
 relx-ls to go away, with such arms as they brought into the town : no common soldier 
 t go forth with anv arms at all, nor with more baggage than he brought thither with 
 him ; neither the ofhcers nor soldiers to take with them any colours of horse or foot ; 
 no ordnance, nor anv kind of ammunition, to Ix- carried out of the town, or destroyed 
 in it, nor any part of the town or of the g-xxls thereof to l>e burnt or hurt. All prisoners 
 ("longing to the army of the Karl of Newcastle, or which were there when the Lord 
 Willoughby first entered, to be left behind ; and finally, no townsman to go out of the 
 to-.vn under pretence of being soldiers.'
 
 The First Book 29 
 
 before Lincoln ', and there he entered with his army without 
 great difficulty, and placed also a garrison in it, and raised 
 a considerable army, both horse, foot, and dragoons, for the 
 preservation of that county, and put them under commanders, 
 and constituted a person of honour - Commander-in-Chief 
 with intention to inarch towards the South, which, if it had 
 taken effect, would doubtless have made an end of that war 3 . 
 But he being daily importuned by the nobility and gentry of 
 Yorkshire, to return into that county, especially upon the 
 persuasions of the Commandcr-in-Chicf of the forces left 
 there, who acquainted my Lord that the enemy grew so 
 strong every day, being got together in Kingston-tipon-1 lull, 
 and annoying that country, that his forces were not able to 
 bear up against them ; alleging withal, that rny Lord would 
 
 1 Lord \Villoughby on surrendering Gainsborough marched to Lincoln. ' Hut see- 
 ing an impossibility that Cromwell should time enough recruit his beaten and distracted 
 forces, or that he could receive any seasonable supplies from London, on the first news 
 that the Karl of Newcastle was coming towards him, he forsook the place, and made, 
 what haste he could to Boston.' Mtrcurius Aulicus, August 10. \Villoughby writes 
 to Cromwell from Boston on August 5 : ' Since the business of Gainsborough, the hearts 
 of our men have been so dcuded that we have lost most of them by running away, so 
 that we were forced to leave Lincoln upon a sudden ; and if I had not done it, then I 
 should have been left alone in it.' Carlylc's Cromwell, i, p. 140. 
 
 Lincoln was recaptured by Manchester on October 20, 164.1, evacuated by the Par- 
 li.imentary forces in March 1644, after the relief of Newark by Prince Kui"ert, and sur- 
 rendered again to Manchester on May 6, 1644. 
 
 ' The Lord \\iddrington. 
 
 :> The King repeatedly desired Newcastle to march southwards. The yueen writes 
 to Newcastle, on the i8th June, that the King ' had sent me a letter to command 
 yon absolutely to march to him, but I do not send it you, since I have taken a resolution 
 with you that you remain ' (Letters, p. 210.) ; and again, on August i ; she writes : ' He 
 had written me to send you word to go into Suffolk, Norfolk, or Huntingdonshire. 1 
 answered him that you were a better judge than he of that, and that I should not do 
 it. The truth is, that they envy your army ' (Letters, p. 2:*,). Sir Philip Warwick 
 was sent by the King to persuade Newcastle to march south, apparently about the 
 end of Julv. ' But 1 found him very averse to this, and perceived, that lie apprehended 
 nothing more, than to be joined to the King's Armv, or to serve under Prince Rupert ; 
 for he ill-signed himself to be the man that should turn the scale, and to be a self-sub- 
 sisting and distinct army, wherever he was. Yet he told me that when he could quit 
 Yorkshire, and leave it in a condition to defend itselt against the before-mentioned 
 enemies in it (which the Yorkshire men would not have Ix-cn unwilling to have ad\en- 
 tured.if he had left them in some measure their own forces, and marched with his own 
 more nottherlv atmv ; for they knew the Parliament would command Fairfax after 
 him), he would march through Lincolnshire, and recruit himself there, and so over the 
 Washes into Norfolk, and Suffolk, and the associated counties ; which had Ixt-n a noble 
 design.' This inarch into Lincolnshire was Newcastle's first step towards carrying 
 out this design. ' He took in (lainsborough and Lincoln ', savs Sir T. Fairfax, ' and 
 intended to take in Boston, which w.is the kev of the associated counties ; for his orders 
 (which I have seen) were to go into Kssex, and block up London on that side. Having 
 laid a great while still, and being now strong enough tor those forces which rem.iined 
 in the countrv, we scut out a good p.utv to make an attempt upon Stamford Bridge. 
 near York. But the cnemv upon the alarm lied thither, which put them also in such 
 a fear, that they sent earnestly to mv lord of Newcastle to desire him to return, or the 
 countrv would again be lost. I'pon this lie returned again into Yorkshire, and not 
 long after came to besiege Hull.' .s/ior/ Memorial, Maseres' I'rafis, i. 4.11. Mr. S. K. 
 Gardiner discusses the question of Newcastle's motives in a criticism of the earlier edition 
 of this book Ln^Uih Historical AVriYu 1 , 1887, p. 173.
 
 30 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 be suspected to betray the trust reposed in him, if he came not 
 to succour ami assist them ; lie went back with his army 
 for the protection of that same country ; and when he arrived 
 there, which was in August 1643, he found the enemy of so 
 small consequence, that they did all fly before him. About 
 this time his .Majesty was pleased to honour my Lord, for his 
 true and faithful service, with the title of .Marquis of New- 
 castle l . 
 
 My Lord being returned into Yorkshire, forced the enemy 
 first from a town called Beverley 2 , wherein they had a garrison 
 of soldiers ; and from thence, upon the entreaty of the nobility 
 and gentry of Yorkshire (as before is mentioned), who prom- 
 ised him ten thousand men for that purpose, though they 
 came short of their performance, marched near the town of 
 Kingston-upon-Hull, and besieged that part of the garrison 
 that bordered on Yorkshire, for a certain time in which 
 time the enemy took the courage to sally out of the town wit ha 
 strong party of horse and foot very early in the morning, 
 with purpose to have forced the quarters of a regiment of 
 my Lord's horse that were quartered next the town ; but 
 by the vigilancy of their commander, Sir Marmaduke Lang- 
 dale, afterwards Lord Langdale, his forces being prepared 
 for the reception, they received such a welcome as cost many 
 of them their lives, most of their foot (but such as were slain) 
 being taken prisoners ; and those of their horse that escaped 
 got into their hold at Hull 3 . 
 
 The enemy, thus feeling that they could do my Lord's 
 army no further damage on that side of the river in York- 
 shire, endeavoured by all means (from Hull, and other con- 
 
 I The patent is dated 2-th October, 10 Charles I. It is quoted :it length l>y Collins 
 (Ilislonciit ColUctinns,?. IT,), and also by the Duchess in the third IxKikof these Mrmmrs. 
 
 * ' The town (Hull) iH-itig little, 1 was sent to Beverley with the horse and 600 foot ' 
 s.ivs Sir T. Fairfax, who gives a detailed account of his retreat from Heverlev to Hull 
 C^kurt Memorial, Maseres' '1 rafts, i, 4^1). Newcastle occupied Heverlev on August 
 2*, (Dugdale's Diary). See also Mercunu* Hrifannieus 5-12 SeptemlxT. 
 
 3 The siege began on Scptcmlx-r 2, and ended on October n (Rushworth III, ii, 280). 
 Warwick says the policy of Ix'sicging Hull was attributed to General Kind's advice. 
 Warwifk was sent on a second mission to Newcastle during Septcinl>cr l'M.1. and found 
 him t>cfore Hull. ' I went down ', savs Sir I'hilip, ' to see his trendies and work*, and 
 found (the season having been very wet) his men standing ankle derp in dirt a great 
 distance from the town ; so as I conceived those without wen- likelier to rot than those 
 within to starve ; and by assault there was not the least probability to carry it. 1 pon 
 inv return to him, relating but faintly and modestly my thoughts (for he knew I had 
 not the least part of a soldier to warrant a discourse upon that subject) he mrrrilv put 
 it off, saviug " You often hear us called the I'opish Ariuv : but von see we trust not 
 in our g'xxl walks." 'Memoirs, p. 2'>s. An aount of the sally mentioned in the 
 text is given in Mercunus Auluu\ lor September 16, H>4V See also ' 'I he Sieges of 
 Hull during tht (jrcitt Civil ll'ar ', by ]'.. Lroxap (/.w^-i'iiA Uisturual A'nuu, July lyoj).
 
 The First Book 31 
 
 federate places in tli^ eastern parts of the kingdom) to form 
 a considerable party to annoy and disturb the forces raised 
 by my Lord in Lincolnshire, and left there for the protection 
 of that county ; where the enemy being drawn together in 
 a body, fought my Lord's forces in his absence, and got the 
 honour of the day near Hornby Castle in that county l ; 
 which loss, caused partly by their own rashness, forced my 
 Lord to leave his design upon Hull, and to march back with 
 his army to York, which was in October 1643, where the 
 remained but a few days to refresh his army ; and receiving 
 intelligence that the enemy was got into Derbyshire, and 
 did grow numerous there, and busy in seducing the people, 
 that country being under my Lord's command, he resolved 
 to direct his March thither in the beginning of November 
 164 j, to suppress their further growth : and to that end 
 quartered his army at Chesterfield and in all the parts there- 
 about, for a certain time 2 . 
 
 Immediately after his departure from York to Pomfrct, 
 in his said march into Derbyshire, the city of York sent to 
 my Lord to inform him of their intention to choose another 
 Mayor for the year following, desiring his pleasure about it. 
 My Lord, who knew that the Mayor for the year before was 
 
 ' The battle of Wincebv, or Horncastle, fought on October n (Rushworth 111. ii. 
 281 ; Vicar's God's Art;, pp. 4? N ; and i'airfa\ ('nrrfxfM>iiil,-iiff, Memorial* / Ihf I'nil 
 \Viir, i, p. <>>). \VhiMi the sieye of Hull commenced, the Karl of Manchester, with the 
 arinv of the K.istern Association, was occupied in the sie^e of I.vnn. Its surrender, 
 on September H>, enable,! him to despatch his horse under Cromwell into Lincolnshire, 
 to join Sir Thomas l-'airtax with the horse of the garrison of I lull, and Lord \\ illou^hbv 
 with the local levies of Lincolnshire. The union ol Kairfax and C'roniwcll took pl.it e 
 on September J'>. Manchester also sent s,oo men. under Sir John Meldrmn. into I lull, 
 which thev entered on October s; and he himself, with his toot, joined 1 airlax anil 
 Cromwell at Kirbv in Lincolnshire on ( >( tober 10. In the baltlr the Kov.ilists lost 
 rooo prisoners and 35 colours. ' We have in a manner totallv lost our toot and dragoons 
 that were then-, beim,' near Son horse, extieineh dissevered but no ereat number cut 
 oil' reports Sir William Widdm^ton to Newcastle. The , onseipn n. es <>| (he battle 
 were the evacuation of (i.iinsborou-h bv the Kovalists. the . aptnre ot linioln, and 
 
 the blockade of Newark. The Duchess omits t.. mention the si sxinl s.,||\ i,,.,,|,. 
 
 bv the yarns >n of Hull on Oct .ber i i, in whi.-h main ..t NYu, a-tle's i;,iiis were taken, 
 and some of his works destroyed (/', rtLin.l W> v i, i ;M. This del, -.u. not that at Wincebv 
 alone, obliged Newi .isfle to raise the siei?e ot Hull 
 
 '-' Mi-rcuriu* .-tulicim for Ja-i. r, KMI ' >ntains the foll.iwinu : 'The tirst dav of (his 
 year brought us in ijood news from the Lord Marquis of Ni'wc.istle, who. as we are advei- 
 tised latelv. put in execution the commission ot anav at I hest. Tin-Id in I >etb\ slijir ; 
 where he was met with the greatest coni onr-e ol people that hath b.t-n seen in those 
 parts these many vears. And (as it was tor certain .uheitised) his |-"\ t ellemv had 
 then gathered up above _> 500 stout IV-rbvslure \o|unteers. resolved to venturi' their 
 lives for their Kim; and countrv against this rebellion ; whereof Sir John ('..-II, bv his 
 meekness and hnm.mitv. hath made them verv sensible. And as a tuither testmionv 
 of the people's lovaltv, that noble knight. Sir Jo!in Harpur. had rec,-iv<xl verv fair con- 
 tributions of that county lor the maintenance ot those forces.' An account of the 
 proceedings of Newcastle's forces in Derbyshire is given in a contemporary pamphlet, 
 reprinted in Appendix vi.
 
 32 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 a person of much loyalty and discretion, declared his mind 
 to them, that he thought it fit to continue him Mayor also 
 for the year following ; which it seems they did not like, 
 but resolved to choose one which they pleased, contrary to 
 my Lord's desire. My Lord perceiving their intentions, about 
 the time of the election, sent orders to the Governor of the city 
 of York to permit such forces to enter into the city as he should 
 send ; which being done accordingly, they upon the day of 
 the election repaired to the Town Hall, and with their arms 
 stayed there until they had continued the said Mayor accord- 
 ing to my Lord's desire. 
 
 During the time of my Lord's stay at Chesterfield in Derby- 
 shire, he ordered some part of his army to march before a 
 strong house and garrison of the enemy's, called Wingficld 
 Manor, which in a short time they took by storm '. And 
 when my Lord had raised in that county as many forces, 
 horse and foot, as were supposed to be sufficient to preserve 
 it from the fury of the enemy, he armed them, and consti- 
 tuted an honourable person 2 Commandcr-in-Chief of all the 
 forces of that county and of Leicestershire ; and so leaving 
 it in that condition, marched, in December 1643, from Chester- 
 field to Bolsover in the same county, and from thence to Wei- 
 beck in Nottinghamshire, to his own house and garrison, 
 in which parts he stayed some time, both to refresh his army 
 and to settle and reform some disorders he found there, leaving 
 no visible enemy behind him in Derbyshire, save only an 
 
 1 Certain Informations, f>-ii March ifm, gives the following account of the first 
 garrisoning of Wingtield at Chesterfield. It says 'They an- extremely pestered with 
 the Karl of Newcastle's forces that lie in Bolsover, who, 'in the Might, came out of that 
 town and took thirty horses from the adjacent people ; whereupon the inhabitants 
 of Chesterfield, to secure their town, have taken Wingfield Manor, and placed there 
 thirty soldiers t< guard it ; and they have also put forty musketeers into Chatsworth, 
 under the conn md of Lieutenant Hag-thaw, to defend it.' The capture mentioned 
 in the text is th s related in Mtrcurius Aulicus : Letters came from inv Lord Mar<|iiis 
 of Newcastle, a< -ertising as that yesterday was seven night, De<etnl>er 15, Sir Francis 
 Maikworth, wit live hundred horse and foot and some cannon, came before \Ving- 
 ti Id Manor, a I HIM- of the late Karl of Shrewsbury, strengthened with a strong cm- 
 battleil wall of f teen f.x>t high and ten foot thick.' The rein-Is refused to yield it np 
 ii|xm summons, whereupon Sir Francis played upon it with his cannon, but (through 
 the great strength of the wall) did not much harm to the house. At length, upon ex- 
 change of the Ixxly of a gentleman slain by the King's forces for one killed near the 
 walls who could not be brought off, some words passed, when Sir Francis told them, 
 that if yet they would surrender they might find favour, which offer was s<x>n embraced : 
 and after a short treaty they were allowed to inarch away, leaving all their arms behind 
 them, Ix-ing alxnit I'KJ, with g<xnl store of ammunition and nltovc three months' pro- 
 vision, all which was taken in the house, which through its strength and situation, stand- 
 ing in the middle way between Derby and Chesterfield, will IK- very advantageous to 
 hi* Majesty's affair,.' Dugd.ile dates the surrender December 18. 
 
 2 The Lord of Loughborough.
 
 The First Book 33 
 
 inconsiderable parly in the town of Derby, which they had 
 fortified, not worth the labour to reduce it. 
 
 About this time the report came, that a great army out 
 of Scotland was upon their march towards the northern parts 
 of Kngland, to assist the enemy against his Majesty l , which 
 forced the nobility and gentry of Yorkshire to invite my Lord 
 back again into those parts, with promise to raise for his 
 service an army of 10,000 men. My Lord (not upon this 
 proffer, which had already heretofore deceived him, but out 
 of his loyalty and duty to preserve those parts which were 
 committed to his care and protection) returned in the middle of 
 January 1643. And when he came there, he found not one 
 man raised to assist him against so powerful an army, nor an 
 intention of raising any. Wherefore he was necessitated 
 to raise himself, out of the country, what forces he could get ; 
 and when he had settled the affairs in Yorkshire, as well as 
 time and his present condition would permit, and consti- 
 tuted an honourable person 2 Governor of York and Com- 
 mander-in-Chief of a very considerable party of horse and 
 foot for the defence of the county (for Sir Thomas Glemham 
 was then made Colonel-General, and marched into the field 
 with the army), he took his march to Newcastle in the begin- 
 ning of February 1^43, to give a stop to the Scots army :> . 
 
 Presently after his coming thither with some of his troops, 
 before his whole army was come up, he received intelligence 
 of the Scots army's near approach, whereupon he sent forth a 
 party of horse to view them, who found them very strong, to 
 the number of 22,000 horse and foot, well armed and com- 
 manded. They marched up towards the town with such con- 
 fidence, as if the gates had been opened for their reception ; 
 
 1 According to Warwick, the Marquis had some time before received notice from 
 the Marquis of Hamilton, that the Scots were at last going to inarch into Kngland, with 
 the recommendation to seize and garrison Carlisle and Berwick. He replied that this 
 would he against the treaty, and waited for instructions from Oxford. Whilst he w .tiled, 
 Berwick was occupied for the Parliament (Mttntrirs of Sir I'hilip Warwick, p. J<>7>- 
 This statement is confirmed l>y Unmet, Lifts of the Hamilton*, ed. iSsJ, p. 310. These 
 events apparently tcxik place in August and SeptemlxT im. 
 
 2 Colonel John Bcllasts (or Hellasyse), created Baron Belasyse of Worlaby Ijncs. 
 on 22. Jan. i(>.;'. There is a llriefe Relation of tht Life nn<i Memories of John Lord Hela- 
 syst, written by his secretary Joshua Moone, which is printed in the Refxvt on Ike .W.S.s". 
 o/ the Marquis o/ Ormonde at Kilkenny. It contains an account of his services as Governor 
 of York (vol. ii, pp. 383-4). 
 
 3 A full account of the progress of the Scotch army is Riven in Kushworth III, ii, 
 612 et seq. The Scots arrived before the town of Newcastle on February 3 ; the Mar- 
 quis entered the town the day before. A good account of all this righting round New- 
 castle is contained in lYofessor C. S. Terry ; Lift of Ale.iamltr Leslie, 181)0, pp. 185- 
 214. 
 
 F
 
 34 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 ami the dencral of their army seemed to take no notice of my 
 Lord's being in it, for which afterwards he excused himself. 
 But as they drew near, they found not such entertainment 
 as they expected : for though they assaulted a work that was 
 not finished, yet they were beaten off with much loss. 
 
 The enemy being thus stopped before the town, thought fit 
 to quarter near it, in that part of the country ; and so soon as 
 my Lord's army was come up, he designed one night to have 
 fallen into their quarter ; but by reason of some neglect of his 
 orders in not giving timely notice to the party designed for it, 
 it took not an effect answerable to his expectation. In a word, 
 there were three designs taken against the enemy, whereof 
 if one had but hit, they would doubtless have been lost ; but 
 there was so much treachery, juggling, and falsehood in my 
 Lord's own army, that it was impossible for him to be success- 
 ful in his designs and undertakings. However, though it failed 
 in the enemy's foot-quarters, which lay nearest the town, yet 
 it took good effect in their horse-quarters, which were more 
 remote ; for my Lord's horse, commanded by a very gallant 
 and worthy gentleman l , falling upon them, gave them such 
 an alarm, that all they could do was to draw into the field, 
 where my Lord's forces charged them, and in a little time 
 routed them totally, and killed and took many prisoners, 
 to the 'number of i5oo 2 . 
 
 Upon this the enemy was forced to draw their whole army 
 together, and to quarter them a little more remote from the 
 town, and to seek out inaccessible places for their security, as 
 afterwards appeared more plainly ; for so soon as my Lord 
 had prepared his army for a march, he drew them forth against 
 the Scots, which he found quartered upon high hills close by 
 the river Tync, where they could not be encountered but upon 
 very disadvantageous terms ; besides, that day proved very 
 stormy and tempestuous, so that my Lord was necessitated 
 to withdraw his forces, and retire into his own quarters :1 . 
 
 1 The I...ni Lanitd.ile. 
 
 2 Tins skirmish t.-.k place on Moiul.iv, February s (Rushwortli III. ii. <<\ |) T> 
 of th<- Scots appears tn be exaggerated t>y the Ihichess. See also the Mt.-r 
 M.irquis and firner.il King, quoted in Appendix vii. 
 
 3 'Hie Scots marched from l>efore Newcastle on February 22. leaving a drl.n 1 
 
 to blockade the town ; thev passed the Tyne on February 2H, and entered Si ider- 
 land on March*4- See the letter of the Marquis in Appendix vii. I Miring the alter 
 part of the campaign the great aim of the Marquis was to cut off the supplies f tin- 
 Scots by means of his great superiority in cavalry. This lie partially eflri ted, ' s thai 
 sometimes their whole army had neither meat nor drink, and never had aliovc twenty-
 
 Tlic First Book 35 
 
 The next day after, the Scots army, finding ill harbour in 
 those quarters, marched from hill to hill into another part 
 of the bishopric of Durham, near the sea coast, to a town called 
 Sundcrland ; and thereupon my Lord thought fit to march 
 to Durham to stop their further progress, where he had con- 
 trived the business so, that they were cither forced to fight 
 or starve within a little time. The first was offered to them 
 twice, that is to say, at Pensher hills one day, and at Bowden 
 hills another day, in the bishopric of Durham. But my Lord 
 found them at both times drawn up in such places, as he could 
 not possibly charge them 1 ; wherefore he retired again to 
 Durham, with an intention to straiten their quarters, and to 
 wait upon them, if ever they left their holds and inaccessible 
 places. In the meantime it happened that the Earl of Mon- 
 trosc came to the same place, and having some design for his 
 Majesty's service in Scotland, desired my Lord to give him 
 the assistance of some of his forces ; and although my Lord 
 stood then in present need of them, and could not conveniently 
 spare any, having so great an army to oppose, yet out of a 
 desire to advance his Majesty's service as much as lay in his 
 power, he was willing to part with 200 horse and dragoons 
 to the said earl -. 
 
 The Scots perceiving my Lord's vigilancy and care, con- 
 tented themselves with their own quarters, which could not 
 have served them long, but that a great misfortune befell my 
 Lord's forces in Yorkshire ; for the Governor whom he had 
 left behind with sufficient forces for the defence of that country, 
 although he had orders not to encounter the enemy, but to 
 keep himself in a defensive posture ; yet he being a man of 
 
 four hours' provision beforehand ' (Rushworth, p. 615.) Nevertheless, owing to the 
 severity of the season, Newcastle's army, and especially his cavalry, was greatly dimin- 
 ished in numbers and efficiency. 
 
 1 The Marquis offered battle on the 7th and 8th of March at Howden hills, near Sun- 
 ilerland, and again on the 23rd, 24th, and 2Sth of the same month at Hilton. An accom t 
 of the proceedings of these days from Mercurius Aulicus is given in the Appendix. Tl c 
 Marquis began his inarch bark to York on April ij. 
 
 2 Montrosc writes to Sir K. Spottisw<xxl from York on March 11, 1644 : 'At 01 
 arrival here, Ix-ing uncertain of all business, I direi ted Cornet I'orhrane to my I .or 
 Newcastle to learn the condition of alT.iiis. and inform him particularly of what 
 had to expert; which nece^sarilv occa-ioiu-d our stav here lor some davs. Mis retur 
 to us was, that for supplies he would dispense none for the present ; for monies he had 
 none, neither was he owing to the Lord Jermvn any ; for arms and ammunition 1 
 had not to the two parts of his own. but had been so long expecting them lx-vond se 
 as he was now out of hopes.' l-'inallv, Montrose followed Newcastle to Durham, and 
 obtained from him, according to Wishart, ' an hundred horse, and those \crv lean and 
 ill appointed, and two small brass field-pieces.' Napier's Mfmwijls >>/ Monirvsf, ii, 
 124.
 
 36 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 great valour and courage, it transported him so much, that 
 he resolved to face the enemy, and offering to keep a town 
 that was not tenable 1 , was utterly routed, and himself taken 
 prisoner, although he fought most gallantly 2 . 
 
 So soon as my Lord received this sad intelligence, he upon 
 consultation, and upon very good grounds of reason, took a 
 resolution not to stay between the two armies of the enemy's, 
 viz. the Scots and the English, that had prevailed in York- 
 shire ; but immediately to march into Yorkshire with his 
 army, to preserve (if possible) the city of York out of the 
 enemy's hands : which retreat was ordered so well, and with 
 such excellent conduct, that though the army of the Scots 
 marched close upon their rear, and fought them every day 
 of their retreat, yet they gained several passes for their security 
 and entered safe and well into the city of York, in April 1643 3 . 
 
 My Lord being now at York, and finding three armies against 
 him, viz. the army of the Scots, the army of the English that 
 gave the defeat to the Governor of York, and an army that 
 was raised out of associate counties, and but little ammunition 
 and provision in the town, was forced to send his horse away 
 to quarter in several counties, viz. Derbyshire, Nottingham- 
 shire, Leicestershire, for their subsistence, under the conduct 
 of his Lieutcnant-dcneral of the Horse, my dear brother Sir 
 Charles Lucas, himself remaining at York, with his foot and 
 train for the defence of that city 4 . 
 
 1 Sclby in Yorkshire. 
 
 2 This defeat took place at Selby on April ir, 1644. Lord Fairfax's despatch is 
 given in Rushworth III, ii, f>iH. Sir Thomas gives an account of the battle in his Short 
 Memorial, Mast-res' Tracts, ii. Bellasis himself was taken prisoner with 1,600 men, 
 and his artillery and baggage. 
 
 3 Newcastle started on April 13, and arrived at York on April IQ. Next day Fair- 
 fax and l,oven joined at Tadcaster, and beleaguered the city, and on June 3 they were 
 joined by Manchester (Rushworth III, ii, 620). There is a good letter from Lord Fair- 
 fax to the committee of both kingdoms on these occurrences, printed from the Duke 
 of Mam -hosier's papers in Ihc l:\K.klh Report of tru Koyal Commission on Historical 
 Manuscripts, part ii, p. 60. See also Newcastle's letter of iKth April ; \Varburton 's 
 I'ntue Kupcrt, ii, 434. In the Report on the Kgltnton A/i'.S., p. 53, is a letter from a 
 Scotrh officer describing the pursuit. 
 
 Sir Charles Lucas had only recently received a command in Newcastle's armv. 
 He writes to Rupert from Doncaster on February 2, 1644, beginning ' Your Highness 
 having been pleased to dispense with my service to ! employed for a time in these 
 
 rarts, where I know not al first coming almost where I am ' etc. He continues : ' Here 
 live and move by the warmth of your liberal recommendations of me to my Lord 
 Marquis ol Newcastle ' ; ami ends by saving, that the Marquis has gone north, leaving 
 him IM-'UIK! with ;.ooo horse to protect the country, whilst Doncaster is l>eing forti- 
 tu-d (Warlmrton's I'rinte Rupert, vol. ii, p. 370). Luc.is joined Newcastle, with twelve 
 tr-iops of horse, near Sunderland, some time l>efore March '> (Rushworth III, ii, (us). 
 After parting from the Marquis, as described in the text, the Ixxly of horse. Lucas com- 
 manded passed under the command of Goring, and joined Rupert on his inarch to York.
 
 The First Book 37 
 
 In the meantime, the enemy, having closely besieged the 
 city on all sides, came to the very gates thereof, and pulled out 
 the earth at one end, as those in the city put it in at the other 
 end ; they planted their great cannons against it, and threw 
 in granadocs at pleasure : but those in the city made several 
 sallies upon them with good success. At last, the General 
 of the Associate army of the enemy, having closely beleaguered 
 the north side of the town, sprung a mine under the wall of 
 the Manor Yard, and blew part of it up ; and having beaten 
 back the town forces (although they behaved themselves very 
 gallantly), entered the Manor House with a great number 
 of their men, which as soon as my Lord perceived, he went 
 away in all haste even to the amaxcmcnt of all that were by, 
 not knowing what he intended to do and drew So of his own 
 regiment of foot, called the White Coats, all stout and valiant 
 men, to that post, who fought the enemy with that courage, 
 that within a little time they killed and took 1,500 of them ; 
 and my Lord gave present order to make up the breach which 
 they had made in the wall *. Whereupon the enemy remained 
 without any other attempt in that kind, so long, till almost 
 all provision for the support of the soldiery in the city was 
 spent, which nevertheless was so well ordered by my Lord's 
 prudence, that no famine or great extremity of want ensued. 
 
 My Lord having held out in that manner above two months, 
 and withstood the strength of three armies ; and seeing that 
 his Licutenant-Gcncral of the Horse whom he had sent for 
 relief to his Majesty, could not so soon obtain it (although he 
 used his best endeavour), for to gain yet some little time, began 
 to treat with the enemy ; ordering in the meanwhile, and upon 
 the treaty, to double and treble his guards -. At last after 
 
 l The breach was made by the blowing up of St. Mary's Tower, whence the Manor 
 House was easily reached (Markh.im's l-'airftit, p. 14$). 'Hie assault was made pie- 
 inatnrelv, and in insufficient force, by deueral Crawford, who was eager to monopolise 
 the honour of the expected success. The Duchess greatly exaggerates the loss of the 
 besiegers, which Kushworth puts at a total of \oo (Rush worth IK, ii, ('?!> llailhe 
 blames ' the foolish rashness of Major Crawford, and his great vanitv to assault alone 
 the breach made by his mine, without the acquainting Lesley or Fairfax with it ' (/ fttfrs, 
 ii, K)s). Slingsbv, who was there, spraks only of 200 prisoners, and estimates the 
 strength of the storming party at soo (Mtnwirs, p. io>, oil. :). 
 
 - The Marquis made overtures for a tre.itv on June >S, and the negotiations were 
 carried on till the isth. The correspondence is printed in Kushworth 111, ii, (>- <>?! 
 Newcastle demanded that the garrison should be allowed to march out with arms, am- 
 munition, and hagyage, to join the King or I'lince Ku|M'it. These terms were of . ourse 
 refused by the besiegers, who sent counter-propositions, to which Newcastle replied: 
 
 ' Mv I.OKI>S, I have |>eruscd the conditions and demands your Lordships sent ; 
 but when I considers! the many professions made to avoid the effusion of Christian
 
 38 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 three months time from the beginning of the siege, his Majesty 
 was pleased to send an army, which, joining with my Lord's 
 horse that were sent to quarter in the aforesaid countries, came 
 to relieve the city under the conduct of the most gallant and 
 heroic Prince Rupert, his nephew ; upon whose approach near 
 York, the enemy drew from before the city into an entire body, 
 and marched away on the west side of the river Ouse, that runs 
 through the city, his Majesty's forces being then of the cast 
 side of that river l . 
 
 My Lord immediately sent some persons of quality to attend 
 his Highness, and to invite him into the city to consult with 
 him about that important affair, and to gain so much time 
 as to open a port to march forth with his cannon and foot 
 which were in the town, to join with his Highness' forces ; 
 and went himself the next day in person to wait on his High- 
 ness ; where, after some conferences, he declared his mind 
 to the Prince, desiring his Highness not to attempt anything 
 as yet upon the enemy ; for he had intelligence that there was 
 some discontent between them, and that they were resolved 
 to divide themselves, and so to raise the siege without fighting : 
 besides my Lord expected within two days Colonel Clcavering, 
 with above three thousand men out of the North, and two 
 thousand drawn out of several garrisons (who also came at the 
 same time, though it was then too late). But his Highness 
 answered my Lord, that he had a letter from his Majesty (then 
 at Oxford), with a positive and absolute command to fight 
 the enemy ; which in obedience, and according to his duty he 
 was bound to perform 2 . Whereupon my Lord replied, That 
 
 blood, I did admire to sec such propositions from your Lordships, conceiving this not 
 tin: way to it ; for I cannot suppose that your Lordships do imagine, that persons of 
 honour can possibly condescend to any of these propositions, and so remain, my Lords, 
 your Lordships' most humble servant, 
 
 ' WILL NEWCASTLI . 
 ' YORK, is/A June 1644.' 
 
 1 The' siege was raised on July i. The allied army were retreating towards T.ul- 
 caster on July 2, when Rupert's pursuit forced them to halt and give battle. A letter 
 from Newcastle to Kupertoii the raising of the siege is printed in the I'ythoutr l'af><rs,p. i<i. 
 Kupert and Newcastle did not meet till the morning of the fight. A detailed account 
 of the preliminaries of the battle is given in Sir Hugh Cliolmlev's Mf mortals touching 
 the battle of York, which is printed in The /-.Mg/iiA Ilisloriral AYrici.' lor April ihyo, 
 p. US. 
 
 '* Ihe King's letter is printed in the Nicholas correspondence at the end of Lvclvn's 
 l>iar\, iv, i s^, and in \Varburtou 's I'rincr Rupert and the ('m-alirrs, ii, 4 \7- The King's 
 words are : If York be lost I shall esteem my crown little less ; unless supported bv 
 your sudden inarch to me ; and a miraculous conquest in the south, bvforc the rflects 
 of their northern power can be found here. Hut if York be relieved, and you l>eat the 
 rebel's army of both kingdoms, which arc before it ; then (but otherwise not) I may
 
 The First Book 39 
 
 he was ready and willing, for his part, to obey his Highness 
 in all things, no otherwise than if his Majesty was there in ]>er- 
 son himself ; and though several of my Lord's friends advised 
 him not to engage in battle, because the command (as they 
 said) was taken from him : yet my Lord answered them, that 
 happen what would, he would not shun to fight, for he had 
 no other ambition but to live and die a loyal subject to his 
 Majesty. 
 
 Then the Prince and my Lord conferred with several of their 
 officers, amongst whom there were several disputes concerning 
 the advantages which the enemy had of sun, wind, and ground. 
 The horse of his Majesty's forces was drawn up in both wings 
 upon that fatal moor called Hcssom Moor ; and my Lord asked 
 his Highness what service he would be pleased to command 
 him ; who returned this answer, that he would begin no action 
 upon the enemy till early in the morning ; desiring my Lord 
 to repose himself till then. Which my Lord did, and went to 
 rest in his own coach that was close by in the field, until the 
 time appointed 1 . 
 
 Not long had my Lord been there, but he heard a great 
 noise and thunder of shooting, which gave him notice of the 
 armies being engaged. Where upon he immediately put on 
 
 possibly make a shift (upon the defensive) to spin out time until you come to assist 
 me. Wherefore, I command and conjure you, bv the duty and affection which I know 
 you bear me, that all new enterprises laid aside, you immediately march, according 
 to your first intention, with all your force to the relief of York. 13ut if that In- either 
 lost, or have freed themselves from the besiegers, or that for want of powder vim cannot 
 undertake that work, that you immediately march with your whole strength directly 
 to Worcester, to assist me and my army ; without which, or your having relieved York 
 by beating the Scots, all the successes you can afterwards have must infallibly be use- 
 less unto me.' The letter is dated ' Ticknell, June 14, 1(144 '. 
 
 1 There is an interesting account of this discussion amongst the Clarendon State Vapfrs 
 (No. 1805), which Dr. Gardiner was kind enough to point out to me. It is a paper of 
 rough notes on the northern campaign, drawn up by Clarendon himself, and based, 
 no doubt, on the information of some of the persons concerned in it. 
 
 ' The next morning the Marquis went out of the city to attend the Prince, and found 
 him upon his march and the eneiiiy^having placed themselves upon a hill ; and when 
 the Marquis overtook the Prince they both alighted, and after salutations went ag.iin 
 to horse, and the Prince said " My Lord, I hope we shall have a glorious day. So the 
 Karl asked whether he meant to put it to a day, and urged many reasons against it ; 
 the Prince replied " Nothing venture, nothing have " etc. Several persons had that 
 morning re|X>rted that the Prince had an absolute commission to command those parts, 
 and that the Marquis's power was at an end. When Major-General King came up 
 Prince Rupert showed the Marquis and the Karl a paper, which he said was the draught 
 of the battle as he meant to tight it, and asked them what they thought of it. King 
 answered " By (iod, sir, it is very fine in the paper, but there is no such thing in the 
 fields." The Prince replied " Not so " etc. The Marquis asked the lYince wh.it he 
 would do? His Highness answered "We will charge them to-morrow morning." 
 My Lord asked him, whether he were sure the enemy would not fall on them sooner ; 
 he answered No ; and the Marquis gi>es to his coach hard by, and calling for a pipe 
 of tobacco, before he could take it the enemy charged, and instantly all the lYince 's 
 horse were routed. Coring beat the other wing, etc/
 
 40 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 his arms, and was no sooner got on horseback, but he beheld 
 a dismal sight of the horse of his Majesty's right wing, which 
 out of a panic fear had left the field, and run away with all the 
 speed they could ; and though my Lord made them stand once 
 yet they immediately betook themselves to their heels again, 
 and killed even those of their own party that endeavoured 
 to stop them. The left wing in the meantime, commanded 
 by those two valiant persons, the Lord Goring and Sir Charles 
 Lucas, having the better of the enemy's right wing, which they 
 beat back most valiantly three times, and made their general 
 retreat, insomuch that they sounded victory. 
 
 In this confusion my Lord (accompanied only with his 
 brother Sir Charles Cavendish, Major Scot, Captain Mazine 1 , 
 and his page), hastening to see in what posture his own regi- 
 ment was, met with a troop of gentlemen volunteers, who 
 formerly had chosen him their captain, notwithstanding he was 
 general of an army ; to whom my Lord spake after this manner. 
 ' Gentlemen ', said he, ' you have done me the honour to choose 
 me your captain, and now is the fittest time that I may do you 
 service ; wherefore if you will follow me, I shall lead you on the 
 best I can, and show you the way to your own honour.' They 
 being as glad of my Lord's proffer as my Lord was of their 
 readiness, went on with the greatest courage ; and passing 
 through two bodies of foot, engaged with each other not at 
 forty yards' distance, received not the least hurt, although 
 they fired quick upon each other ; but marched towards a 
 Scots regiment of foot, which they charged and routed ; in 
 which encounter my Lord himself killed three with his page's 
 half-leaden sword, for he had no other left him ; and though 
 all the gentlemen in particular offered him their swords, yet 
 my Lord refused to take a sword of any of them. At last, after 
 they had passed through this regiment of foot, a pikeman 
 made a stand to the whole troop ; and though my Lord 
 charged him twice or thrice, yet he could not enter 2 him ; but 
 the troop despatched him soon. 
 
 In all these encounters my Lord got not the least hurt, 
 though several were slain about him ; and his \Vhitc Coats 
 showed such an extraordinary valour and courage in that 
 action, that they were killed in rank and file. And here I can- 
 
 1 Captain Marine,' the old great horseman,' died in 1677. Senile rorrcs/wmfrnrr, p. fij. 
 2 lintcr. i.e. get within his guard.
 
 The First Book 41 
 
 not but mention by the way, that it is remarkable, that in all 
 actions and undertakings where my Lord was in person him- 
 self, he was always victorious, and prospered in the execution 
 of his designs ; but whatsoever was lost or succeeded ill, hap- 
 pened in his absence, and was caused cither by the treachery 
 or negligence and carelessness of his officers. 
 
 My Lord being last in the field, and seeing that all was lost, 
 and that every one of his Majesty's party made their escapes 
 in the best manner they could ; lie being, moreover, inquired 
 after by several of his friends, who had all a great love and 
 respect for my Lord, especially by the then Earl of Crawford 
 (who loved my Lord so well that he gave 2os. to one that 
 assured him of his being alive and safe, telling him, that that 
 was all he had), went towards York late at night, accompanied 
 only with his brother and one or two of his servants ; and 
 coming near the town, met his Highness Prince Rupert, with 
 the Licutenant-Gcneral of the Army, the Lord Ethyn. His 
 Highness asked my Lord how the business went ? To whom 
 he answered, that all was lost and gone on their side 1 . 
 
 That night my Lord remained in York ; and having nothing 
 left in his power to do his Majesty any further service in that 
 kind ; for he had neither ammunition, nor money to raise more 
 forces, to keep cither York, or any other towns that were yet 
 in his Majesty's devotion, well knowing that those which 
 were left could not hold out long, and being also loath to have 
 aspersions cast upon him, that he did sell them to the enemy, 
 in case he could not keep them, he took a resolution, and that 
 justly and honourably, to forsake the kingdom ; and to that 
 end, went the next morning to the Prince, and acquainted him 
 with his design, desiring his Highness would be pleased to give 
 this true and just report of him to his Majesty, that he had 
 behaved himself like an honest man, a gentleman, and a loyal 
 subject. Which request the Prince having granted, my Lord 
 took his leave ; and being conducted by a troop of horse and 
 a troop of dragoons to Scarborough, went to sea. and took 
 
 1 Warburton quotes from Rupert's Diary the following Boles of this conversation : 
 S.ivs Cieneral King ' \\hat will you do ? ' Says the lYince ' I will rally my men.' Savs 
 [ Lord Newcastle will do ? ' (' Now what will you. Lord 
 
 (ieneral King ' Now you wh; 
 Newcastle, do ? ') Says I.o r 
 lost. The Prince would ha 
 ' I will not endure the laugl 
 \Varlmrtou 's I'rince Rupert, 
 
 G 
 
 1 Newcastle ' 1 will go to Holland ', looking upon all as 
 e him endeavour to recruit his forces. ' No ', savs he, 
 er of the court ', and King said he would go with him.
 
 42 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 shipping for Hamburgh ! the gentry of the country, who also 
 came to take -their leaves of my Lord, being much troubled 
 at his departure, and speaking very honourably of him, as 
 surely they had no reason to the contrary *. 
 
 ' Clarendon severely blames both Rupert and Newcastle. ' This may be said of 
 it, that the like was never done or heard or read of before ; that two great generals, 
 whereof one had still a good army left, his horse, by their not having performed their 
 duty, remaining upon the matter entire, and much the greater part of his foot having 
 retired into the town, the great execution having fallen upon the northern foot ; and 
 the other having the absolute commission over the northern counties, and very many 
 considerable places in them still remaining under his obedience, should both agree in 
 nothing else but in leaving that good ally and the whole country as a prey to the enemy. 
 . . All that can be said for the Marquis is, that he was utterly tired with a condition 
 and employment so contrary to his humour, nature, and education ; that he did ot 
 at all consider the means or the way that would let him out of it, and free him for e er 
 from having more to do with it. . . The strange manner of the lYince's coming, a id 
 undeliberated throwing himself and all the King's hopes into that sudden and unnec -s- 
 sary engagement, by which all the force the Marquis had raised, and with so ma iv 
 difficulties preserved, was in a moment cast away and destroyed, so transported h m 
 with passion and despair that he could not compose himself to think of beginning the 
 work again, and involving himself in the same undelightful condition of life, from which 
 he might now be free.' Clarendon, Rehellion, viii, 76-87. 
 
 Sir Hugh Cholmley, in his Memorials touching the battle of York, says : ' General 
 King, considering the King's affairs absolutely destroyed by loss of this battle, per- 
 suaded the Marquis, against all the power of his other friends, to quit the kingdom.' 
 -A discussion of the different questions connected with the history of the battle, and 
 a' critical examination of the various contemporary accounts, are to be found in a paper 
 on Marston Moor in the Transactions of the Royal Historical Society for 1898 (New Series, 
 vol. xii).
 
 THE SECOND BOOK 
 
 HAVING hitherto faithfully related the life of my noble Lord 
 and husband, and the chief actions which he performed during 
 the time of his being employed in his Majesty's service for the 
 good and interest of his King and country, until the time of 
 his going out of England, I shall now give you a just account 
 of all that passed during the time of his banishment till the 
 return into his native country. 
 
 My Lord being a wise man, and foreseeing well what the loss 
 of that fatal battle upon Hcssam Moor, near York, would pro- 
 duce, by which not only those of his Majesty's party in the 
 northern parts of the kingdom, but in all other parts of his 
 Majesty's dominions, both in England, Scotland, and Ire- 
 land, were lost and undone, and that there was no other 
 way but cither to quit the kingdom or submit to the enemy, 
 or die, he resolved upon the former, and preparing for his 
 journey, asked his steward how much money he had left ; 
 who answered that he had but go. My Lord, not being at all 
 startled at so small a sum, although his present design required 
 much more, was resolved to seek his fortune, even with that 
 little; and thereupon, having taken leave of his Highness 
 Prince Rupert and the rest that were present, went to Scar- 
 borough (as before is mentioned), where two ships were pre- 
 pared for Hamburgh to set sail within twenty-four hours, 
 in which he embarked with his company, and arrived in four 
 days' time to the said city, which was on the 8th of July 1044. 
 
 In one of these ships was my Lord, with his two sons, Charles 
 Viscount Mansfield and Lord Henry Cavendish now Earl of 
 Ogle ; as also Sir Charles Cavendish, my Lord's brother : the 
 then Lord Bishop of Londonderry, Dr. Hramhall : the Lord 
 Falconbridgc ; the Lord Widdrington : Sir William Carnaby, 
 who after died at Paris, and his brother Mr. Francis Carnaby, 
 who went presently in the same ship back again for England, 
 and soon after was slain by the enemy near Shei borne, in York-
 
 44 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 shire ; besides many of my Lord's and their servants. In the 
 other ship was the Earl of Ethyn, Lieutenant General of my 
 Lord's Army, and the Lord Cornworth 1 . But before my Lord 
 landed at Hamburgh, his eldest son Charles, Lord Mansfield, 
 fell sick of the smallpox ; and not long after his younger son, 
 Henry, now Earl of Ogle, fell likewise dangerously ill of the 
 measles ; but it pleased God that they both happily recovered. 
 
 My Lord, finding his company and charge very great, al- 
 though he sent several of his servants back again into England, 
 and having no means left to maintain him, was forced to seek 
 for credit ; where at last he got so much as would in part 
 relieve his necessities ; and whereas heretofore he had been 
 contented, for want of a coach, to make use of a waggon, when 
 his occasions drew him abroad, he was now able (with the credit 
 he had got) to buy a coach and nine horses of an Holsatian 
 breed ; for which horses he paid 160, and was afterwards 
 offered for one of them an hundred pistoles at Paris, but he 
 refused the money, and presented seven of them to her Majesty 
 the Queen-Mother of England, and kept two for his own use. 
 
 After my Lord had stayed in Hamburgh from July 1644, till 
 February 1645 2 , he being resolved to go into France, went 
 by sea from Hamburgh to Amsterdam, and from thence to 
 Rotterdam, where he sent one of his servants with a compli- 
 ment and tender of his humble service to her Highness the 
 then Princess Royal, the Queen of Bohemia, the Princess 
 
 I At Sherlxirne, on October 15, 1645, Colonel Copley defeated Lord Digby and Sir 
 Mannaduke Langdale on their way from Newark to join Montrose in Scotland. Colonel 
 Sir 1-ramis Carnaby is in the list of slain given by Vicars (liuming Hush, 2<y}). Lord 
 Widdrington, before mentioned in this Memoir, p. 29, was slain in Lord Derby's defeat 
 at Holton in 1651. Clarendon speaks of him thus: 'The Lord \Viddrington was one 
 of the most gtxxlly persons of that age, being near the head higher than most tall men, 
 and a gentleman of the l>est and most ancient extraction of the county of Northumber- 
 land, and of a very fair fortune, and one of the four which the last king made choice 
 nf to ! alxmt the person of his son the prince, as gentleman of his privy-chamber, when 
 he first erected his family. . . As soon as the war broke out, he was of the lirst who 
 r.iiM-d both horse and foot at his own charge, and served eminently with them under 
 the Marquis of Newcastle, from whom he had a very particular and entire friendship, 
 .is he was very nearly allied to him ; and by his testimony that he had performed many 
 signal services, he was, about the middle of the war, made a peer of the realm. ' Rr- 
 lirlltnn xiii, OH. Clarendon concludes by saying ' He was a man of great courage and 
 choler '. 
 
 \jirA Cornworth, or rather Robert Dal/ell, second Karl of Carnwath, was the Scottish 
 peer who seized the King's bridle rein at Naseby, and prevented him heading a last 
 charge. Clarendon. Relirllivn, \\. 40. 
 
 'i While at H.iniburg Newcastle wrote to his old pupil Prince Charles, then nominally 
 commanding the royal army in the west of England, congratulating him on tx-ing made 
 a general. ' It is no small < omfort,' he said, ' to me and mine, that we have lived to sec 
 von a man : and could I see but peace in our Israel, truly then I care not hw soon 
 death closes my eyes '- I'ortlaml .U.S.S., ii, 134.
 
 The Second Book 45 
 
 Dowager of Orange, and the Prince of Orange, which was 
 received with much kindness and civility. 
 
 From Rotterdam he directed his journey to Antwerp, and 
 from thence, with one coach, one chariot, and two waggons, he 
 went to Mechlin and Brussels, where he received a visit from 
 the Governor, the Marquis of Castle Kodrigo, the Duke of 
 Lorraine, and Count Piccolomini. 
 
 From thence he set forth for Valenciennes and Cambray, 
 where the Governor of the town used my Lord with great 
 respect and civility, and desired him to give the word that 
 night. Thence he went to Pcronnc, a frontier town in France 
 (where the Vicc-Govcrnor, in absence of the Governor of that 
 place, did likewise entertain my Lord with all respect, and 
 desired him to give the word that night), and so to Paris with- 
 out any further stay. 
 
 My Lord being arrived at Paris, which was in April 1645, 
 immediately went to tender his humble duty to her Majesty, 
 the Queen-Mother of Fngland, where it was my fortune to sec 
 him the first time, I being then one of the Maids of Honour 
 to her Majesty ; and after he had stayed there some time, 
 he was pleased to take some particular notice of me, and ex- 
 press more than an ordinary affection for me ; insomuch that 
 he resolved to choose me for his second wife 1 . For he, having 
 but two sons, purposed to marry me, a young woman that 
 might prove fruitful to him and increase his posterity by a 
 masculine offspring. Nay, he was so desirous of male issue 
 that I have heard him say he cared not (so God would be 
 pleased to give him many sons) although they came to be per- 
 sons of the meanest fortunes ; but God (it seems) had ordered 
 it otherwise, and frustrated his designs by making me barren, 
 which yet did never lessen his love and affection for me. 
 
 After my Lord was married, having no estate or means left 
 him to maintain himself and his family, he was necessitated to 
 seek for credit, and live upon the courtesy of those that were 
 pleased to trust him ; which, although they did for some 
 while, and showed themselves very civil to my Lord, yet they 
 grew weary at length, insomuch that his steward was forced 
 one time to tell him that he was not able to provide a dinner 
 
 1 Tlii-v wen 1 iturrii'il in Sir kifh.ml Urowiu-'s rli.ijvl .it T.uis (Kvvl vn's Di.trv, vol. 
 ii, p. .M;, t - 1. WliiMtli-y). Tin- in.irn.i-!- to-.k pl.uv .itxml Dov.vir.biT 1045 (/W.'/iiu./
 
 46 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 for him, for his creditors were resolved to trust him no longer. 
 My Lord, being always a great master of his passions, was 
 at least showed himself not in any manner troubled at it, 
 but in a pleasant humour told me that I must of necessity pawn 
 my clothes to make so much money as would procure a dinner. 
 I answered that my clothes would be but of small value, and 
 therefore desired my waiting-maid 1 to pawn some small toys 
 which I had formerly given her, which she willingly did. The 
 same day, in the afternoon, my Lord spake himself to his 
 creditors, and both by his civil deportment and persuasive 
 arguments, obtained so much that they did not only trust him 
 for more necessaries, but lent him money besides to redeem 
 those toys that were pawned. Hereupon I sent my waiting- 
 maid into England to my brother, the Lord Lucas, for that 
 small portion which was left me, and my Lord also immediately 
 after despatched one of his servants 2 , who was then governor 
 to his sons, to some of his friends, to try what means he could 
 procure for his subsistence. But though he used all the 
 industry and endeavour he could, yet he effected but little, by 
 reason everybody was so afraid of the Parliament that they 
 durst not relieve him who was counted a traitor for his honest 
 and loyal service to his King and country. 
 
 Not long after, my Lord had proffers made him of some rich 
 matches in England for his two sons, whom, therefore, he sent 
 thither with one Mr. Loving, hoping by that means to provide 
 both for them and himself ; but they, being arrived there, 
 out of some reasons best known to them, declared their unwil- 
 lingness to marry as yet, continuing, nevertheless, in England 
 and living as well as they could :t . 
 
 Some two years after my Lord's marriage, when he had pre- 
 vailed so far with his creditors that they began to trust him 
 anew, the first thing he did was, that he removed out of those 
 lodgings in Paris where he had been necessitated to live hither- 
 to, to a house which he hired for himself and his family, and 
 furnished it as well as his new-gotten credit would permit ; 
 and withal, resolving for his own recreation and divcrtisemcnt, 
 in his banished condition, to exercise the art of manage, which 
 
 I Mrs. Chaplain, now Mr<. Top. 2 Mr. Benni-t. 
 
 3 Charles Viscount M.inslield m.irried the eldest daughter and li.-ir of Mr. Kiih.ird 
 Rogers; Henry, afterwards Karl of Ogle married a daughter of Mr. \\illi.ini 1'ierre- 
 pont, who is so frequently mentioned by Mrs. Ilutchinson. but sec Section if>, in Hook 
 111, of this Memoir, which treats of the Duke's pedigree.
 
 The Second Book 47 
 
 he is a great lover and master of, bought a Barbary horse for 
 that purpose, which cost him 2<x> pistoles, and, soon after 
 another Barbary horse from the Lord Crofts for which he was 
 to pay him /ux) when he returned into England. 
 
 About this time there was a council called at St. Germain, 
 in which were present, besides my Lord, her Majesty the now 
 Ouccn-Mothcr of England ; his Highness the Prince, our now 
 gracious King ; his cousin Prince Rupert ; the Marquis of 
 Worcester ; the then Marquis, now Duke of Ormond ; the 
 Lord Jcrmyn, now Earl of St. Albans, and several others ; 
 where, after several debates concerning the then present con- 
 dition of his Majesty King Charles the First, my Lord delivered 
 his sentiment, that he could perceive no other probability 
 of procuring forces for his Majesty but an assistance of the 
 Scots. But her Majesty was pleased to answer my Lord that 
 he was too quick. 
 
 Not long after, when my Lord had begun to settle himself 
 in his mentioned new house, his gracious master the Prince 
 having taken a resolution to go into Holland upon some designs, 
 her Majesty the Queen-Mother desired my Lord to follow him, 
 promising to engage for his debts which hitherto he had con- 
 tracted at Paris, and commanding her Controller ! and Trea- 
 surer 2 to be bound for them in her behalf ; which they did, 
 although the creditors would not content themselves until 
 my Lord had joined his word to theirs. So great and generous 
 was the bounty and favour of her Majesty to my Lord ! con- 
 sidering she had already given him heretofore near upon 2(^00 
 sterling, even at the time when her Majesty stood most in need 
 of it. 
 
 My Lord, after his Highness the Prince was gone, being reach- 
 to execute her Majesty's commands in following him and pre- 
 paring for his journey, wanted the chief thing, which was 
 money ; and having much endeavoured for it, at last had 
 the good fortune to obtain upon credit three or four hundred 
 pounds sterling ; with which sum he set out of Paris in the 
 same equipage he entered, viz. one coach, which he had newly 
 caused to be made (wherein were the Lord YViddrington. my 
 Lord's brother, Sir Charles Cavendish, Mr. Loving, my waiting- 
 maid, and some others, whereof the two latter were then 
 returned out of England), one little chariot that would only 
 i Sir Hcury Wood. 'J Sir KiclidrJ roster.
 
 48 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 hold my Lord and myself ; and three waggons, besides an indif- 
 ferent number of servants on horseback. 
 
 That day, when \ve left Paris, the creditors, coining to take 
 their farewell of my Lord, expressed so great a love and kind- 
 ness for him, accompanied with so many hearty prayers and 
 wishes, that he could not but prosper on his journey. 
 
 Being come into the King of Spain's dominions, my Lord 
 found a very noble reception. At Cambray the Governor was 
 so civil that my Lord coming to that place somewhat late, and 
 when it was dark, he commanded some lights and torches 
 to meet my Lord and conduct him to his lodgings. He offered 
 my Lord the keys of the city, and desired him to give the word 
 that night, and, moreover, invited him to an entertainment 
 which he had made for him of purpose ; but it being late, my 
 Lord (tired with his journey) excused himself as civilly as he 
 could ; the Governor notwithstanding being pleased to send 
 all manner of provisions to my Lord's lodgings, and charging 
 our landlord to take no pay for anything we had : which extra- 
 ordinary civilities showed that he was a right noble Spaniard. 
 
 The next morning early my Lord went on his journey, and 
 was very civilly used in every place of his Majesty of Spain's 
 dominions where he arrived. At last coming to Antwerp, he 
 took water to Rotterdam (which town he chose for his rcsiding- 
 place during the time of his stay in Holland), and sent thither 
 to a friend of his \ a gentleman of quality, to provide him some 
 lodgings ; which he did, and procured them at the house of one 
 Mrs. Beynham, widow to an English merchant who had always 
 been very loyal to his Majesty the King of England, and ser- 
 viceable to his Majesty's faithful subjects in whatsoever lay 
 in his power 2 . 
 
 My Lord, being come to Rotterdam, was informed that his 
 Highness the Prince (now our gracious King) was gone to sea. 
 Wherefore he resolved to follow him, and for that purpose 
 hired a boat, and victualled it ; but since nobody knew whither 
 his Highness was gone, and I being unwilling that my Lord 
 should venture upon so uncertain a voyage, and (as the proverb 
 is) seek a needle in a bottle of hay, he desisted from that design. 
 The Lord Widdrington, nevertheless, and Sir William Throck- 
 
 1 Sir William Throrkrnorton, Knight. 
 
 2 lYfibnlily the widow of Throphilus Baynh.im, concerning whom SOP the Journals 
 o/ the Hume of J^/riis, July 6, 1644.
 
 The Second Book 49 
 
 morton, being resolved to find out the Prince, but having by a 
 storm been driven towards the coast of Scotland, and endan- 
 gered their lives, they returned without obtaining their aim l . 
 
 After some little time, my Lord having notice that the Prince 
 was arrived at the Hague, he went to wait on his Highness 
 (which he also did afterwards at several times, so long as his 
 Highness continued there), expecting some opportunity where 
 he might be able to show his readiness to serve his King and 
 country, as certainly there was no little hopes for it ; for, first 
 it was believed that the English fleet would come and render 
 itself into the obedience of the Prince ; next, it was reported 
 that the Duke of Hamilton was going out of Scotland with a 
 great army, into England, to the assistance of his Majesty, 
 and that his Majesty had then some party at Colchester. 
 But it pleased God that none of these proved effectual ; for the 
 fleet did not come in, the Duke of Hamilton's army was des- 
 troyed, and Colchester was taken by the enemy, where my dear 
 brother, Sir Charles Lucas, and his dear friend, Sir George Lisle, 
 were most inhumanly murdered and shot to death, they being 
 both valiant and heroic persons, good soldiers, and most loyal 
 subjects to his Majesty ; the one an excellent commander 
 of horse, the other of foot 2 . 
 
 My Lord having now lived in Rotterdam almost six months, 
 at a great charge, keeping an open and noble table for all 
 comers, and being pleased especially to entertain such as were 
 excellent soldiers and noted commanders of war, whose kind- 
 ness he took as a great obligation, still hoping that some 
 occasion would happen to invite those worthy persons into
 
 50 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 England to serve his Majesty ; but seeing no probability of 
 cither returning into England or doing his Majesty any service 
 in that kind, he resolved to retire to some place where he 
 might live privately ; and having chosen the city of Antwerp 
 for that purpose, went to the Hague to take his leave of his 
 Highness the Prince, our now gracious Sovereign. My Lord 
 had then but a small stock of money left ; for though the then 
 Marquis of Hertford (after Duke of Somerset) and his cousin- 
 gcrman, once removed, the now Earl of Devonshire had lent 
 him ^2000 between them ; yet all that was spent, and above 
 1000 more, which my Lord borrowed during the time he lived 
 in Rotterdam, his expense being the more, by reason (as I 
 mentioned) he lived freely and nobly. 
 
 However my Lord, notwithstanding that little provision 
 of money he had, set forth from Rotterdam to Antwerp, where 
 for some time he lay in a public inn, until one of his friends 
 that had a great love and respect for my Lord, Mr. Endymion 
 Porter, who was Groom of the Bed-chamber to his Majesty 
 King Charles the First (a place not only honourable, but very 
 profitable) being not willing that a person of such quality as 
 my Lord should lie in a public-house, proffered him lodgings 
 at the house where he was, and would not let my Lord be at 
 quiet, until he had accepted of them 1 . 
 
 My Lord, after he had stayed some while there, endeavouring 
 to find out a house for himself which might fit him and his 
 small family (for at that time he had put off most of his train), 
 and also be for his own content, lighted on one that belonged 
 to the widow of a famous picture-drawer, Van Ruben, 2 which 
 he took. 
 
 About this time my Lord was much necessitated for money, 
 which forced him to try several ways for to obtain so much 
 as would relieve his present wants. At last Mr. Aylcsbury, 
 the only son to Sir Thomas Aylcsbury, Knight and Baronet, 
 and brother to the now Countess of Clarendon, a very worthy 
 gentleman 3 , and great friend to my Lord, having some moneys 
 that belonged to the now Duke of Buckingham, and seeing 
 
 1 S<v The Life ami I.rttrrs n/ Ktulvmion I'ortcr, l>v D- 
 
 2 This ' pi< ture-drawer ' w;is Kiilx-ns. Mr. Lower 
 niiiviiiii. which thr Dnko afterwards purchased for (\ 
 
 1 William A vlrsl.ury. thr translator c.f Davila's lit 
 l>rn idis. died !'>,'>. llvcli- in. mud his sister IT.IIII 
 u/ \ali<mal llio^raf'hy, vol. ii. 
 
 rothe.i Towtisheiid, iSi,7, p. 25 
 
 . 
 
 nf Ihf Civil M'ars "/ I-'rantr, 
 SIT his life- in the Uicliotiary
 
 The Second Book 51 
 
 my Lord in so great distress, did him the favour to lend him 
 /2(X) (which money my Lord since his return hath honestly 
 and justly repaid). This relief came so seasonably, that it 
 got my Lord credit in the city of Antwerp, whereas otherwise 
 he would have lost himself to his great disadvantage ; for my 
 Lord having hired the house afore-mentioned, and wanting 
 furniture for it, was credited by the citi/cns for as many 
 goods as he was pleased to have, as also for meat and drink, 
 and all kind of necessaries and provisions, which certainly 
 was a special blessing of God, he being not only a stranger in 
 that nation, but, to all appearance, a ruined man. 
 
 After my Lord had been in Antwerp some time, where he 
 lived as retiredly as it was possible for him to do, he gained 
 much love and respect of all that knew or had any business 
 with him. At the beginning of our coming thither, we found 
 but few English (except those that were merchants) but 
 afterwards their number increased much, especially of persons 
 of quality ; and whereas at first there were no more but four 
 coaches that went the Tour ', viz. the Governor's of the 
 Castle, my Lord's, and two more, they amounted to the 
 number of above a hundred, before we went from thence ; 
 for all those that had sufficient means, and could go to the 
 price, kept coaches, and went the Tour for their own pleasure. 
 And certainly I cannot in duty and conscience but give this 
 public testimony to that place. That whereas I have ob- 
 served, that most commonly such towns or cities where the 
 prince of that country does not reside himself, or where there 
 is no great resort of the chief nobility and gentry, arc but 
 little civilised ; certainly, the inhabitants of the said city of 
 Antwerp are the civilest and best-behaved people that ever 
 I saw. So that my Lord lived there with as much content 
 as a man of his condition could do, and his chief pastime 
 and divertiscment consisted in the manage of the two afore- 
 mentioned horses ; which he had not enjoyed long, but the 
 Barbary horse, for which he paid JIH> pistoles in Paris, died, 
 and soon alter the horse which he had from the Lord Crofts : 
 and though he wanted present means to repair these his 
 losses, yet he endeavoured and obtained so much credit at 
 
 ' I'lu- Puclu'ss, in her l.i/f, explains tliis to signily ilri\in altMit tin- town ai.il thr 
 principal streets in a coach, ' which wr call here a Toiir, when- all tin- ihiel of the t wn 
 go to see and be seen, likewise all strangers, of what quality soever '.
 
 52 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 last that he was able to buy two others, and by degrees so 
 many as amounted in all to the number of eight. In which 
 he took so much delight and pleasure, that though he was 
 then in distress for money, yet he would sooner have tried all 
 other ways, than parted with any of them ; for I have heard 
 him say, that good horses are so rare, as not to be valued for 
 money, and that he who would buy him out of his pleasure 
 (meaning his horses), must pay dear for it. For instance I 
 shall mention some passages which happened when my Lord 
 was in Antwerp. 
 
 First, a stranger coming thither, and seeing my Lord's horses, 
 had a great mind to buy one of them, which my Lord loved 
 above the rest, and called him his favourite, a fine Spanish 
 horse ; entreating my Lord's escuyer to acquaint him with 
 his desire, and ask the price of the said horse. My Lord, 
 when he heard of it, commanded his servant, that if the chap- 
 man returned, he should be brought before him ; which being 
 done accordingly, my Lord asked him, whether he was re- 
 solved to buy his Spanish horse ? Yes, answered he, my 
 Lord, and I'll give your Lordship a good price for him. I 
 make no doubt of it, replied my Lord, or else you shall not 
 have him : but you must know, said he, that the price of 
 that horse is 1000 to-day, to-morrow it will be 2000, next 
 day ^3000, and so forth. By which the chapman perceiving 
 that my Lord was unwilling to part with the said horse for 
 any money,* took his leave, and so went his ways. 
 
 The next was, that the Duke de Guise, who was also a 
 great lover of good horses, hearing much commendation of a 
 grey leaping horse, which my Lord then had, told the gentle- 
 man that praised and commended him, that if my Lord was 
 willing to sell the said horse, he would give 600 pistoles for 
 him. The gentleman knowing my Lord's humour, answered 
 again, that he was confident my Lord would never part with 
 him for any money, and to that purpose sent a letter to my 
 Lord from Paris ; but my Lord was so far from selling that 
 horse, that he was displeased to hear that any price should be 
 offered for him : so great a love hath my Lord for good horses ! 
 And certainly I have observed, and do verily believe, that 
 some of them had also a particular love to my Lord ; for they 
 seemed to rejoice whensoever he came into the stables, by 
 their trampling action, and the noise they made ; nay, they
 
 The Second Book 53 
 
 would go much better in the manage 1 when my Lord was by, 
 than when he was absent ; and when he rid them himself, 
 tfliey seemed to take much pleasure and pride in it. But of 
 all sorts of horses, my Lord loved Spanish horses and barbs 
 best ; saying, that Spanish horses were like princes, and barbs 
 like gentlemen, in their kind. And this was the chief recrea- 
 tion and pastime my Lord had in Antwerp. 
 
 I will now return to my former discourse, and the relation 
 of some important affevirs and actions which happened about 
 this time. His Majesty (our now gracious King, Charles the 
 Second) some time after he was gone out of Holland, and 
 returned into France, took his journey from thence to Breda 
 (if I remember well) to treat there with his subjects of Scotland, 
 who had then made some offers of agreement 2 . My Lord, 
 according to his duty, went thither to wait on his Majesty, 
 and was there in council with his Majesty, his Highness the 
 then Prince of Orange, his Majesty's brother-in-law, and 
 some other privy-counsellors ; in which, after several debates 
 concerning that important affair, his Highness the Prince of 
 Orange, and my Lord, agreed in one opinion, viz. that they 
 could perceive no other and better way at that present for 
 his Majesty, but to make an agreement with his subjects of 
 Scotland, upon any condition, and to go into Scotland in 
 person himself, that he might but be sure of an army, there 
 being no probability or appearance then of getting an army 
 anywhere else. Which counsel, cither out of the then alleged 
 
 1 Manage wa/k^, riding-school. 
 
 2 These negotiations t<x>k place at lireda, in the spring of 1650. Charles sailed (or 
 Scotland on June 2. In his letter from Jersey to the Kstates of Scotland Charles had 
 fixed March 15 for the opening of the negotiations (Carte, Original Letters, i, T>f>). 
 Nicholas writes to Ormonde on April 3, 1(150 : ' 'Hie King hath lately sworn of his Privy 
 Council here, the Dukes of Buckingham and Hamilton and the Marquis of Newcastle ' 
 (P-376). According to Dovle's Official H irixKiiy, Newcastle entered the Council on April 
 (>, 1650. Hopton and Nicholas were excluded from the Council for opposing the con- 
 cessions made by the King to the Scots. Hyde, referring to this, writes to Nicholas : 
 ' You have a very precious junto to determine concerning three kingdoms ; you will 
 find the Marquis of Newcastle a very lamentable man, and as lit to be a general as a 
 bishop, but I doubt though you choose officers you are not in the way of raising armies. ' 
 Clarendon Sla/f rupfrs, iii, ;o. 
 
 Hyde was at Madrid during this treaty, but his letters show that he was thoroughly 
 opposed to the policy which dictated it. ' What secret spirit possesses the hearts of 
 all the King's party, that from all parts thev cry out "Agree with the Scots upon ativ 
 terms '. It were as possible for me to rebel as to govern myself bv those senseless 
 savings ; and yet people of all kinds sing that tune.' If any agreement was to lx> made 
 with the Scots, it ought to be straightforward and sincere. The Scots re.Hiiretl the 
 acceptance of the Covenant. Hopton and Nicholas urged the King to refuse ; others 
 urged that the King should take it and break it afterwards, which Clarendon char- 
 acterised as ' such folly and atheism that we should K- ashamed to avow it or think 
 it.' Cliirt'iuliHi S/<it<- /'ij/vrs, iii, is.
 
 54 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 reasons, or some others best known to his Majesty, was em- 
 braced : his Majesty agreeing with the Scots so far (notwith- 
 standing they were so unreasonable in their treaty, that his 
 Majesty had hardly patience to hear them), that he resolved 
 to go into Scotland in person ; and though my Lord had an 
 earnest desire to wait on his Majesty thither, yet the Scots 
 would not suffer him to come, or be in any part of that kingdom. 
 Wherefore, out of his loyalty and duty, he gave his Majesty 
 the best advice he could, viz. that he conceived it most safe 
 for his Majesty to adhere to the Earl of Argyle's part}-, which 
 he supposed to be the strongest ; but especially, to reconcile 
 Hamilton's and Argylc's party, and compose the differences 
 between them ; for then his Majesty would be sure of two 
 parties, whereas otherwise he would leave an enemy behind 
 him, which might cause his overthrow, and endanger his 
 Majesty's person ; and if his Majesty could but get the power 
 into his own hands, he might do hereafter what he pleased. 
 
 His Majesty being arrived in Scotland, ordered his affairs 
 so wisely, that soon after he got an army to march with him 
 into England ; but whether they were all loyal, is not for me 
 to dispute. However, Argylc was discontented, as it appeared 
 by two complaining letters he sent to my Lord, which my 
 Lord gave his Majesty notice of l ; so that only the Duke of 
 Hamilton went with his Majesty, who fought and died like a 
 valiant man, and a loyal subject. In this fight between the 
 English and Scots, his Majesty expressed an extraordinary 
 courage ; and though his army was in a manner destroyed, 
 yet the glory of an heroic prince remained with our gracious 
 sovereign. 
 
 In the meantime, whilst his Majesty was yet in Scotland, 
 and before he marched with his army into England, it hap- 
 pened that the Elector of Brandenburg, and Duke of Ncuburg, 
 upon some differences, having raised forces against each 
 other, but afterwards concluded a peace between them, were 
 pleased to proffer those forces to my Lord for his Majesty's 
 use and service, which (as the Lord Chancellor, who was then 
 in France, sent word to my Lord) was the only foreign proffer 
 that had been made to his Majesty. My Lord immediately 
 
 I 1'iiiir li-ttfrs written to Nrwt.istlr in I)rr. if>so .in<l J.iti. 1651 l>y nnblrmrn thrn 
 with tho King in Scotland arc printed in l'i>rtland .1/.S6'. ii, 136-9. One is lrm Argylr, 
 but it docs not refer to the march into lingland.
 
 The Second Book 55 
 
 gave liis .Majesty notice of it ; but whether it was for want of 
 convenient transportation, or money, or that the Scots did 
 not like the assistance, that proffer was not accepted l . 
 
 Concerning the affairs and intrigues that passed in Scotland 
 and England, during the time of his Majesty's stay there, I am 
 ignorant of them ; neither doth it belong to me now to write, 
 or give an account of anything else but what concerns the 
 history of my noble Lord and husband's life, and his own 
 actions ; who, so soon as he had intelligence that the Scottish 
 army, which went with his Majesty into England, was de- 
 feated and that nobody knew what was become of his Majesty, 
 fell into so violent a passion, that I verily believed it would 
 have endangered his life ; but when afterwards the happy 
 news came of his Majesty's safe arrival in France, never any 
 subject could rejoice more than my Lord did. 
 
 About this time it chanced, that my Lord's brother, Sir 
 Charles Cavendish, and myself, took a journey into England, 
 occasioned both by my Lord's extreme want and necessity, 
 and his brother's estate ; which having been under seques- 
 tration from the time (or soon after) he went out of England, 
 was then, in case he did not return and compound for it, to 
 be sold outright. Sir Charles was unwilling to receive his 
 estate upon such conditions, and would rather have lost it, 
 than compounded for it. But my Lord, considering it was 
 better to recover something, than lose all, entreated the Lord 
 Chancellor, who was then in Antwerp, to persuade his brother 
 ID a composition, which his Lordship did very effectually, 
 
 l Nicholas writes to Orinoml on Juno 20, if>5t, th.it ho hoars from the Hague ' thnt 
 tho Marquess of Hrandonbnrgh and his lady arrived thoro Friday last, and on Sunday 
 following ho and his lady (when tho IVinross Koval was at sermon) wont to soo tho young 
 Prince of Orange, and on Tuesday following intended to leave the Hague, without 
 making one visit to her Highness Royal. The Marquess resolves to make war against 
 the Duke of Neulwrg, who will be assisted by the King of Spain and the Duke of Lor- 
 raine, as the Marquess hopes to be by the Swede.' Carlo, Original l.etlfrs. li. jS. 
 On August 8, however, the Klector of Hrandenlmrgh wrote t> the Marquess of New- 
 c >stle that his t>eing obliged to take up arms against the Duke of Neubnrg hindered 
 his helping Charles at present, but that as Sixm as matters wore settled he would not 
 fail to lot his soldiers put themselves .it the service of the King. On September II 
 he wrote further congratulating him on the success of th- King of C,reat Hiitain. and 
 saving that as he hoped soon to have no farther need of his tnxips ho would willingly 
 outer into a treaty for their employment in the King's service. A letter from one of 
 the Klector 's Ministers stated that his sovereign would provide (>ooo infantry and 41x10 
 cavalry, adding that he had boon employed to proceed to Denmark to solicit ships, and 
 asking in wh.it Hritish harbour the troops were to land. The Marquess replied saving 
 that lie was alxv.it to send a messenger to make arrangements with the King of IVn- 
 mark. CalfiiJtir of thf Cl,trfn,lon Xtiilf /'ii/>crs, vol. li. pp. los-;. Hut tho battle of 
 Worcester put an end to all these h.ipos. Nevertheless the l-'le. tor of Hrandenburgh 
 c vitinuod to e\orcis<- his i;,xxl offices on N'li.ilf of Charles in the Diet o( tin- I'.mpire, 
 and in January iv( the King sent him the Order oi the Garter (p. 305).
 
 56 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 and proved himself a noble and true friend in it '. We had 
 so small a provision of money when \vc set forth our journey 
 for England, that it was hardly able to carry us to London, 
 but were forced to stay at Southwark ; where Sir Charles sent 
 into London for one that had formerly been his steward, and 
 having declared to him his wants and necessities, desired him 
 to try his credit. He seemed ready to do his master what 
 service he could in that kind ; but pretending withal, that 
 his credit was but small, Sir Charles gave him his watch to 
 pawn, and with that money paid those small scores we had 
 made in our lodging there. From thence we went to some 
 other lodgings that were prepared for us in Covcnt Garden ; 
 and having rested ourselves some time, I desired my brother, 
 the Lord Lucas, to claim in my behalf some subsistence for 
 myself out of my Lord's estate (for it was declared by the 
 Parliament, that the lands of those that were banished, should 
 be sold to any that would buy them, only their wives and 
 children were allowed to put in their claims) : but he received 
 this answer, that I could not expect the least allowance, by 
 reason my Lord and husband had been the greatest traitor of 
 England (that is to say, the honestest man, because he had 
 been most against them) 2 . 
 
 Then Sir Charles entrusted some persons to compound for 
 his estate ; but it being a good while before they agreed in 
 their composition, and then before the rents could be received, 
 we having in the meantime nothing to live on, must of necessity 
 
 1 See Clarendon's letter to Nicholas, November i, if>s/. Newcastle had placed 
 most of his lands in the hands of trustees ; nevertheless the Commonwealth laid hands 
 on them. ' Where any clauses of revocation are ', writes Hyde, ' the Commonwealth 
 takes the advantage to do that which the persons dead in law might do ; and so they 
 disappoint all those engagements, as they have done or declare they will do in the case 
 of my Lord Newcastle, who l>efore these times conveyed his lands for the payment of 
 debts and raising vounger children's portions, with a power of revocation, which the 
 sovereign power will now execute, and so defraud the creditors and all other inten- 
 tions. In verv good earnest the whole business of proceeding with them is so intricate 
 and perplexed and ridiculous, that I do not intend to trouble myself at all about it ; 
 and I fear whosoever does, except he resolves to do that which he is to be damned for 
 doing, will get nothing by it ; and yet my Lady Marquis of Newcastle ventures thither 
 this wi-ek ; and no question it is wisely done, and with her Sir Charles Cavendish, as 
 well to urge some deeds of trust, which he hath long been in for his brother, as to en- 
 deavour to enjoy the benefit of a composition which was made long since for his own 
 estate.' ( larendon Slate I'afiers, iii, 34. The papers relating to the case of Sir Charles 
 Cavendish are to IH; found in the Calendar of the 1'roceedtnt^ of the Committee for (<mi- 
 fxiunJin:;, p. 20-1 1. Dring's ( atalngue, ed. 1711, p. 27. The arguments by which Clar- 
 endon converted Sir Charles Cavendish are given in his /.iff. Hook vi, 30-4. 
 
 2 Her petition is dated Dec. 10 ih.si. It was refused, as she savs in her life of her- 
 self (p. 1(17 />W), not localise of the reason given alxive, but liecause her marriage had 
 taken place since her husband's delinquency < alfndar / Ihf I'nitf filing "/ Ihf < m- 
 mi/tee ]ur ( omf>ountitn, p. 1733.
 
 The Second Book 57 
 
 have been starved, had not Sir Charles got some credit of 
 several persons, and that not without great difficulty ; for 
 all those that had estates, were afraid to come near him, much 
 less to assist him, until he was sure of his own estate. So 
 much is misery and poverty shunned ! 
 
 But though our condition was hard, yet my dear Lord and 
 husband, whom we left in Antwerp, was then in a far greater 
 distress than ourselves ; for at our departure he had nothing 
 but what his credit was able to procure him ; and having run 
 upon the score so long without paying any the least part 
 thereof, his creditors began to grow impatient, and resolved to 
 trust him no longer. Wherefore he sent me word, that if 
 his brother did not presently relieve him, he was forced to 
 starve. Which doleful news caused great sadness and melan- 
 choly in us both, and withal made his brother try his utmost 
 endeavour to procure what moneys he could for his subsistence, 
 who at last got ^200 sterling upon credit, which he immediately 
 made over to my Lord. 
 
 But in the meantime, before the said money could come to 
 his hands, my Lord had been forced to send for all his creditors, 
 and declare to them his great wants and necessities ; where 
 his speech was so effectual, and made such an impression in 
 them, that they had all a deep sense of my Lord's misfortunes : 
 and instead of urging the payment of his debts, promised him. 
 that he should not want anything in whatsoever they were 
 able to assist him ; which they also very nobly and civilly 
 performed, furnishing him with all manner of provisions and 
 necessaries for his further subsistence ; so that my Lord was 
 then in a much better condition amongst strangers, than we in 
 our native country. 
 
 At last when Sir Charles Cavendish had compounded for 
 his estate, and agreed to pay 45< for it, the Parliament 
 caused it again to be surveyed, and made him pay /5oo more, 
 which was more than many others had paid for much greater 
 estates ; so that Sir Charles, to pay this composition, and 
 discharge some debts, was necessitated to sell some land of his 
 at an undcr-rate. My Lord's two sons (who were also in 
 England at that time) were no less in want and necessity than 
 we, having nothing but bare credit to live on ; 1 and my Lord's 
 
 1 Tin- petitions of Charles Viscount M.uisticld .mil bis brother Henrv for leave to 
 Compound uix- given in the I'riXffJings <>/ tht ( 'ommtttte /or Owi/vioii/ing n-ilh /Wnt^wrn/s, 
 
 I
 
 58 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 estate being then to be sold outright, Sir Charles, his brother, 
 endeavoured, if possible, to save the two chief houses, viz. 
 Wclbeck and Bolsover, being resolved rather to part with 
 some more of his land, which he had lately compounded for, 
 than to let them fall into the enemy's hands. But before 
 such time as he could compass the money, somebody had 
 bought Bolsover, with an intention to pull it down, and make 
 money of the materials ; of whom Sir Charles was forced to 
 buy it again at a far greater rate then he might have had it at 
 first, notwithstanding a great part of it was pulled down 
 already ; and though my Lord's eldest son Charles, Lord 
 Mansfield, had those mentioned houses some time in possession 
 after the death of his uncle, yet for want of means he was not 
 able to repair them. 
 
 I having now been in England a year and a half, some 
 intelligence which I received of my Lord's being not very 
 well, and the small hopes I had of getting some relief out of his 
 estate, put me upon design of returning to Antwerp to my 
 Lord, and Sir Charles, his brother, took the same resolution, 
 but was prevented by an ague that seized upon him. Not 
 long had I been with my Lord, but we received the sad news 
 of his brother's death, which was an extreme affliction both 
 to my Lord and myself, for they loved each other entirely. In 
 truth, he was a person of so great worth, such extraordinary 
 civility, so obliging a nature, so full of generosity, justice and 
 charity, besides all manner of learning, especially in the 
 mathematics, that not only his friends, but even his enemies, 
 did much lament his loss l . 
 
 p. 1700- Three letters from Newcastle to his son Charles al>oiit the means tn lw> adopted 
 to preserve the pictures and furniture at \Vell>ock and Bolsover arc to l>e funnel in I'urt- 
 land MSS., ii, 141. 
 
 1 The death of Sir Charles Cavendish took place on the 4th of February, 1654. Claren- 
 don announces it to Nicholas in a letter dated March fi. if>v (Clarendn Stalt I'afrrs. 
 iii, 223). In his Life (vi, 20) he draws the following portrait : 
 
 ' The conversation the Chancellor took most delight in was that of Sir Charles Caven- 
 dish, brother to the Marquis, who was one of the most extraordinary perso is of that 
 age, in all the noble endowments of the mind. He had all the disadvantages i nagin.ible 
 in his person, which was not only of so small a sire that it drew the eves of nen upon 
 him, but with such deformity in his little person, and an aspect in his coi ntenancc, 
 that was apter to raise contempt than application ; but in this unhandsome >r homely 
 habitation, there was a mind and a soul l>xlged. that was verv lovelv and Ix-autiful ; 
 cultivated and polished by all the knowledge and wisdom that arts and sciences cnuld 
 supply it with. He was a great philosopher, in the extent of it, and an excellent mathe- 
 matician ; whose correspondence was very dear to (i.issendus and Descartes, the la*t 
 nf which dedicated some of his works to him. He had verv notable courage, and the 
 vigour of his mind so adorned his Ixxlv, that Ix-ing with his brother the Marquis in all 
 the war, he usually went out in all parties, and was present and charged the enemy 
 in all battles, with as keen a courage as could dwell in the heart of mail. But then
 
 The Second Book 59 
 
 After my return out of England, to my Lord, the creditors 
 supposing I had brought great store of money along with me, 
 came all to my Lord to solicit the payment of their debts ; but 
 when my Lord had informed them of the truth of the business 
 and desired their patience somewhat longer, with assurance 
 that so soon as he received any money, he would honestly and 
 justly satisfy them, they were not only willing to forbear the 
 payment of those debts he had contracted hitherto, but to 
 credit him for the future, and supply him with such necessaries 
 as he should desire of them. And this was the only happiness 
 which my Lord had in his distressed condition, and the chief 
 blessing of the eternal and merciful God, in whose power arc 
 all things, who ruled the hearts and minds of men, and filled 
 them with charity and compassion. For certainly it was a 
 work of Divine Providence, that they showed so much love, 
 respect, and honour to my Lord, a stranger to their nation ; 
 and notwithstanding his ruined condition, and the small 
 appearance of recovering his own, credited him wheresoever 
 he lived, both in France, Holland, Brabant, and Germany ; 
 that although my Lord wiis banished his native country, 
 and dispossessed from his own estate, could nevertheless live 
 in so much splendour and grandeur as he did. 
 
 In this condition (and how little soever the appearance was) 
 my Lord was never without hopes of seeing yet (before his 
 death) a happy issue of all his misfortunes and sufferings, 
 especially of the restoration of his most gracious King and 
 master, to his throne and kingly rights, whereof he always had 
 assured hopes, well knowing, that it was impossible for the 
 kingdom to subsist long under so many changes of govern- 
 ment ; and whensoever I expressed how little faith I had in 
 it, he would gently reprove me, saying, I believed least, what I 
 desired most ; and could never be happy if I endeavoured to 
 exclude all hopes, and entertained nothing but doubts and 
 fears. 
 
 the gentleness of his disposition, the humility and meekness of his nature, and the viva- 
 city of his wit, was admirable. He was so' modest that he could hardly In- prevail.-*! 
 with to enlarge himselt on subjects he understood better than other men, except he were 
 pressed by his very familiar friends, as if he thought it presumption to know more than 
 handsomer men use to do. Alxne all, his virtue and piety was such that no tempta- 
 tion could work upon him to consent to an\ -thing that swerved in the least degree from 
 the precise rules of honour, or the most severe rules of conscience.' 
 
 Several letters from Sir Charles Cavendish to I'ell are printed in the second volume 
 of Robert Vaughan's I'rulcctoriite of Cromu-fll, others have been printed by Halliwell, 
 Letters on Scientific Subjects (1841).
 
 60 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 'The city of Antwerp, in which we lived, being a place of 
 great resort for strangers and travellers, his Majesty (our now 
 gracious King, Charles the Second) passed through it, when 
 he went his journey towards Germany ; and after my Lord 
 had done his humble duty, and waited on his Majesty, he was 
 pleased to honour him with his presence at his house. The 
 same did almost all strangers that were persons of quality ; 
 if they made any stay in the town, they would come and visit 
 my Lord, and see the manage of his horses : and, amongst the 
 rest, the Duke of Oldenburg, and the Prince of East Fricsland, 
 did my Lord the honour, and presented him with horses of 
 their own breed. 
 
 One time it happened, that his Highness Dom John d'Aus- 
 tria (who was then governor of those provinces) came to 
 Antwerp, and stayed there some few days ; and then almost 
 all his court waited on my Lord, so that one day I reckoned 
 about seventeen coaches, in which were all persons of quality, 
 who came in the morning of purpose to see my Lord's manage. 
 My Lord receiving so great an honour thought it fit to show 
 his respect and civility to them, and to ride some of his horses 
 himself, which otherwise he never did but for his own exercise 
 and delight ] . Amongst the rest of those great and noble 
 persons, there were two of our nation, viz. the then Marquis, 
 now Duke of Ormond, and the Earl of Bristol ; but Dom John 
 was not there in person, excusing himself afterwards to my 
 Lord (when my Lord waited on him) that the multiplicity oi 
 his weighty affairs had hindered his coming thither, which my 
 Lord accounted as a very high honour and favour from so 
 great a Prince ; and conceiving it his duty to wait on his 
 Highness, but being unknown to him, the Earl of Bristol, who 
 
 1 In the introduction to the Duke's second book on horsemanship (A \eic Mcthxd 
 and l:\traonlinary Invetition to Dress Horses), the Duke Mis the following story : ' \Vhrn 
 1 had the honour to wait on Don John of Austria, at Antwerp, brought to hin 
 Iy>rd of Bristol, his Highness was pleased to use me extreme rivillv ; and to 
 then, and at several other times, for my book of horsemanship, In-fore it was 
 and to receive it with great satisfaction, when I presented his Highness with 01 
 he did not see my horses, which, in above twenty coaches, all the Spaniards of 1 
 went to my manage to see; with many noblemen of Flanders, as the Duke of AM..I, 
 and others, before whom I rid myself three horses, and my esquire, five. Being re- 
 turned to Don John, he asked them, whether my horses were as rare, as their reputation 
 was great ; to which they answered, that my horses were such that they wanted no- 
 thing of reasonable creatures but speakitig. And the Marquess of Seralvo, Master 
 of the Horse to his Highness, and (lovornor of the Castle of Antwerp, told his Highness, 
 that he had asked m-, wh.it horses I liked lx-st ? and that I h.nl .m*wered, there were 
 good and bad of all nations; but that the Harlis were the gentlemen of horse-kind, 
 and Spanish horses the princes. Which answer did infinitely please the Spaniards ; 
 and it is very true, that horses are so as 1 said.' 
 
 lx>th 
 rin ted ; 
 r. Hut 
 is court
 
 The Second Book 6l 
 
 had acquaintance with him, did my Lord the favour, and upon 
 his request, presented him to his Highness ; which favour of 
 the said Karl my Lord highly resented *. 
 
 Dom John received my Lord with all kindness and respect ; 
 for although there were many great and noble persons that 
 waited on him in an out-room, yet so soon as his Highness 
 heard of my Lord's and the Karl of Bristol's being there, he 
 was plciiscd to admit them before all the rest. My Lord, after 
 he had passed his compliments, told his Highness, that he 
 found himself bound in all duty to make his humble acknow- 
 ledgments for the favour he received from his Catholic Majesty 
 for permitting and suffering him (a banished man) to live in 
 his dominions, and under the government of his Highness. 
 Whereupon Dom John asked my Lord whether he wanted 
 anything, and whether he lived peaceably without any moles- 
 tation or disturbance ? My Lord answered, that he lived as 
 much to his own content as a banished man could do ; and 
 received more respect and civility from that city than he 
 could have expected, for which he returned his most humble 
 thanks to his Catholic Majesty, and his Highness. After some 
 short discourse, my Lord took his leave of Dom John, several 
 of the Spaniards advising him to go into Spain, and assuring 
 him of his Catholic Majesty's kindness and favour ; but my 
 Lord being engaged in the city of Antwerp, and besides in 
 years, and wanting means for so long and chargeable a voyage, 
 was not able to embrace their motions. And surely he was 
 so well pleased with the great civilities he received from that 
 city, that then he was resolved to choose no other residing 
 place all the time of his banishment but that ; he being not 
 only credited there for all manner of provisions and necessaries 
 for his subsistence, but also free both from ordinary and 
 extraordinary taxes, and from paying excise, which was a 
 great favour and obligation to my Lord -. 
 
 After his Highness Dom John had left the government of 
 those provinces the Marquis of Caracena succeeded in his place, 
 who having a great desire to see my Lord ride in the manage, 
 
 1 Resented, felt. 
 2 This indulgence was granted to most of tli 
 to Taltxit : ' In consequence of being incogn 
 has lived in this country without being exen 
 impositions', an exemption enjoved bv Lot 
 while at Antwerp, and Lord llopton and mat 
 don Sttitc 2'aptrs, iii, 154. 
 
 exiles. On August 7, H>st>, Hvde wr 
 to, the King is the only gentleman 
 pt from paving excise and other sin 
 I Newcastle at Antwerp, Hvde hiti 
 y others at Hrujjes. (.'alfn.i.ir t>/ ('/.i 
 
 : 
 . 
 
 -
 
 62 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 entreated a gentleman of the city, that was acquainted with 
 my Lord, to beg that favour of him. My Lord having not 
 been at that exercise six weeks, or two months, by reason of 
 some sickness that made him unfit for it, civilly begged his 
 excuse ; but he was so much importuned by the said gentleman 
 that at last he granted his request, and rid one or two horses 
 in presence of the said Marquis of Caraccna, and the then 
 Marquis, now Duke of Ormond, who often used to honour my 
 Lord with his company. The said Marquis of Caraccna seemed 
 to take much pleasure and satisfaction in it, and highly com- 
 plimented my Lord ; and certainly I have observed, that 
 noble and meritorious persons take great delight in honouring 
 each other l . 
 
 But not only strangers, but his Majesty himself (our now 
 gracious Sovereign) was pleased to see my Lord ride, and one 
 time did ride himself, he being an excellent master of that art, 
 and instructed by my Lord, who had the honour to set him first 
 on a horse of manage, when he was his governor ; where his 
 Majesty's capacity was such, that being but ten years of age, 
 he would ride leaping horses, and such as would overthrow 
 others, and manage them with the greatest skill and dexterity, 
 to the admiration of all that beheld him. ~ 
 
 1 In the preface to the book before mentioned the Duke thus relates this incident : 
 
 ' The Marquess of Caracena was so civilly earnest to see me ride, that he was pleased 
 to say, it would be a great satisfaction to him to see me on horseback, though the horse 
 should but walk. And seeing that no excuses would serve (though I did use many) 
 I was contented to satisfy his so obliging a curiosity ; and told him, I would obey his 
 commands, though I thought 1 should hardly be able to sit in the saddle. Two days 
 after he came to my manage, and I rid first a Spanish horse, called " Le Superbe," of 
 a light bay, a beautiful horse, and though hard to be rid, yet when he was hit right, 
 he was the readiest horse in the world. He went in corvets forward, backward, side- 
 ways, on both hands ; made the cross perfectly upon his voltoes ; and did change upon 
 his voltoes so just, without breaking time, that a musician could not keep time better ; 
 and went terra a terra perfectly. The second horse I rid, was another Spanish, called 
 I,c fienty ; and was rightly named so, for he was the finest-shaped horse that ever I 
 saw, and the neatest ; a brown bay with a white star in his forehead ; no horse ever 
 went terra a terra like him, so just, and so easy ; and for the piroyte in his length, so 
 just and so swift that the standers-by could hardly see the rider's face when he went 
 and truly when he had done, I was so cli//y, that I could hardly sit in the saddle. The 
 third and last horse I rid then was a Barb, that went a metz-ayre very high, Imth for- 
 ward and upon his voltoes, and terra a terra. And when I had done riding the Mar- 
 quess of Caraccna seemed to be very well satisfied ; and some Spaniards that were 
 with him, crossed themselves, and cried Miraculo ! ' 
 
 For an explanation of the terms of horsemanship used I must refer readers to the 
 Duke's two lxx>ks on the subject. 
 
 - 'Hie Duke himself says, in the preface before quoted: 'Having had the honour, 
 when I was his governor, to be the first that s<-t him on horseback, and did instriirt him 
 in the art of horsemanship, it is a great satisfaction to me, to make mention here of the 
 joy I had ttvn, to see that his Majesty made mv horM-s go Itctter than any Italian 
 or French riders (who had often rid them) could do.' And again at p. 7 of the Dublin 
 edition of the same book : ' Our gracious and most excellent King is not only the hand- 
 Svmcst. and most comely horseman in the world, but as knowing and understanding
 
 The Second Book 63 
 
 Nor was this the only honour my Lord received from his 
 Majesty but his Majesty and all the royal race, that is to say, 
 her Highness the then Princess-Royal, his Highness the Duke 
 of York, with his brother the Duke of Gloucester (except the 
 Princess Henrietta, now Duchess of Orleans), being met one 
 time in Antwerp, were pleased to honour my Lord with their 
 presence, and accept of a small entertainment at his house, 
 such as his present condition was able to afford them. 1 . And 
 some other time his Majesty passing through the city was 
 pleased to accept of a private dinner at my Lord's house ; 
 after which I receiving that gracious favour from his Majesty, 
 that he was pleased to see me, he did merrily, and in jest, 
 tell me that he perceived my Lord's credit could procure 
 better meat than his own. Again, some other time, upon a 
 merry challenge playing a game at butts with my Lord (when 
 my Lord had the better of him), What (said he) my Lord, have 
 you invited me to play the rook with me ? ~ although their 
 stakes were not at all considerable, but only for pastime. 
 
 These passages I mention only to declare my Lord's happi- 
 ness in his miseries, which he received by the honour and 
 kindness not only of foreign princes, but of his own master and 
 gracious sovereign. I will not speak now of the good esteem 
 and repute he had by his late Majesty King Charles the 
 First, and her Majesty the now Queen-mother, who always 
 held and found him a very loyal and faithful subject, although 
 fortune was pleased to oppose him in the height of his en- 
 deavours ; for his only and chief intention was to hinder his 
 
 in the art as any man ; and no man makes a horse go better than I havo soon some go 
 under his Majesty the first time that ever lie came upon their backs, which is the height 
 and quintessence of the art.' 
 
 l This entertainment is probably the one mentioned as taking place in February 
 1658. Sir Charles Cotterell writes to Nicholas: ' At the ball at Lord Newcastle's was 
 the Duchess of Lorraine and her son and daughter, with the King and his brothers and 
 sister, several French people, and some of the town. 'Hie King was brought in with 
 music, and all being placed, Major Mohun, the player, in a black satin robe and gar- 
 land of bavs, made a speech in verse of his lordship's own poetry, complimenting the 
 King in his highest hvperlxile. Then there was dancing for two hours, and then mv 
 Lady's Moor, dressed in feathers, came in and sang a song of the same author's, set 
 
 1 taught him bv Nich. I.anier. Then was the banquet brought in in eight urcat char- 
 each borne bv two gentlemen of the court, and others bringing wines, drinks, do. 
 they danced again two hours more, and Major Mohun ended all with another 
 
 veh, prophesying his Majesty's re-establishment.' CtilfnJtir i>/ St,ite /'d/'irs, 1(>V S, 
 
 :>(>, 
 
 '* Hook, a sharper. Cotton, describing an ordinarv at ninht, savs : ' This is the time 
 (when ravenous beasts natural! v seek their prev) wherein comes shoals of I luffs. Hectors, 
 Setters, (alls, 1'ads, Biters, Divers, Listers. Filers, lludgies, Droppers, (.'rossbitors. etc.. 
 and these mav .ill pass under the general and common appellation of Koks.'- / A<- 
 Complete (t'limrs/rr.
 
 64 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 Majesty's enemies from executing that cruel design which 
 they had upon their gracious and merciful King. In which 
 he tried his uttermost power, insomuch that I have heard him 
 say out of a passionate zeal and loyalty, that he would willingly 
 sacrifice himself and all his posterity, for the sake of his 
 Majesty and the royal race. Nor did he ever repine either at 
 his losses or sufferings, but rejoiced rather that he was able 
 to suffer for his King and country. His army was the only 
 army that was .able to uphold his Majesty's power ; which, so 
 long as it was victorious, it preserved both his Majesty's per- 
 son and crown. But so soon as it fell, that fell too ; and my 
 Lord was then in a manner forced to seek his own preservation 
 in foreign countries, where God was pleased to make strangers 
 his friends, who received and protected him when he was 
 banished his native country, and relieved him when his own 
 countrymen sought to starve him, by withholding from him 
 what was justly his own, only for his honesty and loyalty : 
 which relief he received more from the commons of those 
 parts where he lived, than from princes, he being unwilling 
 to trouble any foreign prince with his wants and miseries, well 
 knowing, that gifts of great princes came slowly, and not 
 without much difficulty ; neither loves he to petition any one 
 but his own Sovereign. 
 
 But though my Lord by the civility of strangers, and the 
 assistance of some few friends of his native country, lived in 
 an indifferent condition, yet (as it hath been declared hereto- 
 fore) he was put to great plunges and difficulties, insomuch 
 that his dear brother Sir Charles Cavendish would often say, 
 that though he could not truly complain of want, yet his meat 
 never did him good by reason my Lord, his brother, was 
 always so near wanting, that he was never sure after one meal 
 to have another : and though I was not afraid of starving 
 or begging, yet my chief fear was, that my Lord for his debts 
 would suffer imprisonment, where sadness of mind, and want 
 of exercise and air, would have wrought his destruction, which 
 yet by the mercy of God he happily avoided. 
 
 Some time before the restoration of his Majesty to his 
 royal throne, my Lord, partly with the remainder of his 
 brother's estate (which was but little, it being wasted by 
 selling of land for compounding with the Parliament, paying 
 of several debts, and buying out the two houses aforemcn-
 
 The Second Book 65 
 
 tioncd, viz. Wclbcck and Bolsovor), and the credit which his 
 sons had got, which amounted in all to ^2400 a year, sprinkled 
 something amongst his creditors, and borrowed so much of 
 Mr. Top and Mr. Smith (though without assurance) that lie 
 could pay such score; as were most pressing, contracted from 
 the poorer sort of tradesmen, and send ready money to market, 
 to avoid cozenage (for small scores run up most unreasonably, 
 especially if no strict accounts be kept, and the rate be left 
 to the creditor's pleasure) by which means there was in a 
 short time so much saved, as it could not have been imagined. 
 
 About this time, a report came of a great number of sectaries, 
 and of several disturbances in Kngland, which heightened my 
 Lord's former hopes into a firm belief of a sudden change in 
 that kingdom, and a happy restoration of his Majesty, which 
 it also pleased God to send according to his expectation l ; 
 for his Majesty was invited by his subjects, who were not able 
 longer to endure those great confusions and encumbrances 
 they had sustained hitherto, to take possession of his hereditary 
 rights, and the power of all his dominions : and being then at 
 the Hague in Holland, to take shipping in those parts for 
 Kngland, my Lord went thither to wait on his Majesty, who 
 used my Lord very graciously; and his Highness the Duke 
 of York was pleased to offer him one of those ships that were 
 ordered to transport his Majesty ; for which he returned his 
 most humble thanks to his Highness, and begged leave of his 
 Highness that he might hire a vessel for himself and his com- 
 pany. 
 
 In the meantime, whilst my Lord was at the Hague, his 
 Majesty was pleased to tell him. that General Monk, now 
 Duke of Albemarle, had desired the place of being Master of 
 the Horse: to which my Lord answered, that that gallant 
 person was worthy of any favour that his Majesty could 
 confer upon him : and having taken his leave of his Majesty, 
 and liis Highness the Duke of York, went towards the ship 
 that was to transport him for Kngland (I might better call it 
 a boat, than a ship : for those that were intrusted by my 
 Lord to hire a ship for that purpose, had hired an old rotten 
 frigate that was lost the next voyage after; insomuch, that 
 when some of the company that hail promised to go over with 
 my Lord, saw it. they turned back, and would not endanger 
 
 1 See the Duke's letters to Nicholas in Appendix viii. 
 
 K
 
 66 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 their lives in it, except the now Lord Widdrington, who was 
 resolved not to forsake my Lord). 
 
 My Lord (who was so transported with the joy of returning 
 into his native countr\ r , that he regarded not the vessel) having 
 set sail from Rotterdam, was so becalmed, that he was six 
 days and six nights upon the water, during which time he 
 pleased himself with mirth, and passed his time away as well 
 as he could ; provisions he wanted not, having them in great 
 store and plenty. At last, being come so far that he was able 
 to discern the smoke of London, which he had not seen in a 
 long time, he merrily was pleased to desire one that was near 
 him, to jog and awake him out of his dream, for surely, said 
 he, I have been sixteen years asleep, and am not thoroughly 
 awake yet. My Lord lay that night at Greenwich, where his 
 supper seemed more savoury to him, than any meat he had 
 hitherto tasted ; and the noise of some scraping fiddlers he 
 thought the plcasantcst harmony that ever he had heard. 
 
 In the meantime my Lord's son, Henry, Lord Mansfield, 
 now Earl of Ogle, was gone to Dover with intention to wait 
 on his Majesty, and receive my Lord his father, with all joy 
 and duty, thinking he had been with his Majesty ; but when he 
 missed of his design, he was very much troubled, and more, 
 when his Majesty was pleased to tell him that my Lord had 
 set to sea, before his Majesty himself was gone out of Holland, 
 fearing my Lord had met with some misfortune in his journey, 
 because he had not heard of his landing. Wherefore he 
 immediately parted from Dover, to seek my Lord, whom at 
 last he found at Greenwich. With what joy they embraced 
 and saluted each other, my pen is too weak to express. 
 
 But all this while, and after my Lord was gone from Antwerp, 
 I was left alone there with some of my servants ; for my 
 Lord being in Holland with his Majesty, declared in a letter 
 to me his intention of going for England, withal commanding 
 me to stay in that city, as a pawn for his debts, until he could 
 compass money to discharge them ; and to excuse him to the 
 magistrates of the said city for not taking his leave of them, 
 and paying his due thanks for their great civilities, which he 
 desired me to do in his behalf. And certainly my Lord's 
 affection to me was such, that it made him very industrious 
 in providing those means ; for it being uncertain what or 
 whether he should have anything of his estate, made it a
 
 The Second Book 67 
 
 diflicult business for him to borrow money. At last he re- 
 ceived some of one Mr. Ash, now Sir Joseph Ash, a merchant 
 of Antwerp, which he returned to me ; but what with the 
 expense I had made in the meanwhile, and what was required 
 for my transporting into England, besides the debts formerly 
 contracted, the said money fell too short by ^400, and although 
 I could have upon my own word taken up much more, yet 
 I was unwilling to leave an engagement amongst strangers. 
 Wherefore I sent for one Mr. Shaw, now Sir John Shaw, a 
 near kinsman to the said Mr. Ash, entreating him to lend me 
 /4<K), which he did most readily, and so discharged my debts. 
 
 My departure being now divulged in Antwerp, the mag- 
 istrates of the city came to take their leaves of me, where I 
 desired one Mr. Duart ', a very worthy gentleman, and one 
 of the chief of the city, though he derives his race from the 
 Portuguese (to whom and his sisters, all very skilful in the 
 art of music, though for their own pastime and recreation, both 
 my Lord and myself were much bound for their great civilities) 
 to be my interpreter. They were pleased to express that they 
 were sorry for our departure out of their city, but withal 
 rejoiced at our happy returning into our native country, and 
 wished me soon and well to the place where I most desired 
 to be. Whereupon I having excused my Lord's hasty going 
 away without taking his leave of them, returned them mine 
 and my Lord's hearty thanks for their great civilities, declaring 
 how sorry I was that it lay not in my power to make an 
 acknowledgment answerable to them. But after their depar- 
 ture from me, they were pleased to send their undcr-officcrs 
 (as the custom there is) with a present of wine, which I re- 
 ceived with all respect and thankfulness. 
 
 I being thus prepared for my voyage, went with my ser- 
 vants to Flushing, and finding no English man-of-war there, 
 being loath to trust myself with a less vessel, was at last 
 informed that a Dutch man-of-war lay there ready to convoy 
 some merchants. I forthwith sent for the captain thereof, 
 whose name was Bankert, and asked him whether it was 
 possible to obtain the favour of having the use of his ship to 
 transport me into England ? To which he answered, 
 
 1 T.rttors rrii .mil ivvi in the Murhrss of NYwr.i>tli-'s S<vi.rV<- / rf.Yrs .in- .ulilre--.rU 
 to I'lc.mor.i IHi.ut.-, .mil in tin- / filer s ,IM,/ l\<fms in honour ../ ,'/ l>m>if>s. p. i.;i, i> 
 a letter from J. Ihurte in id'i, th.mkiii her lor soim- of her U*>k:>.
 
 68 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 that he questioned not but I might ; for the mer- 
 chants which he was to convey, were not ready yet, desiring 
 me to send one of my servants to the State, to request that 
 favour of them ; with whom he would go himself, and assist 
 him the best he could ; which he also did. My suit being 
 granted, myself and my chief servants embarked in the said 
 ship ; the rest, together with the goods, being conveyed in 
 another good strong vessel, hired for that purpose. 
 
 After I was sufcly arrived at London, I found my Lord in 
 lodgings ; I cannot call them unhandsome ; but yet they 
 were not fit for a person of his rank and quality, nor of the 
 capacity to contain all his family. Neither did I find my 
 Lord's condition such as I expected : wherefore out of some 
 passion I desired him to leave the town, and retire into the 
 country ; but my Lord gently reproved me for my rashness 
 and impatience, and soon after removed into Dorset House ; 
 which, though it was better than the former, yet not alto- 
 gether to my satisfaction, we having but a part of the said 
 house in possession. By this removal I judged my Lord 
 would not hastily depart from London ; but not long after, 
 he was pleased to tell me, that he had despatched his business, 
 and was now resolved to remove into the country, having 
 already given order for waggons to transport our goods, which 
 was no unpleasant news to me, who had a great desire for a 
 country life '. 
 
 My Lord, before he began his journey, went to his gracious 
 Sovereign, and begged leave that he might retire into the 
 country, to reduce and settle, if possible, his confused, entan- 
 gled, and almost ruined estate. ' Sir ', said he to his Majesty, 
 ' I am not ignorant, that many believe I am discontented ; 
 and 'tis probable they'll say. I retire through discontent : 
 but I take God to witness, that I am in no kind or ways dis- 
 pleased ; for I am so joyed at your Majesty's happy restora- 
 tion, that I cannot be sad or troubled for any concern to my 
 own particular ; but whatsoever your Majesty is pleased to 
 
 1 Ootnciit Kllis, Newcastle 's chaplain, thus >mriieiits ..n his retirement 
 
 n the pr 
 
 fatorv epistl 
 
 to a sermon preached on May 2*1, !'>'>i : ' With much pleas 
 
 lie I ha 
 
 hearkened to 
 
 you discoursing of that satisfaction yon reaped from that swi 
 
 et priva 
 
 and rctireme 
 
 t hi* Majesty is pleased to Kraut your I.ordship here in the coi 
 
 ntry. I 
 
 deed, the r 
 
 itest reward his Majestv can j>ossili|v recompense your seryi 
 
 es with 
 
 is thus to Ixrs 
 
 ow yourself upon yourself, and I know you think it Rreatcr ha 
 
 ppiness t 
 
 cnjovrny I.o 
 
 d Marquis of Newcastle at Welbcck. than all the offices and hon 
 
 nirs whic 
 
 your exemplary loyalty has tueri ted.' Kcnuct's i.cclciiaiJical and Civil Kfi; 
 
 '", 455-
 
 The Second Book 
 
 6 9 
 
 command me, were it to sacrifice my life, I shall most obedi- 
 ently perform it ; for I have no other will, but your Majesty's 
 pleasure.' 
 
 Thus he kissed his Majesty's hand, and went the next day 
 into Nottinghamshire, to his manor-house called Welbeck ; 
 but when he came there, and began to examine his estate, and 
 how it had been ordered in the time of his banishment, he 
 knew not whether he had left anything of it for himself or 
 not, till by his prudence and wisdom he informed himself the 
 best he could, examining those that had most knowledge 
 therein. Some lands, he found, could be recovered no further 
 than for his life, and some not at all ; some had been in the 
 rebels' hands, which he could not recover, but by his Highness 
 the Duke of York's favour, to whom his Majesty had given 
 all the estates of those that were condemned and executed 
 for murdering his Royal Father of blessed memory, which by 
 the law were forfeited to his Majesty ; whereof his Highness 
 graciously restored my Lord so much of the land that formerly 
 had been his, as amounted to /73o a year 1 . And though my 
 Lord's children had their claims granted, and bought out the 
 life of my Lord, their father, which came near upon the third 
 part, yet my Lord received nothing for himself out of his 
 own estate, for the space of eighteen years, \\/.. during the 
 time from the first entering into war, which was June 11, 
 1642, till his return out of banishment, May 2S, i(>6o. For 
 though his son Henry, now Farl of Ogle, and his eldest daugh- 
 ter, the now Lady Chciny, did all what lay in their power to 
 relieve my Lord their father, and sent him some supplies of 
 moneys at several times when he was in banishment, yet that 
 was of their own, rather than out of my Lord's estate ; for 
 the Lady Cheiny sold some few jewels which my Lord, her 
 father, had left her, and some chamber-plate which she had 
 from her grandmother, and sent over the money to my Lord, 
 besides /i<x>o of her portion : and the now Karl of Ogle did 
 
 1 The Krant restoring these lands is amoiiKst tl 
 (No. J=,si). The KiiiK Krauts to Newcastle thr 
 wealth and Ixm^ht l>v regicides, vi/. Sibthorj 
 ICdward Uhallev ; cert. 
 Hacker ; and the ('.ran 
 by C.ilhert Millinjjtoii. 
 
 The l>nchess olllils ti 
 a private Act ' lor re-tor 
 Lands, and Tenements 
 of Mav i(>.(ii, or at anv 
 
 HID 
 
 - ol Kiibv Wo.Mlh.mse 
 he Ktatit is il.iteti Septo 
 mention that on S-pt. 
 ^ to \\ih.mi, Marinns 
 n I upland, w hereof he 
 hue since '. This Act- 
 
 mortgaged by Newcastle himself. 
 
 >Tt<'ti MSS. in the Itiiti-h Mn-eiiin 
 
 manors sold under the I ommon- 
 
 in Nottinghamshire, purchased |.\- 
 
 in Cnrcolston. pun ha-ed l>v I oloncl 
 
 ml Anne-Icy Woodhonse, purtli.ix-d 
 
 IHT ;, i>>o. 
 
 \. U>>o. C li.irles II cave his assent to 
 Newe.istle, all hi- I lorn-nrs. Manor-. 
 is in |'sses-ion on the .-otti d.iv 
 wcver, wunld not touch lands sold
 
 jo The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 at several times supply my Lord, his father, with such moneys 
 as he had partly obtained upon credit, and partly made by 
 his marriage. 
 
 After my Lord had begun to view those ruins that were 
 nearest, and tried the law to keep or recover what formerly 
 was his (which certainly showed no favour to him, besides 
 that the Act of Oblivion proved a great hindrance and obstruc- 
 tion to those his designs, as it did no less to all the royal 
 party), and had settled so much of his estate as possibly he 
 could, he cast up the sum of his debts, and set out several 
 parts of land for the payment of them, or of some of them 
 (for some of his lands could not be easily sold, being entailed) 
 and some he sold in Derbyshire to buy the Castle of Notting- 
 ham, which, although it is quite ruined and demolished, yet, 
 it being a seat which had pleased his father very much, he 
 would not leave it since it was offered to be sold l . 
 
 His two houses Wclbeck and Bolsovcr he found much out 
 of repair, and this later half pulled down ; ~ no furniture or 
 any necessary goods were left in them, but some few hangings 
 and pictures, which had been saved by the care and industry 
 of his eldest daughter the Lady Cheiny, and were bought 
 over again after the death of his eldest son Charles, Lord 
 Mansfield. For they being given to him, and he leaving some 
 debts to be paid after his death, my Lord sent to his other 
 son Henry, now Earl of Ogle, to endeavour for so much credit, 
 that the said hangings and pictures (which my Lord esteemed 
 very much, the pictures being drawn by Van Dyke) might 
 be saved 3 ; which he also did, and my Lord hath paid the 
 debt since his return. 
 
 Of eight parks, which my Lord had before the wars, there 
 was but one left that was not quite destroyed, viz. Welbcck 
 
 1 After the restoration, George Yilliers, second Duke of Buckingham, having claimed 
 the Castle of Nottingham in right of his mother, the sole daughter and heiress of Francis 
 Karl of Rutland, to whom it had i een granted by James I, sold it to the Duke of New- 
 castle in 1674. Hailey, Annals o/ Nottinghamshire, vol. ii, p. 971. 
 
 2 On June 23 the Council of State ordered Bolsover to !* made untenable. On July 
 2, 164'), the Council of State wrote to the Committee of Derbyshire : ' To avoid the 
 charge of a garrison in Uolsovrr Castle, and yet to prevent danger if it should !< surprised 
 and kept by an enemy, we refer it to your care to do it so as the house itself, as it re- 
 lates to private habitation, may be as little prejudiced as may be ; but let the out- 
 works abroad, and garden walls, with the turrets and walls of the frontier court that 
 are of strength be demolished, and all the doors of the house t>c taken away, and slight 
 ones set in their place ; as also the iron bars of the windows, and the materials of the 
 walls that are taken down be improved to the Ix-st, and the charge of demolishing de- 
 frayed out of the revenue thereof.' Calendar of Dotnrstic Sliilf l'af>frs, lf<4'>, p. 217. 
 
 3 A letter written by Newcastle to Van Dyke in February i'>37 shows that he was 
 on very friendly terms with the painter. I'nrtland A/.SS., ii, 131, 143.
 
 The Second Book 71 
 
 Park, of about four miles' compass ; for my Lord's brother. 
 Sir Charles Cavendish, who bought out the life of my Lord in 
 that lordship, saved most part of it from being cut down ; 
 and in Blorc Park there were some few deer left. The rest 
 of the parks were totally defaced and destroyed, both wood, 
 pales, and deer : ; amongst which was also Clipston Park, 
 of seven miles' compass, wherein my Lord had taken much 
 delight formerly, it being rich of wood, and containing the 
 greatest and tallest timber-trees of all the woods he had ; 
 insomuch, that only the pale-row was valued at 2000. It 
 was watered by a pleasant river that runs through it, full of 
 fish and otters ; was well-stocked with deer, full of hares, 
 and had great store of partridges, poots 2 , pheasants, &c., 
 besides all sorts of water-fowl ; so that this park afforded all 
 manner of sports, for hunting, hawking, coursing, fishing, 
 etc., for which my Lord esteemed it very much. And although 
 his patience and wisdom is such, that I never perceived him 
 sad or discontented for his own losses and misfortunes, yet 
 when he beheld the ruins of that park, I observed him troubled, 
 though he did little express it, only saying, he had been in 
 hopes it would not have been so much defaced as he found 
 it, there being not one timber-tree in it left for shelter. How- 
 ever, he patiently bore what could not be helped, and gave 
 present order for the cutting down of some wood that was left 
 him in a place near adjoining, to rcpalc it, and got from several 
 friends deer to stock it. 
 
 Thus, though his lawsuits and other unavoidable expenses 
 were very chargeable to him. yet he ordered his affairs so 
 prudently, that by degrees he stocked and manured those 
 lands he keeps for his own use, and in part repaired his manor- 
 houses, Welbeck 3 and Holsover, to which latter he made 
 some additional building : and though he has not vet built 
 
 i On tin- desti 
 p. 1^7. 'I'll' 1 vo 
 made Warden ii 
 
 the Committee t 
 
 inert 1 . 1 It- fells 
 
 is much t;o<xl sh 
 
 '! According t 
 
 .ction df these \v,xl- SIT t\\cl',ilfnJ t ir of />,>wi/iV St.itf l\if~frs for 1655, 
 lerers of ShiTwood 1 oicst complained to Lord Hare, who had tx^-n 
 Newcastle's place: ' The Ion-si is ruined, especially I'lipston Woods, 
 tants have rinht of estovers, bv Mr. (lark, on pretence of a erant from 
 >r S.ilc of Traitors' 1 -'slates. lie has Idled 1000 trees, ami d.ulv fells 
 i the li-.irt of the forest, where the deer have their greatest relief. There 
 p-tiniher in the forest.' 
 Mr. Lower's note on this passage in the edition of iS;-*, pool means 
 
 either blackcock or red grouse, probably the former. Pool or pout means a young 
 bird of any kind. llalliwell. 
 
 3 See the paper entitled A \otf . . . <i,'x>u/ m\ ISuilJinf lit HV/.VrJt, printed in Mr. 
 Strong's Catalogue oj l.dtfrs, fie., prtsfn-eJ in tht Library at \\~tlbcfk, p. 50.
 
 72 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 the seat at Nottingham, yet he hath stocked and paled a little 
 park belonging to it l . 
 
 Nor is it possible for him to repair all the ruins of the estate 
 that is left him, in so short a time, they being so great, and 
 his losses so considerable, that I cannot without grief and 
 trouble remember them ; for before the wars my Lord had 
 as great an estate as any subject in the kingdom, descended 
 upon him most by women, viz. by his grandmother of his 
 father's side, his own mother, and his first wife. 
 
 What estate his grandfather left to his father Sir Charles 
 Cavendish, I know not ; nor can I exactly tell what he had 
 from his grandmother, but she was very rich ; for her third 
 husband, Sir William Saint Loo, gave her a good estate in the 
 west, which afterwards descended upon my Lord, my Lord's 
 mother being the younger daughter of the Lord Ogle, and sole 
 heir, after the death of her eldest sister Jane, Countess of 
 Shrewsbury, whom King Charles the First restored to her 
 father's dignity, viz. Baroness of Ogle. This title descended 
 upon my Lord and his heirs general, together with /j<xo a 
 year in Northumberland : and besides the estate left to my 
 Lord, she gave him 20,000 in money, and kept him and his 
 family at her own charge for several years. 
 
 My Lord's first wife, who was daughter and heir to William 
 Basset, of Blore, Esq. ; widow to Henry Howard, younger 
 son to Thomas, Earl of Suffolk, brought my Lord ^2400 a 
 year inheritance, between six and seven thousand pounds in 
 money, and a jointure for her life of /Soo a year. Besides, 
 my Lord increased his own estate, before the wars, to the 
 value of /ioo,ooo, and had increased it more, had not the 
 unhappy wars prevented him : for though he had some disad- 
 vantages in his estate, even before the wars, yet they are not 
 considerable to those he suffered afterwards for the service of 
 his King and country. For example, his father Sir Charles 
 Cavendish had lent his brother-in-law dilbcrt, Karl of Shrews- 
 bury. /i6.(KK), for which, although afterward before his death 
 he settled 2000 a year upon him, yet he having enjoyed the 
 
 ' Not vet, i.e. in 1067. Bailey, in the passage previously quoted from his History 
 r>t \nttinghamshirt, is evidently wrong in saving th.it the castle was not acquired by 
 the Duke till :<>74. It was in that year that the Duke roriuuenred rebuilding, as stated 
 in the ' inscription on nn oblong square white marble tablet in the wall over the bark 
 door ' : ' This house was begun by William, Duke of Newcastle, in the year 1^174 (who 
 died in the year 1676), and according to his appointment bv his last will, and by the 
 model he left, was finished iti the year 1679.' Bailey, Annals of Nottinghamshire, p. 971.
 
 The Second Book 73 
 
 said money for many years without paying any use for it, 
 it might have been improved to my Lord's better advantage, 
 had it been in his father's own hands, he being a person of 
 great prudence in managing his estate ; and though the said 
 Karl of Shrewsbury made my Lord his executor, yet my Lord 
 was so far from making any advantage by that trust, even in 
 what the law allowed him, that he lost /i7,rx>o by it ; and 
 afterwards delivered up his trust to William, Earl of Pem- 
 broke, and Thomas, Karl of Arundel, who both married two 
 daughters of the said Karl of Shrewsbury ; and since his 
 return into Kngland, upon the desire of Henry Howard, second 
 son to the late Karl of Arundel, and heir-apparent (by reason 
 of his eldest brother's distemper), he resigned his trust and 
 interest to him, which certainly is a very difficult business, 
 and yet questionable whether it may lawfully be done or not ? 
 But such was my Lord's love to the family of the Shrewsbury's, 
 that he would rather wrong himself than it. 
 
 To mention some lawful advantages which my Lord might 
 have made by the said trust, it may be noted in the first place, 
 that the Karl of Shrewsbury's estate was Irt in long leases, 
 which, by the law, fell to the executor. Next, that after some 
 debts and legacies were paid out of those lands, which were 
 set out for that purpose, they were settled so, that they fell 
 to my Lord. Thirdly, seven hundred pounds a year was left 
 as a gift to my Lord's brother, Sir Charles Cavendish, in case 
 the Countess of Kent, second daughter to the said Karl of 
 Shrewsbury, had no children. But my Lord never made any 
 advantage for himself, of all these ; neither was he inquisitive 
 whether the said Countess of Kent cut off the entail of that 
 land, although she never had a child ; for my Lord's nature 
 is so generous, that he hates to be mercenary, and never minds 
 his own profit or interest in any trust or employment, more 
 than the good and benefit of him that entrusts or employs 
 him. 
 
 But, as I said heretofore, these are but petty losses in com- 
 parison of those he sustained by the late Civil Wars, whereof 
 I shall parti}' give you an account '. I say partly : for though 
 
 1 Newcastle was too great a ' delinquent ' to N* allowed to romponnd, even if ho 
 had wished to do so. His whole estate was conns, ated and sold. The pnveedings 
 in the ease of persons having rlaiins on his estate ale given '" 'he Ciil,ii,l t it <>/ Ikf Cotn- 
 mittff for Compounding, which also contains a list of the purchasers of his lands, and 
 many other particulars about the disposal of his property (pp. 173.1-7). 
 
 L
 
 74 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 it may be computed what the loss of the annual rents of his 
 lands amounts to, of which he never received the least worth 
 for himself and his own profit, during the time both of his 
 being employed in the service of war, and his sufferings in 
 banishment ; as also the loss of those lands that arc alienated 
 from him, both in present possession, and in reversion ; and 
 of his parks and woods that were cut down ; yet it is impossible 
 to render an exact account of his personal estate. 
 
 As for his rents during the time he acted in the wars ; 
 though he suffered others to gather theirs for their own use, 
 yet his own cither went for the use of the army, or fell into 
 the hands of the enemy, or were suppressed and withheld 
 from him by the cozenage of his tenants and officers, my Lord 
 being then not able to look after them himself. 
 
 About the time when his late Majesty undertook the expe- 
 dition into Scotland for the suppressing of some insurrection 
 that happened there ; my Lord, as afore is mentioned, amongst 
 the rest, lent his Majesty /io,ooo sterling ; but having newly 
 married a daughter to the then Lord Brackly, now Karl of 
 Bridgwater, whose portion was 12,000, the moiety whereof 
 was paid in gold on the day of her marriage, and the rest soon 
 after (although she was too young to be bedded) this, to- 
 gether with some other expenses, caused him to take up the 
 said 10,000 at interest, the use whereof he paid many years 
 after J . 
 
 Also, when, after his sixteen years' banishment, he returned 
 into Kngland, before he knew what estate was left him, and 
 was able to receive any rents of his own, he was necessitated 
 to take /SOGO upon use for the maintenance of himself and 
 his family ; whereof the now Karl of Devonshire, his cousin- 
 german, once removed, lent him /K>OO, for which and the 
 former /iooo mentioned heretofore, he never desired nor 
 received any use from my Lord, which I mention, to declare 
 the favour and bounty of that noble Lord. 
 
 But though it is impossible to render an exact account of 
 all the losses which my Lord has sustained by the said wars, 
 yet as far as they are accountable, I shall endeavour to repre- 
 sent them iu these following particulars : 
 
 In the first place, I shall give you a just particular of my 
 Lord's estate in lands, as it was before the wars, partly accord- 
 
 1 Use i.e. interest
 
 The Second Book 75 
 
 ing to the value of his own surveyors, and partly according 
 to the rate it is let at this present. 
 
 Next, I shall accompt the woods cut down by the rebellious 
 party, in several places of my Lord's estate. 
 
 Thirdly, I shall compute the value of those lands which my 
 Lord hath lost, both in present possession, and in reversion ; 
 that is to say, those which he has lost altogether, both for 
 himself and his posterity ; and those he has recovered only 
 during the time of his life, and which his only son and heir, 
 the now Karl of Ogle, must lose after his father's decease. 
 
 Fourthly, I shall make mention, how much of land my Lord 
 hath been forced to sell for the payment of some of his debts, 
 contracted during the time of the late Civil Wars, and when 
 his estate was sequestered ; I say some, for there are a great 
 many to pay yet. 
 
 To which I shall, ft ft lily, add the composition of his brother's 
 estate ; and the loss of it for eight years. 
 
 A particular of my Lord's estate in plain rents, as it n'as partly 
 surveyed in the year 1641, and partly is let at this present '. 
 
 NoTllNCillAMSIIlKK / .V. (/. 
 
 Tin- Manor of \\Ylbrck . . . . (>oo O o 
 
 Tin- Manor of Norton, Carburton ami the 
 
 (Iratiges ...... 454 n> i 
 
 \Varsop . . . . . . 51 8 
 
 The Manor-house ol Sookliolin . . . ^< >.x IK 3 
 
 The Manor of I lipston and Kd\\ instoue . 5^4 <> S 
 
 1 >rayton . . . . . . . S i<> 6 
 
 I >nnhain . ...... o-> 17 8 
 
 Sutton . . . . . . . 185 o 5 
 
 The Manor of Kirhy, rtt. . . . 1075 7 .: 
 
 The Manor of Cot ham .... S.,.} iS S 
 
 The Manor of Sibthorpe .... 7114 I <> 
 
 Carcolston . . . . . . 450 3 o 
 
 I Ia\\ ksworth, rtr. ..... I ><> 4 
 
 Fki\vl>orougli . . . . . . 5 1 _ 1 1 S 
 
 Mearing and Holm Meadow . . . 471 ~ o 
 
 / I t H I I ) O 
 
 1 When tin- places mentioned could I'C idcntilutl the iiicvlcin i-l'olliiii; <'( tin-it ti.iini > 
 h.is been adopted. 
 
 - Caindon, in his map of Lincolnshire, places Inpold-llielcS just ali'se bkeyiu^!-, .u:d 
 elsewhere explains ' ineales ' or ' meles ' to mean sand-hills.
 
 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 DERBYSHIRE l 
 
 L s. d. 
 
 The Barony of Bolsover and Woodthorp . 846 8 1 1 
 
 The Manor of Chesterfield .... 378 o o 
 
 The Manor of Barlow .... 796 17 6 
 
 Tissington . . . . . . 159 n o 
 
 Dronfield ...... 486 15 i () 
 
 The Manor of Brampton . . . 142 4 8 
 
 Little Longston . . . . . 87 2 o 
 
 The Manor of Stoke . . . . 212 , o 
 
 Beard Hall, and Peak Forest . . . 131 8 o 
 
 The Manor of 'Grindlow . . . .156 8 o 
 
 The Manor of Hucklow .... \<>2 io 8 
 
 The Manor of Blackball . . . . 306 o 4 
 
 Buxton and Tideswell . . . . 153 j o 
 
 Mansfield Park ..... KXJ u o 
 
 Mapleton and Thorpe . . . . 207 5 o 
 
 The Manor of Win Hill .... 238 i.X o 
 
 The Manor of Litcluirch and Mackworth . 713 15 i 
 
 Church and Meynel Langly Manor . . 850 i o 
 
 STAFFORDSHIRE 
 
 The Manor of Blore with ( uulton . . s/3 1 3 4 
 The Manor of Grindon, Cauldon, with Water- 
 
 fall ....... 822 3 o 
 
 The Manor of Cheadle with Kingsley . 259 18 o 
 
 The Manor of Parlaston, etc. . . . (194 3 o 
 
 ^349 '7 4 
 
 GLOUCESTERSHIRE 
 
 The Manor of Tormorton with Litleton. . ,{1193 16 o 
 
 The Manor of Acton Turvil . . . 388 3 2 
 
 1581 I 9 2 
 
 SOMERSETSHIRE 
 
 The Manor of Clicwstokc . . . /8i6 15 Ci 
 
 Kni^'hton Sutton ..... 3<x) 14 4 
 
 Strond and Kin^sliani (Keynshani !) Park . iSo 4 <> 
 
 1 Kirth II.ill, Tids Hall, and Windly Mill arc the names given by the DudicbS to three 
 of these manors.
 
 The Second Book 77 
 
 YORKSHIRE 
 
 The Manors of Slingsby, Hoverngham (Hov- 
 ingluun) and I''riton, Nortliinges and 
 I'omfret ...... 1700 o o 
 
 No RT 1 1 1' M 1 1 K R L A N D 
 
 The Barony of Hotlial, ()j.;le and Hopple, etc. ,3000 u o 
 
 Total . /_'_', 393 10 i 
 
 That this particular of my Lord's estate \vas no less than 
 is mentioned, may partly appear by the rate, as it was sur- 
 veyed, and sold by the rebellious Parliament ; for they raised, 
 towards the later end of their power, which was in the year 
 165 2, out of my Lord's estate, the sum of 1 1 1,593, ios. i id., 
 at live years' and a half purchase, which was at above the rate 
 of /i8,<xx> a year, besides woods ; and his brother Sir Charles 
 Cavendish's estate, which estate was ^2(xx> a year, which falls 
 not much short of the mentioned account ; and certainly 
 had they not sold such lands at easy rates, few would have 
 bought them, by reason the purchasers were uncertain how 
 long they should enjoy their purchase : besides, undcr-officcrs 
 do not usually refuse bribes ; and it is well known that the 
 surveyors did underrate estates according as they were fee'd 
 by the purchasers. 
 
 Again, many of the estates of banished persons were given 
 to soldiers for the payment of their arrears, who again sold 
 them to others which would buy them at easier rates, lint 
 chiefly, it appears by the rate as my Lord's estate is let at 
 present, there being several of the mentioned lands that are 
 let at a higher rate now than they were surveyed : nor arc 
 they all valued in the mentioned particular according to the 
 survey, but many of them which were not surveyed, are 
 accounted according to the rate they are let at this present. 
 
 The loss of my Lord's estate, in plain rents, as also upon 
 ordinary use, and use upon use, is as followeth ' : 
 
 The annual rent of my Lord's lands, vi/. /'jj.^o? ios. id.. 
 being lost for the space of eighteen years, which was the time 
 of his acting in the wars, and of his banishment, without any 
 benefit to him, reckoned without any interest, amounts to 
 403,083. But being accounted with the ordinary use at six 
 
 1 ' Use ', interest ; ' use ui>on use ', compound interest.
 
 78 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 in the hundred, and use upon use for the mentioned space of 
 eighteen years, it amounts to 733,579- 
 
 But some perhaps will say, that if my Lord had enjoyed 
 his estate, he would have spent it, at least so much as to main- 
 tain himself according to his degree and quality. 
 
 I answer, that it is very improbable my Lord should have 
 spent all his estate, if he had enjoyed it, he being a man of 
 great wisdom and prudence, knowing well how to spend, and 
 how to manage ; for though he lived nobly before the time of 
 the wars, yet not beyond the compass of his estate. Nay, so 
 far he would have been from spending his estate, that no 
 doubt but he would have increased it to a vast value, as he 
 did before the wars ; where, notwithstanding his hospitality 
 and noble housekeeping, his charges of building came to about 
 31,000; the portion of his second daughter, which was 
 12,000; the noble entertainments he gave King Charles the 
 First, one whereof came to almost i 5,000, another to above 
 ,4000, and a third to 1700, as hereafter shall be mentioned ; 
 and his great expenses during the time of his being governor 
 to his Majesty that now is, he yet increased his estate to the 
 value of ^100,000, which is 5000 per annum, when it was by 
 so much less. 
 
 But if any one will reckon the charges of his housekeeping 
 during the time of his exile, and when he had not the enjoy- 
 ment of his estate, he may substract 1 the sum accounted for 
 the payment of his debts, contracted in the time of his banish- 
 ment, which went to the maintenance of himself and his 
 family ; or in lieu thereof, considering that I do not account 
 all my Lord's losses, but only those that arc certainly known, 
 he may compare it with the loss of his personal estate, whereof 
 I shall make some mention anon, and he'll find that I do not 
 heighten my Lord's losses, but rather diminish them. For 
 surely the losses of his personal estate, and those I account 
 not, will counterbalance the charges of his housekeeping, if 
 not exceed them. 
 
 Again, others will say, that there was much land sold in the 
 time of my Lord's banishment by his sons, and feoffees in trust. 
 
 I answer, first, that whatsoever was sold, was first bought 
 of the rebellious power : next, although they sold some lands, 
 yet my Lord knew nothing of it, neither did he receive a 
 
 1 Substract -subtract.
 
 The Second Book 79 
 
 pennywort h for himself, neither of what they purchased, nor 
 sold, all the time of his banishment till his return *. 
 
 And thus much of the loss of my Lord's estate in rents. 
 Concerning the loss of his parks and woods, as much as is 
 generally known (for I do not reckon particular trees cut 
 down in several of his woods yet standing), 'tis as follows : 
 
 1. Clipston Park and woods, cut down to the value of 
 20,000. 
 
 2. Kirkby Woods, for which my Lord was formerly proffered 
 /i 0,000. 
 
 3. Woods cut down in Derbyshire, /8ooo. 
 
 4. Red Lodge Wood, Rome Wood, and others near Welbeck, 
 4000. 
 
 5. Woods cut down in Staffordshire, /icxxx 
 C>. Woods cut down in Yorkshire, /i<xx>. 
 
 7. Woods cut down in Northumberland, /I5<x>. 
 
 The total, /4<;,ocxx 
 
 The lands which my Lord hath lost in present possession 
 are ,/-'<>i 5 per annum, which at twenty years' purchase come 
 to ^40,300; and those which he hath lost in reversion are 
 /3-M4 per annum, which at sixteen years' purchase amount 
 to the value of 51,424. 
 
 The lands which my Lord since his return has sold for the 
 payment of some of his debts, occasioned by the wars (for I 
 do not reckon those he sold to buy others), come to the value 
 of "s;6,(x~x), to which out of his yearly revenue he has added 
 "m,< xx) more, which is in all /(><">. <XHI. 
 
 Lastly, the composition of his brother's estate was /5(*x>, 
 and the loss of it for eight years comes to / i6.(xx>. 
 
 All which, if summed up together, amounts to 041.30^ -. 
 
 These are the accountable losses, which my dear Lord and 
 husband lias suffered by the late Civil Wars, and his loyalty 
 to his King and country. Concerning the loss of his per-onal 
 
 l Si-.- tin- Puke's li-tt.-r to S.vtvt.\rv Nieliol.is on this subject, \vritt.-n iluriiiR liis exile. 
 in ApixMiilix viii. 
 
 J Tlii- amount of the losses incurred 1-v tin- Puke on N-li.ilf of the tov.il c.uise limit 
 a parallel onlv in tin- somewhat similar statement ilrawn up !>v tin- M.ir>)iiN of Wor- 
 cester, ami presented l>\ him to I'liailes II. His total 'spent, lent, etc., lor my King 
 and country, <jiS,ooo '. Warlmrton's I'riitt-f Kiipfrt, iii, 515.
 
 8o The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 estate, since (as I often mentioned) it cannot be exactly 
 known ; I shall not endeavour to set down the particulars 
 thereof, only in general give you a note of what partly they 
 
 1. The pulling down of several of his dwelling or manor- 
 houses. 
 
 2. The disfurnishing of them, of which the furniture at 
 Bolsovcr and Welbcck was very noble and rich. Out of his 
 London house at Clcrkenwcll, there were taken, amongst 
 other goods, suits of linen, viz. table-cloths, sideboard- 
 cloths, napkins, &c., whereof one suit cost 160 ; they being 
 bought for an entertainment which my Lord made for their 
 Majesties, King Charles the First, and the Queen, at Bolsover 
 Castle; and of 150 suits of hangings of all sorts in all his 
 houses, there were not above ten or twelve saved. 
 
 Of silver plate, my Lord had so much as came to the value 
 of 3800, besides several curiosities of cabinets, cups, and 
 other things, which after my Lord was gone out of England, 
 were taken out of his manor-house, Welbeck, by a garrison 
 of the King's party that lay therein l . whereof he recovered 
 only /iioo, which money was sent him beyond the seas; 
 the rest was lost. 
 
 As for pewter, brass, bedding, linen, and other household 
 stuff, there was nothing else left but some few old feather- 
 beds, and those all spoiled, and fit for no use. 
 
 3. My Lord's stock of corn, cattle, &c., was very great 
 before the wars, by reason of the largeness and capacity of 
 those grounds, and the great number of granges he kept for 
 his own use ; as, for example, Barlow, Carcolston, Glcadthorp, 
 Welbcck, and several more, which were all well manured and 
 stocked. But all this stock was lost, besides his race of horses 
 
 1 \\Vllieck was raptured by the Farl of Manchester al>oiit August 2, if>44 (Rush- 
 worth, III, ii, 64 : Manchester's letter of August '', i" a volume published by the C'am- 
 den Society under the title Manchester's (>uiirn-l u-ith Crnmtrrll, p. i). An account of 
 
 some of the spoils found there is ( 
 \\elt>ock was retaken by the Royal 
 gives the following account of its 
 miller the command of Sir Richar 
 tin' port storxl his horse in ambus! 
 their bridge for their scouts, our In 
 man, rid hard, and though they p 
 took it. "Hiev disputed every van 
 
 iven in Mrs. Ilutrhinson's Memoirs, vol. ii, | 
 sts on July lf>,lf>4^l.\lfrcuriuslifli;ifus). Svi 
 apture : ' \\'ell>e< k was surprised by Newark 
 1 Willis, alxiut three weeks since. In a w<xx 
 , and when the trevall was beat, and they let 
 rse. under the command of Major Jarnot, a 1- 
 lied ill" the bridge a foot high vet they got i 
 , and our men alighted and with their pistols 
 
 24- 
 nds 
 lorse 
 nc.ir 
 town 
 in-h- 
 and 
 aleil 
 
 and got in.'-- Syrnonds, p. 224. Major Jarnot, more properly (as in the /.i/c of Colonel 
 Hutchinson) Jarnmot, was a \Vnlloon. U'elbeck was finally disgarrisoned, by arrange- 
 ment between the two parties, in November 1645.
 
 The Second Book 81 
 
 in his grounds, grange horses, hackney-horses, manage-horses, 
 coach-horses, and others he kept for his use. 
 
 To these losses I may well and justly join the charges which 
 my Lord hath been put to since his return into England, by 
 reason they were caused by the ruins of the said wars ; whereof 
 I reckon : 
 
 1. His law-suits, which have been very chargeable to him, 
 more than advantageous. 
 
 2. The stocking, manuring, paling, stubbing, 1 hedging, 
 etc., of his grounds and parks ; where it is to be noted, that 
 no advantage or benefit can be made of grounds, under the 
 space of three years, and of cattle not under five or six. 
 
 3. The repairing and furnishing of some of his dwelling- 
 houses. 
 
 .). The setting up a race or breed of horses, as he had before 
 the wars ; for which purpose lie hath bought the best mares 
 he could get for money. 
 
 In short, I can reckon ^12,000 laid out barely for the repair 
 of some ruins, which my Lord could not be without, there 
 being many of them to repair yet ; neither is this all that is 
 laid out, but much more which I cannot well remember ; nor 
 is there more but one grange stocked, amongst several that 
 were kept for furnishing his house with provisions. As for 
 other charges and losses, which my Lord hath sustained since 
 his return, I will not reckon them, because my design is only 
 to account such losses as were caused by the wars. 
 
 By which, as they have been mentioned, it may easily be 
 concluded, that although my Lord's estate was very great 
 before the wars, yet now it is shrunk into a very narrow com- 
 pass, that it puts his prudence and wisdom to the proof, to 
 make it serve his necessities, he having no other assistance 
 to bear him up ; and yet notwithstanding all this, lie hath 
 since his return paid both for himself and his son, all manner 
 of taxes, loans, levies, assessments, etc., equally with the rest 
 of his Majesty's subjects, according to that estate that is left 
 him, which he has been forced to take upon interest. 
 
 1 'Stub', to grub up stumps or nxits. H.illiwcll, Dictionary of Arth.iic an./ />i>- 
 rintiiil ll'or./s. 
 
 M
 
 THE THIRD BOOK 
 
 THUS having given you a faithful account of all my Lord's 
 actions, both before, in, and after the Civil Wars, and of his 
 losses, I shall now conclude with some particular heads con- 
 cerning the description of his own person, his natural humour, 
 disposition, qualities, virtues ; his pedigree, habit, diet, exer- 
 cises, etc., together with some other remarks and particulars 
 which I thought requisite to be inserted, both to illustrate 
 the former books, and to render the history of his life more 
 perfect and complete. 
 
 i. Of his Fou'cr 
 
 After his Majesty King Charles the First had entrusted my 
 Lord with the power of raising forces for his Majesty's service, 
 he effected that which never any subject did, nor was (in all 
 probability) able to do ; for though many great and noble per- 
 sons did also raise forces for his Majesty, yet they were bri- 
 gades, rather than well-formed armies, in comparison to my 
 Lord's. The reason was, that my Lord, by his mother, the 
 daughter of Cuthbert. Lord Ogle, being allied to most of the 
 most ancient families in Northumberland, and other the 
 northern parts, could pretend a greater interest in them, than 
 a stranger ; for they, through a natural affection to my Lord 
 as their own kinsman, would sooner follow him, and under 
 his conduct sacrifice their lives for his Majesty's service, than 
 anybody else, well knowing, that by deserting my Lord, they 
 deserted themselves. And by this means my Lord raised 
 first a troop of horse, consisting of a hundred and twenty, and 
 a regiment of foot ; and then an army of eight thousand horse, 
 foot and dragoons, in those parts ; anil afterwards upon this 
 ground, at several times, and in several places, so many several 
 troops, regiments and armies, that in all. from the first to the 
 last, they amounted to above UXVHXI men. and those most
 
 84 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 upon his own interest, and without any other considerable 
 help or assistance ; which was much for a particular subject, 
 and in such a conjuncture of time ; for since armies are soonest 
 raised by covetousness, fear, and faction ; that is to say, 
 upon a constant and settled pay, upon the ground of terror, 
 and upon the ground of rebellion ; but very seldom or never 
 upon uncertainty of pay ; and when it is as hazardous to be 
 of such a party, as to be in the heat of a battle ; also when 
 there is no other design but honest duty. It may easily be 
 conceived that my Lord could have no little love and affection 
 when he raised his army upon such grounds as could promise 
 them but little advantage at that time. 
 
 Amongst the rest of his army, my Lord had chosen for his 
 own regiment of foot, 3000 of such valiant, stout, and faithful 
 men (whereof many were bred in the moorish grounds of the 
 northern parts) that they were ready to die at my Lord's 
 feet, and never gave over, whensoever they were engaged in 
 action, until they had either conquered the enemy, or lost 
 their lives. They were called White-coats, for this following 
 reason : my Lord being resolved to give them new liveries, 
 and there being not red cloth enough to be had, took up so 
 much of white as would serve to clothe them, desiring withal, 
 their patience until he had got it dyed ; but they, impatient 
 of stay, requested my Lord, that he would be pleased to let 
 them have it un-dycd as it was, promising they themselves 
 would dye it in the enemy's "blood. Which request my Lord 
 granted them, and from that time they were called White- 
 coats. 
 
 To give you some instances of their valour and courage, I 
 must beg leave to repeat some passages mentioned in the first 
 book. The enemy having closely besieged the city of York, 
 and made a passage into the manor-yard, by springing a mine 
 under the wall thereof, was got into the manor-house with a 
 great number of their forces ; which my Lord perceiving, he 
 immediately went and drew eighty of the said White-coats 
 thither, who with the greatest courage went close up to the 
 enemy, and having charged them, fell pell-mell with the butt- 
 ends of their muskets upon them, and with the assistance of 
 the rest that renewed their courage by their example, killed 
 and took 1500, and by that means saved the town '. 
 
 1 Sec p. 40.
 
 The Third Book 85 
 
 How valiantly they behaved themselves in the last fatal 
 battle upon Ilessom Moor near York, has been also declared 
 heretofore ; insomuch, that although most of the army were 
 fled, yet they would not stir, until by the enemy's power they 
 were overcome, and most of them slain in rank and file *. 
 
 Their love and affection to my Lord was such, that it lasted 
 even when he was deprived of all his power, and could do 
 them little good ; to which purpose I shall mention this 
 following passage : 
 
 My Lord being in Antwerp, received a visit from a gentleman, 
 who came out of England, and rendered my Lord thanks 
 for his safe escape at sea ; my Lord being in amaze, not know- 
 ing what the gentleman meant, he was pleased to acquaint 
 him, that in his coming over sea out of England, he was set 
 upon by pickaroons '-, who having examined him, and the 
 rest of his company, at last some asked him, whether he knew 
 the Marquess of Newcastle ? To whom he answered, that 
 he knew him very well, and was going over into the same city 
 where my Lord lived. Whereupon they did not only take 
 nothing from him, but used him with all civility, and desired 
 him to remember their humble duty to their Lord-General, 
 for they were some of his White-coats that had escaped death ; 
 and if my Lord had any service for them, they were ready to 
 assist him upon what designs soever, and to obey him in 
 whatsoever he should be pleased to command them. 
 
 This I mention for the eternal fame and memory of those 
 valiant and faithful men. But to return to the power my 
 Lord had in the late wars : as he was the head of his own army, 
 and had raised it most upon his own interest for the service 
 of his Majc-sty : so he was never ordered by his Majesty's 
 privy council (except that some forces of his were kept by 
 
 l ' A most memorable action happened on th 
 ment of foot belongim- to Newcastle, called the l.an 
 
 men l 01 HKJL IIUIUH^IIIK LU ;xi , IMK , i .111*11 uu I..IM i, IJV\\IUM: un\ wrir an ne>\ i HHIHTI 
 in white woollen cloth, two or three days belore he light. This sole reeiment. after 
 
 the day was lost, having not into a small parcel 
 
 t d.tv. 'Iliere was one entire regi- 
 t>s, because ttiev were all new clothed 
 
 ground ditched in, and not of easy 
 
 ere valour, tor one whole hour, kept 
 
 access of horse, would take no quarter ; 
 
 William Lilly, p. iVs, ed. . 
 - Rogues, from the Spanish ri<:aro.
 
 86 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 his late Majesty (which he sent to him), together with some 
 arms*"and ammunition heretofore mentioned) until his High- 
 ness Prince Rupert came from his Majesty, to join with him 
 at the siege of York. He had, moreover, the power of coining, 
 printing, knighting, etc., which never any subject had before, 
 when his sovereign himself was in the kingdom ; as also the 
 command of so many counties, as is mentioned in the first 
 book, and the power of placing and displacing what governors 
 and commanders he pleased, and of constituting what garri- 
 sons he thought fit ; of the chief whereof I shall give you this 
 following list : 
 
 A Particular of the Principal Garrisons and ihc Governors of 
 them, constituted by my Lord * 
 
 IN NORTHUMBERLAND 2 
 
 Nc\vcastlo-upon-Tync ( Sir John Marlcy, Knight. 
 Tynmouth Castle and Shields, Sir Thomas Riddal, Knight. 
 
 IN THE BISHOPRIC OF DURHAM :1 
 
 Ilartlcpool, Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Lainhton. 
 Raby Castle, Sir William Savile, Knight anil Baronet. 
 
 IN YORKSHIRE 4 
 
 The city of York, Sir Thomas Glenham, Knight and Baronet ; and 
 
 afterwards, when he took the field, the Lord John Bellasis. 
 Pomfret Castle, Colonel Mynn, and after him Sir John Kedman. 
 Sheffield Castle, Major Beaumont. 
 
 1 I have endeavoured to give as far as possible the dates of the capture of these Karri- 
 sons, as they show the fate of the royalist cause in the North after Newcastle's dep.u ture. 
 
 - Newcastle-upon-Tvnc. The town captured by the Scots, October 20, 1044 ; the 
 Castle, October 27. Vicars' Hurtling Hush, pp. 46-61. 
 
 Tynmouth Castle, Octolx-r 27, 1644. liurnini: Hush, p. 63. 
 
 : > Ilartlcpool, July 24, 1644. Thurloe, State Papers, i, 41. 
 
 Kaby Castle. The date of its first capture I have not l>een able to find. White- 
 lock notes on July 7, 1645 : ' the King's forces from Holton surprised Kaby Castle, 
 belonging to Sir Henry Vane, but were again close blocked up by forces raised by Sii 
 George Vane ', and notes its surrender to the Parliament on July 28. U'hitclock, vol. 
 , PP- 4 r >5, 4 H 7, cd. iH.sj. 
 
 York. Articles signed July if>, 1644. Rushworth, III, ii, 640 
 
 I'omfret Castle, July 21, if>4V Hurttini; Hush, p. 202. See also the Surtees Society's 
 Volume of Miiceliania containing the history of the siege of I'ontefract. 
 
 Sheffield Castle, nth August 1644. Hunter's Hallamshirc, ed. Catty, p. 14;. 
 
 Wortley Hall. Possibly Walton Hall is meant, captured with Sir Francis \\ortley 
 in it on }rd June 1644. Kushworth, III, ii, 622. 
 
 Tickhill Castle, Jtilv 26, 1644. Vicars' (ind's Ark, p. 203. 
 
 Doncaster, fortified^ in January 1644. Kushworth, III, ii, 305. In The Kin^Jum's
 
 The Third Book 87 
 
 Worlley Hall, Sir Francis Wortley. 
 
 Tickhill Castle, Major Mounteney. 
 
 Doncastcr, Sir Francis Fane, Knight of the Bath, afterwards 
 
 Governor of Lincoln. 
 Sandal Castle, Captain Honlvant. 
 Skipton Castle, Sir John Mallary, Baronet. 
 Bolton Castle, Mr. Scroope. 
 Ilcmslcy Castle, Sir Jordan Crosland. 
 Scarborough Castle, and town. Sir Hugh Cholmley. 
 Stamford Bridge, Colonel (lalhraith. 
 Halifax, Sir Francis Mackworth. 
 'I'adcastcr, Sir Gamaliel Dudley. 
 Fyrniouth, Major Kaughton. 
 
 IN CUMUKKI AND l 
 
 The city of Carlisle, Sir Philip Musgrave, Knight and Baronet. 
 Cockennoiith, Colonel Kirhy. 
 
 IN NOTTINT, H AMSIIIRR 2 
 
 Ncwark-upon-Trcnt, Sir John Henderson, Knight ; and afterwards 
 
 Sir Richard Byron. Knight, now Lord Byron. 
 Wyrton House, Colonel Rowland I lacker. 
 \Vell>eck, Colonel Van IVire; and after Colonel Beeton. 
 Shelford House, Colonel Philip Stanhop. 
 
 1\ LlNVOI.NSIIIRK - 1 
 
 'I'he city of Lincoln, first Sir Francis Fane, Knight of the Bath ; 
 secondly Sir Peregrine Bartn. 
 
 IIV.vWv /M/<-//i\vnriT for April i in, i( )( |, it is st.itril th.it the roy.ilists hail ab.uulonrd 
 Donrastrr. 
 
 S.md.il f.istl.-, 0,-tolx-r .', H.CJ. 
 
 Ski|it'iu Castli-, MrrrnilxT -M, U'lS. Hurnin^ Hush, v>7- 
 
 r.nllciii C.i-itli-, bi-:;iniiiiij; ol Nnvrintirr Hi|S. X'ir.ns' Huniinf Hush, p. ?iS. 
 
 llrliiisli-v C.isllr, Novi-inlicr -.-, ii.||. llu- Artiili-s .in- piiiiliil in Ihr l-',nt/.i\ Cur- 
 rfspontli-iii'i-, \"l. iii, p. i-'t. 
 
 Sc.irlmrciiiKli, (In- Imvii t.iki-ii l rtli I i-l'iu.ii v I*MS ; III.- <-.i-ll', Julv ._. HUS. 
 
 St.iiiit<>i-il liriili;! 1 . On tin- liisinrv nt thi^ ^.iriis.<n SIM- Sliiu-I'Vx M,-in,'irf, p. ,)(. 
 
 It VV.IS C.lptllli'd .lllc'llt till' S.IIIH 1 tillli' .!> 'r.lili'.l-ill 1 !'. 
 
 'r.ulc-.istiT, M.urh (, id.||. KiiT.ilt'-. <'/MIH/'I,III\. 
 
 1 '.ynniiiitli, - - |th M.iv iii.| |. t.ikfii liv Sir |nlui Mclilrniu. .Vt-rfurius Ci.-iVus, M.iy 
 21-jo. n>.(4- "' ''-"I ''-" ''l''""'<l I'.IW.M| l\istli- <>n M.iv i.). 
 
 l Carlisle, Julv io.|.s. \'ic-.us' Human; Hu\h, p. i.iri. \\liitolork notrs its surrpudt-r 
 uiulcr Julv .'. 
 
 - Nrw.irk. 1'lic .irtii Ifs for the surn-iiilcr of Now.irk .in- si>;ii(\l dlh M.iv, thr R.irri- 
 SOM in.irrliiMl out M.iv S, i(v|ii. Kiisliworth, I\'. i, .'>). 
 
 Wvrton. or \Vi\vrtoti. liolorc Novriiilicr o, n<^. Yio.irs 1 Hurninf Hush. p. ;i(<. 
 
 \\Vlbivk, Aumist .', K'lf. Kushwoitli, III, li, i>.||. .Mimtkfstfr's (Jujrrel u-tik (>>n> 
 t,v//, p. (.. 
 
 Slicllorcl, Novi-inlx-r 5, id.|.s. Memoirs >>/ ( >/. Huickinson, vol. ii, pp. 8^, {;(>, t\i. 
 iS.S.s. 
 
 :i Lincoln t.ik.-n I>v M.iu.-lu-it.-r's loiv.-s aftor tin- luttlo of \Viiuvt>v, aKnit (Vtolxr 
 J4, K>4j. Vicars' GWs Ark, p. 51. Abandoned 111 M.udi 1644, alter IVince Rupert's
 
 88 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 Gainsborough, Colonel St. George. 
 
 Bullingbrook Castle, Lieutenant-Colonel Chester. 
 
 Bdvoir Castle, Sir Gervas Lucas. 
 
 IN DERBYSHIRE 1 
 
 Bolsover Castle, Colonel Muschamp. 
 Wingfield Manor, Colonel Roger Molyneux. 
 Staveley House, the now Lord Fretchvile. 
 
 A List of the General Officers of the Army 
 
 1. The Lord-General, the now Duke of Newcastle, the noble sub- 
 
 ject of this book. 
 
 2. The Lieutenant-General of the Army ; first the Earl of New- 
 
 port, afterwards the Lord Eythin. 
 
 3. The General of the Ordnance, Charles, Viscount Mansfield. 
 
 4. The General of the Horse, Lord Goring. 
 
 5. The Colonel-General of the Army, Sir Thomas Glenham. 
 
 6. The Major-General of the Army, Sir Francis Mackworth. 
 
 7. The Lieutenant-General of the Horse, first Mr. Charles Cavendish, 
 
 after him Sir Charles Lucas. 
 
 8. Commissary-General of Horse, first Colonel Windham, after 
 
 him Sir William Throckmorton, and after him Mr. George 
 Porter. 
 
 9. Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance, Sir William Davenant. 
 
 10. Treasurer of the Army, Sir William Carnaby. 
 
 11. Advocate-General of the Army, Dr. Liddal. 
 
 12. Quartermaster-General of the Army, Mr. Ralph Krrinton. 
 
 13. Providore-Gcneral - of the Army, Mr. Gervas Nevil, and after 
 
 Mr. Smith. 
 
 14. Scout-Master-General of the Army, Mr. Hudson 3 . 
 
 15. Wagon-Master General-of the Army, Baptist Johnson. 
 
 relief of Newark ; reorcupied by the Cavaliers, arid taken again l>y Manchester, Ma\ 
 6, 1^144. Kushworth, III, ii, 21. Ciainsborough was taken the same ()<t<>l>er 1(145. 
 
 ,oned as captured in '1 ht Scottish lloir, ( )< 'tuber 2~ to 
 y ii, 1646. 1'eck's Desiderata Curiosa, p. 345. 
 
 , 1644. 
 
 1 w^. 
 
 , 1644. These three houses were all taken bv Major- 
 hmcnt of Manchester's army, after the battle of Marston 
 
 Hullingbrook Castle is me 
 November 3, 1643. 
 
 Belvoir, surrendered Janua 
 
 1 Bol&over Castle, August 
 Wingfield Manor, August I 
 Staveley House, August 2 
 
 General Crawford with a deta 
 Moor. Rushworth, III, ii, 644. 
 
 2 The precise duties of these officers can best be gathered from Markham's Five I)t- 
 caJfs of I- pistlrs of War. I'rovidore-General is what he calls Victual Master, I'rovant* 
 Master, or Purveyor. 
 
 3 Michael Hudson, D.D., of Queen's College, Oxford, the King's guide and companion 
 in his flight from Oxford. He was killed at the capture of \Voodcroft House in North- 
 amptonshire, June 6, 1648. See the numerous documents relating to him in 1'cck's 
 llrsidrraia Curiosa, pp. 347, 379 ; and also I'ortland MSS., i, 368-84.
 
 The Third Book 89 
 
 William, Lord Widdrington, was President of the Council 
 of War, and Commandcr-in-Chicf of the three counties of Lin- 
 coln, Rutland, and Nottingham, and the forces there. 
 
 When my Lord marched with his army to Newcastle against 
 the Scots, then the Lord John Bcllasis was constituted Gover- 
 nor of York, and Commandcr-in-Chicf, or Licutenant-Gencral 
 of Yorkshire. 
 
 As for the rest of the officers and commanders of every 
 particular regiment and company, they being too numerous, 
 cannot well be remembered, and therefore I shall give you 
 no particular account of them. 
 
 2. Of his Misfortunes and Obstructions 
 
 Although Nature had favoured my Lord, and endued him 
 with the best qualities and perfections she could inspire into 
 his soul ; yet Fortune hath ever been such an inveterate 
 enemy to him, that she invented all the spite and malice against 
 him that lay in her power ; and notwithstanding his prudent 
 counsels and designs, cast such obstructions in his way, that 
 he seldom proved successful, but where he acted in person. 
 And since I am not ignorant that this unjust and partial age 
 is apt to suppress the worth of meritorious persons, and that 
 many will endeavour to obscure my Lord's noble actions and 
 fame, by casting unjust aspersions upon him, and laying 
 (either out of ignorance or malice) Fortune's envy to his charge. 
 I have purposed to represent these obstructions which conspired 
 to render his good intentions and endeavours ineffectual, and 
 at last did work his ruin and destruction, in these following 
 particulars. 
 
 1. At the time when the kingdom became so infatuated, 
 as to oppose and pull down their gracious King and Sovereign, 
 the treasury was exhausted, and no suflicient means to raise 
 and maintain armies to reduce his Majesty's rebellious sub- 
 jects ; so that my Lord had little to begin withal but what his 
 own estate would allow, and his interest procure him. 
 
 2. When his late Majesty, in the beginning of the unhappy 
 wars, sent my Lord to Hull, the strongest place in the kingdom, 
 where the magazine of arms and ammunition was kept, and 
 he by his prudence had gained it to his Majesty's service : 
 my Lord was left to the mercy of the Parliament, where he had 
 surely suffered for it (though he acted not without his Majesty's 
 
 N
 
 90 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 commission), if some of the contrary party had not quitted 
 him, in hopes to gain him on their side. 
 
 3. After his Majesty had sent my Lord to Newcastle-upon- 
 Tyne, to take upon him the government of that place, and 
 he had raised there, of friends and tenants, a troop of horse 
 and regiment of foot, which he ordered to convey some arms 
 and ammunition to his Majesty, sent by the Queen out of 
 Holland ; his Majesty was pleased to keep the same convoy 
 with him to increase his own forces, which, although it was 
 but of a small number, yet at that present time it would have 
 been very serviceable to my Lord, he having then but begun 
 to raise forces, 
 
 4. When her Majesty, the now Queen Mother, after her 
 arrival out of Holland to York, had a purpose to convey some 
 arms to his Majesty, my Lord ordered a party of 1500 to con- 
 duct the same, which his Majesty was pleased to keep with him 
 for his own service. 
 
 5. After her Majesty had taken a resolution to go from York 
 to Oxford, where the King then was, my Lord for her safer 
 conduct quitted 7,000 men of his army, with a convenient 
 train of artillery, which likewise never returned to my Lord. 
 
 6. When the Earl of Montrose was going into Scotland, he 
 went to my Lord at Durham, and desired of him a supply 
 of some forces for his Majesty's service ; when my Lord gave 
 him 200 horse and dragoons, even at such a time when he stood 
 most in need of a supply himself, and thought every clay to 
 encounter the Scottish army '. 
 
 7. When my Lord out of the northern parts went into 
 Lincoln- and Derby- shires with his army, to order and reduce 
 them to their allegiance and duty to his Majesty, and from 
 thence resolved to march into the Associate Counties (where 
 in all probability he would have made an happy end of the war), 
 he was so importuned by those he left behind him, and par- 
 ticularly the Commandcr-in-Chicf, to return into Yorkshire 
 (alleging the enemy grew strong and would ruin them all 
 if he came not speedily to succour and assist them), that 
 in honour and duty he could do no otherwise but grant their 
 requests ; when as yet being returned into those parts, he 
 found them secure and safe enough from the enemy's attempts. 
 
 1 See p. 35. 
 
 * See p. 30. Slin^sby says Lord Newcastle marched in Lincolnshire, took Gains- 
 borough, ' and had done greater matters in that county had he not been too hastily
 
 The Third Book 91 
 
 8. My Lord (as heretofore mentioned) had as great private 
 enemies about his Majesty, as he had public enemies in the 
 field, who used all the endeavour they could to pull him down. 
 
 9. There was such juggling, treachery, and falsehood in his 
 own army, and amongst some of his own officers, that it was 
 impossible for my Lord to be prosperous and successful in his 
 designs and undertakings. 
 
 10. My Lord's army being the chief and greatest army which 
 his Majesty had, and in which consisted his prime strength 
 and power, the Parliament resolved, at last, to join all their 
 forces with the army of the Scots (which when it came out 
 of Scotland, was above 2<>,<xx> men), to oppose, and if possible, 
 to ruin it ; well knowing, that if they did pull down my Lord, 
 they should be masters of all the three kingdoms ; so that 
 there were three armies against one. Hut although my Lord 
 suffered much by the negligence (and sometimes treachery) 
 of his officers, and was unfortunately called back into York- 
 shire, from his march he designed for the Associate Counties, 
 and was forced to part with a great number of his forces and 
 ammunition, as afore-mentioned ; yet he would hardly have 
 been overcome, and his army ruined by the enemy, had he but 
 had some timely supply and assistance at the siege of York, 
 or that his counsel had been taken in not fighting the enemy 
 then, or that the battle had been deferred some two or three 
 days longer, until those forces were arrived which he expected, 
 namely, 3,cxx> men out of Northumberland, and j,(xx> drawn 
 out of several garrisons. But the chief misfortune was that the 
 enemy fell upon the King's forces, before they were all put 
 into a battallia, and took them at their great disadvantage ; 
 which caused such a panic fear amongst them, that most 
 of the horse of the right wing of his Majesty's forces betook 
 themselves to their heels ; insomuch, that although the left 
 wing (commanded by the Lord doling and my brother Sir 
 Charles Luc. is) did their best endeavour, and beat back the 
 
 lied away 1'v tin' Kontloinon of York-hire, who N'^an again to fear inv I.oril Fair- 
 x's |>ower ; for after he was once uot to Hull, his -haltered tnps N-gaii to drop in 
 io after another. .ml wlut In- wanted in loot In 1 made tin- countrv supply him with 
 it of tin- Kast Kiilini;. II.- begins to enlarge- his quarters, ami ht-Kl Ueveilrv t'i, .nut 
 mbted not within .1 while to be able to vi-it his de.irlv N-l.mxl the West Hiding .icain. 
 lis 1 sav was tin- cans,- th.it moved the gentlemen to -end I his 1 \cc|lem v to de-ire 
 in to oiini- hack ; ami Ix-ing come gave their opinions that his onlv \\.iy woul.l N- 
 besiege him in Hull; ami ol that opinion was I ieuton.uit-lietiei.il King, anil that 
 t mi^ht be won if the gentlemen would undertake to raise an addition of force to those 
 nit of the country. Thev o about it and in several parts of the roimtrv sit in com- 
 nission, makes great levies if they could bo kept together.' Slmgsby, Memoir s, p. .jy.
 
 92 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 enemy three limes, and my Lord's own regiment of foot 
 charged them so courageously, that they never broke, but 
 died most of them in their ranks and files ; yet the power of 
 the enemy being too strong, put them at last to a total rout 
 and confusion. Which unlucky disaster put an end to all 
 future hopes of his Majesty's party ; so that my Lord, seeing 
 lie had nothing left in his power to do his Majesty any further 
 service in that kind (for had he stayed, he would have been 
 forced to surrender all those towns and garrisons in those 
 parts, that were yet in his Majesty's devotion, as afterwards 
 it also happened), resolved to quit the kingdom, as formerly 
 is mentioned. 
 
 And these arc chiefly the obstructions to the good success 
 of my Lord's designs in the late Civil Wars ; which being 
 rightly considered, will save him blameless from what other- 
 wise would be laid to his charge. For, as according to the old 
 saying, ' 'Tis easy for men to swim when they are held up by 
 the chin ' : so, on the other side, it is very dangerous and 
 difficult for them to endeavour it, when they are pulled down 
 by the heels, and beaten upon their heads. 
 
 3. Of his Loyalty and Sufferings 
 
 I dare boldly and justly say, that there never was, nor is a 
 more loyal and faithful subject than my Lord, not to mention 
 the trust he discharged in all those employments, which cither 
 King James, or King Charles the First, or his now gracious 
 master King Charles the Second, were pleased to bestow upon 
 him, which he performed with such care and fidelity, that he 
 never disobeyed their commands in the least ; I will only 
 note 
 
 i. That he was the first that appeared in arms for his 
 Majesty, and engaged himself and all his friends he could for 
 his Majesty's service ; and though he had but two sons which 
 were young, and one only brother yet they all were with him 
 in the wars. His two sons had commands, but his brother, 
 though he had no command, by reason of the weakness of his 
 body, yet he was never from my Lord when he was in action, 
 even to the last ; for he was the last with my Lord in the field 
 in that fatal battle upon Hessom Moor, near York ; and though 
 my brother, Sir Charles Lucas, desired my Lord to send his 
 sons away, when the said battle was fought, yet he would not,
 
 The Third Book 93 
 
 saying, his sons should show their loyalty and duty to his 
 Majesty, in venturing their lives, as well as himself. 
 
 2. My Lord was the chief and only person, that kept uj the 
 power of his late Majesty ; for when his army was lost, all the 
 King's party was ruined in all three of his Majesty's kingdoms ; 
 because in his army lay the chief strength of all the royal 
 forces ; it being the greatest and best formed army which his 
 Majesty had, and the only support both of his Majesty's person 
 and power, and of the hopes of all his loyal subjects in all his 
 dominions. 
 
 3. My Lord was sixteen years in banishment, and hath lost 
 and suffered most of any subject, that suffered either by war, 
 or other ways, except those that lost their lives, and even that 
 he valued not, but exposed it to so imminent dangers that 
 nothing but Heaven's decree had ordained to save it. 
 
 .(. He never minded his own interest more than his loyalty 
 and duty, and upon that account never desired nor received 
 anything from the Crown to enrich himself, but spent great 
 sums in his Majesty's service ; so that after his long banish- 
 ment and return into Kngland. I observed his ruined estate 
 was like an earthquake, and his debts like thunderbolts, by 
 which he was in danger of being utterly undone, had not 
 patience and prudence, together with Heaven's blessings, saved 
 him from that threatening ruin. 
 
 5. He never repined at his losses and sulk-rings, because he 
 lost and suffered for his King and country : nay, so far was 
 he from that, that I have heard him say, if the same wars 
 should happen again, and he was sure to lose both his life and 
 all he had left him, yet he would most willingly sacrifice it for 
 his Majesty's service. 
 
 (>. lie never connived or conspired with the enemy, neither 
 directly nor indirectly : for though some person of quality 
 being sent in the late wars to him into the north ', from his late 
 Majesty, who was then at Oxford, with some message, did 
 withal in private acquaint him. that some of the nobility th.it 
 were with tin- King, desin-d him to side with them against his 
 Majesty, alleging that if his Majesty should become an abso- 
 
 I Sir Philip \\.it\viik w.i> (wire emploxed on en. mils lioni Oxford to tin- northern 
 .inuv, .mil m.iv po-iMHv \>c tin- prison reletied to, Init thru- is no hint of .my sm h in- 
 trigue in his Memoir*, \\ilmot m.iv h.ue Nvn concerned in it, lor, .is Sir Philip re- 
 in. irks, ' he th.it marks Wilmot's whole progress through the war shall tind him much 
 affected, to be an arbiter of peace '.
 
 94 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 lute conqueror, both himself and the rest of the nobility would 
 lose all their rights and privileges ; yet he was so far from 
 consenting to it, that he returned him this answer, namely, 
 that he entered into actions of war, for no other end, but for 
 the service of his king and master, and to keep up his Majesty's 
 rights and prerogatives, for which he was resolved to venture 
 both his life, posterity, and estate ; for certainly, said he, the 
 nobility cannot fall if the King be victorious, nor can they 
 keep up their dignities if the King be overcome. 
 
 This message was delivered by word of mouth, but none 
 of their names mentioned ; so that it is not certainly known 
 whether it was a real truth or not ; more probable it was, that 
 they intended to sound my Lord, or to make, if possible, more 
 division. For certainly not all that pretended to be for the 
 King, were his friends ; and I myself remember very well, 
 when I was with her Majesty, the now Ouccn Mother, in Ox- 
 ford (although I was too young to perceive their intrigues, yet 
 I was old enough to observe), that there were great factions 
 both amongst the courtiers and soldiers. But my Lord's 
 loyalty was such, that he kept always faithful and true to his 
 Majesty, and could by no means be brought to side with the 
 rebellious party, or to juggle and mind his own interest more 
 than his Majesty's service ; and this was the cause that he 
 had as great private enemies at court, as he' had public enemies 
 in the field, who sought as much his ruin and destruction 
 privately, and would cast aspersions upon his loyalty and duty, 
 as these did publicly oppose him. 
 
 In short, that it may appear the better what loyal and 
 faithful services my Lord has done both for his late Majesty 
 King Charles the First and his now gracious master King 
 Charles the Second, I have thought fit to subjoin both their 
 Majesty's commendations which they were pleased to give him, 
 when for his great and loyal services they conferred upon him 
 the titles and dignities of Marquess, and Duke of Newcastle 1 . 
 
 A Copy of the Preamble of my Lord's Patent for Marquess, 
 Englished 
 
 ' RKX, KTC., SALUTEM. Whereas it appears to us, that 
 William, Farl of Newcastlc-upon-Tyne, besides his most cmi- 
 
 1 (iiven also by Collins, Historical ColUctwm, p. 31, and there dated Oxford, 27th 
 October 1643.
 
 The Third Book 95 
 
 ncnt birth and splendid alliances, hath equalled all those titles 
 with which he is adorned by desert, and hath also won them 
 by virtue, industry, prudence, and a steadfast faith : whilst 
 with dangers and expenses gathering together soldiers, arms, 
 and all other warlike habiliments ; and applying them as well 
 in our .affairs, as most plentifully sending them to us (having 
 forethought of our dignity and security), he was ready with 
 us in all actions in Yorkshire, and governed the town of New- 
 castle and castle, in the mouth of Tyne, at the time of that 
 fatal revolt of the people who were got together ; and with a 
 band of his friends did opportunely seize that port, and settled 
 it a garrison ; bringing arms to us (then our only relief) : 
 in which service so strongly going on (which was of grand 
 moment to our affairs) we do gratefully remember him still 
 to have stood to : afterwards, having mustered together a 
 good army (ourself being gone elsewhere), the rebels now 
 enjoying almost all Yorkshire, and the chicfest fortress of all 
 the country now appearing to have scarce refuge or safety for 
 him against the swelling rebels (the whole country then desiring 
 and praying for his coming, that he might timely relieve them 
 in their desperate condition) : and leading his said army 
 in the midst of winter gave the rebels battle in his passage, 
 vanquished them, and put them to flight, and took from them 
 several garrisons and places of refuge, and restored health 
 to the subjects, and, by his many victories, peace and security 
 to the countries : witness those places, made noble by the death 
 and flight of the rebels : in Lincolnshire, Gainsborough and 
 Lincoln ; in Derbyshire, Chesterfield ; but in Yorkshire, 
 Peircebridge, Seacroft, Tankcrly, Tadcaster, Sheffield, Rother- 
 ham, Yarum, Ueverley. Cawood. Selby. Halifax, Leeds, and, 
 above all. Bradford : where, when the Yorkshire and Lanca- 
 shire rebels were united, and battle joined with them : when 
 our army, as well by the great numbers of the rebels, as much 
 more the badness of our ground, was so prest upon, that the 
 soldiers now seemed to think of (lying : he. their General, with 
 a full career, commanding two troops to follow him. broke into 
 the very rage of the battle, and with so much violence fell upon 
 the right wing of those rebels, that those who were but now 
 certain of victory, turned their backs, and fled from the con- 
 queror, who by his wisdom, virtue, and his own hand, brought 
 death and Hight to the rebels, victor)- and glory to himself,
 
 96 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 plunder to the soldiery, and twenty-two great guns, and many 
 ensigns to us. Nor was there before this, wanting to so much 
 virtue, equal felicity, for our most beloved Consort, after 
 a dismal tempest coming from Holland, being drove ashore 
 at Burlington, and undergoing a more grievous danger, by the 
 excursions of the rebels, than the tossing and tumbling of the 
 sea ; he having heard of it, speedily goes to her with his army, 
 and dutifully rcceiveth her, in safety brings her, and with all 
 security conducts her to us at Oxford. Whereas therefore 
 the aforesaid Earl hath raised so many monuments of his 
 virtue and fidelity towards us, our Queen, children, and our 
 kingdom ; when also he doth at this time establish with 
 safety, and with his power defend, the northern parts of our 
 kingdom against the rebels ; when, lastly, nothing more con- 
 cerns mankind and princes, and nothing can be more just, than 
 that he may receive for his deeds a reward suitable to his name, 
 which requires that he who defends the Borders should be 
 created by us, Governor or Marquess of the Borderers. Know 
 therefore ', etc. 
 
 A Copy of the Preamble of my Lord's Patent for Duke, Englished l 
 
 ' REX, ETC., SALUTEM. Whereas our most beloved and 
 faithful cousin and counsellor, William, Earl and Marquess 
 of Newcastlc-upon-Tyne, etc., worthy by his famous name, 
 blood, and office, of large honours, has been eminent in so 
 many, and so great services performed to us and our father 
 (of ever-blessed memory) that his merits are still producing 
 new effects, we have decreed likewise to add more honour 
 to his former. And though these his such eminent actions, 
 which lie hath faithfully and valiantly performed to us, our 
 father, and our kingdom, speak loud enough in themselves ; 
 yet since the valiant services of a good subject are always plea- 
 sant to remember, we have thought fit to have them in part 
 related for a good example and encouragement to virtue. 
 
 ' The great proofs of his wisdom and piety arc sufficiently 
 known to us from our younger years, and we shall always 
 
 1 Collins' Historical Collections, p. 4}, dated iflth March 166'. Newcastle asked 
 for a dukedom. ' I have received yours by your sou ', replied Charles II, on June 7, 
 iW>4, ' and am resolved to grant your request. Send me therefore word what title 
 vou desire to have, or whether you will keep your old, and leave the rest to me.' - I'orl- 
 land MSS.. ii, 145.
 
 The Third Book 97 
 
 retain a sense of those good principles he instilled into us ; 
 the care of our youth which he happily undertook for our 
 good, he as faithfully and well discharged. Our years growing 
 up amidst bad times, and the harsh necessities of war, a new 
 charge and care of loyalty, the kingdom and religion, called 
 him off to make use of his further diligence and valour. Re- 
 bellion spread abroad, he levied loyeil forces in great numbers, 
 opposed the enemy, won so many and so great victories in the 
 field, took in so many towns, castles, and garrisons, as well 
 in our northern parts, as elsewhere ; and behaved himself with so 
 great courage and valour in the defending also what he had 
 got, especially at the siege of York, which he maintained 
 against three potent armies, of Scots and English, closely 
 beleaguering, and with emulation assaulting it for three months 
 (till relief was brought), to the wonder and envy of the enemy ; 
 that, if loyal and human force could have prevailed, he had 
 soon restored fidelity, peace, and his KING to the nation, 
 which was then hurrying to ruin by an unhappy fate ; so that 
 rebellion getting the upper hand, and no place being left for 
 him to act further valiantly in, for his King and country, he 
 still retained the same loyalty and valour in suffering, being an 
 inseparable follower of our exile ; during which sad catas- 
 trophe, his whole estate was sequestered and sold from him, 
 and his person always one of the first of those few who were 
 exccpted, both for life and estate (which was offered to all 
 others). Besides, his virtues are accompanied with a noble 
 blood, being of a family by each stock equally adorned and 
 endowed with great honours and riches. For which reasons 
 we have resolved to grace the said Marquess with a new mark 
 of our favour, he being every way deserving of it, as one who 
 loved virtue equal to his noble birth, and possessed patri- 
 monies suitable to both, as long as loyalty had any place to 
 show itself in our realm : which possessions he so well em- 
 ployed, and at last for us and our father's service lost, till he 
 was with us restored. Know therefore ', etc. 
 
 4. Of his Prudence and Wisdom 
 
 My Lord's prudence and wisdom hath been sufficiently 
 apparent both in his public and private actions and employ- 
 ments ; for he hath such a natural inspection, and judicious 
 
 O
 
 98 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 observation of things, that he sees beforehand what will 
 conic to pass, and orders his affairs accordingly. To which 
 purpose I cannot but mention, that Laud, the then Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury (between whom and my Lord interceded 
 a great and entire friendship, which he confirmed by a legacy 
 of a diamond, to the value of ^200, left to my Lord when he 
 died, which was much for him to bequeath ; for though he was 
 a great statesman, and in favour with his late Majesty, yet he 
 was not covetous to hoard up wealth, but bestowed it rather 
 upon the public, repairing the Cathedral of St. Paul's in Lon- 
 don, which, had God granted him life, he would certainly 
 hare beautified, and rendered as famous and glorious as any 
 in Christendom) : this said Archbishop was pleased to tell 
 his late Majesty, that my Lord was one of the wisest and pru- 
 dentcst persons that ever he was acquainted with. 
 
 For further proof, I cannot pass by that my Lord told his 
 late Majesty, King Charles the First, and her Majesty the now 
 Queen Mother, some time before the wars, that he observed, 
 by the humours of the people, the approaching of a civil war, 
 and that his Majesty's person would be in danger of being 
 deposed, if timely care was not taken to prevent it. 
 
 Also when my Lord was at Antwerp, the Marquess of Mon- 
 trosc, before he went into Scotland, gave my Lord a visit, and 
 acquainted him with his intended journey, asking my Lord 
 whether he was not also going for England ? My Lord an- 
 swered, he was ready to do his Majesty what service he could, 
 and would shun no opportunity, where he perceived he could 
 effect something to his Majesty's advantage ; nay, said he, if 
 his Majesty should be pleased to command my single person 
 to go against the whole army of the enemy, although I was sure 
 to lose my life, yet out of a loyal duty to his Majesty, and 
 in obedience to his commands, I should never refuse it. But 
 to venture (said he) the life of my friends, and to betray them 
 in a desperate action, without any probability of doing the 
 least good to his Majesty, would be a very unjust and uncon- 
 scionable act ; for my friends might perhaps venture with me 
 upon an implicit faith, that I was so honest as not to engage 
 them without a firm and solid foundation ; but I wanting 
 that, as having no ships, arms, ammunition, provision, forts, 
 and places of rendezvous, and what is the chief thing, money ; 
 to what purpose would it be to draw them into so hazardous
 
 The Third Book 99 
 
 an action, but to seek their ruin and destruction, without the 
 least benefit to his Majesty ? Then the Marquess of Montrose 
 asked my Lord's advice, and what he should do in such a 
 case ? My Lord answered, that he, knowing best his own 
 country, power, and strength, and what probability he had 
 of forces, and other necessaries for war, when he came into 
 Scotland, could give himself the best advice ; but withal told 
 him, that if he had no provision nor ammunition, arms and 
 places of rcndc/.vous for his men to meet and join, he would 
 likely be forced to hide his head, and suffer for his rash under- 
 taking : which unlucky fate did also accordingly befall that 
 worthy person. 
 
 These passages I mention to no other end, but to declare 
 my Lord's judgment and prudence in worldly affairs ; whereof 
 there arc so many, that if I should set them all down, it would 
 swell this history to a big volume. They may in some sort 
 be gathered from his actions mentioned heretofore, especially 
 the ordering of his affairs in the time of war, with such conduct, 
 prudence, and wisdom, that, notwithstanding at the beginning 
 of his undertaking that great trust and honourable employ- 
 ment which his late Majesty was pleased to confer upon him, 
 he saw so little appearance of performing his designs with good 
 success, his Majesty's revenues being then much weakened, and 
 the magazines and public purse in the enemy's power, besides 
 several other obstructions and hindrances ; yet as he under- 
 took it cheerfully, and out of pure loyalty and obedience to his 
 Majesty ; so he ordered it so wisely, that so long as he acted 
 by his own counsels and was personally present at the execution 
 of his designs, lie was always prosperous in his success. And 
 although he had so great an army, as afore-mentioned, \vt 
 by his wise and prudent conduct, there appeared no visible 
 sign of devastation in any ot the countries where he inarched ; 
 for first, he settled a constant rule for the regular levy of money 
 for the convenient maintenance of the soldiery. Next, he con- 
 stituted such officers of his army, that most of them were 
 known to be gentlemen of large and fair estates, which drew a 
 good part of their private revenues, to serve and supjxirt them 
 in their public employments ; wherein my Lord did lead them 
 the way by his own good example. 
 
 To which may be added his wisdom in ordering the govern- 
 ment of the Church, for the advancement of the orthodox
 
 loo The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 religion, and suppression of factions ; as also in coining, 
 printing, knighting, and the like, which he used with great dis- 
 cretion and prudence, only for the interest of his Majesty, 
 and the benefit of the kingdom, as formerly has been men- 
 tioned. 
 
 The prudent manage of his private and domestic affairs 
 appears sufficiently, (i) In his marriage ; (2) in the ordering 
 and increasing his estate before the wars, which, notwithstand- 
 ing his noble housekeeping and hospitality, and his generous 
 bounty and charity, he increased to the value of /ioo,ooo ; 
 (3) in the ordering his affairs in the time of banishment, where, 
 although he received not the least of his own estate, during 
 all the time of his exile, until his return : yet maintained him- 
 self handsomely and nobly, according to his quality, as much 
 as his condition at that time would permit ; (4) in reducing 
 his torn and ruined estate after his return, which, beyond 
 all probability, himself hath settled and ordered so, that his 
 posterity will have reason gratefully to remember it. 
 
 In short, although my Lord naturally loves not business, 
 especially those of state (though he understands them as well 
 as anybody), yet what business or affairs he cannot avoid, none 
 will do them better than himself. His private affairs he orders 
 without any noise or trouble, not ovcr-hastily, but wisely. 
 Neither is he passionate in acting of business, but hears 
 patiently, and orders soberly, and pierces into the heart or 
 bottom of a business at the first encounter ; but before all 
 things, he considers well before he undertakes a business, 
 whether he be able to go through it or no, for he never ventures 
 upon either public or private business, beyond his strength. 
 
 And here I cannot forbear to mention, that my noble Lord, 
 when he was in banishment, presumed out of his duty and love 
 to his gracious master, our now sovereign King, Charles the 
 Second, to write and send him a little book, or rather a letter 
 wherein he delivered his opinion concerning the government 
 of his dominions, whensoever God should be pleased to restore 
 him to his throne, together with some other notes and observa- 
 tions of foreign states and kingdoms ; but it being a private 
 offer to his sacred Majesty, I dare not presume to publish it '. 
 
 1 Two copies of this little hook have survived. One is in the Bodleian Library amongst 
 the Clarendon MSS. It is drscrilicd in Mr. Madan's Summary ('atalKue of the Western 
 MSS., vol. iii, number 16,19.5. It is bound in white parchment, with fine gold tool-
 
 The Third Book 101 
 
 5. Of his Blessings 
 
 Although my Lord hath been one of the most unfortunate 
 persons of his rank and quality, which this later age did pro- 
 duce ; yet Heaven hath been so propitious to him, that 
 it bestowed some blessings upon him even in the midst of his 
 misfortunes, and supported him against Fortune's malice, 
 which otherwise, as it seems, had designed his total ruin and 
 destruction. Of these blessings I may name in the first place. 
 
 1. The royal favours of his gracious sovereigns, and the 
 good esteem they had of his fidelity and loyalty ; which, as 
 it was the chief of his endeavours, so he esteemed it above all 
 the rest. To repeat them particularly would be too tedious, 
 and they are sufficiently apparent out of the precedent history ; 
 only this I may add, that King Charles the First, out of a 
 singular favour to my Lord, was pleased, upon his most humble 
 request, to create several noblemen ; the names of them, lest 
 I commit an offence, I shall not mention, by reason most men 
 usually pretend such claims upon the ground of their own 
 merit. 
 
 2. That God was pleased to bless him with wealth and 
 power, to enable him the better for the service of his King 
 and country. 
 
 3. That He made him happy in his marriage ; (for his first 
 wife was a very kind, loving, and virtuous lady) and blessed 
 him with dutiful and obedient children, free from vices, noble 
 and generous both in their natures and actions ; who did all 
 that lay in their power to support and relieve my Lord their 
 father in his banishment, as before is mentioned. 
 
 4. The kindness and civility which my Lord received from 
 strangers, and the inhabitants of those places, where he lived 
 during the time of his banishment ; for had it not been for 
 them, he would have perished in his extreme wants ; but it 
 pleased dod so to provide for him. that although he wanted 
 an estate, yet he wanted not credit : and although he was 
 banished and forsaken by his own friends and countrymen, 
 yet he was civilly received and relieved by strangers, until 
 (iod blessed him. 
 
 in:,", .uul Mm- silk strings. Another copv is in the |ss,-,..i,>n of the Puke of PortUm!- 
 The second of these two MSS. w.is print.il bv Mr. S. A. Strong, in LKM, in his (.'.tijl^uf 
 o/ l.ftlfrs aii.1 thfr kistorii.il D^umfnis (\ht'<it<d in tkf /.iV.irv .tf lV#><v*tpp. 54, Tj- 
 
 -J").
 
 IO2 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 Lastly, with a happy return to his native country, his dear 
 children, and his own estate ; which, although he found much 
 ruined and broke, yet by his prudence and wisdom, hath or- 
 dered as well as he could ; and I hope, and pray God to add 
 this blessing to all the rest, that he may live long to increase 
 it for the benefit of his posterity. 
 
 6. Of his Honours and Dignities 
 
 The honours, titles, and dignities which were conferred upon 
 my Lord, by King James, King Charles the First, and King 
 Charles the Second, partly as an encouragement for future 
 service, and a reward for past, arc following : 
 
 1. He was made Knight of the Bath, when he was but 
 fifteen or sixteen years of age, at the creation of Henry, Prince 
 of Wales, King James's eldest son l . 
 
 2. King James created him Viscount Mansfield, and Baron 
 of Bolsover. 
 
 3. King Charles the First constituted him Lord Lieutenant 
 of Nottinghamshire, and 
 
 4. Lord Warden of the Forest of Sherwood ; as also, 
 
 5. Lord Lieutenant of Derbyshire. 
 
 6. He chose him Governor to his son Charles, our now 
 gracious King ; and 
 
 7. Made him one of his honourable Privy Council. 
 
 8. He constituted him Governor of the town and county 
 of Newcastle, and General of all his Majesty's forces raised, 
 and to be raised, in the northern parts of England ; as also of 
 the several counties of Nottingham, Lincoln, Rutland, Derby, 
 Stafford, Leicester, Warwick, Northampton, Huntingdon, 
 Cambridge, Norfolk, Sussex, Essex, and Hertford, together 
 with all the appurtenances belonging to so great a power, as 
 is formerly declared. 
 
 9. He conferred upon him the honour and title of Earl of 
 Newcastle, and Baron of Bothal and Hcpple. 
 
 10. He created him Marquess of Newcastle. 
 
 11. His Majesty King Charles the Second was pleased, when 
 my Lord was in banishment, to make him Knight of the most 
 noble Order of the Garter 2 ; and 
 
 1 "l"hcse honours have already been mentioned in their proper placrs. Newcastle 
 was made one of the 1'rivy Council of Charles I, November 2y, 1639. Doyle, Official 
 Baronage. 
 
 2 He was appointed Knight of the Garter I2th January 1050, b.;t not solemnly in- 
 stalled in that dignity till April 15, 1661. Collins' Historical Collections, pp. 38-42.
 
 The Third Book 103 
 
 12. After his return into England, Chief-Justice in Eyre 
 Trent-North '. 
 
 15. lie created him Duke of Newcastle and Earl of Ogle. 
 
 7. Of the Entertainments he made lor King Charles the I-'irst 
 
 Though my Lord hath always been free and noble in his 
 entertainments and fcastings, yet he was pleased to show his 
 great affection and duty to his gracious King, Charles the First, 
 and her Majesty the Ouccn in some particular entertainments 
 which he made of purpose for them before the late wars. 
 
 When his Majesty was going into Scotland to be crowned, 
 he took his way through Nottinghamshire ; and lying at Work- 
 sop Manor, hardly two miles distant from Wclbeck, where my 
 Lord then was, my Lord invited his Majesty thither to a dinner, 
 which he was graciously pleased to accept of 2 . This enter- 
 tainment cost my Lord between four and five thousand 
 pounds ; which his Majesty liked so well, that a year after his 
 return out of Scotland, he was pleased to send my Lord word, 
 that her Majesty the Queen was resolved to make a progress 
 into the northern parts, desiring him to prepare the like enter- 
 tainment for her, as he had formerly done for him. Which 
 my Lord did, and endeavoured for it with all possible care and 
 industry, sparing nothing that might add splendour to that 
 feast, which both their Majesties were pleased to honour with 
 their presence : Ben Jonson he employed in fitting such scenes 
 and speeches as he could best devise ; and sent for all the 
 gentry of the country to come and wait on their Majesties ; 
 and, in short, did all that ever he could imagine, to render 
 it great, and worthy of their royal acceptance. 
 
 Tliis entertainment he made at Bolsover Castle in Derby- 
 shire, some five miles distant from Welbeck, and resigned 
 Wei beck for their Majesties' lodging ; it cost him in all between 
 fourteen and fifteen thousand pounds. 
 
 1 July 10, ifidi. Povle, Official R,irona.;t. 
 
 - 1 larendoii thus describt 
 and court were received and 
 expense, in such a wonderfi 
 before been known in ICn^lai 
 noble person had not, withi 
 more stupendous entertainn 
 too much whet the appetite > 
 Jonson 's two Masques an 
 htimshirf, etc., and /.oiv's 11 
 the .)o//i ,)/ July 1054. 
 
 >s tl 
 ente 
 1 in. 
 
 d; 
 
 i a 
 ent 
 I ott 
 ent 
 
 so entertainments 
 tained bv the \ : ..\\\ 
 iner, and in sucli : 
 nd would still be tl 
 ear or two afterw. 
 which (<",od be tl 
 rs to excess, no m. 
 tied ikf Kind's /-.'< 
 < -The King's tin*l 
 
 (RfMlwn, i, it'.?) : ' Roth Kins 
 f Newcastle, and at his own proper 
 excess of feasting, as had never 
 
 r Is, made the Kin^ and Ouit-n a 
 nketl), though possibly it mi^-lit 
 ever after iniitateil.' 
 frtiiinmtnt at ll'ci'i<vt in \tiilini;- 
 (Jussii's entcrtjtnmfnt ill Hoisoifr,
 
 104 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 Besides these two, there was another small entertainment 
 which my Lord prepared for his late Majesty, in his own 
 park at \Velbeck, when his Majesty came down, with his two 
 nephews, the now Prince Elector Palatine, and his brother 
 Prince Rupert, into the Forest of Sherwood ; which cost him 
 fifteen hundred pounds. 
 
 And this I mention not out of a vain glory, but to declare 
 the great love and duty my Lord had for his gracious King 
 and Queen, and to correct the mistakes committed by some 
 historians, who, not being rightly informed of those entertain- 
 ments, make the world believe falsehood for truth. But, as I 
 said, they were made before the wars, when my Lord had the 
 possession of a great estate ; and wanted nothing to express 
 his love and duty to his sovereign in that manner ; whereas 
 now he should be much to seek to do the like, his estate being 
 so much ruined by the late Civil Wars, that neither himself 
 nor his posterity will be able so soon to recover it. 
 
 8. His Education 
 
 His education was according to his birth ; for as he was 
 born a gentleman, so he was bred like a gentleman l . To 
 school learning he never showed a great inclination ; for 
 though he was sent to the University, and was a student of 
 St. John's College in Cambridge, and had his tutors to instruct 
 him ; yet they could not persuade him to read or study much, 
 he taking more delight in sports, than in learning ; so that 
 
 1 In Nature's Pictures, by Fancy's Pencil the Duchess describes the education of her 
 clay (pp. 273, 333, ed. 1656). In the Tale of a Traveller she thus sketches a boy's bring- 
 ing up : ' His education, in the first place, was to learn the horn-book, from that liis 
 primer, and so the Bible*, by his mother's chambermaid or the like. But after he came 
 to ten years old or thereabouts, he was sent to a free sch<x>l, where the noise of each 
 scholar's reading aloud did drown the sense of what they read, burying the knowledge 
 and understanding in the confusion of many words, and several languages ; yet was 
 whipt for not learning by their tutors, for their ill teaching them, which broke and weak- 
 ened their memories with the over heavy burthens, striving to thrust in more learning 
 than could l>e digested or kpt in the brain. . . . After some time he was sent to the 
 1'niversity, there continuing from the years of fourteen to the years of eighteen; at 
 last considering with himself that he was buried to the world anil the delights therein, 
 conversing more with the dead than the living, in reading old authors, and that little 
 company he had, was only at prayers, and meat ; wherein the time of the one was taken 
 up in devotion, the other in eating, or rather fasting ; for their prayers were so long, 
 and their commons so short, that it seemed rather an humiliation and fasting, than an 
 eating and thanksgiving. But their conversation was a greater penance than their 
 spare diet ; for their disputations, which are fed by contradictions, did more wrack 
 the brain, than the other did gripe the belly, the one filling the head with vain opinions 
 and false imaginations, for want of the light of truth, as the other with wind and rude 
 humours, for want of a sufficient nourishment, \\herc upon these considerations lie 
 It-It the University."
 
 The Third Book 105 
 
 his father being a wise man, and seeing that his son had a 
 good natural wit, and was of a very good disposition, suffered 
 him to follow his own genius ; whereas his other son Charles, 
 in whom he found a greater love and inclination to learning, 
 he encouraged as much that way as possibly he could. 
 
 One time it happened that a young gentleman, one of my 
 Lord's relations, had bought some land, at the same time 
 when my Lord had bought a singing-boy for ^50, a horse 
 for /5O, and a dog for 2 ; which humour his father Sir Charles 
 liked so well, that he was pleased to say, that if he should 
 find his son to be so covetous, that he would buy land before 
 he was twenty years of age, he would disinherit him. But 
 above all the rest, my Lord had a great inclination to the art 
 of horsemanship and weapons, in which later his father Sir 
 Charles, being a most ingenious and unparalleled master of 
 that age, was his only tutor ', and kept him also several 
 masters in the art of horsemanship, and sent him to the Mews 
 to Mons. Antoine, who was then accounted the best master 
 in that art 2 . But my Lord's delight in those heroic exercises 
 was such, that he soon became master thereof himself, which 
 increased much his father's hopes of his future perfections, 
 who being himself a person of a noble and heroic nature, 
 was extremely well pleased to observe his son take de-light 
 
 * Jonson, in his Undtncoods, has an epigram on the Duke's fencing (No. I. XXXIX) : 
 
 They talk of Fencing and the use of arms, 
 
 'Hit; art of urging and avoiding harms, 
 
 The noble science, and the mastering skill 
 
 Of making just approaches how to kill ; 
 
 To hit in angles, and to clash with time : 
 
 As all defence or offence were a chime ! 
 
 I hate such measured give me mettled lire, 
 
 That trembles in the bla/e, but then mounts higher 
 
 A (inick and da/vling motion : when a pair 
 
 Of txxlirs nux't like rarefied air ! 
 
 Their weapons darted with that (lame and f.'rre 
 
 As they outdid the lightning in the course , 
 
 This were a spectacle, a sight to draw 
 
 Wonder to valour ! No. it is the law 
 
 Of daring not to do a wrong ; 'tis true 
 
 Valour to slight it, Iveing done to von. 
 
 To know the heads ol danger, whet.- 'tis lit 
 
 To tx-nd, to break, provoke, or suffer it ; 
 
 All this, mv Lord, is valour, this is voms, 
 
 And was your father's, all vour ancestors ' 
 
 Who durst live great 'mongst all the coUls and heats 
 
 Of human life ; as all the frosts and sweats 
 
 Of fortune, when or death appeared, or Kind- ; 
 
 And valiant were, with or without their handv 
 
 2 St. Antoine was the riding master of 1'rince Henry. Pallon. 1. tit of Sir I J*atJ 
 Cfcil, i, .MO. 
 
 P
 
 io6 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 in such arts and exercises as were proper and fit for a person 
 of quality. 
 
 9. His Natural Wit and Understanding 
 
 Although my Lord has not so much of scholarship and 
 learning as his brother Sir Charles Cavendish had, yet he 
 hath an excellent natural wit and judgment, and dives into 
 the bottom of everything ; as it is evidently apparent in the 
 foremcntioned art of horsemanship and weapons, which by 
 his own ingenuity he has reformed and brought to such per- 
 fection, as never any one has done heretofore. And though 
 he is no mathematician by art, yet he hath a very good mathe- 
 matical brain, to demonstrate truth by natural reason, and 
 is both a good natural and moral philosopher, not by reading 
 philosophical books, but by his own natural understand- 
 ing and observation, by which he hath found out many 
 truths. 
 
 To pass by several other instances, I'll but mention, that 
 when my Lord was at Paris, in his exile, it happened one 
 time, that he discoursing with some of his friend?, amongst 
 whom was also that learned philosopher Hobbes l , they began, 
 amongst the rest, to argue upon this subject, namely, Whether 
 it were possible to make man by art fly as birds do ; and 
 when some of the company had delivered their opinion, \\/.. 
 That they thought it probable to be done by the help of arti- 
 ficial wings ; my Lord declared, that he deemed it altogether 
 impossible, and demonstrated it by this following reason. 
 Man's arms, said he, are not set on his shoulders in the same 
 manner as bird's wings are : for that part of the arm which 
 joins to the shoulder is in man placed inward, as towards 
 the breast, but in birds outward, as toward the back ; which 
 difference and contrary position or shape hinders that man 
 cannot have the same flying action with his arms, as birds 
 
 1 ' I have heard Mr. Edmund Waller say that \V. Lord Marquis of Newcastle was 
 a great patron to Dr. (lassendi, and M. Des Cartes, as well as to Mr. IIolilx-s, and that 
 h: hath dined with them all three at the Marquis's table, at I'aris.' Aubrey's Letters, 
 iii, <x)2. I have not succeeded in finding these arguments which the Duchess mentions 
 in the following pages, in the leviathan. Hobbes, however, acknowledges Newcastle's 
 patronage by several dedications to him, viz. the dedication of his Liberty and \tcessily 
 and that of his Elements of Ijiw. He also wrote for Newcastle's lx. v nelit a paper of ' Con- 
 siderations touching the Facility or Difficulty of the Motions of a Horse on straight 
 ines and circular,' which is printed in Mr. Strong's Catalogue of the Letters and oilier 
 Hiitorittil Documents exhibited in the Library at Welbeck, p. 237.
 
 The Third Book 107 
 
 have with their wind's. Which argument Mr. Hobbes liked 
 so well, that he was pleased to make use of it in one of his 
 books called Leviathan, if I remember well. 
 
 Some other time they falling into a discourse concerning 
 witches, Mr. Hobbes said, that though he could not rationally 
 believe there were witches, yet he could not be fully satisfied 
 to believe there were none, by reason they would themselves 
 confess it, if strictly examined. 
 
 To which my Lord answered, that though for his part he 
 cared not whether there were witches or no : yet his opinion 
 was, that the confession of witches, and their suffering for it, 
 proceeded from an erroneous belief, vix. th.it they had made 
 a contract with the devil to serve him for such rewards as 
 were in his power to give them ; and that it w.is their religion 
 to worship and adore him ; in which religion they had such 
 a firm and constant belief, that if anything came to pass 
 according to their desire, they believed the devil had heard 
 their prayers, and granted their requests, for which they gave 
 him thanks ; but if things fell out contrary to their prayers 
 and desires, then they were troubled at it, fearing they had 
 offended him, or not served him as they ought, and asked 
 him forgiveness for their offences. Also (said my Lord) 
 they imagine that their dreams are real exterior actions ; 
 for example, if they dream they lly in the air, or out of the 
 chimney top, or that they are turned into several shapes, 
 they believe no otherwise, but that it is really so. And this 
 wicked opinion makes them industrious to perform such cere- 
 monies to the devil, that they adore and worship him as their 
 god, and choose to live and die for him. 
 
 Thus my Lord declared himself concerning witches, which 
 Mr. Hobbes was also pleased to insert in his fore-mentioned 
 book. But yet my Lord doth not count this opinion of his 
 so universal, as if there were none but imaginary witches ; 
 for he doth not speak but of such a sort of witches as make 
 it their religion to worship the devil in the manner aforesaid. 
 Nor doth he think it a crime to entertain what opinion seems 
 most probable to him, in things indifferent : for in such cases 
 men mav discourse and argue as they please, to exercise 
 their wit, and mav change and alter their opinions upon more 
 probable grounds and reasons ; whereas in fundamental 
 matters, both of Church and State, he is so strict in adherent
 
 io8 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 to them, that he will never maintain or defend such opinions 
 which arc in the least prejudicial to cither l . 
 
 One proof more I'll add to confirm his natural understand- 
 ing and judgment, which was upon some discourse I held 
 with him one time, concerning that famous chemist Van 
 Hclmont, who in his writings is very invective against the 
 schoolmen, and, amongst the rest, accuses them for taking 
 the radical moisture for the fat of animal bodies. Where- 
 upon my Lord answered, that surely the schoolmen were 
 too wise to commit such an error ; for, said ho, the radical 
 moisture is not the fat or tallow of an animal, but an oily 
 and balsamous substance ; for the fat and tallow, as also the 
 watery parts, are cold ; whereas the oily and balsamous parts 
 have at all times a lively heat, which makes that those crea- 
 tures which have much of that oil or balsam arc long lived, 
 and appear young ; and not only animals, but also vegetables, 
 which have much of that oil of balsam, as ivy, bays, laurel, 
 holly, and the like, live long, and appear fresh and green, 
 not only in winter, but when they are old. Then I asked 
 my Lord's opinion concerning the radical heat : to which 
 he answered, that the radical heat lived in the radical mois- 
 ture ; and when the one decayed, the other decayed also ; 
 and then was produced cither an unnatural heat, which caused 
 an unnatural dryness, or an unnatural moisture, which caused 
 dropsies, and these, an unnatural coldness. 
 
 Lastly, his natural wit appears by his delight in poetry : 
 for I may justly call him the best lyric and dramatic poet 
 
 1 The Duke, like most of his contemporaries, made occasional scientific experiments 
 and held views of his own about natural science. In a preface written by him to the I'hilo- 
 iophical and I'hysical Opinions of his wife he says : ' Since it is now ,i la mode to write of 
 natural philosophy, and I know nobody knows what is the cause of anything, and since 
 they are all but guessers, not knowing, it gives every man room to think what he lists, 
 and so I mean to set up for myself, and play at this philosophical game as follows, without 
 patching or stealing from anybody.' He then proceeds to deliver his opinion concern- 
 ing the grounds of natural philosophy : ' Salt is the life that giveth motion to all things 
 in the world ', which he proves, amongst other reasons, by the following experiment : 
 ' The sun, no doubt, is a great fire, and must have something to maintain it ; but t>efore 
 I deliver my opinion to you, I desire leave to make you a little relation, and it is this : 
 Dr. I'ayn, a divine, and my chaplain, who hath a very witty searching brain of his own, 
 being at my house at Bolsover, locked up with me in a chamtwr to make Lapis 1'runelhr, 
 which is saltpetre and brimstone inflamed, looking at it a while, I said, Mark it, Mr. 
 I'ayn, the fl.irne is pale, like the Sun, and hath a violent motion in it. like the Sun ; saith 
 he, It hath so, and the more to confirm you, says he, look what abundance of little suns, 
 round like a glolx-, apjie.ir to us everywhere, just the same motion as the Sun makes in 
 everv one's eves. So we con duded the Sun could IM- nothing else but a very solid Ixnly 
 of s.ilt and sulphur, inflamed by his own violent motions upon his own axis. . . . 
 
 ' This ', he concludes, ' is mv opinion, which 1 think can as hardly be disproved as 
 proved; since any opinion may l>e right or wrong, for anything that anybody knows, 
 for certainly there is none can make a mathematical demonstration of natural philosophy '.
 
 The Third Rook 109 
 
 of this age '. His Comedies do sufficiently show his threat 
 observation and judgment, for they arc composed of these 
 three ingredients, viz. wit, humour, and satire ; and his 
 chief design in them is to divulge and laugh at the follies of 
 mankind ; to persecute vice, and to encourage virtue. - 
 
 10. Of his Natural Humour and Disposition 
 
 My Lord may justly be compared to Titus the delici.i- of 
 mankind, by reason of his sweet, gentle, and obliging n.iturc ; 
 for though his wisdom and experience found it impossible 
 to please all men, because of their different humo'irs and 
 dispositions ; yet his nature is such, that he will be sorry 
 when lie sceth that men arc displeased with him out of their 
 own ill natures, without any cause ; for he loves .ill that are 
 his friends, and hates none that are his enemies 3 . He is a 
 
 1 The Duke's poems are represented by songs in his own plays and in those of tin- 
 Duchess, by dedicatory verses to her different lxks, and by several pie< > in her \atitrt'\ 
 1'ifturcs (pp. 65, 7<), 94, <j;). A Ixwk containing songs and sketches of pl.ivs in the hand- 
 writing of the Duke is preserved at Welberk. (Strong, Catalasut of Ihf l.rtlfrt, (It. 
 cxhiliited in the Library at \\'cl>xck, p. 57). At the end of ner volume of Poem* the Dudi- 
 ess says : 
 
 A I'ix;t t am neither lx>rn nor bred, 
 
 But to a witty |*>et married. 
 
 Whose brain is fresh, and pleasant, as the Spring, 
 
 Where fancies grow, and where the Muses sing ; 
 
 There oft 1 lean my head, and listening hark. 
 
 "I" observe his words, and all his fancies m.irk , 
 
 And from that garden flowers of fancies take. 
 
 Whereof a |x>sy up in verse I make : 
 
 Thus I that have no garden of my own 
 
 There gather flowers, that are newly blown. 
 
 - The Duke w.is the author of four Comedies : (i) Tht Country Cjftain, t;ni'<, i'>4'i, 
 said to have been acted with applause at Ulack Friars and printed at the Hague and 
 at London. On October 2(\ iddi, 1'epvs notes swing this play : ' the tir*t tune K hath 
 been acted t'lis twentv-tive years . . . but so sillv a play as in all mv life I never *aw.' 
 
 (2) I'hi' I'urif.'v, printed with Tht (\iunirv Citpltiin, ijino, I'M'), l.ondon and the 
 Hague. A droll called The l-'renck-Diintins Mtuttr, was made out of this play, and 
 is printed in I'ht \\'tts, or Sport uf>.>n Sport, u>7i. 
 
 (?) Tht H:tm>rou-i hr.'frs, acted at the Duke's Theatre. 4 t.\ 1*177. I'epvs, who 
 attributes it to the Duc.lii-ss, saw it on March 30, i'><>7, and calls it ' the most >illv thi:i|; 
 that ever came upon a stage.' 
 
 (4) I'Hc iriumf>h,int IJ'i./.w, or Ihf MtMtv of llum-ars, acted at the Duke's Hieatre. 
 4t >. I 177. Sh idw !! ine irp iratixl th greater part of ttiis plav iu ltur\ h'air. 
 
 The Duk- also wrote five scenes of Vkf l^i.l\- t'onifmpl.titon. a plav bv the Dn.-hesv 
 
 He als ) tr.mslated M>>liere's l.'Kl tiir.li, which Drvden omvertnl into Sir Martin 
 Mar- ill. Though printed in n>>S, tliis plav did not appear with lrvden\ lumr till 
 Hi )7, and was entered in the St.iti'int-rs' Register under the Duke's nanv IVpv- viw 
 it on August id, Ktd7, and calls it ' a plav made bv mv l.onl Duke of \r-,a*tle. but. 
 as everybodv savs, corrected bv Drvden. It is tin- m >^t entire piece .<( mirth, a onn- 
 plete farce from one end t" the other, th.it w.is ever writ. I never laughed *. m .ill mv 
 life, and at very good wit therein, not duling.' 
 
 ' The Duke's generositv to his |i.>liti,.il ,>p|vMi.-nts was shown in ln> treatment of 
 those accused of sh.iring in the Voik-lnie plot of K.OI. Me tre.it.sl I ..|..ne| Hut, hm. 
 son ' verv honourablv ', and ' disniissitl him without a guard to tu^ own h.-ii^.-. onlv 
 engaging him to stav then- one week, till he gave account to the r.<uncil' Wc'i'<. n. 
 ^.)<). Mr. John (.'romwcll. another sulfeier on the same .V,.ISI,.M, loutid a |s-ci!ul 
 protector in the Duke, who finally secured his release. Kenneth Kf;i<Jfr. p. S.i.
 
 no The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 loyal subject, a kind husband, a loving father, a generous 
 master, and a constant friend. 
 
 His natural love to his parents has been so great, that I 
 have heard him say, he would most willingly, and without 
 the least repining, have begged for his daily relief, so God 
 would but have let his parents live. 
 
 He is true and just both in his words and actions, and has 
 no mean or petty designs, but they arc all just and honest. 
 
 He condemns not upon report, but upon proof ; nor judges 
 by words, but actions ; he forgets not past service, for present 
 advantage ; but gives a present reward to a present desert. 
 
 He hath a great power over his passions, and hath had the 
 greatest trials thereof ; for certainly he must of necessity 
 have a great share of patience, that can forgive so many false 
 treacherous, malicious, and ungrateful persons as he hath 
 done ; but he is so wise, that his passion never outruns his 
 patience, nor his extravagances his prudence ; and although 
 his private enemies have been numerous, yet I verily believe, 
 there is never a subject more generally beloved than he is. 
 
 He hates pride and loves humility ; is civil to strangers, 
 kind to his acquaintance, and respectful to all persons, accord- 
 ing to their quality ; he never regards place, except it be 
 for ceremony : to the meanest person he'll put off his hat, 
 and suffer everybody to speak to him. 
 
 He never refuses any petition, but accepts them ; and being 
 informed of the business, will give a just, and as much as lies 
 in him, a favourable answer to the petitioning party. 
 
 He easily pardons, and bountifully rewards; and always 
 praises particular men's virtues, but covers their faults with 
 silence. 
 
 He is full of charity and compassion to persons that arc in 
 misery, and full of clemency and mercy ; insomuch, that 
 when he was general of a great army, he would never sit in 
 council himself upon causes of life and death, but granted 
 pardon to many delinquents that were condemned by his 
 council of war ; so that some were forced to petition him not 
 to do it, by reason it was an ill precedent for others. To 
 which my Lord merrily answered, that if they did hang all, 
 they would leave him none to fight. 
 
 His courage he always showed in action, more than in 
 words, for he would fight, but not rant.
 
 The Third Rook 1 1 1 
 
 He is not vain-glorious to heighten or brag of his heroic 
 actions ; witness that great victory upon Atherton Moor, after 
 which he would not suiler his trumpets to sound, but came 
 quietly and silently into the city of York ; for which he would 
 certainly have been blamed by those that make a great noise 
 upon small causes, and love to be applauded, though their 
 actions little deserve it. 
 
 His noble bounty and generosity is so manifest to all the 
 world, that I should light a candle to the sun, if I should 
 strive to illustrate it ; for he has no self-designs or self-interest, 
 but will rather wrong and injure himself than others. To 
 give you but one proof of this noble virtue, it is known, that 
 where he hath a legal right to felons' goods, as he hath in a 
 great part of his estate, yet he never took or exacted more 
 than some inconsiderable share for acknowledgement of his 
 right ; saying, that he was resolved never to grow rich by 
 other men's misfortunes. 
 
 In short, I know him not addicted to any manner of vice 
 except that he has been a great lover and admirer of the 
 female sex ; which, whether it be so -jreat a crime as to con- 
 demn him for it, I'll leave to the judgment of young gallants 
 and beautiful ladies. 
 
 it. Of his outward Stiapc and Behaviour 
 
 His shape is neat, and exactly proportioned: his stature 
 of a middle size, and his complexion sanguine. 
 
 His behaviour is such, that it might be a pattern for all 
 gentlemen ; for it is courtly, civil, easy and free, without 
 formality or constraint ; and yet hath something in it of 
 grandeur, that causes an awful respect towards him. 
 
 I j. Of ///s /)/.sv<wrsY 
 
 Ills discourse is as free and unconcerned as his behaviour, 
 pleasant, witty, and instructive: he is quick in rep.irtees 
 or sudden answers, and hates dubious disputes an 1 pre- 
 meditated speeches. 1 le loves also to intermini.'le his discourse 
 \\ith some short pleasant stories, and witty sayings, and always 
 names the author from whom he hath them : for he hates 
 to make another man's wit his own '. 
 
 1 Sli.ulwrll, in his ilrdir.ttion of 1 ht I I'rr/iiu- to Lord Ncwr.istlr, s.vs : ' Hv thr grr.^t 
 honour 1 had to l>o daily admitted unto your C"iratc' public .uid private ion\Trs.ati<xi
 
 112 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 13. Of his Habit 
 
 lie accoutres his person according to the fashion, if it be 
 one that is not troublesome and uneasy for men of heroic 
 exercises and actions. He is neat and cleanly ; which makes 
 him to be somewhat long in dressing, though not so long as 
 many effeminate persons are. He shifts ordinarily once a 
 day, and every time when he uses exercise, or his temper is 
 more hot than ordinary. 
 
 14. Of his Diet 
 
 In his diet he is so sparing and temperate, that he never 
 eats nor drinks beyond his set proportion, so as to satisfy 
 only his natural appetite. He makes but one meal a day, 
 at which he drinks two good glasses of small-beer, one about 
 the beginning, the other at the end thereof, and a little glass 
 of sack in the middle of his dinner ; which glass of sack he 
 also uses in the morning for his breakfast, with a morsel ot 
 bread. His supper consists of an egg, and a draught of small- 
 beer. And by this temperance he finds himself very health- 
 ful, and may yet live many years, he being now of the age of 
 seventy-three, which I pray God from my soul to grant him. 
 
 15. His Recreation and Exercise 
 
 His prime pastime and recreation hath always been the 
 exercise of manage and weapons ; which heroic arts he used 
 to practise every day ; but I observing that when he had 
 overheated himself, he would be apt to take cold, prevailed 
 so far, that at last he left the frequent use of the manage, 
 using nevertheless still the exercise of weapons ; and though 
 ho doth not ride himself so frequently as lie hath done, yet he 
 takes delight in seeing his horses of manage rid by his cscuyers 1 , 
 whom he instructs in that art for his own pleasure ' 2 . But 
 
 Imirable experience and judgment surmounting all the old, and that 
 t, and smartness of expression, exceeding all the young, I ever saw ; 
 arp and apt replies, but, which is much more difficult, by giving easy 
 sinus, the most admirable way of beginning one, and all this adapted 
 
 I observed that a 
 vigorousness of w 
 nnd not only in si 
 and unforced ore? 
 to men of all circ 
 ' F.sriiyrr, gru 
 
 imstances and conditions.' 
 
 m ; icuyrr, Fr., the Knglish esquire. 
 
 Jonfon dedicates the following epigram to Newcastle (U ndemoods , Ixxii.) : 
 
 When first, my Lord, I saw you back your horse, 
 I'rovolic his mettle, and command his force 
 To all the uses of the field and race, 
 Methought I read the ancient art of Thrace, 
 And saw a Centaur past those tales of Greece, 
 So seemed your horse and you both of a piece !
 
 The Third Book 113 
 
 in the art of weapons (in which he has a method beyond all 
 that ever were famous in it, found out by his own ingenuity and 
 practice) he never taught anybody but now the Duke of Buck- 
 ingham, whose guardian he hath been, and his own two sons. 
 The rest of his time he spends in music, poetry, architecture, 
 and the like. 
 
 1 6. Of his Pedigree 
 
 Having made promise in the beginning of the first Book 
 that I would join a more large description of the pedigree 
 of my noble Lord and husband to the end of the history of his 
 life, I shall now discharge myself ; and though I could derive 
 it from a longer time, and reckon up a great many of his ances- 
 tors, even from the time of William the Conqueror,* he being 
 descended from the most ancient family of the Gernouns, 
 as Camdcn relates in his Britannia, in the description of 
 Derbyshire 1 ; yet it being a work fitter for heralds, I shall 
 proceed no further than his grandfather, and show you only 
 those noble families which my Lord is allied to by his birth. 
 
 My Lord's grandfather, by his father (as is formerly mcn 
 tioncd), was Sir William Cavendish, Privy-Counsellor and 
 Treasurer of the Chamber to King Henry the Eighth, Edward 
 the Sixth, and Queen Mary ; who married two wives 2 . By 
 the first he had only two daughters ; but by the second, 
 El/abcth, who was my Lord's grandmother, ho had three 
 
 You showed like IVrsons upon 1'eg.isus, 
 
 Or what we hear 01 
 Of bold Sir lievis a 
 Nay, so your seat li 
 As I began to wish 
 And surely, had 1 1 
 Before, I think my 
 
 s iMMiities did endorse, 
 nyself a horse ; 
 it vour stable seen 
 vish absolved had been. 
 
 For never saw I yet the Muses dwell. 
 Nor any of their household, half so well. 
 So well ! as when I saw the (loir and room, 
 I looked for Hercules to be the groom : 
 And cried, Away with the Grsarian bread ! 
 At these immortal mangers Virgil ;ed. 
 
 1 Camden's Britannia, p. 491, cd. 1605. See also Collins' I'firagf, od. nrydges, i 
 .VM- 
 
 - Sir William Cavendish married (i) Margaret, daughter of I'dmnnd Postook. of 
 Cheshire, who died in 1540 ; (z) Flizabcth, daughter of Thomas Parker, of roslini;- 
 ford, Suffolk ; (3) Kli/aboth llardwick, August :o, iv t ;. See Sir William Cavcmh-irs 
 biographical notes in Collins 1 //IA/I-M.-.I/ ('<>llffiit<ns. p. 10. 1 li.Mbeth Haidwi. k mar- 
 ried Robert Parley, of Parley in 1 Vrbvshire ; she was tlim lonrlci n, and her tiist Imsl .11 d 
 died in 1532. She herself died on the \_\t\\ of 1'Vbru.it v Kxi;, aNnit the age of eighty- 
 seven. Her will and epitaph are both printed by Collins.
 
 114 The Life f William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 sons and four daughters, wherof one daughter died young. 
 She was daughter to John Hardwick,of Hard wick, in the county 
 of Derby, Esq. ; and had four husbands : the first was Barlow, 
 Esq., who died before they were bedded together, they being 
 both very young ; the second was Sir William Cavendish, my 
 Lord's grandfather, who being somewhat in years, married her 
 chiefly for her beauty. She had so much power in his affection, 
 that she persuaded him to sell his estate which he had in the 
 southern parts of England (for he was very rich) and buy an 
 estate in the northern parts, viz. in Derbyshire, and there- 
 about, where her own friends and kindred lived, which he did ; 
 and having there settled himself, upon her further persuasion 
 built a manor-house in the same county, called Chatsworth, 
 which, as I have heard, cost first and last above /8o,ooo 
 sterling. But before this house was finished, he died, and 
 left six children, viz. three sons and three daughters, which 
 before they came to be marriageable, she married a third 
 husband, Sir William St. Loo, Captain of the Guard to Queen 
 Elizabeth, and Grand Butler of England l ; who dying without 
 issue, she married a fourth husband, George, Earl of Shrews- 
 bury, by whom she left no issue. 
 
 The children which she had by her second husband, Sir 
 William Cavendish, being grown marriageable ; the eldest 
 son, Henry, married Grace, the youngest daughter of his 
 father-in-law, the said George, Earl of Shrewsbury, which 
 he had by his former wife Gertrude, daughter of Thomas 
 Manners, Earl of Rutland, but died without issue. 
 
 The second son William, after Earl of Devonshire, had two 
 wives. The first was an heiress, by whom he had children, 
 but all died save one son, whose name was also William. 
 Earl of Devonshire. His second wife was widow to Sir Edward 
 Wortley, who had several children by her first husband, and 
 but one son by the said William Cavendish, after Earl of 
 Devonshire, who died young. 
 
 His son by his first wife (William, Earl of Devonshire) 
 married Christian, daughter of Edward, Lord Bruce, a Scots- 
 man, by whom he had two sons and one daughter. The 
 eldest son William, now Earl of Devonshire, married Elizabeth, 
 the second daughter of William, Earl of Salisbury, by whom 
 
 1 A lifo of Sir Willi.im St. I.oo, l.y Jovph Hunter, is printed in The Re/rosf>edivf Re- 
 view, ;nd series, vol. ii, p. 314
 
 The Third Book 115 
 
 he has three children, viz. two sons and one daughter, whereof 
 the eldest son William is married to the second daughter of 
 James, now Duke of Orrnond '. The second son Charles 
 is yet a youth. The daughter Anne married the Lord Rich, 
 the only son and child to Charles now Earl of Warwick ; but 
 he died without issue. 
 
 The second son of William, Earl of Devonshire, and brother 
 to the now Earl of Devonshire, was unfortunately slain in 
 the late Civil Wars, as is before mentioned. 
 
 The daughter of the said William, Earl of Devonshire, 
 sister to the now Earl of Devonshire, married Robert, Lord 
 Rich, eldest son to Robert, Earl of Warwick, by whom 
 she had but one son, who married, but died without issue. 
 
 The third and youngest son of Sir William Cavendish, 
 Charles Cavendish (my Lord's father), had two wives. The 
 first was daughter and co-heir to Sir Thomas Kidson, who 
 died a year after her marriage without issue. The second 
 was the younger daughter of Cuthbert, Lord Ogle, and after 
 her elder and only sister Jane, wife to Edward, Earl of Shrews- 
 bury, who died without issue, became heir to her father's 
 estate and title ; by whom he had three sons, whereof the 
 eldest died in his infancy ; the second was William, my dear 
 Lord and husband ; the third Charles, who died a bachelor 
 about the age of sixty-three. 
 
 My Lord hath had two wives ; the first was Elizabeth, 
 daughter and heir to William Basset of Blore, in the county 
 of Stafford, Esq. : and widow to Henry Howard, younger 
 son to Thomas, Earl of Suffolk ; by whom he had ten 
 children, viz. six sons and four daughters ; whereof live, viz. 
 four sons and one daughter, died young ; the rest, viz. two 
 sons and three daughters, came to be married. 2 
 
 1 Henry Cavendish died October 17, K>i6 (Collins, p. I \). \\illt.nn Cavendish first 
 Karl of Devonshire, died on March 3, Kus ; he married (i) Anne, daughter of Henry 
 Kighley, of Kighley, Yorkshire; (j) Elizabeth, daughter of Kdw.ird lloughton of, 
 Cans ton, Warwickshire, and widow of Sir Richard (?) Wortley (Collins' J'ffrj^e, ed. 
 Urydges, i, .}.:;,) William Cavendish, second Karl, died on June 20, ib;S. I'oinlret'i 
 Life of Christum, Countess of Devonshire, which is largely quoted by Collins and Ken- 
 net, well deserves perusal. Some account of the circumstances of her marriage is given 
 in Lodge's niustniJioits of I-'.nglisk History, vol. iii, p. 2 \2. ' The wench is a prettv red- 
 headed wench, and her portion is "7,000 ' write the ICarl and Countess of Arnndcl to 
 the Karl of Shrewsbury. 
 
 William, third Karl of Devonshire, died in U>$4 ; his son of the same name, who mar- 
 ried the Duke of Ormond's daughter, was the first Duke of Devonshire. Collins, ed. 
 13rydges, vol. i. 
 
 2 The statement originally printed in the textVas ' live sons and five daughters, where- 
 of five, viz. three sons and two daughters, died young '. It was corrected by hand 
 before publication.
 
 1 16 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 His older son Charles, Viscount of Mansfield, married the 
 eldest daughter and heir of Mr. Richard Rogers, by whom 
 he had but one daughter, who died soon after her birth ; and 
 he died also without any other issue. 1 
 
 His second son Henry, now Earl of Ogle, married Francis 
 the eldest daughter of Mr. William Picrrcpont, by whom 
 he hath had three sons and four daughters. Two sons were 
 born before their natural time ; the third, Henry, Lord Mans- 
 field, is alive ; the four daughters are, the Lady Elizabeth, 
 Lady Frances, Lady Margaret, and Lady Catherine. 2 
 
 My Lord's three daughters were thus married. The eldest, 
 Lady Jane, married Charles Chcincy, Esq., descended of a 
 very noble and ancient family ; by whom she hath one son 
 and two daughters. The second, Lady Elizabeth, married 
 John, now Earl of Bridgwater, then Lord Bracklcy, and 
 eldest son to John, then Earl of Bridgwater ; who died in 
 childbed, and left five sons and one daughter, whereof the 
 eldest son John, Lord Brackley, married the Lady Elizabeth, 
 only daughter and child to James, then Earl of Middlesex. 
 
 My Lord's third daughter, the Lady Frances, married Oliver, 
 Earl of Bullingbrook, and hath had no child yet. 3 
 
 After the death of my Lord's first wife, who died the ijth 
 of April in the year 1643,110 married me, Margaret, daughter 
 to Thomas Lucas of St. John's, near Colchester, in Essex, 
 Esq., but hath no issue by me. 
 
 And this is the posterity of the three sons of Sir William 
 Cavendish, my Lord's grandfather by his father's side. The 
 three daughters were disposed of as followcth : 
 
 t Charles, Viscount Mansfield, died in 1659. On June 15, 1659, Nicholas writes to 
 Newcastle condoling with him on his recent loss (Calendar of Domestic Stale 1'apers, 
 i<>yj, p. 374). His widow married Charles Stuart, Duke of Richmond. On the Rogers 
 family, see Clarendon, Rebellion, vii, 95, and Christie's Li/e of Shaftesbury, vol. i, Ap- 
 pendix, pp. xiii, xxi. 
 
 '* This Henry, Karl of Ogle, succeeded to the title of Duke of Newcastle on his father's 
 death in i'>7<, and died on July 26, 1691. The Secoiitl Report of the Royal Commission 
 on Historical MSS. gives abstracts of some of his letters now in the possession of Marl 
 Spencer (p. 17). Others are printed in vol. ii of the 1'ortland MSS. His son Henry, 
 L'>rd M.m>tirld, died in lOHo. The Duke by his will settled all his real estate on his 
 third daughter Margaret and her heirs, who married John Holies, Karl of Clare, created 
 Duke nl Newcastle in 1694. Collins' Historical Collections, pp. 47-179. 
 
 :i These ladies were left in Kngland when their fath 
 the battle of Marston Moor ; they were in Welbnk wl 
 Manchester. (Manchester's ljuarrel U'lth Cromwell, Can 
 and I-ady I-'r.mcrs wrote to Lord Kairfax on April 17 i 
 and protection (l-atrfat Correspondence, lii, 194). Tli 
 
 r retired to the Continent after 
 "ii it surrendered to the Kail, of 
 len Society, p. 6). Lady Jane 
 45, thanking him for his favour 
 re is in Davcnant's works (p. 
 
 short porm <>n the mariiage of Lady Jam-, l.ady l-.lizabeth's marriage, which 
 has Ixx-n Ix-forr referred to (p. 74), took place in l<>yj. Lord 13racklcy performed the 
 elder brother in Milton's Cvmui.
 
 The Third Book 117 
 
 The eldest, Frances Cavendish, married Sir Henry Picrrc- 
 pont of Holm Pierrcpont, in the county of Nottingham, by 
 whom she had two sons, whereof the first died young ; the 
 second, Robert, after Earl of Kingston-upon-llull, married 
 Gertrude, the eldest daughter and co-heir to Henry Talbot, 
 fourth son to George, Earl of Shrewsbury, by whom he had 
 live sons and three daughters, whereof the eldest son, Henry, 
 now Marquess of Dorchester, hath had two wives ; the first 
 Cecilia, eldest daughter to the Lord Viscount Bayning, by 
 whom he had several children, of which there are living only 
 two daughters ; the eldest Anne, who married John Ross, 
 only son to John now Earl of Rutland ; the second, Grace, 
 who is unmarried. His second wife was Catherine, second 
 daughter to James, Earl of Derby, by whom he has no issue 
 living. 1 
 
 The second son of the Earl of Kingston, William, married 
 the sole daughter and heir of Sir Thomas Harries, by whom 
 he had issue five sons and five daughters, whereof two sons 
 and two daughters died unmarried. The other six are : 2 
 
 Robert, the eldest, who married Elizabeth, daughter and 
 co-heir to Sir John Evelyn, by whom he has three sons, and 
 one daughter. The second son George, and the third Gervase. 
 are yet unmarried. 
 
 The eldest daughter of William Pierrepont, Erances, is 
 married to my Lord's now only son and heir, Henry, Earl of 
 Ogle, as before is mentioned. 
 
 The second, Grace, is married to Gilbert, now Earl of Clare, 
 by whom he hath issue two sons and three daughters. 3 
 
 The third, Gertrude, is unmarried. 
 
 The third son of the Earl of Kingston, Francis Pierrepont, 
 
 1 Robert, Karl of Kingston, died on July 30, 1643, in the manner described on page 
 27 of this Life, Henry, .Marquis of Dorchester, is frequently mentioned in the Memoirs 
 o/ Mrs. Hutchinson, see vol. i, 104 ; vol. ii, n>8. Lady Roos was divorced by Act ot 
 Parliament in iO(>8 : Vide. Collins' ]'e--rage, ed. Brydges, i, 480, and Clarendon'* Lt/e : 
 C:>iiliiiuiilion, i')')-iooS. 
 
 - William ficrrepout, whose character is sketched in the Memoirs o/ Colonel Hui^Hin- 
 The three sons of Robert Herrepont, mentioned above, grandsons ot \\ilh.uu 
 
 I'iorrepont, became in succession ICarls ot Kingston, ai 
 Duke of that name and the father of Lady Mary \Vi 
 sun of 'A'illiam Pierrepont, became in 170? I.ord l"ier 
 i Ciilbert, third Earl of Clare, 1633-1681}. Mis son 
 ilm,'ht'-r of Henrv Cavendish, second Duke of Ne 
 
 d the third, Kvelyn, was the lirst 
 rtley Montague. ' Gcrvase, third 
 L-pont, but died without issue. 
 John Holies, married Margaret, 
 tie ; inherited the estates of his 
 t Newcastle. Grace, fourth and 
 
 father-in-law, and in itx)4 obtained the title ot Duke 
 youngest daughter of this Gilbert, Karl of Clare, was the mother of Henry IVlham the 
 statesman, and Thomas IVlham, heir of his uncle, John Holies, created Duke of New- 
 castle in 1715.
 
 Il8 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 married Elizabeth the eldest daughter of Mr. Bray, by whom 
 he had issue one son and one daughter. 1 The son, Robert, 
 married Anne, the daughter of Henry Murray. The daughter, 
 Frances, married William Paget, eldest son to William, Lord 
 Pagct. 
 
 The fourth son of the Earl of Kingston, Gervase, is unmarried. 
 
 The fifth son, George Pierrepont, married the daughter 
 of Mr. Jonas, by whom he had two sons unmarried, Henry 
 and Samuel. 
 
 The three daughters of the said Earl of Kingston arc, Frances 
 the eldest who was married to Philip Rolleston ; the second, 
 Mary, died young ; the third, Elizabeth, is unmarried. 
 
 The second daughter of Sir William Cavendish, Elizabeth, 
 married the Earl of Lennox, uncle to King James ; by whom 
 she had only one daughter, the Lady Arabella, who against 
 King James' commands (she being, after him and his children, 
 the next heir to the Crown) married William, the second son 
 to the Earl of Hertford ; for which she was put into the 
 Tower, where not long after she died. 2 
 
 The youngest daughter, Mary Cavendish, married Gilbert 
 Talbot, second son to George, Earl of Shrewsbury ; who 
 after the decease of his father, and his elder brother Francis, 
 who died without issue, became Earl of Shrewsbury ; by 
 whom she had issue four sons and three daughters ; the 
 sons all died in their infancy, but the daughters were married 3 . 
 
 The eldest, Mary Talbot, married William Herbert, Earl 
 of Pembroke, by whom (some eighteen years after her marriage) 
 she had one son, who died young 4 . 
 
 The second daughter, Elizabeth, married Sir Henry Gray, 
 after Earl of Kent (the fourth Earl of England) by whom she 
 had no issue 6 . 
 
 1 For some account of I-'rancis Pierrepont sec the Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson, 
 i, i'>4; ii, 177. His widow Alisaniou married Sir John Read in 1662, and was badly 
 tfMtod l>y him. Sec her petition in the Eighth Report o/ Ike Historical Manuscripts 
 Lummisifjn, p. 136. 
 
 3 Margaret, sister of Henry VIII, married Matthew, Earl of Lennox, and became 
 the mother of Henry Stuart, Lord, and Charles Stuart, Karl of Lennox. The latter 
 married Elizabeth Cavendish in 1574, against the commands of <Juecn Elizabeth. Ara- 
 bella Stuart, born in 1575, married William Seymour in 1610, unddiedin 1615. Cooper's 
 Life of /I rabtlla Stuart. 
 
 3 (iilbcrt, seventh Earl of Shrewsbury, died in 1616. 
 
 * This marriage took place in 1606. Clarendon in his character of the Earl (Rebel- 
 lion, i. 120) says ' He paid much too dear for his wife's fortune by taking her person 
 into the bargain '. 
 
 ^5 The Earl of Kent died in 1639, the Countess on December 7, 1651. After the Earl's 
 drath, John Scldcn, according to Aubrey, married the Countess, but ' never owned the
 
 The Third Book 119 
 
 The third and youngest daughter, Aletheia, married Thomas 
 Howard, Earl of Arundcl, the first earl, and Earl Marshal of 
 England ; by whom she left two sons, James, who died beyond 
 the seas without issue ; and Henry, who married Elizabeth, 
 daughter of Esme Stuart, Duke of Lennox ; by whom he had 
 issue several sons and one daughter ; whereof the eldest son 
 Thomas (since the restoration of King Charles the Second) 
 was restored to the dignity of his ancestors, viz. Duke of 
 Norfolk, next to the royal family, the first Duke of England l 
 
 And this is briefly the pedigree of my dear Lord and hus- 
 band, from his grandfather by his father's side. Concerning 
 his kindred and alliances by his mother, who was Katherinc 
 daughter to Cuthbcrt, Lord Ogle, they are so many, that it 
 is impossible for me to enumerate them all, my Lord being 
 by his mother related to the chief of the most ancient families 
 of Northumberland, and other the northern parts ; only this 
 I may mention, that my Lord is a peer of the realm, from the 
 first year of King Edward the Fourth his reign 2 . 
 
 marriage till after her death upon some law account '. Aubrey terms her an ' ingeniose 
 lady ', and there is in Mcrcurius I'olitlcus for May 10-17, '655, "> curious advertisement 
 to prove it: 'That excellent Cordial, called the Countess of Kent's powder, approved 
 by long experience of the nobility, gentry, and best physicians of this nation, in any 
 malign disease, Plague, Small 1'ox, Burning Fevers, Wind, Colic, Women in I-ilxnir, 
 Children newly born, etc. It is now made by one Mistress Williamson, living in W'.iite- 
 friars, near the late Countess's house, who was a servant to her, and for many years 
 compounded it by her Lady's direction. 'Hie whole stock of powder, and of tin- ingr - 
 clients left by the Countess, was, after her death, given to the said Mistress \Villiams< i 
 bv Mr. Selden, her Ladyship's executor. This notice is published because of the ma v 
 counterfeit powders uttered up and down by ajxithecaries and others, under the sal e 
 name, to the intent that it may be known where the right powder is to In- had.' 
 
 1 Thomas, Karl of Arnndel, was born in iy>2, and died in I<M'>. He rollertcil I e 
 Arnndel Marbles, and was commander of the King's armv in the campaign of K>v) ag.iii t 
 the Scots. His character is described by Clarendon (KfMHn,i. nS) and bv Sir I dw.i 1 
 Walker (Histnriful O>//,v/>M5, p. 20.)).' His son Henry married I'li/.iU-Ih Stu.irt i 
 ifun, became Karl of Arnndel on his father's death, and died in ici-,j. Thomas <; 
 restored to the title of Duke of Norfolk in ifx.j. 
 
 -' Some account of the Ogle family is given bv Collins in his Historical r,.//<v/i.>.i? r>t 
 the .Y.iVr I'amilifs <>/ Caiviklislt, Uollft, \\-rt, Hiirlfv, an.1 Otff.
 
 THE FOURTH BOOK 
 
 CONTAINING SEVERAL ESSAYS AND DISCOURSES GATHERED 
 FROM THE MOUTH OF MY NOBLE LORD AND HUSBAND. 
 
 With some few notes of mine own. 
 I have heard my Lord say : 
 
 THAT those which command the wealth of a kingdom, com- 
 mand the hearts and hands of the people. 
 
 That he is a great monarch, who hath a sovereign command 
 over Church, laws, and arms ; and he a wise monarch, that 
 employs his subjects for their own profit (for their profit is 
 his), encourages tradesmen, and assists and defends merchants. 
 
 That it is a part of prudence in a commonwealth or kingdom 
 to encourage drainers ; for drowned lands arc only fit to 
 maintain and increase some wild ducks, whereas being drained, 
 they are able to afford nourishment and food to cattle, besides 
 the producing of several sorts of fruit and corn. 
 
 That, without a well-ordered force, a prince doth but 
 reign upon the courtesy of others. 
 
 That great princes should not suffer their chief cities to be 
 stronger than themselves. 
 
 121 R
 
 122 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 VI 
 
 That great princes are half-armed, when their subjects are 
 unarmed, unless it be in time of foreign wars. 
 
 That the prince is richest, who is master of the purse ; and 
 he strongest that is master of the arms ; and he wisest that 
 can tell how to save the one, and use the other. 
 
 VIII 
 
 That great princes should be the only paymasters of their 
 soldiers, and pay them out of their own treasuries ; for all 
 men follow the purse ; and so they'll have both the civil and 
 martial power in their hands. 
 
 That great monarchs should rather study men, than books ; 
 for all affairs or business are amongst men. 
 
 That a prince should advance foreign trade or traffic to the 
 utmost of his power, because no state or kingdom can be rich 
 without it ; and where subjects are poor, the sovereign can 
 have but little. 
 
 XI 
 
 That trade and traffic brings honey to the hive ; that is to 
 say, riches to the commonwealth ; whereas other professions 
 are so far from that, that they rather rob the commonwealth, 
 instead of enriching it. 
 
 XII 
 
 That it is not so much unseasonable weather that makes 
 the country complain of scarcity, but want of commerce ; 
 for whensoever commodities arc cheap, it is a sign that com-
 
 The Fourth Book : Kssays and Discourses 123 
 
 mercc is decayed ; because the cheapness of them shows a 
 scarcity of money. For example, put the case five men came 
 to market to buy a horse, and each of them had no more but 
 ten pounds, the seller can receive no more than what the 
 buyer has, but must content himself with those ten pounds, 
 if he be necessitated to sell his horse : but if each one of the 
 buyers had an hundred pounds to lay out for a horse, the 
 seller might receive as much. Thus commodities arc cheap 
 or dear, according to the plenty or scarcity of money ; and 
 though we had mines of gold and silver at home, and no traffic 
 into foreign parts, yet we should want necessaries from other 
 nations, which proves that no nation can live or subsist well, 
 without foreign trade and commerce ; for God and nature 
 have ordered it so, that no particular nation is provided with 
 all things. 
 
 XIII 
 
 That merchants by carrying out more commodities than 
 they bring in, that is to say, by selling more than they buy, 
 do enrich a state or kingdom with money, that hath none in 
 its own bowels ; but what kingdom or state soever hath mines 
 of gold and silver, there merchants buy more than they sell, 
 to furnish and accommodate it with necessary provisions. 
 
 XIV 
 
 That debasing, and setting a higher value upon money, is 
 but a present shift of poor and needy princes ; and doth more 
 hurt for the future, than good for the present. 
 
 That foreign commerce causes frequent voyages, and 
 frequent voyages make skilful and experienced seamen, and 
 skilful seamen are a brazen wall to an island. 
 
 XVI 
 
 That he is the powerfullest monarch that hath the l>est 
 shipping j and that a prince should hinder his neighbours as 
 much as he can, from being strong at sea.
 
 124 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 XVII 
 
 That wise statesmen ought to understand the laws, customs, 
 and trade of the commonwealth, and have good intelligence 
 both of foreign transactions and designs, and of domestic 
 factions ; also they ought to have a treasury, and well-furnished 
 magazine. 
 
 XVIII 
 
 That it is a great matter in a state or kingdom, to take care 
 of the education of youth, to breed them so, that they may 
 know first how to obey, and then how to command and order 
 affairs wisely. 
 
 That it is great wisdom in a state, to breed and train up 
 good statesmen : as, first, to let them be some time at the 
 Universities : next, to put them to the Inns of Court, that they 
 may have some knowledge of the laws of the land ; then to 
 send them to travel with some ambassador, in the quality of 
 secretary ; and let t,hem be agents or residents in foreign 
 countries. Fourthly, to make them Clerks of the Signet, or 
 Council : and lastly, to make them Secretaries of State, or 
 give them some other employment in state affairs. 
 
 That there should be more praying, and less preaching ; 
 for much preaching breeds faction, but much praying causes 
 devotion J . 
 
 That young people should be frequently catechised, and that 
 wise men, rather than learned, should be chosen heads of 
 schools and colleges.
 
 The Fourth Book : Fssays and Discourses 125 
 
 xxn 
 
 That the more divisions there are in Church and State, 
 the more trouble and confusion is apt to ensue ; wherefore 
 too many controversies and disputes in the one, and too many 
 law cases and pleadings in the other, ought to be avoided and 
 suppressed. 
 
 That disputes and factions amongst statesmen are fore- 
 runners of future disorders, if not total ruins. 
 
 XXIV 
 
 That all books of controversies should be writ in Latin, 
 that none but the learned may read them, and that there 
 should be no disputations but in schools, lest it breed factions 
 amongst the vulgar, for disputations and controversies are 
 a kind of civil war, maintained by the pen, and often draw 
 out the sword soon after. Also that all prayer-books should 
 be writ in the native language ; that excommunications should 
 not be too frequent for every little and petty trespass ; that 
 every clergyman should be kind and loving to his parishioners, 
 not proud and quarrelsome. 
 
 xxv 
 
 That ceremony is nothing in itself, and yet doth everything ; 
 for without ceremony there would be no distinction, neither in 
 Church nor State. 
 
 XXVI 
 
 That orders and professions ought not to entrench ii]H>n 
 each other, lest in time they make a confusion amongst them- 
 selves '. 
 
 XXVII 
 
 That in a well-ordered state or government, e.ire should be 
 
 1 Compare Clarendon's roui.uks tllook iv, sect. 38)011 theem-pM. lnii-nt> .-t the com- 
 mon l.iwvor-; on tin- Church.
 
 126 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 taken lest any degree or profession whatsoever swell too big, 
 or grow too numerous, it being not only a hindrance to those 
 of the same profession, but a burden to the commonwealth, 
 which cannot be well if it exceeds in extremes. 
 
 XXVIII 
 
 That the taxes should not be above the riches of the common- 
 wealth, for that must upon necessity breed factions and civil 
 wars, by reason a general poverty united, is far more dangerous 
 than a private purse ; for though their wealth be small, yet 
 their unity and combination makes them strong, so that, 
 being armed with necessity, they become outrageous with 
 despair. 
 
 XXIX 
 
 That heavy taxes upon farms ruin the nobility and gentry ; 
 for if the tenant be poor, the landlord cannot be rich, he 
 having nothing but his rents to live on. 
 
 XXX 
 
 That it is not so much laws and religion, nor rhetoric, that 
 keeps a state or kingdom in order, but arms ; which if they 
 be not employed to an evil use, keep up the right and privileges 
 both of Crown, Church, and State. 
 
 XXXI 
 
 That no equivocation should be used either in Church or 
 Law ; for the one causes several opinions, to the disturbance 
 of men's consciences ; the other long and tedious suits, to the 
 disturbance of men's private affairs : and both do oftentimes 
 ruin and impoverish the state. 
 
 xxxn 
 
 That in cases of robberies and murders, it is better to be 
 severe than merciful ; for the hanging of a few will save the 
 lives and purses of many.
 
 The Fourth Book : Essays and Discourses 127 
 
 XXXIII 
 
 That many laws do rather entrap than help the subject. 
 
 XXXIV 
 
 That no martial law should be executed, but in an army. 
 
 XXXV 
 
 That the sheriffs in this kingdom of England have been so 
 expensive in liveries and entertainments in the time of their 
 sheriffalty, as it hath ruined many families that had but 
 indifferent estates l . 
 
 xxxvi 
 
 That the cutting down of timber in the time of rebellion 
 has been an inestimable loss to this kingdom, by reason of 
 shipping ; for though timber might be had out of foreign 
 countries that would serve for the building of ships, yet there 
 is none of such a temper as our English oak ; it being not 
 only strong and large, but not apt to splint, which renders 
 the ships of other nations much inferior to ours : and that 
 therefore it would be very beneficial for the kingdom, to set 
 out some lands for the bearing of such oaks, by sowing of 
 acorns, and then transplanting them : which would be like a 
 storehouse for shipping, and bring an incomparable benefit to 
 the kingdom, since in shipping consists our greatest strength 
 they being the only walls that defend an island -. 
 
 1 In ifi.|7 Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper was Sheriff of Wiltshire. He says, in his />iVtry. 
 that, when the judges came to Salisbury during his term of office, ' I had sixty men in 
 livery and kept an ordinary for all gentlemen, four shillings, and two shillings for Hue 
 men. I paid for all.' Sir Hugh Cholmley also, in his Memoirs, states, that being Sheriff 
 of Yorkshire in 1625 eost Sir Richard Cholmley fiooo. Cromwell endeavoured to put 
 a stop to this expenditure. It was ordered by the Council of State on l-'ebniary i\, 
 1656, ' that, as for many years complaints have been made of the excessive charges 
 burdening the office of sheriff, through the example of some, which discourage those 
 employed, the Major-Generals appoint in their respective counties a troop of norsc to 
 attend the sheriff at the assizes, to wait on the judge, and perform the services that have 
 been required of the sheriff's men, and to demean themselves with all respect and dili- 
 gence. That no gratuity be given by any sheriff to the judge's clerks or officers, nor 
 any table or entertainment kept for them or for the justices of the peace at the assizes, at 
 the sheriff's charge.' Calendar of Domestic State /'aprrs, ibjj-6, p. i?s. Heath says that 
 it was pretended indeed that this substitution of troopers for men in livery was to lessen 
 the charge of the place, ' but in truth, the I'rotector, knowing he could not be served 
 faithfully by the gentry, would name such, no matter whom, as he roiikl confide in, and 
 the expense of retinue and treating the judges being taken off, a yeoman or tradesman 
 of the well-affected might serve the turn and make profit of his place, as in all other 
 offices of the Commonwealth.' Heath, Chronicle, p. 750, ed. 1663. 
 
 - ' This ', says Mr. Lower, ' is the first allusion I have met with to the " Wooden 
 Walls of Old England ".'
 
 iz8 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 XXXVII 
 
 That the nobility and gentry in this kingdom have done 
 themselves a great injury, by giving away (out of a petty 
 pride) to the commonalty, the power of being juries and justices 
 of peace : for certainly they cannot but understand that that 
 must of necessity be an act of great consequence and power, 
 which concerns men's lives, lands, and estates. 
 
 XXXVIII 
 
 That it is no act of prudence to make poor and mean persons 
 governors or commanders, either by land or sea ; by reason 
 their poverty causes them to take bribes, and so betray their 
 trust : at best, they are apt to extort, which is a great grievance 
 to the people. Besides, it breeds envy in the nobility and 
 gentry, who by that means rise into factions, and cause dis- 
 turbances in a state or commonwealth ; wherefore the best 
 way is to choose rich and honourable persons (or, at least, 
 gentlemen) for such employments, who esteem fame and 
 honourable actions above their lives ; and if they want skill, 
 they must get such undcr-officers as have more than them- 
 selves, to instruct them. 
 
 XXXIX 
 
 That great princes should consider, before they make war 
 against foreign nations, whether they be able to maintain it : 
 for if they be not able, then it is better to submit to an hon- 
 ourable peace, than to make war to their great disadvantage : 
 but if they be able to maintain war, then they'll force (in 
 time) their enemies to submit and yield to what terms and 
 conditions they please. 
 
 XL 
 
 That, when a state or government is cnsnarled l and 
 troubled, it is more easy to raise the common people to a 
 factious mutiny, than to draw them to a loyal duty. 
 
 > I'.nsnarlc, i.e. ensnare or ratanglc ilalliwcll.
 
 The Fourth Book: Fssays and Disco ur^ 129 
 
 That in a kingdom where subjects are apt to rebel, no offices 
 or commands should be sold ; for those that buy, will not 
 only use extortion, and practise unjust ways to make out 
 their purchase, but be ablest to rebel, by reason they arc- 
 more for private gain than the public good ; for it is probable 
 their principles are like their purchases. 
 
 But, that all magistrates, officers, commanders, heads and 
 rulers, in what profession soever, both in Church and State, 
 should be chosen according to their abilities, wisdom, courage, 
 piety, justice, honesty, and loyalty ; and then they'll mind 
 the public good more than their particular interest. 
 
 That those which have politic designs are for the most part 
 dishonest, by reason their designs tend more to interest than 
 justice. 
 
 That great princes should only have great, noble, and rich 
 persons to attend them, whose purses and jK>wer may always 
 be ready to assist them. 
 
 That a poor nobility is .apt to be factious ; and a numerous 
 nobility is a burden to a commonwealth '. 
 
 That in a monarchical government, to he for the king is to 
 be for the commonwealth; for when head and Ixuly are 
 divided, the life of happiness dies, and the soul of pe.ice is 
 departed. 
 
 XI. VI 
 
 That, as it is a great error in a state to have all affairs put 
 
 l Coiu|).uv Sir luhvanl Walker's ( >.'-vnvi/iY>* i/vri '*< Int0nrrnirnfrs /J-' *.i: < ti- 
 entlttl tlif /n;/iif>:t /'row/lows In I ilia <>/ Hvnnur, MI,C A'inc J.>mc~ .J<- .'.< /*< ( '^n 
 o/ l-'nglanJ (His'orifal />ic.>nrs<-s. p. ;-)il.
 
 130 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 into gazettes (for it over-heats the people's brains, and makes 
 them neglect their private affairs, by over-busying themselves 
 with state business) ; so it is great wisdom for a Council of 
 State to have good intelligences (although they be bought 
 with great cost and charges) as well of domestic, as foreign 
 affairs and transactions, and to keep them in private for the 
 benefit of the commonwealth l . 
 
 XL VII 
 
 That there is no better policy for a prince to please his 
 people, than to have many holidays for their ease, and order 
 several sports and pastimes for their recreation, and to be 
 himself sometime spectator thereof ; by which means he'll not 
 only gain love and respect from the people, but busy their 
 minds in harmless actions, sweeten their natures, and hinder 
 them from factious signs '-. 
 
 XLVli 
 
 That it is more difficult and dangerous for a prince or com- 
 mander to raise an army in such a lime when the country is 
 embroiled in a civil war, than to lead out an army to fight a 
 battle ; for when an army is raised, he hath strength ; but in 
 raising it hath none. 
 
 1 Durnct praises Cromwell for his excellent intelligence. ' He laid it down for a 
 maxim to spare no cost or charge in order to procure intelligence. ... He li.-ul on all 
 occasions very good intelligence : he knew everything that passed in the King's little 
 court, and yet none of his spies were discovered but one only.' 
 
 2 The same idea inspired James I and his son when tltcv published in ifuS and 16-53 
 respectively their Declarations concerning Lawful Sf>orls to be nsed. The prohibition 
 of lawful sports, says the Declaration, ' barreth the common and meaner sort of people 
 from using such exercises, as may make their bodies more able for war when we or our 
 successor shall have occasion to vise them ; and in place thereof, sets up lilthy tipplings 
 and drunkenness, and breeds a number of idle and discontented speeches in their ale- 
 houses. 1 When the Long Parliament alwlishrd the observation of Christinas and other 
 holv-days, it was obliged to ordain days of recreation, ' that nil scholars, apprentices, 
 and other servants shall, with the leave and approbation of their masters respectively 
 first had and obtained, have such convenient relaxation and recreation from their con- 
 stant and ordinary Ial>urs on every second Tuesday in the month, throughout the vear, 
 as formerly they have used to have on such aforesaid festivals, commonly called Holy, 
 d.ivs. And that masters of nil scholars, apprentices, and servants shall grant unto 
 them respectively such time for their recreations on the aforesaid second Tuesdays in every 
 month, as they may conveniently span- from their extraordinary and necessary services 
 and occasions.' This ordinance was passed <>n June .\ i'>|7, and on the renewed peti- 
 tion of the apprentices, followed bv another on June jS, which made its observance 
 compulsory by ordaining that the windows of all shops and ware-houses should ! shut 
 from eight in the morning till eight in the' evening, and by adding the clause ' That no 
 master shall wilfully d'-tain or withhold his apprentice or other servant within doors , 
 or from his recreation, in his usual duty or service, on the said day of recreation, unless 
 market-days, fair days, or other extraordinary occasion ; yet so as such master shall 
 allow unto such apprentice or other servant, one other day instead ', etc. Provisions 
 were also added against the abuse of such days by riots or other misc onduct.
 
 The Fourth Book: Essays and Discourses 131 
 
 That good commanders, and experienced soldiers, are like 
 skilful fencers, who defend with prudence, and assault with 
 courage, and kill their enemies by art, not trusting their lives 
 to chance or fortune ; for as a little man with skill may easily 
 kill an ignorant giant, so a small army that hath experienced 
 commanders may easily overcome a great army that hath none. 
 
 That gallant men having no employment for heroic actions 
 become la/.y, as hating any other business ; whereas cowards 
 and base persons an; only active and stirring in times of 
 peace, working ill designs to breed factions, and cause distur- 
 bances in a commonwealth. 
 
 That there have been many questions and disputes con- 
 cerning the governments of princes ; as, whether they ought 
 to govern by love, or fear ? But the best way of government 
 is, and has always been, by just rewards and punishments ; 
 for that state- which cannot tell how and when to punish and 
 reward, does not know how to govern, by reason all the world 
 is governed that way. 
 
 That if the ancient Britons had had skill according to their 
 courage, they might have conquered all the world, as the 
 Romans did. 
 
 That it would be very benetiri.d for great princes to be 
 sometimes present in courts of judicature, to examine tin- 
 causes of their poor subjects, and lind out the extortions and 
 corruptions of magistrates and officers ; by which glorious 
 act they would gain much love and fame from the people.
 
 132 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 LIV 
 
 That it would be very advantageous for subjects, and not 
 in the least prejudicial to the sovereign, to have a general 
 register in every county, for the entry of all manner of deeds, 
 and conveyance of land between party and party, and offices 
 of record ; for by this means, whosoever buys, would see 
 clearly what interest and title there is in any land he intends 
 to purchase, whereby he shall be assured that the sale made 
 to him is good and firm, and prevent many lawsuits touching 
 the title of his purchase '. 
 
 That there should be a limitation for lawsuits ; and that 
 the longest suits should not last above two terms, at length 
 not above a year ; which would certainly be a great benefit 
 to the subjects in general, though not to lawyers ; and though 
 some politicians object, that the more the people is busy 
 about their private affairs, the less time have they to make 
 disturbance in the public ; yet this is but a weak argument, 
 since lawsuits are as apt to breed factions, as anything else ; 
 for they bring people into poverty, that they know not how 
 to live, which must of necessity breed discontent, and put them 
 upon ill designs. 
 
 LVI 
 
 That power, for the most part, does more than wisdom ; 
 for fools, with power, seem wise ; whereas wise men, without 
 power, seem fools ; and this is the reason that the world takes 
 power for wisdom, and the want of power for foolishness. 
 
 LVII 
 
 That a valiant man will not refuse an honourable duel ; 
 nor a wise man fight upon a fool's quarrel. 
 
 1 This idea of the desirability of a public register for the transfer of land was very 
 frequently put forward in the seventeenth century. The Harleian Miscellany contains 
 Reasons anil I'niposals for a Registry of all Deeds or Encumbrances to be hail in every County, 
 etc., by Nicholas I'liilpot, 1671. 'Ilicre is also a tract in the same collection against 
 such registers by William I'ierrcpont. It is one of the proposals made in the pamphlet 
 entitled '1 he drantl Concern nf England Explained, 1673. Varranton brings forward 
 the same plan in England's Improvement >>v Sea and I.anit, if>77. Sir William Petty, 
 in his I'oldiciil Arithmetic, and Sir Robert Moray, also argued in favour of a system of 
 registers.
 
 The Fourth Book : Kssays and Discourses 133 
 
 That men arc apt to find fault with each other's actions ; 
 believing they prove themselves wise in finding fault with 
 their neighbours. 
 
 I, IX 
 
 That a wise man will draw several occasions to the j>oint 
 of his design, as a burning glass doth the several beams of the 
 sun. 
 
 That although actions may be prudently designed, and 
 valiantly performed ; yet none can warrant the issue ; for 
 Fortune is more powerful than prudence, and had C';csar not 
 been fortunate, his valour and prudence would never have 
 gained him so much applause. 
 
 That ill fortune makes wise and honest men seem fools ami 
 knaves ; but good fortune makes fools and knaves seem wise 
 and honest men. 
 
 That ill fortune doth oftener succeed good, than good fortune 
 succeeds ill ; for those that have ill fortune do not so easily 
 recover it, as those that have good fortune arc apt to lose it. 
 
 That lie had observed, that seldom any jvrson did laugh, 
 but it was at the follies or misfortunes of other men ; by 
 which we may judge of their good natures. 
 
 1 have heard my Lord say, that when he was in banishment, 
 he had nothing left him but a clear conscience, bv which he
 
 134 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 had and did still conquer all the armies of misfortunes that 
 ever seized upon him. 
 
 LXV 
 
 Also 1 have heard him say, that he was never beholding to 
 Lady Fortune; for he had suffered on both sides, although 
 he never was but on one side. 
 
 LXV I 
 
 I have heard him say, that his father one time, upon some 
 discourse of expenses, should tell him, it was but just that 
 every man should have his time. 
 
 1 have heard my Lord say, that bold soliciting and intruding 
 men shall gain more by their importunate petitions, than 
 modest honest men shall get by silence (as being loath to 
 offend or be too troublesome) both in the manner and matter 
 of their requests. The reason is, said he, that great princes 
 will rather grant sometimes an unreasonable suit, than be 
 tired with frequent petitions, and hindered from their ordinary 
 pleasures. And when I asked my Lord, whether the grants 
 of such importunate suits were fitly and properly placed ? 
 he answered, not so well as those that are placed upon due 
 consideration, and upon trial and proof. 
 
 LXVIII 
 
 I have heard my Lord say, that it is a great error and weak 
 policy in a state to advance their enemies, and endeavour to 
 make them friends, by bribing them with honours and offices, 
 saying ' they arc shrewd men, and may do the state much 
 hurt ' : and on the other side, to neglect their friends, and 
 those that have done them great service, saying ' they arc- 
 honest men, and mean the state no harm '. For this kind 
 of jx)licy comes from the heathen, who prayed to the devil, 
 and not to God, by reason they supposed God was good, and 
 would hurt no creature ; but the devil they flattered and
 
 The Fourth Book : Essays and Discourses i ^5 
 
 worshipped out of fear, lest he should hurt them. But by 
 this foolish policy, said he, they most commonly increase their 
 enemies, and lose their friends. For, first, it teaches men to 
 observe, that the only way to preferment, is to be against the 
 state or government. Next, since all that are factious cannot 
 be rewarded or preferred (by reason a state hath more subjects, 
 than rewards or preferments) there must of necessity be numer- 
 ous enemies ; for when their hopes of reward fail them, they 
 grow more factious and inveterate than ever they were at 
 first. \Yhereforc the best policy in a state or government, 
 said my Lord, is to reward friends, and punish enemies, and 
 prefer the honest before the factious ; and then all will be 
 real friends, and proffer their honest service, either out of pure 
 love and loyalty, or in hopes of advancement, seeing there 
 is none but by serving the state. 
 
 I. MX 
 
 T have heard him say several times, that his love to his 
 gracious master King Charles the Second was above the love 
 lie bore to his wife, children, and all his posterity, nay, to his 
 own life- : and when, since his return into England, I answered 
 him that I observed his gracious master did not love him so 
 well as he loved him ; he replied, that lie cared not whether 
 his Majesty loved him again or not ; for he was resolved to 
 love him '. 
 
 T asking my Lord one lime, what kind of fate it was that 
 restored our gracious King, Charles the Second, to his throne, 
 he answered, it was a blessed kind of fate. T replied, that I 
 had observed a perfect contrariety between the fortunes of his 
 royal father, of blessed memory, and him. For as there was 
 a division amongst the generality of the people, in the reign 
 of King Charles the First, tending to his destruction ; so 
 there was a general combination and agreement between them 
 in Kin" Charles the Second his restoration : and as there 
 
 l.nv.iltv i-i -hi! tin- vmic. 
 \\hrtlx-r it win or !.>-, (lu- cum-, 
 Trm- .i-. tin- ili.il to tin- sun, 
 Although it be not shincU upon.
 
 136 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 was a general malice amongst the people against the father 
 to depose him ; so there was a general love for the son to 
 enthrone him. My Lord answered, I had observed something, 
 but not all ; for, said he, there was a necessity for the people 
 to desire and restore King Charles the Second ; but there 
 was no necessity to murder King Charles the First. For the 
 kingdom being" through so many alterations and changes of 
 government, divided into several factions and parties, was at 
 last hurried into such a confusion, that it was impossible in 
 that manner to subsist, or hold out any longer. Which 
 confusion having opened the people's eyes, the generality 
 being tired with the evil effects and consequences of their 
 unsettled governments under unjust usurpers, and frightened 
 with the apprehension of future dangers, began to call to 
 mind the happy times, when in an uninterrupted peace they 
 enjoyed their own, under the happy reign of their lawful 
 sovereigns ; and hereupon with an unanimous consent recalled 
 and restored our now gracious King ; which, although it was 
 opposed by some factious parties, yet the generality of the 
 people outweighed the rest ; neither was the royal party 
 wanting in their endeavours. 
 
 LXXI 
 
 Asking my Lord one time, whether it was easy or difficult 
 to govern a state or kingdom ? he answered me, that most 
 states were governed by secret policy and so with difficulty ; 
 for those that govern, are (at least should be) wiser than the 
 state or commonwealth they govern. I replied, that in my 
 opinion, a state was easily governed, if their government was 
 like unto God's ; that is to say, if governors did reward and 
 punish according to the desert. My Lord answered, I said 
 well ; but he added, the follies of the people are many times 
 too hard for the prudence of the governor ; like as the sins 
 of men work more evil effects in them, than the grace of God 
 works good ; for if this were not, there would be more good 
 than bad, which, alas, experience proves otherwise. 
 
 LXXI I 
 
 Some gentlemen making a complaint to my Ix>rd, that 
 some lie employed in his Majesty's affairs were too hasty and
 
 The Fourth Rook : Kssays and Discourses 137 
 
 over-busy, my Lord told them, that he would rather choose 
 such persons for his Majesty's service as were over-active, 
 than such that would be fuller of questions than actions. 
 The same he would do for his own particular affairs. 
 
 Some condemning my Lord for having Roman Catholics 
 and Scots in liis army ; he answen d them, that he did not 
 examine their opinions in religion, but looked more upon their 
 honesty and duty ; for certainly there were honest men and 
 loyal subjects amongst Roman Catholics, as well as Protestants; 
 and amongst Scots as well as Knglish. Nevertheless, my 
 Lord, as he was for the King, so he was also for the orthodox 
 Church of Kngland, as sufficiently appears by the care he took 
 in ordering the Church government, mentioned in the history. 
 To which purpose, when my Lord was walking one time with 
 some of his officers in the church at Durham, and wondered 
 at the greatness and strength of the pillars that supjx>rted 
 that structure, my brother, Sir Charles 1 .IK as, who was then 
 with him, told my Lord, that he must confess those pillars 
 were very great, and of a vast strength ; but. said he. your 
 Lordship is a far greater pillarof the Church than all these. 
 Which certainly was also a real truth, and would have more 
 evidently appeared, had Fortune favoured my Lord more 
 than she did. 
 
 My Lord being in banishment, 1 told him, that he was 
 happy in his misfort lines, for he was not subject to any state 
 or prince. To which lie jestinglv answered, that as he was 
 subject to no prince, so lie was a prime of no subjects. 
 
 In some discourse which 1 had \\itli mv lord concerning 
 princes and their subjects. 1 do land that I had observed 
 great princes were not like- the sun. which sends forth out of 
 itself rays of light, and beams of he.it. effects that did lx>th 
 glorify the sun, and nourish and comfort sublunary cnatuns ; 
 
 r
 
 138 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 but their glory and splendour proceeded rather from the 
 ceremony which they received from their subjects. To which 
 my Lord answered, that subjects were so far from giving 
 splendour to their princes, that all the honours and titles, in 
 which consists the chief splendour of a subject, were principally 
 derived from them ; for, said he, were there no princes, there 
 would be none to confer honours and titles upon them. 
 
 LXXVI 
 
 My Lord entertaining one time some gentlemen with a 
 merry discourse, told them, that he would not keep them 
 company except they had done and suffered as much for their 
 King and country as he had. They answered, that they had 
 not a power answerable to my Lord's. My Lord replied, they 
 should do their endeavour according to their abilities. No, 
 said they, if we did, we should be like yourself, lose all, and 
 get but little for our pains. 
 
 LXXVI I 
 
 I being much grieved that my Lord, for his loyalty and 
 honest service, had so many enemies, used sometimes to 
 speak somewhat sharply of them ; but he gently reproving 
 me, said, I should do like experienced seamen, and as they 
 either turn their sails with the wind, or take them down, so 
 should I cither comply with time, or abate my passion. 
 
 LXXVI 1 1 
 
 A soldier's wife, whose husband had been slain in my Lord's 
 army, came one time to beg some relief of my Lord ; who told 
 her, that he was not able to relieve all that had been loyal to 
 Iiis Majesty ; for, said he, my losses are so many, that if I 
 should give away the remainder of my estate, my wife and 
 children would have nothing to live on. She answered, that 
 his Majesty's enemies were preferred to great honours, and 
 had much wealth. Then it is a sign (replied my Lord) that 
 your husband and I were honest men.
 
 The Fourth Book : Essays and Discourses 139 
 
 I. XXIX 
 
 A friend of my Lord's complaining that he had done the 
 state much service, but received little reward for it : my 
 Lord answered him, that states did not usually reward pa.st 
 services : but if he could do some present service, he might 
 perhaps get something ; but, said he, those men are wisest 
 that will be paid beforehand. 
 
 I observing that in the late Civil Wars, many \\< re desirous 
 to be employed in state's affairs, and at the noise of war 
 endeavoured to be commanders, though but of small parties, 
 asked my Lord the reason thereof, and what advantage they 
 could make by their employments ? My Lord smilingly 
 answered, that for the generality, he knew not what they 
 could get, but danger, loss, and labour for their pains. Then 
 I asked him. whether generals of great armies were ever en- 
 riched by their heroic exploits, and great victories ' My 
 Lord answered, that ordinary commanders gained more, 
 and were better rewarded than great generals. To which 
 I added, that 1 had observed the same in histories, namely, 
 that men of great merit and power had not only no rewards, 
 but were either found fault withal, or laid aside- when they 
 had no more business or employment for them, and that 1 
 could not conceive any reason for it. but that states were 
 afraid of their power. My Lord answered, the reason was, 
 that it was far more easy to reward undcr-ollicers than gre.it 
 commanders. 
 
 My Lord having, since the return from his banishment, set 
 up a race of horses, instead of those he lost by the wars, uses 
 often to ride through his park to see his breed, t >ne time it 
 chanced when he went through it, that he espied some laUnir- 
 ing men sawing of woods that were blown down by the \\ind. 
 for some particular uses; at which my Lord, turning to his 
 attendants, said, that he had been at that \\ork a great pait 
 of his life. They not knowing what my Lord meant, but 
 thinking he jested ; 1 speak very seriously, added he. and not
 
 140 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 in jest ; for you see that this tree which is blown down by the 
 wind, although it was sound and strong, yet it could not 
 withstand its force ; and now it is down, it must be cut in 
 pieces, and made serviceable for several uses ; whereof some 
 will serve for building, some for paling, some for firing, etc. 
 In the like manner, said he, have I been cut down by the Lady 
 Fortune : and being not able to resist so powerful a princess, 
 I have been forced to make the best use of my misfortunes, 
 as the chips of my estate. 
 
 LXXXII 
 
 My Lord discoursing one time with some of his friends, of 
 judging of other men's natures, dispositions, and actions ; 
 and some observing that men could not possibly know or 
 judge of them, the events of men's actions falling out often- 
 times contrary to their intentions ; so that where they hit 
 once, they failed twenty times in their judgments : my Lord 
 answered, that his judgment in that point seldom did miss, 
 although he thought it weaker than theirs. The reason is, 
 said he, because I judge most men to be like myself, that is 
 to say, fools ; when as you do judge them all according to 
 yourself, that is, wise men : and since there arc more fools 
 in the world than wise men, I may sooner guess right than 
 you : for though my judgment roves at random, yet it can 
 never miss of errors ; which yours will never do, except you 
 can dive into other men's follies by the length of your own 
 line, and sound their bottom by the weight of your own 
 plummet, for the depth of folly is beyond the line of wisdom. 
 
 Besides, said he, you believe that other men would do as 
 you would have them, or as you would do to them ; wherein 
 you arc mistaken, for most men do the contrary. In short, 
 folly is bottomless, and hath no end ; but wisdom hath bounds 
 to all her designs, otherwise she would never compass them : 
 
 My Lord discoursing some time with a learned doctor of 
 divinity concerning faith, said, that in his opinion, the wisest 
 way for a man was to have as little faith as he could for this 
 world, and as much as he could for the next world.
 
 The Fourth Book : Essays and Discourses 141 
 
 LXXXIV 
 
 In some discourse with my Lord, I told him th.it I did 
 speak sharpest to those I loved best. To which he jestingly 
 answered, that if so, then lie would not have me love him best. 
 
 LXXXV 
 
 After my Lord's return from a long banishment, when he 
 had been in the country some time, and endeavoured to pick 
 up some gleanings of his ruined estate ; it chanced that 1 1 it- 
 widow of Charles, Lord Mansfield, my Lord's eldest son, 
 afterwards Duchess of Richmond, to whom the said Lord of 
 Mansfield had mack- a jointure of /\'<xx> a year, died not long 
 after her second marriage. I -'or whose death, though my 
 Lord was heartily sorry, and would willingly have lost the 
 said money, had it been able to save her lite ; yet discoursing 
 one time merrily with his friends, was pleased to say. th.it 
 though his earthly king and master seemed to have forgot 
 him, yet the King of Heaven had remembered him. for he had 
 LMvcn him /JCCKI a vcar.
 
 SOME FEW NOTES OF THE AUTHORESS 
 
 IT was far more difficult in the late Civil Wars, for my Lord 
 to raise an army for his Majesty's service, than it was for the 
 Parliament to raise an army against his Majesty. Not only 
 because the Parliament were many, and my Lord but one 
 single person ; but by reason a kingly or monarchical govern- 
 ment was then generally disliked, and most part of the king- 
 dom proved rebellious, and assisted the Parliament either 
 with their purses or persons, or both ; when as the army which 
 my Lord raised for the defence and maintenance of the King, 
 and his rights, was raised most upon his own and his friends' 
 interest. For it is frequently seen and known, by woful 
 experience, that rebellious and factious parties do more sud- 
 denly and numerously flock together to act a mischievous 
 design, than loyal and honest men to assist or maintain a just 
 cause : and certainly 'tis much to be lamented, that evil men 
 should be more industrious and prosperous than good, and 
 that the wicked should have a more desperate courage, than 
 the virtuous an active valour. 
 
 I have observed, that many, by flattering poets, have been 
 compared to Qrsar, without desert ; but this I dare freely 
 and without flattery say of my Lord, that though he had not 
 Oesar's fortune, yet he wanted not Grsar's courage, nor his 
 prudence, nor his good nature, nor his wit. Nay, in some 
 particulars he did more than Ocsar ever did ; for though 
 C'a-sar had a great army, yet he was first set out by the state 
 or senators of Rome, who were masters almost of all the 
 world ; when as my Lord raised his army (as before is men- 
 tioned) most upon his own interest (lie having many friends 
 and kindred in the northern parts) at such a time when his 
 
 14.!
 
 Notes of the Authoress 143 
 
 gracious King and sovereign was then not master of his own 
 kingdoms, he being overpowered by his rebellious subjects. 
 
 in 
 
 I have observed that my noble Lord has always had an 
 aversion to that kind of policy that now is commonly practised 
 in the world, which in plain terms is dissembling, flattery, 
 and cheating, under the cover of honesty, love, and kindness. 
 But I have heard him say that the best policy is to act justly, 
 honestly, and wisely, and to speak truly ; and that the old 
 proverb is true, ' To be wise is to be honest ' ; for, said he, 
 that man of what condition, quality, or profession soever, 
 that is once found out to deceive either in words or actions, 
 shall never be trusted again by wise and honest men. But, 
 said he, a wise man is not bound to take notice of all dissem- 
 blers and their cheating actions, if they do not concern him : 
 nay, even of those he would not always take notice, but 
 choose his time ; for the chief part of a wise man is to time 
 business well, and to do it without partiality and p;ussion. 
 But, said he, the folly of the world is so great that one honest 
 and wise man may be overpowered by many knaves and 
 fools ; and if so, then the only benefit of a wise man consists 
 in the satisfaction he finds by his honest and wise actions, 
 and that he has done what in conscience, honour, and duty, 
 he ought to do ; and all successors of such worthy j>ersons 
 ought to be more satisfied in the worth and merit of their 
 predecessors, than in their title and riches. 
 
 I have heard that some noble gentleman (who was servant 
 to his Highness, then Prince of Wales, our now gracious 
 sovereign, when my Lord was (iovernor) should relate, tli.it 
 whensoever my Lord by his prudent inspection and foresight 
 did foretell what would come to pass hereafter, it seemed so 
 improbable to him, that both himself and some others believed 
 my Lord spoke extravagantly: but some few years after, 
 his predictions proved true, anil the event did confirm what 
 his prudence had observed.
 
 144 "^ 1C Life f William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 I have heart! that in our late Civil Wars there were many 
 petty skirmishes and fortifications of weak and inconsiderable 
 houses, where some small parties would be shooting and 
 pottering ' at each other ; an action more proper for bandits 
 or thieves than stout and valiant soldiers ; for I have heard 
 my Lord say, that such small parties divide the body of an 
 army, and by that means weaken it : whereas the business 
 might be much easier decided in one or two battles, with 
 less ruin both to the country ant! army. For I have heard 
 my Lord say, that as it is dangerous to divide a limb from 
 the body, so it is also dangerous to divide armies or navies 
 in time of war ; and there arc often more men lost in such 
 petty skirmishes than in set battles, by reason those happen 
 almost every day, nay, every hour in several places. 
 
 Many in our late Civil Wars had more title than power 
 for though they were generals or chief commanders, yet 
 their forces were more like a brigade than a well-formed 
 army; and their actions were accordingly, not set battles, 
 but petty skirmishes between small parties ; for there were 
 no great battles fought, but by my Lord's army, his being 
 the greatest and best-formed army which his Majesty had. 
 
 VII 
 
 Although I have observed that it is a usual custom of the 
 world to glorify the present power and gootl fortune, and 
 vilify ill fortune and low conditions, yet I never heard that 
 my noble Lord was ever neglected by the generality, but was. 
 on the contrary, always esteemed and praised by all : for he 
 is truly an honest and honourable man, and one that may be 
 relied upon both for trust and truth. 
 
 VIII 
 
 I have observed that many instead of great actions make 
 only a great nois<-. and like shallow fords, or empty bladders, 
 
 ' ' I'ottiTinc ' srcms to ! nsc<l .is .1 .vnonyin for shootine, as wr shonUl say ' jxittint,' ', 
 and not in the scnso of sauntering, or working im-lln ii-ntly.
 
 Notes of the Authoress 1^5 
 
 sound most when there is least in them, which expresses .1 
 flattering partiality, rather than honesty and truth ; for truth 
 and honesty lie at the bottom, and have more action than show. 
 
 IX 
 
 I have observed, that good fortune adds fame to mean 
 actions, when as ill fortune darkens the splendour of the most 
 meritorious ; for mean persons, plied with good fortune, are 
 more famous than noble persons that are shadowed or dark- 
 ened with ill fortune ; so that Fortune, for the most part, is 
 Fame's champion. 
 
 I observe, that as it would be a grief to covetous and misera- 
 ble persons to be rewarded with honour rather than with 
 wealth, because they love wealth before honour and fame : 
 so, on the other side, noble, heroic, and meritorious persons 
 prefer honour and fame before wealth : well knowing, that 
 as infamy is the greatest punishment of umvorthiness. so 
 fame and honour is the best reward of worth and merit. 
 
 I observe 1 , that spleen and malice, especially in this age. 
 is grown to that height, that none will endure the praise of 
 anybody besides themselves ; nay. they'll rather praise the 
 wicked than the good ; the coward rather than the valiant : 
 the miserable than the generous ; the traitor than the loyal : 
 which makes wise men meddle as little with the atlairs of the 
 world as ever t hev can. 
 
 1 have observed, as well as former ages have done, that 
 meritorious persons, for their noble actions, most commonly 
 get envy and reproach, instead of praise and reward ; unless 
 their fortunes be above envy, as (\rsar's ami Alexander's 
 were. Hut had these two worthies been as unfortunate as they 
 were fortunate, they would have been as much vilified as 
 t hey are glorified. 
 
 U
 
 146 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 I have observed, that it is more easy to talk than to act ; 
 to forget than to remember ; to punish than to reward ; and 
 more common to prefer flattery before truth, interest before 
 justice, and present service before past. 
 
 XIV 
 
 I have observed, that many old proverbs are very true, and 
 amongst the rest, this : ' It is better to be at the latter end 
 of a feast than at the beginning of a fray ' ; for most commonly, 
 those that arc in the beginning of a fray get but little of the 
 feast : and those that have undergone the greatest dangers 
 have least of the spoils. 
 
 I have observed, that favours of great princes make men 
 often thought meritorious ; whereas without them, they 
 would be esteemed but as ordinary persons. 
 
 XVI 
 
 I observe, that in other kingdoms or countries, to be the 
 chief governor of a province is not only a place of honour, 
 but much profit ; for they have a great revenue to them- 
 selves ; whereas in England, the lieutenancy of a county is 
 barely a title of honour, without profit ; except it be the 
 lieutenancy or government of the kingdom of Ireland : espe- 
 cially since the late Karl of Stralford enjoyed that dignity, 
 who settled that kingdom very wisely both for militia and 
 trade. 
 
 XVII 
 
 I have observed, that those that meddle least in wars, 
 whether civil or foreign, arc not only most safe and free from 
 danger, but most secure from losses ; and though heroic per- 
 sons esteem fame before life, vet manv there are, that think
 
 Notes of the Authoress 147 
 
 the wisest way is to be a spectator, rather than an actor, 
 unless they be necessitated to it ; for it is better, say they, 
 to sit on the stool of quiet, than in the chair of troublesome 
 business.
 
 NATURE'S PICTURES 
 
 FANCY'S IT: NCI I. TO TIIF LIFE 
 
 Written by the thrice noble, illustrious, and excellent Princess, 
 the Lady Marchioness of Newcastle 
 
 IN this volume there are several feigned stories of nutnr.il 
 descriptions, as comical, tragical, and tragi-coniical, poetical, 
 romancical, philosophical, and historical, both in prose and 
 verse, some all verse, some all prose, some mixt, partly 
 prose and partly verse. Also there are some morals, and 
 some dialogues ; but they are as the advantage loaves of 
 bread to baker's do/en; and a true story at the latter end, 
 wherein there is no feignings 
 
 1656 
 (The Life of the Duchess forms the lilevi-ulh and last Book.)
 
 BOOK XI 
 
 A N K P I S T I. K 
 
 I IIAVK lieanl, that some should say my wit scorned as if it 
 would overpower my brain, especially when it works upon 
 philosophical opinions. I am obliged to them for judging 
 my wit stronger than my brain : but I should be sorry that 
 they should think my wit stronger than my reason : but I 
 must tell them that my brain is stronger than my wit, and 
 my reason as strong as the effeminate sex requires. 
 
 Again, I have heard some should say, that my writings are 
 none of my own, because when some have visited me, though 
 seldom I receive visits, they have not heard me speak of them, 
 or repeat some of the chapters or verses ; but I believe, if 
 they should desire the best orator to repeat his orations or 
 sermons that he hath spoke c.v IfDif-orc, he shall not do it 
 although but an hour's discourse : for I believe Tully, who 
 I have heard was an eloquent orator, yet could not repeat 
 them over to his auditory. The same is in writers : for I do 
 believe Homer, as great and excellent poet as it is said he 
 was, could not repeat his poems by heart, nor Virgil. 
 nor Ovid, or any other: nor Kuclid repeat his demon- 
 strations, numerations, and the like without book, nor Aris- 
 totle, \\ho, I have heard, was a gre.it philosopher, the explana- 
 tions of his opinions by heart; for I have heard that his 
 memory failed in the writing, for that he hath sometimes 
 contradicted himself: and mv Lord, who hath written hun- 
 dreds of verses, songs, and themes, could not repeat three by 
 heart ; and I have heard him say. that after he hath writ 
 them, he cloth so little remember any part in them, that when 
 they have been a short time by. and then read them over, 
 they are new to him. But he is not so forgetful of' other 
 things, for he hath an extraordinary memory for received 
 courtesies, or to do any timely good or service, not only to 
 
 151
 
 152 The Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 friends, but to strangers. Also he hath an excellent memory 
 concerning the general actions of and in the world. Hut cer- 
 tainly they that remember their own wit least, have the most 
 of it ; for there is an old saying, and surely true, that the best 
 wits have the worst memory, I mean wit-memory ; for great 
 memories are standing ponds that are made with rain ; so 
 that memory is nothing but the showers of other men's wits ; 
 and those brains are muddy that have not running springs 
 of their own, that issue out still fresh and new. Indeed, it's 
 against nature for natural wits to remember ; for it is impossible 
 that the brain should retain and create : and we see in nature, 
 death makes way for life ; for if there were no death there 
 would be no new life or lives. 
 
 But say I were so witless I could repeat some of my works, 
 I do think it would seem self-conccitcdness to mention them ; 
 but since that report, I have spoken more of them than other- 
 wise I should have done, though truly I condemn myself : 
 for it is an indiscretion, although I was forced to that indiscre- 
 tion, and I repent it both for the disfiguring of my works, by 
 pulling out a piece here and a piece there, according as my 
 memory could catch hold ; also for troubling, or rather vexing 
 the hearers with such discourses as they delight not in. 
 
 Besides, it hath been a long and true observation, that 
 every one had rather speak than listen to what another says ; 
 insomuch as for the most part all mankind run from company 
 to company, not to learn, but to talk, and like bells their 
 tongues as the clappers keep a jangling noise all at once, with- 
 out method or distinction. 
 
 But I hope my indiscretion in speaking of my works to my 
 licarers is not beyond a pardon, for I have not spoke of them, 
 nor parts in them, much nor often, nor to many, but to some 
 particularly, as those I thought did understand poetry, or 
 natural philosophy, or moral philosophy, though I fear not 
 always according as their capacities lay. For I have observed, 
 some understand commonwealths, customs, laws, or the like : 
 others, the distinguishments of passions, and understand 
 nothing of law ; others, divinity, that understand nothing 
 of temporal government, and so the like of many several 
 studies ; and some may have a rational capacity to most 
 sciences, yet conceive nothing of natural philosophy, as of 
 the first matter, or innated matter, or motions, or figures, or
 
 An Kpistle 1 5 3 
 
 forms, or infinites, or spirits, or essences, or the like : nay, 
 for the most part they conceive little further than an almanac 
 to know the time by, of which I am ignorant, for I understand 
 it not. And for poetry, most laugh at it as a ridicul >us thing, 
 especially grave statists, severe moralists, xealous p.-icsthood, 
 wrangling lawyers, covetous hoarders, or purloiners, or those 
 that have mechanic natures, and many more, which for tin- 
 most part account poetry a toy, and condemn it for a vanity, 
 an idle employment ; nor have they so much fancy of their 
 own, as to conceive the poetical fancies of others ; for if they 
 did, they must needs love poetry ; for poetry is so powerful, 
 and hath such an attractive beauty, that those that can but 
 view her perfectly, could not but be enamoured, her charms 
 do so force affection. But surely those that delight not in 
 poetry or music, have no divine souls nor harmonious thoughts, 
 lint by those weak observations I have made, I perceive that 
 as most men have particular understandings, capacities, or 
 ingenuities, and not a general ; so in their discourses some 
 can speak eloquently, and not learnedly ; others learnedly 
 and not eloquently ; some wittily, and neither learned nor 
 eloquent ; and some will speak neither learnedly, eloquently, 
 wittily, or rationally- Likewise, some can speak well, but 
 'tis but for a time, some a longer and some a shorter time, 
 like several sized candles, are longer or shorter ere they come 
 to a snuff ; where sometimes some objects or conceits, unex- 
 pected objections or questions, or the like, do prove as a small 
 coal got into the tallow of their wit. which makes it bleer ' 
 out sooner than otherwise it would do. Also some will speak 
 wisely upon some subjects, and foolishly upon others. 
 
 Likewise some will speak well as it were by chance : others 
 in one discourse speak mixtly. now rational, then nonsensely. 
 at least weakly or obstructedly. Hut they are great masters 
 of speech that speak clearly, as I may say. untangled, which 
 can wind their words from oil their tongue without a snarl - 
 or knot, and can keep even sense, like an even thread, or can 
 work that thread of sense into a nourishing discourse : and 
 they have a quick wit that can play with, or on any subject, 
 which doubtless some can do of those things they never heard, 
 saw, or thought on, but just when they speak of it. And 
 
 1 Proli.iblv ' I.l.-.ir '. tn link.- .lini. u-ol it, th,- s,-n*r ot (., N-, ,m 
 - ll.illiwoll gives ' sn.irlc ', a MI.UV, .uul ' Mi.irtrl ', a haul Knut
 
 154 T^c Life of William, Duke of Newcastle 
 
 some have great capacities, as may be perceived in their 
 discourse : but yet their speech is like those that are lame, 
 which limp and halt, although the ground whereon they go 
 is even, smooth, and firm. But some have such large capaci- 
 ties, elevated fancies, illuminated souls, and volubility of 
 speech, that they can conceive, create, enlighten, and deliver 
 with that abundance, curiosity, facility, and pleasure, as their 
 conversible company is a heaven, where all worldly delights 
 reside. 
 
 But to return to the ground of this Epistle. I desire all my 
 readers and acquaintance to believe, though my words run 
 stumbling out of my mouth, and my pen draws roughly on 
 my paper, yet my thoughts move regular in my brain ; for 
 the several tracks or paths that contemplation hath made on 
 my brain, which paths or tracks are the several ways my 
 thoughts move in, are much smoother than the tongue in my 
 mouth, from whence words flow, or the paper on which my 
 pen writes ; for I have not spoke so much as I have writ, nor 
 writ so much as I have thought. For I must tell my readers, 
 that nature, which is the best and curiousest worker, hath 
 paved my brain smoother than custom hath oiled my tongue, 
 or variety hath polished my senses, or art hath beaten the 
 paper whereon I write ; for my fancy is quicker that the pen 
 with which I write, insomuch as it is many times lost through 
 the slowness of my hand, and yet I write so fast, as I stay not 
 so long as to make perfect letters. 
 
 But if they will not believe my books arc my own, let them 
 search the author or authoress : but I am very confident that 
 they will do like Drake, who went so far about, until he came 
 to the place he first set out at. But for the sake of after 
 ages, which I hope will be more just to me than the present, 
 I will write the true relation of my birth, breeding, and to 
 this part of my life, not regarding carping tongues, or malicious 
 censurers, for I despise them. 
 
 M ARf.AR KT NEWCASTLE.
 
 A TRUE RELATION 
 
 OF MY 
 
 BIRTH, BREEDING AND LIFE 
 BY MARGARET, DUCHESS OK NEWCASTLE 
 
 MY father was a gentleman, which title is grounded and given 
 by merit, not by princes ; and it is the act of time, not favour : 
 and though my father was not a peer of the realm, yet there 
 were few peers who had much greater estates, or lived more 
 noble therewith. Yet at that time great titles were to be 
 sold, and not at so high rates, but that his estate might have 
 easily purchased, and was pressed for to take ; but my father 
 did not esteem titles, unless they were gained by heroic actions, 
 and the kingdom being in a happy peace with all other nations, 
 and in itself being governed by a wise king, King James, there 
 was no employments for heroic spirits ; and towards the latter 
 end of Queen Elizabeth's reign, as soon as he came to man's 
 estate, he unfortunately killed one Mr. Brooks in a single duel. 
 For my father by the laws of honour could do no less than 
 call him to the field to question him for an injury he did him, 
 where thrir swords were to dispute, and one or both of their 
 lives to decide the argument, wherein my father had the 
 better ; and though my father by honour challenged him, 
 with valour fought him, and in justice killed him, yet he suff- 
 ered more than any person of quality usually doth in cases of 
 honour ; for though the laws be rigorous, yet the present 
 princes most commonly are gracious in those misfortunes, 
 especially to the injured : but my father found it not, for his 
 exile was from the time of his misfortunes to Queen Eli/.abcth's 
 death. For the Lord Cobham being then a great man with 
 Queen Elizabeth, and this gentleman, Mr Brooks, a kind of 
 a favourite, and as 1 take it brother to the then Lord Cobh.im, 
 
 L55
 
 156 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 
 
 which made Chieen Elizabeth so severe, not to pardon him 1 . 
 But King James of blessed memory graciously gave him his 
 pardon, and leave to return home to his native country, 
 wherein he lived happily, and died peaceably, leaving a wife 
 and eight children, three sons, and five daughters, I being the 
 youngest child he had, and an infant when he died. 
 
 As for my breeding, it was according to my birth, and the 
 nature of my sex ; for my birth was not lost in my breeding. 
 For as my sisters was or had been bred, so was I in plenty, 
 or rather with superfluity. Likewise we were bred virtuously, 
 modestly, civilly, honourably, and on honest principles. As 
 for plenty, we had not only for necessity, convenicncy, and 
 decency, but for delight and pleasure to a superfluity ; it 
 is true we did not riot, but we lived orderly ; for riot, even 
 in kings' courts and princes' palaces, brings ruin without con- 
 tent or pleasure, when order in less fortunes shall live more 
 plentifully and deliciously than princes that lives in a hurly- 
 burly, as I may term it, in which they are seldom well served. 
 For disorder obstructs ; besides, it doth disgust life, distract 
 the appetites, and yield no true relish to the senses ; for 
 pleasure, delight, peace, and felicity live in method and 
 temperance. 
 
 As for our garments, my mother did not only delight to see 
 us neat and cleanly, fine and gay, but rich and costly ; main- 
 taining us to the height of her estate, but not beyond it. For 
 we were so far from being in debt, before these wars, as we 
 were rather beforehand with the world ; buying all with 
 ready money, not on the score. For although after my 
 father's death the estate was divided between my mother 
 and her sons, paying such a sum of money for portions to her 
 daughters, cither at the day of their marriage, or when they 
 should come to age ; yet by reason she and her children agreed 
 with a mutual consent, all their affairs were managed so well, 
 as she lived not in a much lower condition than when my 
 father lived. Tis true, my mother might have increased her 
 daughters' portions by a thrifty sparing, yet she chose to 
 bestow it on our breeding, honest pleasures, and harmless 
 delights, out of an opinion, that if she bred us with needy 
 
 This was probably George Brooke, the brother of Lord Cobharn, esonited for his 
 re in the plot called ' "ITie Bye ', in 1603. I have not been able to find any mention
 
 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 157 
 
 necessity, it might chance to create in us sharking l qualities, 
 mean thoughts, and base actions, which she knew my father, 
 as well as herself, did abhor. Likewise we were bred tenderly, 
 for my mother naturally did strive, to please and delight her 
 children, not to cross or torment them, terrifying them with 
 threats, or lashing them with slavish whips ; but instead of 
 threats, reason was used to persuade us, and instead of lashes, 
 the deformities of vice was discovered, and the graces and 
 virtues were presented unto us. Also we were bred with 
 respectful attendance, every one being severally waited upon, 
 and all her servants in general used the same respect to her 
 children (even those that were very young) as they did to 
 herself ; for she suffered not her servants, cither to be rude 
 before us, or to domineer over us, which all vulgar servants 
 are apt, and ofttimes which some have leave to do. Likewise 
 she never suffered the vulgar serving-men to be in the nursery 
 among the nursemaids, lest their rude love-making might 
 do unseemly actions, or speak unhandsome words in the 
 presence of her children, knowing that youth is apt to take 
 infection by ill examples, having not the reason of distin- 
 guishing good from bad. Neither were we suffered to have 
 any familiarity with the vulgar servants, or conversation : 
 yet caused us to demean ourselves with an humble civility 
 towards them, as they with a dutiful respect to us. Not 
 because they were servants were we so reserved : for many 
 noble persons arc forced to serve through necessity ; but by 
 reason the vulgar sort of servants arc as ill-bred as meanly 
 born, giving children ill examples and worse counsel -'. 
 
 As for tutors, although we had for all sorts of virtues 3 . as 
 singing, dancing, playing on music, reading, writing, working, 
 and the like, yet we were not kept strictly thereto, they were 
 
 1 Shark, to swindle, to trick dishonestly, to sponge on a person. 
 
 - Tin' Duchess elsewhere descrilx's the evils of f.uniliarity with servants: 'Others 
 through carelessness make their children fall into the same errors, not instructing 
 them with noble and honourable principles, but suffering them to run about into 
 every dirty ollice, where the young master must learn to drink and pl.iv at card* 
 with the kitchen-lxiy, and learn to kiss his mother's dirtv 
 cream. The daughters are danced upon the knee of everv clow 
 and hear them talk scurrilous to their maids, which is their coi 
 and then dancing Sellinger's Round with them in Christmas time, 
 things, which makes them become like unto like ; and their paret 
 it because they are voung.' I'he H'orWs <>/io, p. 70. 
 
 3 Virtues, accomplishments. According to Mr. Jenkins, in his re 
 in The Cavalitr and lits l.aJy, in the copy of this l>ook in the 1 
 British Museum, the Duchess has with her own hand altered vi 
 Accordingly he reads, ' As for tutors, although we had all sorts of \ 
 
 id for a mess of 
 i and serving-man, 
 'liment of wooing ; 
 id manv other such 
 s think no harm in 
 
 rint of this relation 
 ig's I-ibrary at the 
 tucs into virtuosos, 
 rtuosos '.
 
 I 5 8 
 
 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 
 
 rather for formality than benefit ; for my mother cared not 
 so much for our dancing and fiddling, singing and prating 
 of several languages, as that we should be bred virtuously, 
 modestly, civilly, honourably, and on honest principles. 
 
 As for my brothers, of which I had three, I know not how 
 they were bred. First, they were bred when I was not capable 
 to observe, or before I was born ; likewise the breeding of 
 men were after different manner of ways from those of women. 
 But this I know, that they loved virtue, endeavoured merit, 
 practised justice, and spoke truth ; they were constantly 
 loyal, and truly valiant. Two of my three brothers were 
 excellent soldiers, and martial disciplines, being practised 
 therein ; for though they might have lived upon their own 
 estates very honourably, yet they rather chose to serve in 
 the wars under the States of Holland, than to live idly at 
 home in peace : my brother, Sir Thomas Lucas 1 , there 
 having a troop of horse ; my brother (the youngest) Sir 
 Charles Lucas, serving therein. But he served the States 
 not long, for after he had been at the siege and taking of some 
 towns, lie returned home again ; and though he had the less 
 experience, yet he was like to have proved the better soldier, 
 if better could have been, for naturally he had a practical 
 genius to the warlike arts, or arts in war, as natural poets have 
 to poetry 2 . But his life was cut off before he could arrive 
 to the true perfection thereof ; yet he writ 3 A Treatise 
 
 ' Knighted, April 14, 1628. 
 
 - Sir ( h.irlrs I.uras, according to Clarendon (AVM/j'od, xi, 108), was held as good a 
 
 Low Countries, and 
 at court, where great 
 s< !!. and in a day oi 
 lues and places, of a 
 proud nature, wluc h 
 I able than the siege, 
 Loinpany him in his 
 
 under of horse as the nation had. ' He had l>een bred in th 
 always amongst the horse, so that lie had little conversation in tl 
 civility was practised and Icarnid. He was very brave in his je 
 battle a ;:. ill. int man to look upon, and follow: 'but at all otlic 
 nature not to l livid with, of an ill understanding, of a rough am 
 made him during the time ot their being in Colchester moic int' I 
 or anv fortune that threatened them ; vet thev all desired tc 
 
 death.' See also the note on his life in the Appendix. 
 
 I The. Duchess wrote the following poem on her brothers death : 
 
 An Klfgy upon the Death of my Ilrothfr. 
 Dear Hrothcr, 
 
 Thy idea in my mind doth lie, 
 And is entomlx-d in my sad memory, 
 Where every day 1 to thy shrine do go, 
 And offer tears, which from my eyes do flow ; 
 My heart the tire, whose flames arc ever pure, 
 Shall on Love's altar last while life endure ; 
 My sorrow incense strews of sighs fetched deep, 
 My thoughts keep watc.li o'er thy sweet spirit's sleep. 
 Dear blessed soul, though thon art gone, yet lives 
 Thy fame on earth, and man thee praises give : 
 Hut all's tc-. small : for thy heroic mind 
 U ,i above all the praises of mankind. 
 
 7'cxims, p. 271, cd. 1064.
 
 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 159 
 
 of the Arts in Wur, but by reason it was in characters, and tho 
 key thereof lost, we cannot as yet understand anything 
 therein, at least not so as to divulge it. My other brother, 
 the Lord Lucas ', who was heir to my father's estate, and as 
 it were the father to take care of us all, is not less valiant than 
 they were, although his skill in the discipline of war was not 
 so much, being not bred therein. Vet he had more skill in 
 the use of the sword, and is more learned in other arts and 
 sciences than they were, lie being a great scholar, by reason 
 he is given much to studious contemplation 2 . 
 
 Their practice was, when they met together, to exercise 
 themselves with fencing, wrestling, shooting, and such like 
 exercises, for T observed they did seldom hawk or hunt, and 
 very seldom or never dance, or play on music, saying it was 
 too effeminate for masculine spirits. Neither had they skill, 
 or did use to play, for aught I could hear, at cards or dice, or 
 the like games, nor given to any vice, as I did know, unless to 
 love a mistress were a crime, not that I knew any they had, 
 but what report did say, and usually reports arc false, at least 
 exceed the truth. 
 
 As for the pastime of my sisters when they were in the 
 country, it was to read, work, walk, and discourse with each 
 other. For though two of my three brothers :i were married 
 
 1 Sir John I.uras was rre.ited Baron I. urns of Shentield l>v patent dated 31! M.iv ;o 
 Charles 1 (Collins, vii, ii|). Clarendon gives .HI aeeonnt i>| the manner in whirh he 
 bought his peerage. John Aslibiirnh.ini acted .is broker. Clarendon, I. iff iii, (.'. (.-,. 
 I.IK. is w.is lined about /;.,(><><> for his adherence to the Hint,'. CulftnLir of lh<- C,>inmiltff 
 jnr CiimfioundinK, p. i.| t'l- 
 
 2 John, l.onl l.mas, is included in W.ilpol.-'s Royal and .Y<>'>/<- Authors, his till.' ! inclu- 
 sion lieing a speech in the House of l.onU in K>7i agiinst the linnlens of taxation ami 
 the extravagance ,,t the ( '.overnmeiit. It was printed, and burnt I)V the hand- ..! the 
 hangman. 1 he speech is contained in >/<!/< I'mcts, vol. i, p. 4^1, anil is als.i repnn'ed 
 in I'.irk's edition of Wal|<ole, vol. iii, p. IM. 
 
 :> Sir Kgerton Itrvdges ives the following p.-<lii;ree : Sir 'nmm.is I u.-as of St |ohn's. 
 near I'oleliesti.r, married Marv, daughter ol Sir John 1 'erinor ol I ston-N'evton. in N..ith 
 li.imptonsliire, liy wh.>m lie had Thomas I.II.MS ol St. John's, ne ir I'ol.-he-ter. I -.).. who 
 1>V l-llizabetli.aaiighter and eo-heir ..I John l.ei-ht..n ",,| I ,.ndon, Cent., had thr.-e -ons 
 and live daughters, \i/. . 
 
 I Johu l.nrasol St. John's, near Col, -hester, afterwards lord I u. as. who m.iriiitl 
 Anne, daughter of Sii I hi istopher Neville. Kt., voun^ei Li,, th, -i o| the 1 .old AN-rcavennv 
 l>v whom he had John, his son and heir, l>oin aUnit n>_4. 
 
 J. Sir riioinas I. in-. is, a cap tain in London, who married a daughter of Sir John Hxron 
 Kt., l>y whom he had a son, Thomas. 
 \. Sir Charles I.iu as. 
 
 .(. Mary, wife of Sir Peter Killegrcw, Kt. 
 .S. Anne. 
 
 (.. i:ii/.il.eth, wife of William Walter, rs.j. 
 7. Catherine, wile of Sir 1 dmnnd I've of I ondon, Kt. 
 S. Margaret, afterwards Duchess ot N<-wc.i-.tle.* 
 Arms. Argent, a fess between six annulets. i;ules. 
 Harl. MSS., 1^41, t. v>.
 
 160 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 
 
 (my brother the Lord Lucas to a virtuous and beautiful lady, 
 daughter to Sir Christopher Nevil, son to the Lord Aber- 
 gavenny ; and my brother Sir Thomas Lucas to a virtuous 
 lady of an ancient family, one Sir John Byron's daughter), 
 likewise three of my four sisters (one married Sir Peter Kille- 
 grew, the other Sir William Walter, the third Sir Edmund 
 Pye 1 , the fourth as yet unmarried), yet most of them lived 
 with my mother, especially when she was at her country- 
 house, living most commonly at London half the year, which 
 is the metropolitan city of England. But when they were at 
 London, they were dispersed into several houses of their own, 
 yet for the most part they met every day, feasting each other 
 like Job's children. But this unnatural war came like a 
 whirlwind, which felled down their houses, where some in the 
 wars were crushed to death, as my youngest brother Sir 
 Charles Lucas, and my brother Sir Thomas Lucas. And 
 though my brother Sir Thomas Lucas died not immediately 
 of his wounds, yet a wound he received on his head in Ireland 
 shortened his life 2 . 
 
 But to rehearse their recreations. Their customs were in 
 winter time to go sometimes to plays, or to ride in their 
 coaches about the streets to see the concourse and recourse 
 of people : and in the spring time to visit the Spring (Jarden, 
 Hyde Park, and the like places 3 ; and sometimes they would 
 have music, and sup in barges upon the water. These harm- 
 less recreations they would pass their time away with : for 
 I observed they did seldom make visits, nor never went abroad 
 with strangers in their company, but only themselves in a 
 flock together, agreeing so well that there seemed but one 
 mind amongst them. And not only my own brothers and 
 sisters agreed so, but my brothers and sisters in law, and their 
 children, although but young, had the like agreeable nature-; 
 
 1 Of these three gentlemen. Sir \Villiam Walter of Sarsden, Oxfordshire, and Sir Fd- 
 niund I've of Lef khampstcad, Bucks, took up arms for the King. Walter was fined 
 1430, and I've 3065. Sir I'eter Killegrew supported the I'arlianicnt.- I'alfniiar / 
 tilt Procfttlings of the Committee for Compounding, pp. too<), 1441, 321)0. 
 
 2 Sir Thomas Lucas left the Dutrh service about 163**, and was given the command 
 of a troop of horse in Ireland by Straflord (Strafford Letters, ii, 2^4 262). Me fought 
 under the command of Onnond throughout the Irish rebellion, and diid about i(>4<> . 
 Carte, Life of OrmonJ, iii, 451, ed. 1851. 
 
 3 A description of Hyde I'ark a few years later is quoted on p. 302. The same author 
 thus describes Spring Garden : ' The manner is as the company returns (i.e. from llvde 
 I'ark), to alight at the Spring Garden, so called in order to the I'ark, as our Tlmilleries 
 is to the course : the inclosure not disagreeable for the solemncss of the grove, the warbling 
 o( the birds, and as it opens into the spacious walks at St. James's.' Kvelyn's Chiradrr 
 "I l-.
 
 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 161 
 
 and affectionablc dispositions. For to my best remembrance 
 I do not know that ever they did fall out, or had any angry 
 or unkind disputes. Likewise, I did observe that my sisters 
 were so far from mingling themselves with any other company, 
 that they had no familiar conversation or intimate acquain- 
 tance with the families to which each other were linked to by 
 marriage, the family of the one being as great strangers to 
 the rest of my brothers and sisters as the family of the other. 
 
 But sometime after this war began, I knew not how they 
 lived. For though most of them were in Oxford, wherein 
 the King was, yet after the Queen went from Oxford, and so 
 out of England, I was parted from them. For when the 
 Queen was in Oxford I had a great desire to be one of her 
 maids of honour, hearing the Queen had not the same number 
 she was used to have. Whereupon I wooed and won my 
 mother to let me go ; for my mother, being fond of all her 
 children, was desirous to please them, which made her consent 
 to my request. But my brothers and sisters seemed not very 
 well pleased, by reason I had never been from home, nor 
 seldom out of their sight ; for though they knew I would not 
 behave myself to their or my own dishonour, yet they thought 
 I might to my disadvantage, being inexperienced in the world. 
 Which indeed I did, for I was so bashful when I was out of 
 my mother's, brothers', and sisters' sight, whose presence used 
 to give me confidence thinking I could not do amiss whilst 
 any one of them were by, for I knew they would gently reform 
 me if I did ; besides, I was ambitious they should approve of 
 my actions and behaviour that when I was gone from them, 
 I was like one that had no foundation to stand, or guide to 
 direct me, which made me afraid, lest I should wander with 
 ignorance out of the ways of honour, so that I knew not how 
 to behave myself. Besides, I had heard that the world was 
 apt to lay aspersions even on the innocent, for which I durst 
 neither look up with my eyes, nor speak, nor be any way 
 sociable, insomuch as I was thought a natural fool. Indeed 
 I had not much wit, yet I was not an idiot, my wit was accord- 
 ing to my years ; and though I might have learnt more wit, 
 and advanced my understanding by living in a Court, yet 
 being dull, fearful, and bashful. I neither heeded what was 
 said or practised, but just what belonged to my loyal duty, 
 and my own honest reputation. And, indeed, I was so afraid 
 
 Y
 
 162 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 
 
 to dishonour my friends and family by my indiscreet actions, 
 that I rather chose to be accounted a fool than to be thought 
 rude or wanton. In truth, my bashf ulness and fears made 
 me repent my going from home to see the world abroad, and 
 much I did desire to return to my mother again, or to my 
 sister Pye, with whom I often lived when she was in London, 
 and loved with a supernatural affection. But my mother 
 advised me there to stay, although I put her to more charges 
 than if she had kept me at home, and the more, by reason she 
 and my brothers were sequestered from their estates, and 
 plundered of all their goods, yet she maintained me so, that I 
 was in a condition rather to lend than to borrow, which cour- 
 tiers usually are not, being always necessitated by reason of 
 great expenses Courts put them to. But my mother said it 
 would be a disgrace for me to return out of the Court so soon 
 after I was placed ; so I continued almost two years, until 
 such time as I was married from thence. For my Lord the 
 Marquis of Newcastle did approve of those bashful fears 
 which many condemned, and would choose such a wife as he 
 might bring to his own humours, and not such a one as was 
 wedded to self-conceit, or one that had been tempered to the 
 humours of another ; for which he wooed me for his wife : 
 and though I did dread marriage, and shunned men's company 
 as much as I could, yet I could not, nor had not the power to 
 refuse him, by reason my affections were fixed on him, and he 
 was the only person I ever was in love with. Neither was I 
 ashamed to own it, but gloried therein. For it was not amor- 
 ous love (I never was infected therewith, it is a disease, or a 
 passion, or both, I only know by relation, not by experience), 
 neither could title, wealth, power, or person entice me to love. 
 But my love was honest and honourable, being placed upon 
 merit, which affection joyed at the fame of his worth, pleased 
 with delight in his wit, proud of the respects he used to me, 
 and triumphing in the affections he professed for me, which 
 affections he hath confirmed to me by a deed of time, sealed 
 by constancy, and assigned by an unalterable decree of his 
 promise, which makes me happy in despite of Fortune's 
 frowns *. For though misfortunes may and do oft dissolve 
 base, wild, loose, and ungrounded affections, yet she hath no 
 
 The letters of MarR.irrt Lucas to t'ie Marquis of Newcastle before their marri.ige 
 arc calendared in the Report on Ike Duke of I'urtlatui's .U.S.S., ii, 134-7. They drsi-rve 
 printing in full.
 
 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 163 
 
 power of those that arc united either by merit, justice, grati- 
 tude, duty, fidelity, or the like. And though my Lord hath 
 lost his estate, and banished out of his country for his loyalty 
 to his King and country, yet neither despised poverty, nor 
 pinching necessity could make him break the bonds of friend- 
 ship, or weaken his loyal duty to his King or country. 
 
 Hut not only the family I am linked to is ruined, but the 
 family from which I sprung, by these unhappy wars. Which 
 ruin my mother lived to sec, and then died, having lived a 
 widow many years ; for she never forgot my father so as to 
 marry again. Indeed, he remained so lively in her memory, 
 and her grief was so lasting, as she never mentioned his name, 
 though she spoke often of him, but love and grief caused tears 
 to flow, and tender sighs to rise, mourning in sad complaints. 
 She made her house her cloister, inclosing herself, as it were, 
 therein, for she seldom went abroad, unless to church. Hut 
 these unhappy wars forced her out, by reason she and her 
 children were loyal to the King ; for which they plundered 
 her and my brothers of all their goods, plate, jewels, money, 
 corn, cattle, and the like, cut down their woods, pulled down 
 their houses, and sequestered them from their lands and livings ; 
 but in such misfortunes my mother was of an heroic spirit, 
 in suffering patiently where there is no remedy, or to be indust- 
 rious where she thought she could help. She was of a grave 
 behaviour, and had such a majestic grandeur, as it were con- 
 tinually hung about her, that it would strike a kind of an awe 
 to the beholders, and command respect from the rudest (I 
 mean the rudest of civilized people, I mean not such barbarous 
 people as plundered her, and used her cruelly, for they would 
 have pulled Clod out of heaven, had they had power, as they 
 did royalty out of his throne). 1 Also her beauty was beyond 
 
 1 An account of tin- plunder of the house of Sir John I.m.is .it t olchester is i\en 
 in .Msri'iirius Kuxticus, No. i : 'On August j^, 1(14^. Sir John I. in. is intended with some 
 horse .mil arms to begin his journey towards the north to wait ii[xm the King.' llils 
 was discovered to the leaders of the local parliamentarians bv .1 tie.u heti -u> 
 and the roads were beset, and a guard set on his house, 
 town was raised, the volunteers and train-band assembled, 
 broke into the house to seareli tor arms and the suppressed g 
 people lav h.inds on Sir John I.neas. his l.idv. and sister, and 
 swords, guns, and h.ilberts to the common gaol. 1 ast ol all It 
 with the like or greater insolenrv, who. N-ing l.iint and b 
 leave to rest hersell in a shop bv the wav ; vet this leave w. 
 the rest of that rude rabble threatened to pull down the h< 
 >ut ; being by this means foreed to depart from thence, a < 
 
 I .-(XX) people 
 rrist-n of cavaliers ' Ihr 
 1 v them, attended with 
 bting loith his mother. 
 tlil.-ss. h.udlv obtained 
 .10 sooner obtained, but 
 se. unless thev thrust her 
 ti \maii (whom the alarm 
 
 had summoned to this work) espies her, .uid pie-sun; with his hoise through the nowtl. 
 struck at her head with his sword so heartily, that if an halbert had not crossed the 
 
 start the
 
 164 
 
 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 
 
 the ruin of time, for she had a well-favoured loveliness in her 
 face, a pleasing sweetness in her countenance, and a wcll- 
 tcmpcrccl complexion, as neither too red nor too pale, 
 even to her dying hour, although in years. And by her dying, 
 one might think death was enamoured with her, for he em- 
 braced her in a sleep, and so gently, as if he were afraid to hurt 
 her. Also she was an affectionate mother, breeding her chil- 
 dren with a most industrious care, and tender love ; and 
 having eight children, three sons and five daughters, there 
 was not any one crooked, or any ways deformed, neither were 
 they dwarfish, or of a giant-like stature, but every ways pro- 
 portionable ; likewise well-featured, clear complexions, brown 
 hairs (but some lighter than others), sound teeth, sweet 
 breaths, plain speeches, tunable voices (I mean not so much 
 to sing as in speaking, as not stuttering, nor wharling l in the 
 throat, or speaking through the nose, or hoarsely, unless they 
 had a cold, or squcakingly, which impediments many have) : 
 neither were their voices of too low a strain, or too high, 
 but their notes and words were tunable and timely. 
 I hope this truth will not offend my readers, and lest they 
 should think I am a partial register, I dare not commend my 
 sisters, as to say they were handsome ; although many would 
 say they were very handsome. But this I dare say, their 
 beauty, if any they had, was not so lasting as my mother's, 
 
 blow, both her sorrows and her journey had there found an end.' After this the house 
 was thoroughly plundered, deeds and papers destroyed, garden defaced, deer killed, 
 and cattle driven away. This was largely caused by a rumour that 200 armed men 
 were discovered in a vault at Sir John Lucas's, had killed nine men already, and were 
 issuing forth to destroy the town. ' And to show that their rage will know no Ixmnds 
 and that nothing is so sacred and venerable which they dare not to violate, they break 
 into St. Giles's Church, open the vault where his (Sir John's) ancestors were buried, and 
 with pistols, swords, and halberts transfix the coffins of the dead.' Sir John was sent 
 a prisoner to London, committed to the Gatehouse, and after a short time released on 
 giving bail to appear on summons. His eight horses and his arms were employed lor 
 the service of the Parliament. Parliament also published two Declarations, the one a 
 general prohibition to soldiers and others to break into and search the houses of persons 
 suspected of disaffection and popery (August 27), the other entitled .1 Declaration ion- 
 cernim; /Ihuses lately done hy several /'crsons in the County of Kssei. -Husband's l:\nct 
 (oiled inn, pp. 590, 592, 605. In this latter Declaration it is stated that the people, on 
 the order of the parliamentary commissioners, withdrew themselves peaceably, ' and 
 as they were required, did make restitution of plate, money, and many other goods '. 
 However, the 1'arliameut's Commssioncrs did not come down till Thursday, and the 
 riot took place on Monday, and the worst feature of these outrages was the amount of 
 wanton destruction. 
 
 ' Wharling I can find no other use of the word. Halliwell explains 'wharling ' 
 to mean ' an inability in anyone to pronounce the letter K ' (Dictionary of Archaic and 
 J'rovtncial Words). Shakespeare uses a somewhat similar word in A'IMJ; Lear, IV, vi 
 182-4 : 
 
 " We ram' 1 crying hither ; 
 
 Thou knowesl, the first time that we smell the air, 
 We wawl and rrv."
 
 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 165 
 
 Time making suddcner ruin in their faces than in hers. Like- 
 wise my mother was a good mistress to her servants, taking 
 care of her servants in their sickness, not sparing any cost she 
 was able to bestow for their recovery : neither did she exact 
 more from them in their health than what they with ease or 
 rather like pastime could do. She would freely pardon a fault, 
 and forget an injury, yet sometimes she would be angry ; but 
 never with her children, the sight of them would pacify her ; 
 neither would she be angry with others but when she had cause, 
 as negligent or knavish servants, that would lavishly or un- 
 necessarily waste, or subtly and thievishly steal . And though 
 she would often complain that her family was too great for 
 her weak management, and often pressed my brother to take 
 it upon him, yet I observe she took a pleasure, and some little 
 pride, in the governing thereof. She was very skilful in leases, 
 and setting of lands, and court keeping, ordering of stewards, 
 and the like affairs 1 . Also I observed that my mother nor 
 brothers, before these wars, had never any lawsuits, but what 
 an attorney despatched in a term with small cost, but if they 
 had it was more than I knew of. But, as I said, my mother 
 lived to sec the ruin of her children, in which was her ruin, and 
 then died : my brother Sir Thomas Lucas soon after, my brother 
 Sir Charles Lucas after him, being shot to death for his loyal 
 service, for he was most constantly loyal and courageously 
 active, indeed he had a superfluity of courage 2 . My eldest 
 sister died some time before my mother, her death being, as 1 
 believe, hastened through grief of her only daughter, on which 
 she doted, being very pretty, sweet naturcd, and had an extra- 
 ordinary wit for her age. She dying of a consumption, my 
 sister, her mother, died some half a year after of the same 
 disease ; and though time is apt to waste remembrance as a 
 consumptive body, or to wear it out like a garment into rags, 
 or to moulder it into dust, yet I find the natural affections 1 
 have for my friends are beyond the length, strength, and power 
 of time : for I shall lament the loss so long as 1 live, also the 
 loss of my Lord's noble brother, which died not long after I 
 returned from Kngland, he being then sick of an ague, whoso 
 favours and my thankfulness ingratitude shall never disjoin. 
 
 i Tliis refers to the iii.in.tKcnient of manors and nunorial courts. Soo Ro^or North's 
 l.i/f of Lord Guilford, pp. -,4 (>, ed. iS.-o. 
 
 - 1'or contemporary accounts ol the execution of I.uc.is see >'ir ( A.i/.Vs I.U?M kit 
 Last Sf'ffch, printed for K. Sniitlnut.t. London, 1048, and C !<irkf J\i{rrs, n, ji.
 
 1 66 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 
 
 For I will build his monument of truth, though I cannot of 
 marble, and hang my tears and scutcheons on his tomb. He 
 was nobly generous, wisely valiant, naturally civil, honestly 
 kind, truly loving, virtuously temperate ; his promise was like 
 a fixed decree, his words were destiny, his life was holy, his 
 disposition mild, his behaviour courteous, his discourse pleas- 
 ing ; he had a ready wit and a spacious knowledge, a settled 
 judgment, a clear understanding, a rational insight ; he was 
 learned in all arts and sciences, but especially in the mathe- 
 matics, in which study he spent most part of his time ; and 
 though his tongue preached not moral philosophy, yet his 
 life taught it, indeed he was such a person, that he might have 
 been a pattern for all mankind to take. He loved my Lord his 
 brother with a doting affection, as my Lord did him, for whose 
 sake I suppose he was so nobly generous, carefully kind, and 
 respectful to me ; for I dare. not challenge his favours as to 
 myself, having not merits to deserve them. He was for a time 
 the preserver of my life, for after I was married some two or 
 three years, my Lord travelled out of France, from the city 
 of Paris, in which city he resided the time he was there, so went 
 into Holland, to a town called Rotterdam, in which place he 
 stayed some six months. From thence he returned to Brabant, 
 unto the city of Antwerp, which city we passed through when 
 we went into Holland, and in that city my Lord settled himself 
 and family, choosing it for the most pleasantcst and quietest 
 place to retire himself and ruined fortunes in. But after we 
 had remained some time therein, we grew extremely necessi- 
 tated, tradesmen being there not so rich as to trust my Lord 
 for so much, or so long, as those of France ; yet they were so 
 civil, kind, and charitable as to trust him for as much as they 
 were able. But at last necessity enforced me to return into 
 England to seek for relief. For I, hearing my Lord's estate, 
 amongst the rest of many more estates, was to be sold, and 
 that the wives of the owners should have no allowance there- 
 from, it gave me hopes I should receive a benefit thereby. 
 So, being accompanied with my Lord's only brother, Sir 
 Charles Cavendish (who was commanded to return, to live 
 therein, or to lose his estate, which estate he was forced to buy 
 with a great composition before he could enjoy any part there- 
 of), so over I went. But when I came there I found their hearts 
 as hard as my fortunes, and their natures as cruel as my
 
 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 167 
 
 miseries, for they sold all my Lord's estate, which was a very 
 great one, and gave me not any part thereof, or any allowance' 
 thereout, which few or no other was so hardly dealt withal. 
 Indeed, I did not stand as a beggar at the Parliament door, for 
 I never was at the Parliament House, nor stood J ever at the 
 door, as I do know, or can remember, I am sure, not as a 
 petitioner. Neither did I haunt the committees, for I never 
 was at any, as a petitioner, but one in my life, which was called 
 Goldsmiths' Hall, 1 but I received neither gold nor silver from 
 them, only an absolute refusal, I should have no share of my 
 Lord's estate. For my brother, the Lord Lucas, did claim 
 in my behalf such a part of my Lord's estate as wives had 
 allowed them, but they told him that by reason I was married 
 since my Lord was made a delinquent, I could have nothing, 
 nor should have anything, he being the greatest traitor to the 
 State, which was to be the most loyal subject to his King and 
 country. But I whispcringly spoke to my brother to conduct 
 me out of that ungcntlemanly place, so without speaking to 
 them one word good or bad, I returned to my lodgings, and 
 as that committee was the first, so was it the last, I ever was 
 at as a petitioner. "I'is true I went sometimes to Drury 
 House to inquire how the land was sold, but no other ways, 
 although some reported I was at the Parliament House, and 
 at this committee and at that committee, and what I should 
 say, and how I was answered. Hut the customs of Kngland 
 
 l The committee sitting at (ioklsmiths* II.ill was that (or compounding with delin- 
 quents. ' Its object was to receive from delinquents themselves, cither such against 
 whom no information had Ix-en made, or such as were already under sequestration : 
 
 (1) A confession of their delinquency. 
 
 (2) A pledge of adherence to the present ("overnment. 
 
 ( 5) A full account on oath of their possessions, real and jvrsonal. 
 
 Whereupon a le^al rejxirt was made, and they were admitted to compound in projec- 
 tions, according to their uilt ; halt the estate was exacted Iroiu anv delinquent Meml 
 of Parliament; one-sixth from those who had taken part cither in the former 
 latter war ; two-sixths or one-third from those who had been active in l>th war-, c 
 Those who were in cities that surrendered on articles of war i oin|>uiidcd aiiorduiK t 
 the tenor of those articles ' (Mrs. < Ireene's Preface to the ( ,i/,W,ir ,./ DomfJif S/.i.V /',i/v/ 
 I6.|i), p. ix.) A Calendar of the Proceedings of this Committee, tilling the volumes, w. 
 published in iSSi)-i)i. The solids of the Cavaliers are naturally full of .illusion- lo tl 
 committee : 
 
 1'nder the rose be it s|x>kcn, there's a tl.unned committee, 
 Sits in Hell (Coklsmiths' Hall) in the middle ol the ,ilv. 
 Only to sequester the |x>or Cavaliers, 
 The devil take their souls and the hangman their ears. 
 
 Another SOUR says in allusion to the oaths : 
 
 They force us to take 
 
 Three oaths, but we'll make 
 
 A third, that we ne'er meant to keep 'cm.
 
 1 68 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 
 
 being changed as well as the laws, where women become 
 pleaders, attornies, petitioners, and the like, running about 
 with their several causes, complaining of their several griev- 
 ances, exclaiming against their several enemies, bragging of 
 their several favours they receive from the powerful, thus 
 trafficking with idle words bring in false reports and vain dis- 
 course. For the truth is, our sex doth nothing but jostle for 
 the pre-eminence of words (I mean not for speaking well, 
 but speaking much) as they do for the pre-eminence of place, 
 words rushing against words, thwarting and crossing each 
 other, and pulling with reproaches, striving to throw each other 
 down with disgrace, thinking to advance themselves thereby. 
 But if our sex would but well consider, and rationally ponder, 
 they will perceive and find, that it is neither words nor place 
 that can advance them, but worth and merit. Nor can words 
 or place disgrace them, but inconstancy and boldness : for 
 an honest heart, a noble soul, a chaste life, and a true speaking 
 tongue, is the throne, sceptre, crown, and footstool that ad- 
 vances them to an honourable renown. I mean not noble, 
 virtuous, discreet, and worthy persons whom necessity did 
 enforce to submit, comply, and follow their own suits, but such 
 as had nothing to lose, but made it their trade to solicit. But 
 I despairing, being positively denied at Goldsmiths' Hall (be- 
 sides, I had a firm faith, or strong opinion, that the pains was 
 more than the gains), and being unpractised in public employ- 
 ments, unlearned in their uncouth ways, ignorant of the 
 humours and dispositions of those persons to whom I was to 
 address my suit, and not knowing where the power lay, and 
 being not a good flatterer, I did not trouble myself or petition 
 my enemies. Besides I am naturally bashful, not that I am 
 ashamed of my mind or body, my birth or breeding, my 
 actions or fortunes, for my bashfulncss is my nature, not for 
 any crime, and though I have strived and reasoned with my- 
 self, yet that which is inbred I find is difficult to root out. But 
 I do not find that my bashfulncss is concerned with the qualities 
 of the persons, but the number ; for were I to enter amongst 
 a company of Lazaruscs, I should be as much out of counten- 
 ance as if they were all Caesars or Alexanders, CIcopatras or 
 ()uccn Didos. Neither do I find my bashfulness riseth so often 
 in blushes, as contracts my spirits to a chill paleness. But 
 the best of it is, most commonly it soon vanishcth away, and
 
 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 169 
 
 many limes before it can be perceived ; and the more foolish 
 or unworthy I conceive the company to be, the worse I am, 
 and the best remedy I ever found was, is to persuade myself 
 that all those persons I meet are wise and virtuous. The 
 reason I take to be is, that the wise and virtuous censure least, 
 excuse most, praise best, esteem rightly, judge justly, behave 
 themselves civilly, demean themselves respectfully, and 
 speak modestly when fools or unworthy persons are apt 
 to commit absurdities, as to be bold, rude, uncivil both in 
 words and actions, forgetting or not well understanding them- 
 selves or the company they arc with. And though I never 
 met such sorts of ill-bred creatures, yet naturally I have such 
 an aversion to such kind of people, as I am afraid to meet 
 them, as children arc afraid of spirits, or those that are afraid 
 to sec or meet devils ; which makes me think this natural 
 defect in me, if it be a defect, is rather a fear than a bashful- 
 ness, but whatsoever it is, I find it troublesome, for it hath 
 many times obstructed the passage of my speech, and per- 
 turbed my natural actions, forcing a constraincdncss or unusual 
 motions. However, since it is rather a fear of others than a 
 bashful distrust of myself, I despair of a perfect cure, unless 
 nature as well as human governments could be civili/cd and 
 brought into a methodical order, ruling the words and actions 
 with a supreme power of reason, and the authority of discre- 
 tion : but a rude nature is worse than a brute nature by so 
 much more as man is better than beast, but those that arc of 
 civil natures and gentle dispositions arc as much nearer to 
 celestial creatures, as those that are of rude or cruel arc to 
 devils. But in fine, after I had been in England a year and 
 a half ', in which time I gave some half a score visits, and went 
 with my Lord's brother to hear music in one Mr. I .awes his 
 house -. three or four times, as also some three or four times 
 
 i Supply, tn complete the sense, ' I resolved to return ', from p. 170. 
 
 '! This w.is Henry l..i\ves, tor his rKler I'rother William \v.is killed .it the Mi-fir of Chester 
 in Oi toiler 11145. He composed tin- music lor ' Comm, .mil .11 t.-d in it tin- p.utx ol HIM- 
 sis ami the Atteml.mt Spirit. Milton addressed to him on .,tli 1 cl>iu.ity 111411 the w. 11- 
 known sonnet : 
 
 To my 1-ritnJ, Mr, llfnr\ /.<iurs. 
 
 H.irry, whose tuneful and wcll-me.isured song 
 1'irst taught our Kni;lish music how to sp.ui 
 Words with just note and accent. 
 
 M.ISSOII, /i/i- <>/ Milton, in, 4'>|
 
 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 
 
 to Hyde Park with my sisters, to take the air J , else I never 
 stirred out of my lodgings, unless to sec my brothers and 
 sisters, nor seldom did I dress myself, as taking no delight 
 to adorn myself, since he I only desired to please was absent, 
 although report did dress me in a hundred several fashions. 
 'Tis true when I did dress myself I did endeavour to do it in 
 my best becoming, both in respect to myself and those I went 
 to visit, or chanced to meet. But after I had been in England 
 a year and a half, part of which time I writ a book of poems -, 
 and a little book called my Philosophical Fancies n , to which 
 I have writ a large addition, since I returned out of England, 
 besides this book and one other. As for my book entitled 
 The World's Olio, I writ most part of it before I went into 
 England, but being not of a merry, although not of a froward 
 or peevish disposition, became very melancholy, by reason I 
 was from my Lord, which made my mind so restless, as it did 
 break my sleep, and distemper my health, with which growing 
 impatient of a longer delay, I resolved to return, although 
 I was grieved to leave Sir Charles, my Lord's brother, he being 
 sick of an ague, of which sickness he died. For though his ague 
 
 ' In Evelyn's Character of England, 1651, Hyde Park is thus descrilx-d : 
 ' I did frequently in the spring accompany my Lord N. into a field near the town, 
 which they call Hyde Park ; the place not unpleasant, and which they use, as our Course ; 
 but with nothing that order, equipage, and splendour, l>eing such an assembly of wretched 
 jades and hackney-coaches, as next a regiment of car-men there is nothing approaches 
 the resemblance. This Park was (it seems) used by the late King and Nobility for the 
 freshness of the air, and the goodly prospect : but it is that which now (besides all other 
 excises) they pay for here in England, though it be free in all the world beside ; every 
 coach and horse which enters buying his mouthful, and permission of the publican who 
 has purchased it, for which the entrance is guarded with porters and long staves.' 
 
 2 The book called i'oems and Fancies was published in 1653, dedicated to Sir Charles 
 Cavendish, The World's Olio, in 1655. 
 
 3 I'Hilosopkical Fancies, published in i6<>3, was afterwards expanded into 1'hilosophi- 
 cal Opinions, which passed through two editions, 1655 and iM>3- In one of the Epistles 
 to the Reader in the edition of 1663, the Duchess writes: 'The ground of these my 
 philosophical and phvsiral opinions was printed in the year 1653, to which in the vear 
 i'>"iS I made an addition, but after I returned with mv noble Lord into England, I have 
 since recovered my former work, and finding it not so perfect, as I wish it had IM-CII. I 
 have employed part of mv idle time to make it more intelligible for mv readers." 
 
 At tin- end of the same txx>k she informs her readers, that it is her favourite work 
 (p. 417): 
 
 Of all mv works this work which I have writ, 
 
 Mv best beloved and greatest favourite, 
 
 I look upon it with a pleasing eye. 
 
 I pleasure take in its sweet company. 
 
 I entertain it with a grave respect, 
 
 And with my pen am ready to protect 
 
 The life and safety of it 'gainst all those 
 
 That will oppose it, or profess it foes : 
 
 Hut I am sure there's none condemn it can, 
 
 Unless some foolish and unlearned man, 
 
 'I li.it hath no understanding, judgment, wit, 
 
 I or to perceive the reason that's in it.
 
 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 171 
 
 was cured, his life \v;is decayed, lie being not of a strong con- 
 stitution could not, as it did prove, recover his health, for the 
 dregs of his ague did put out the lamp of his life. Yet Heaven 
 knows I did not think his life was so near to an end, for his 
 doctor had great hopes of his perfect recovery, and by reason 
 he was to go into the country for change of air, where I should 
 have been a trouble, rather than any way serviceable, besides 
 more charge the longer I stayed, for which I made the more 
 haste to return to my Lord, with whom I had rather be ;is a 
 poor beggar, than to be mistress of the world absented from 
 him, yet, Heaven hitherto hath kept us, and though Fortune 
 hath been cross, yet we do submit, and are both content with 
 what is, and cannot be mended, and are so prepared that the 
 worst of fortunes shall not afflict our minds, so as to make us 
 unhappy, howsoever it doth pinch our lives with poverty. 
 For, if tranquillity lives in an honest mind, the mind lives 
 in peace, although the body suffer. But patience hath armed 
 us, and misery hath tried us, and finds us fortune-proof. For 
 the truth is, my Lord is a person whose humour is neither 
 extravagantly merry nor unnecessarily sad, his mind is above 
 his fortune as his generosity is above his purse, his courage 
 above clanger, his justice above bribes, his friendship above 
 self-interest, his truth too firm for falsehood, his temperance 
 beyond temptation. His conversation is pleasing and affable, 
 his wit is quick, and his judgment is strong, distinguishing 
 clearly without clouds of mistakes, dissecting truth, so as it 
 justly admits not of disputes : his discourse is always new upon 
 the occasion, without troubling the hearers with old historical 
 relations, nor stuffed with useless sentences. His behaviour 
 is manly without formality, and free without constraint, and 
 his mind hath the same freedom. His nature is noble, and 
 his disposition sweet ; his loyalty is proved by his public service 
 for his King and country, by his often ha/arding of his life, by 
 the loss of his estate, and the banishment of his person, by his 
 necessitated condition, and his constant and patient suffering. 
 But, howsoever our fortunes are. we are both content, spend- 
 ing our time harmlessly, for my Lord pleaseth himself with the 
 management of some few horses, and exercises himself with 
 the use of the sword : which two arts he hath brought by his 
 studious thoughts, rational experience, and iiuluMi ions prai - 
 tice, to an absolute perfection. And though he hath taken
 
 172 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 
 
 as much pains in those arts, both by study and practice, as 
 chymists for the philosophcr's-stone, yet he hatli this advantage 
 of them, that he hath found the right and the truth thereof 
 and therein, which chymists never found in their art, and I 
 believe never will. Also here creates himself with his pen, 
 writing what his wit dictates to him, but I pass my time rather 
 with scribbling than writing, with words than wit. Not that 
 I speak much, because I am addicted to contemplation, unless 
 I am with my Lord, yet then I rather attentively listen to what 
 he says, than impertinently speak. Yet when I am writing 
 any sad feigned stories, or serious humours, or melancholy 
 passions, I am forced many times to express them with the 
 tongue before I can write them with the pen, by reason those 
 thoughts that are sad, serious, and melancholy are apt to con- 
 tract, and to draw too much back, which oppression doth as 
 it were overpower or smother the conception in the brain. But 
 when some of those thoughts are sent out in words, they give 
 the rest more liberty to place themselves in a more methodical 
 order, marching more regularly with my pen on the ground of 
 white paper ; but my letters seem rather as a ragged rout than 
 a well-armed body, for the brain being quicker in creating than 
 the hand in writing or the memory in retaining, many fancies 
 arc; lost, by reason they ofttimes outrun the pen, where I, to 
 keep speed in the race, write so fast as I stay not so long as to 
 write my letters plain, insomuch as some have taken my hand- 
 writing for some strange character, and being accustomed so 
 to do, I cannot now write very plain, when I strive to write 
 my best ; indeed, my ordinary handwriting is so bad as few 
 can read it, so as to write it fair for the press ; but however, 
 that little wit I have, it delights me to scribble it out, and dis- 
 perse it about. For I being addicted from my childhood to 
 contemplation rather than conversation, to solitariness rather 
 than society, to melancholy rather than mirth, to write 
 with the pen than to work with a needle, passing my 
 time with harmless fancies, their company being pleasing, 
 their conversation innocent (in which I take such pleasure 
 as I neglect my health, for it is as great a grief to leave 
 their society as a joy to be in their company), my only trouble 
 is, lest my brain should grow barren, or that the root of my 
 fancies should become insipid, withering into a dull stupidity 
 for want of maturing subjects to write on. For I being of a
 
 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 173 
 
 lazy nature, and not of an active disposition, as some are that 
 love to journey from town to town, from place to place, from 
 house to house, delighting in variety of company, making still 
 one where the greatest number is likewise in playing at cards, 
 or any other games, in which I neither have practised, nor have 
 I any skill therein : as for dancing, although it be a graceful 
 art, and becometh unmarried persons well, yet for those that 
 arc married, it is too light an action, disagreeing with the 
 gravity thereof and for revelling, I am of too dull a nature 
 to make one in a merry society as for feasting, it would 
 neither agree with my humour or constitution, for my diet 
 is for the most part sparing, as a little boiled chicken, or the 
 like, my drink most commonly water ; for though I have an 
 indifferent good appetite, yet I do often fast, out of an opinion 
 that 1 if I should cat much, and exercise little, which I do, only 
 walking a slow pace in my chamber, whilst my thoughts run 
 apace in my brain, so that the motions of my mind hinders 
 the active exercises of my body ; for should I dance or run, 
 or walk apace, I should dance my thoughts out of measure, run 
 my fancies out of breath, and tread out the feet of my numbers. 
 But because I would not bury myself quite from the sight of the 
 world, I go sometimes abroad, seldom to visit, but only in my 
 coach about the town, or about some of the streets, which we 
 call here a tour, where all the chief of the town go to sec and 
 to be seen, likewise all strangers of what quality soever, as all 
 great princes or queens that make any short stay. For this 
 town being a passage or thoroughfare to most parts, causeth 
 many times persons of great quality to be here, though not as 
 inhabitants, yet to lodge for some short time ; and all such, 
 as I said, take a delight, or at least go to see the customs 
 thereof, which most cities of note in Europe, for all I can hear, 
 hath such like recreations for the effeminate sex, although 
 for my part 1 had rather sit at home and write, or walk, us I 
 said, in my chamber and contemplate : but I hold necessary 
 sometimes to appear abroad, besides I do find, that several 
 objects do bring new materials for my thoughts and fancies to 
 build upon. Yet I must say this in the behalf of my thoughts, 
 that 1 never found them idle : for if the senses bring no work in. 
 they will work of themselves, like silk-worms tliat spins out 
 of their own bowels. Neither can 1 sav 1 think the time 
 1 Supply ' I should injure myself ', or sonic j'lir.iM.- to tli.it cilei l.
 
 174 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 
 
 tedious, when I am alone, so I be near my Lord, and know 
 he is well. 
 
 But now I have declared to my readers my birth, breeding, 
 and actions, to this part of my life (I mean the material parts, 
 for should I write every particular, as my childish sports and 
 the like, it would be ridiculous and tedious) ; but I have been 
 honourably born and nobly matched ; I have been bred to 
 elevated thoughts, not to a dejected spirit, my life hath been 
 ruled with honesty, attended by modesty, and directed by truth. 
 But since I have writ in general thus far of my life, I think it 
 fit I should speak something of my humour, particular practice 
 and disposition. As for my humour, I was from my childhood 
 given to contemplation, being more taken or delighted with 
 thoughts than in conversation with a society, insomuch as I 
 would walk two or three hours, and never rest, in a musing, 
 considering, contemplating manner, reasoning with myself 
 of everything my senses did present. But when I was in the 
 company of my natural friends, I was very attentive of what 
 they said or did ; but for strangers I regarded not much what 
 they said, but many times I did observe their actions, where- 
 upon my reason as judge, and my thoughts as accusers, or 
 excuscrs, or approvers and commenders, did plead, or appeal 
 to accuse, or complain thereto. Also I never took delight in 
 closets, or cabinets of toys, but in the variety of fine clothes, 
 and such toys as only were to adorn my person. Likewise I 
 had a natural stupidity towards the learning of any other 
 language than my native tongue, for I could sooner and with 
 more facility understand the sense, than remember the words, 
 and for want of such memory makes me so unlearned in foreign 
 languages as I am l . As for my practice, I was never very 
 active, by reason I was given so much to contemplation ; 
 besides my brothers and sisters were for the most part serious 
 and staid in their actions, not given to sport or play, nor dance 
 about, whose company I keeping, made me so too. But I 
 observed, that although their actions were staid, yet they would 
 be very merry amongst themselves, delighting in each other's 
 company : also they would in their discourse express the 
 
 l In tin- preface to her I'hilosophical Letters the Duchess says: ' Tlic authors 
 whose opinions 1 mention 1 have read, as I found them printed, in mv native 
 1. inyii.it;'', except I>es Cartes, who l'iiig in Latin, 1 had some few places translated to 
 me out of his works.' And again, in the same place : ' My error was I began to write 
 so early, that I had not lived so long as to be able to read many authors. 1
 
 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 175 
 
 general actions of the world, judging, condemning, approving, 
 commending, as they thought good, and with those that were 
 innocently harmless, they would make themselves merry there- 
 with. As for my study of books it was little, yet I chose 
 rather to read, than to employ my time in any other work, 
 or practice, and when I read what I understood not, I would 
 ask my brother, the Lord Lucas, he being learned, the sense 
 or meaning thereof. But my serious study could not be much, 
 by reason I took great delight in attiring, fine dressing, and 
 fashions especially such fashions as I did invent myself, 
 not taking that pleasure in such fashions as was invented 
 by others. Also I did dislike any should follow my fashions, 
 for I always took delight in a singularity, even in 
 accoutrements of habits l . But whatsoever I was addicted 
 to, cither in fashion of clothes, contemplation of thoughts, 
 actions of life, they were lawful, honest, honourable, and 
 modest, of which I can avouch to the world with a great 
 confidence, because it is a pure truth. As for my dis- 
 position, it is more inclining to be melancholy than merry, 
 but not crabbed or peevishly melancholy, but soft, melting, 
 solitary, and contemplating melancholy. And I am apt to 
 weep rather than laugh, not that I do often cither of them. 
 Also I am tender natured, for it troubles my conscience to kill 
 a fly, and the groans of a dying beast strike my soul. Also 
 where I place a particular affection, I love extraordinarily and 
 constantly, yet not fondly, but soberly and observingly, not 
 to hang about them as a trouble, but to wait upon them as a 
 
 l This is quite borne out by the retnurks of 1'opys and other contemporaries, and 
 by her portraits, l-'or instance, I'epys on April 11, H>(>7, speaks of her coming to conit, 
 ' her footmen in velvet coats and herself in antique, dress. . . . There is as mm h ex- 
 pectation of her coming to court, so that people may see her, as if it were the Omvn o( 
 Sheba.' On April jd he notes : ' Met my I..ulv Newcastle going with her coa. lies and 
 footmen all in velvet ; herselt (whom I never saw In-fore), as I have heaul her often 
 describi-d, for all the town talk is nowadays ot her extravagances, with her velvet up. 
 her hair alxnit her e.irs, many black patches Ix-i ause of pimples about her month, naki d- 
 necked, without anything alxnit it, and a black just-au-corps. She seemed to me a 
 verv comely woman ; but I hope to see more of her on Mav-dav.' On Mav-dav, ac- 
 cordingly, I'epys went with Sir William 1'enn to the Park. ' 'Hut which we and almost 
 all went for, was to see my I.adv N'ewcastle ; which we could not, she bring followed 
 and crowded upon by coaches all the way she went, that noNxlv could come near her 
 only 1 could see she was in a large black coach, adorned in silver instead ot p'ld, and 
 so white curtains, and everything else black and white, her>clt in her cap.' Soc also 
 I'epys, May 8, K><>7, and Hallon ('orrfsponJfm'f. i, 47. 
 
 Kvelyn on April i.S, 1(1(17, ' went to make court to the Duke and Duchess of Newcastle 
 at their house in I'lerkenwell, being newlv come out of the mirth. 1'hev recrived me 
 with great kindness, and I was much pleased with the extraordinary fanciful habit, garb, 
 and discourse of the Duchess.' On April .17 he saw her again, and remarks that her dicss 
 was ' very singular '.
 
 176 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 
 
 servant ; but this affection will take no root, but where I 
 think or find merit, and have leave both from divine and moral 
 laws. Yet I find this passion so troublesome, as it is the only 
 torment of my life, for fear any evil misfortune or accident, 
 or sickness, or death, should come unto them, insomuch as I 
 am never freely at rest. Likewise I am grateful, for I never 
 received a courtesy but I am impatient and troubled until 
 I can return it. Also I am chaste, both by nature, and edu- 
 cation, insomuch as I do abhor an unchaste thought. Like- 
 wise, I am seldom angry, as my servants may witness for me, 
 for I rather choose to suffer some inconveniences than disturb 
 my thoughts, which makes me wink many times at their 
 faults ; but when I am angry, I am very angry, but yet it is 
 soon over, and I am easily pacified, if it be not such an injury 
 as may create a hate. Neither am I apt to be cxceptious or 
 jealous, but if I have the least symptom of this passion, I 
 declare it to those it concerns, for I never let it lie smothering 
 in my breast to breed a malignant disease in the mind, which 
 might break out into extravagant passions, or railing speeches, 
 or indiscreet actions ; but I examine moderately, reason 
 soberly, and plead gently in my own behalf, through a desire 
 to keep those affections I had, or at least thought to have. 
 And truly I am so vain, as to be so self-conceited, or so natur- 
 ally partial, to think my friends have as much reason to love 
 me as another, since none can love more sincerely than I, and 
 it were an injustice to prefer a fainter affection, or to esteem 
 the body more than the mind. Likewise I am neither spiteful, 
 envious, nor malicious. I repine not at the gifts that Nature 
 or Fortune bestows upon others, yet I am a great emulator ; 
 for, though I wish none worse than they arc, yet it is lawful 
 for me to wish myself the best, and to do my honest endeavour 
 thereunto. For I think it no crime to wish myself the exactcst 
 of Nature's works, my thread of life the longest, my chain of 
 destiny the strongest, my mind the pcaccablcst, my life the 
 plcasantest, my death the easiest, and the greatest saint in 
 heaven ; also to do my endeavour, so far as honour and 
 honesty doth allow of, to be the highest on Fortune's wheel 
 and to hold the wheel from turning, if I can. And if it be com- 
 mendable to wish another's good, it were a sin not to wish my 
 own ; for as envy is a vice, so emulation is a virtue, but emu- 
 lation is in the way to ambition, or indeed it is a noble ambition.
 
 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 177 
 
 But I fear my ambition inclines to vain-glory, for I am very 
 ambitious ; yet 'tis neither for beauty, wit, titles, wealth, or 
 power, but as they are steps to raise me to Fame's tower, which 
 is to live by remembrance in after-ages. Likewise I am that 
 the vulgar call proud, not out of self-conceit, or to slight or 
 condemn any, but scorning to do a base or mean act, and dis- 
 daining rude or unworthy persons ; insomuch, that if I should 
 find any that were rude, or too bold, I should be apt to be so 
 passionate, as to affront them, if I can, unless discretion should 
 get betwixt my passion and their boldness, which sometimes 
 perchance it might if discretion should crowd hard for place. 
 For though I am naturally bashful, yet in such a cause my 
 spirits would be all on fire. Otherwise I am so well bred, as 
 to be civil to all persons, of all degrees, or qualities. Likewise 
 I am so proud, or rather just to my Lord, as to abate nothing 
 of the quality of his wife, for if honour be the mark of merit, 
 and his master's royal favour, who will favour none but those 
 that have merit to deserve, it were a baseness for me to neglect 
 the ceremony thereof. Also in some cases I am naturally 
 a coward, and in other cases very valiant. As for example, if any 
 of my nearest friends were in danger I should never consider my 
 life in striving to help them, though I were sure to do them 
 no good, and would willingly, nay cheerfully, resign my life 
 for their sakes : likewise I should not spare my life, if honour 
 bids me die. But in a danger where my friends, or my honour 
 is not concerned, or engaged, but only my life to be unprofit- 
 ably lost, I am the veriest coward in nature, as upon the sea, 
 or any dangerous places, or of thieves, or fire, or the like. 
 Nay the shooting of a gun, although but a pot-gun ', will make 
 me start, and stop my hearing, much less have I courage to 
 discharge one ; or if a sword should be held against me, al- 
 though but in jest, I am afraid. Also as I am not covetous, 
 so I am not prodigal, but of the two I am inclining to be pro- 
 digal, yet I cannot say to a vain prodigality, because I imagine 
 it is to a profitable end ; for perceiving tiie world is given, or apt 
 to honour the outside more than the inside, worshipping show 
 more than substance ; and I am so vain (if it be a vanity) as to 
 endeavour tobc worshipped, rat her than not to be regarded. Vet 
 I shall never be so prodigal as to impoverish my friends, or go 
 beyond the limits or facility of our estate. And though I dcsiiv 
 
 I Top-gnu. 
 
 A A
 
 178 Life of the Duchess of Newcastle 
 
 to appear to the best advantage, whilst I live in the view of the 
 public world, yet I could most willingly exclude myself, so as 
 never to see the face of any creature but my Lord as long as I 
 live, inclosing myself like an anchorite, wearing a frieze gown, 
 tied with a cord about my waist. But I hope my readers will 
 not think me vain for writing my life, since there have been 
 many that have done the like, as Caesar, Ovid, and many more, 
 both men and women, and I know no reason I may not do it 
 as well as they : but I verily believe some censuring readers 
 will scornfully say, why hath this Lady writ her own life ? 
 since none cares to know whose daughter she was or whose 
 wife she is, or how she was bred, or what fortunes she had, 
 or how she lived, or what humour or disposition she was of. 
 I answer that it is true, that 'tis to no purpose to the readers, 
 but it is to the authoress, because I write it for my own sake, 
 not theirs. Neither did I intend this piece for to delight, but 
 to divulge ; not to please the fancy, but to tell the truth, lest 
 after-ages should mistake, in not knowing I was daughter 
 to one Master Lucas of St. Johns, near Colchester, in Essex, 
 second wife to the Lord Marquis of Newcastle ; for my Lord 
 having had two wives, I might easily have been mistaken, 
 especially if I should die and my Lord marry again.
 
 APPENDICES 
 
 I Correspondence of the Earl of Newcastle with Stratford iSi 
 II Newcastle as Governor of Prince Charles . .183 
 
 III Newcastle's Mission to Hull in January, 1^42 . . 1X7 
 
 IV A New Discovery of Hidden Secrets . . . iSS 
 V Miscellaneous Letters relating to the Civil War in York- 
 shire ........ 192 
 
 VI A True Relation of the Passages of the Army under the 
 Command of His Excellency the Marquess of New- 
 castle since his Coming into Derbyshire . . 195 
 VII The Campaign of the Marquis of Newcastle against the 
 
 Scots in February, Marcli and April, i<>44 . . iyS 
 
 VIII Eight Letters written by the Marquis of Newcastle 
 
 during his Exile. ...... -'04 
 
 IX To the two most Famous Universities in England . joy 
 X Sir Charles Lucas . . . . . Jto 
 
 XI Lord Newcastle's Account of the Battle of Atherton 
 
 Moor . . . . . . . J 1 1 
 
 XII The Duke of Newcastle's Rules for Horse Racing . JiS
 
 APPENDICES 
 
 i 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE EARL OE NEWCASTLE 
 WITH STRAFFORD 
 
 A FEW letters between the Earl of Newcastle and Stralford have 
 
 been printed by Dr. Knowlcr in the Strafford Papers. 
 Those from Strafford to Newcastle are live in number : 
 July 19, 1634, vol. i, p. 274 ; April 9, 1635, vol. i, p. 410 ; June I, 
 
 1638, vol. ii, 210; December 10, 1638, vol. ii, 246; February 10, 
 
 163.^, vol. ii, 281. 
 
 Those from Newcastle to Strafford are only two ; the lirst written 
 
 under his earlier title of Mansfield. 
 
 The Lord Viscount Mansfield to Sir Thomas \Vcntworth, />//. 
 
 NOULK SIR, I think myself much bound to you for your favours t<> me 
 in my absence, and your kind letter with your good counsel, which I have 
 taken, and writ my mind at full to my Lord Duke, and, I protest to (iod, 
 no more sparing the old Cavalier or his nature than I would speak of him 
 to you, nor mincing my desires or my nature, which is not to do courtesies 
 for injuries. Mr. L'ndymion Porter, Mr. Richard Oliver, with Dr. More 
 arc my agents, and all with my own letters to my Lord Duke, but to let 
 things stand as they were, which I hope is so reasonable a suit, since I 
 am not repaired in the Kccpcrship, that I shall not be denied. When 
 that is done, I beseech you, sir, give this bearer Thomas Bamford leave 
 to wait of you, with one Robin Butler to advise but how to make a ground 
 to bring him into the Duchy, and have a suit of it, and then I make no 
 doubt but to have the better of him. There is no man gladder than 
 myself of your absolute liberty, and I hope now we shall not be long with- 
 out a Parliament, which God grant. And so I rest affectionately, your 
 most faithful kinsman and humble servant, 
 
 \V. M.\Nsm:it. 
 
 \ViiLBECK, Jan. a.j, 1627 
 
 The Earl of Newcastle to the Lord Deputy 
 
 Mv MOST HONorKKi) LoKi>, I heartily congratulate your Lordship's 
 safe arrival in Ireland, next I am to beg your pardon for not presenting
 
 1 82 Appendix I 
 
 my service to you by letter all this while ; but in good faith, my Lord, 
 the reason was, I daily heard you were going. I give your Lordship 
 humble thanks for your noble and kind counsel ; the truth is, my Lord, 
 I have waited of the King the Scottish journey both diligently, and, as 
 Sir Robert Swift said of my Lord of Carlisle, it was of no small charge 
 unto me. I cannot find by the King but he seemed to be pleased with 
 me very well, and never used me better or more graciously ; the truth 
 is, I have hurt my estate much with the hopes of it, and I have been put 
 in hope long, and so long as I will labour no more in it, but let nature 
 work and expect the issue at Welbeck ; for I would be loth to be sick 
 in mind, body, and purse, and when it is too late to repent, and my reward 
 laughed at for my labour. It is better to give over in time with some 
 loss than lose all, and mend what is to come, seeing what is past is not in 
 my power to help. Besides, my Lord, if I obtained what I desire, it would 
 be a more painful life, and since I am so much plunged in debt, it would 
 help very well to undo me ; for I know not how to get, neither know I 
 any reason why the King should give me anything. Children come on 
 apace, my Lord, and with this weight of debt that lies upon me, I know 
 no diet better than a strict diet in the country, which, in time, may recover 
 me of the prodigal disease. By your favour, my Lord, I cannot say I 
 have recovered myself at Welbeck this summer, but run much more in 
 debt than ever I did, but I hope hereafter I may. The truth is, my Lord, 
 for my court business, your Lordship with your noble friends and mine 
 have spoken so often to the King, and myself refreshed his memory in 
 that particular, so that I mean not to move my friends any more to then: 
 so great trouble ; but whatsoever pleases his Majesty, be fully contented, 
 and look after some other little contentments within myself, which shall 
 well serve me during my life, and if the King command me, I am at all 
 times ready to serve him ; if no commands, pray for him heartily. 
 For, by my troth, my Lord, I know no man in the whole world more 
 bound unto his Majesty than myself. For that point to try your Lord- 
 ship's friends in my behalf, I humbly thank you for the motion, and I 
 desire your Lordship to follow it. For the King's particular liking of 
 my proper person, I think my Lord of Carlisle would do best, or what 
 doth your Lordship think to his Lady, for further I would not willingly 
 have it go ; but I assure your Lordship I am most confident of the King's 
 good opinion of me : and about my Lord Savile's business and mine, his 
 Majesty pleased me extremely, being never moved by me or any friend 
 in my behalf that I desired. My Lord Treasurer used me extreme well 
 and extraordinary kindly ; my Lord of Carlisle for your Lordship's sake, 
 but the greatest news is my Lord of Holland courted me extremely ; 
 and so to conclude with this business, I intend to be quiet, and not press 
 the King at all, but to leave his Majesty to his own time, and rest quietly 
 here in the country ; and this I assure your Lordship is my resolution 
 and my full intention, and except it be to the purpose, their greatest 
 friendship is to let me rest here. I humbly thank your Lordship for 
 your noble favours to my old servant ; for my groom, my Lord, I beseech 
 you keep him, and I am sorry your Lordship will use such ceremony with 
 me. For La Kochc, I always told your Lordship my opinion of him, and, 
 in good faith, he is no such horseman, neither for anything I ever saw, 
 but got a great reputation with doing little : I would your Lordship had
 
 Newcastle as Governor of Prince Charles 
 
 taken Porter, but I know not how lie is disposed of. I assure your Lord- 
 ship that horse you pleased to accept, I thought him the fittest horse in 
 the world for that purpose, hut your I^ordship doth not write how you 
 approve of him. My Lord, in a word, I desire no man's favour and love 
 more than yours, or would he beholding to any man sooner ; for, I protest 
 to (iod I honour and love you heartily, and I vow without any end r 
 particular in the whole world : your Lordship's favours to me are merely 
 your own goodness, for I shall never be useful to voii in anv kind, which 
 makes my obligation such that I must ever be faithfully, Your Lordship's 
 most humble servant, 
 
 W. N'l WCASTI.E. 
 
 WKMH-TK, the 5// of August I(>H 
 
 II 
 NF.WCASTLF, AS GOVERNOR OF I'RIXCK CHARLES 
 
 Mr. Secretary \Vintlclxink to the Earl of Wett'castle 
 
 MY LORD, His Majesty having a purpose, according to the precedents 
 of former times, to settle the government both of the person and family 
 of the Prince in a way answerable to his state and years, and having 
 deliberately advised upon some person of honour and trust to be near 
 his Highness, and to be a chief director in so weighty a business, hath 
 been pleased, in his gracious opinion of your Lordship, to make choice 
 of you to be the only gentleman of his Hedchamber .it this time, and hath 
 commanded me to give you knowledge of this his princely resolution. 
 Ami withal his Majesty's pleasure is, that you prepare yourself t<> come 
 to the Court in diligence, and to attend his Majesty before the Sundav 
 fortnight after Master, which will be the eighth day of April. Ami lastlv 
 his Majesty hath expressly commanded me to let votir Lordship know, 
 that you have no particular obligation to anv whatsoever in this business, 
 but merely and entirely to the King's ami Oueen's Majesties al.ine ; wli.> 
 of their own mere and special grace and goodness have made this choice, .md 
 vouchsafed von this honour: the countenance and increase whereof, 
 and of much happiness with it, I wish to your Lordship, and so rest. 
 Your Lordship's humble and faithful servant, 
 
 FK.\X. \Vi\nrii.v\K. 
 
 At the Corur at \Vinrni.\i.i., 
 it)th of March, id.?/ 
 
 The Eurl o/ Newcastle to .}[(. .SY.-f.'/.iry U'inJ<-t>iink 
 
 N'oni.K SIR, I beseech you to present me in the mot humble manner 
 in the world to his sacred Majestv, and to let his Majestv know I shall as 
 cheerfully as diligently obey his Majesty's commands. Trulv. the infinite 
 favour, honour and trust his Majestv is pleased to heap on me m this 
 princely employment, is beyond anything I can express. It was hcvond 
 hope of the most partial thoughts I had about me : neither is there
 
 184 Appendix II 
 
 anything in me left, but a thankful heart filled with diligence, and obedi- 
 ence to his sacred Majesty's will. 
 
 It is not the least favour of the King and Queen's Majesties to let me 
 know my obligation : and I pray, sir, humbly inform their Majesties it 
 is my greatest blessing that I owe myself to none but their sacred Majesties. 
 God ever preserve them and theirs, and make me worthy of their Majesties' 
 favours ! 
 
 I have had but seldom the honour to receive letters from you ; but such 
 as these you cannot write often. But truly I am very proud I received 
 such happy news by your hand, which shall ever oblige me to be inviola- 
 bly, Sir, your most faithful and obliged servant, 
 
 W. NEWCASTLE. 
 
 WELBECK, the 2ist of March, 1637 
 
 (Clarendon State Papers, vol ii, p. 7) 
 
 With these letters should be read that of StrafTord to the Earl 
 of Newcastle, dated June i, 1638, in which he gives him advice 
 concerning the line of conduct to be followed in the Court (Straffonl 
 Letters, ii, 174). 
 
 The Earl of Newcastle's letter of instructions to Prince Charles for 
 his studies, conduct and behaviour 
 
 [From a copy preserved with the Royal Letters in the Harleian MS., 
 6988, Art. C>2. Printed by Ellis, Original Letters, scr. i, vol. iii, p. 
 288.] 
 
 MAY IT PLEASE YOUR HIGHNESS, Since it pleased your most gracious 
 father, his sacred Majesty, to think me worthy to be your Governor, I 
 will justify his Majesty's choice ; for, what I may want in abilities I will 
 make up with fidelity and duty to his Majesty, in diligence and service to 
 you. Then for your education, sir, it is fit you should have some lan- 
 guages, though I confess I would rather have you study things than words, 
 matter than language ; for seldom a critic in many languages hath time 
 to study sense, for words ; and at best, he is. or can be, but a living dic- 
 tionary. Besides, I would not have you too studious, for too much con- 
 templation spoils action, and virtue consists in that. What you read. I 
 would have it history, and the best chosen histories, that so you might 
 compare the dead with the living ; for the same humours is now as was 
 then ; there is no alteration but in names, and though you meet not with 
 a C\"csar for Fmperor of the whole world, yet he may have the same passions 
 in him ; and you are not to compare fortunes so much as humours, wit, 
 and judgment ; and thus you shall see the excellency and errors both of 
 Kings and subjects ; and though you are young in years, yet living by 
 your wading in all those times, be older in wisdom and judgment than 
 Nature can afford any man to be without this help. 
 
 For the arts, I would have you know them so far as they are of use, 
 and especially those that arc most proper for war and use ; but whcnsr>ever 
 you arc too studious your contemplation will spoil your government, for 
 you cannot be a good contemplative man and a good commonwealth's 
 man ; therefore, take heed of too much book.
 
 Newcastle as Governor of Prince Charles 185 
 
 Beware of too much devotion for a King, for one may be a good man, 
 but a bad King ; and how many will history represent to you that in seem- 
 ing to gain the kingdom of heaven have lost their own ; and the old saying 
 is, that short prayers pierce the heaven's gates ; but if you be not religious 
 (and not only seem so, but be so), God will not prosper you ; and if you 
 have no reverence to Him, why should your subjects have any to yon. 
 At the best, you are accounted, for your greatest honour. His servant. 
 His deputy, His anointed, and you owe as much reverence and duty to 
 Him as we owe to you ; and why, nay justly, may not He punish you fr 
 want of reverence and service to Him, if you fail in it, as well as you to 
 punish us : but this subject I leave to the right reverend Father in <.d. 
 Lord Bishop of Chichester, your worthy tutor : your tutor, sir, wherein 
 you "arc most happy, since he hath no pedantry in him ; his learning lie 
 makes right use of, neither to trouble himself with it or his friends ; re. ids 
 men as well as books ; and goes the next way to everything that he should, 
 and that is what he would, for his will is governed by that law : the purity 
 of his wit doth not spoil the serenity of his judgment ; travelled, which 
 you shall perceive by his wisdom and fashion more than by his relations ; 
 and in a word strives as much discreetly to hide the scholar in him, as 
 other men's follies to show it ; and is a right gentleman, such a one as 
 man should be. 
 
 But, sir, to full back again to your reverence at prayer?, so far as con- 
 cerns reason and your advantage is my duty to tell you : then I say. sir. 
 were there no heaven or hell, you shall see the disadvantage for your 
 government ; if you have no reverence at prayers, what will the people 
 have, think you "' They go according to the example of the Princes ; if 
 they have none, then they have no obedience to G"d ; there they will 
 easily have none to your Highness ; no obedience, no subjects : no sub- 
 jects then your power is off that side, and whether it be in one or more 
 then that's King, and thus they will turn tables with y\\. Of the other 
 side, if any be Bible mad, over much burned with fiery zeal, thev mav 
 think it a service to (lod to destroy you and say the Spirit moved them 
 and bring some example of a king with a hard name in the ( )|1 Testament. 
 Thus one way you may have a civil war, the other a private trea-., .n : and 
 he that cares not for his own life is master of another man's. 
 
 For books thus much more : the greate>t clerks are not the v\i><-st men ; 
 and the great troublers of the world, the greatest captains, were n.-t tin- 
 greatest scholars : neither have I known bookworms great statesmen ; 
 some have heretofore and some are now. but they study men tn.'ie nvv 
 than books, or else they would prove but sillv statesmen. For a mere 
 scholar, there is nothing so simple for this w. >rld. The reason is plain, 
 for divinity teaches what we should be. not what we are : so doth iii"tal 
 philosophy; and many philosophical worlds' and l't"]'ia's scholars have 
 made and fancied to themselves such worlds as never was. is. IT --hall In- : 
 and then 1 dare say if they govern themselves by those rules \\hat men 
 should be. or not what they are. thev will miss the cushion very much. 
 
 Hut. sir, von are in v our own disposition religions ami n.'t very apt ! 
 your book, so yon need no great labour to persuade you !i"in the one. or 
 long discourses to dissuade Ironi the other. 
 
 The things that 1 have discoursed to yon mo>t is to be courteous and 
 civil to everybody ; set to, make difference of cabinges. 1 and, believe it. 
 1 So iii the MS. Kllis. 
 
 15 fi
 
 1 86 Appendix II 
 
 the putting off of your hat, and making a log pleases more than reward or 
 preservation, so much doth it take all kind of people. Then to speak well 
 of everybody, and when you hear people speak ill of others reprehend them 
 and seem to dislike it so much, as do not look of them so favourably for a 
 few days after, and say something in favour of those that have been spoke 
 against ; for you may say something of everybody to the best ; the other 
 which is railing, scorn, and jeering, is fitter for porters, watermen, and 
 carmen, than for gentlemen ; how much more then for a Prince, whose 
 dislike is death, and kills any subject. Besides, you may be sure the 
 parties will hear of it, and though they dare do nothing because they want 
 power nor say nothing for fear of being troubled, yet believe it, sir, they 
 are traitors in their hearts to you, and of your own making, and so are all 
 their friends. Of the other side, to speak well of them will be told too, 
 and that wins them as much ; the other loses them ; and this way you 
 will get their hearts, and then you have all they have, and more you cannot 
 have. And how easy a way is this to have the people. To lose your 
 dignity and set by your state, I do not advise you to that, but the contrary : 
 for what preserves you Kings more than ceremony. The cloth of estates, 
 the distance people are with you, great officers, heralds, drums, trumpeters, 
 rich coaches, rich furniture for horses, guards, marshal's men making room, 
 disorders to be laboured by their staff of office, and cry ' now the King 
 comes ' ; I know these maskers l the people sufficiently ; aye, even the 
 wisest though he knew it and not accustomed to it, shall shake off his 
 wisdom and shake for fear of it, for this is the mist is cast before us, and 
 maskers the Commonwealth. Besides authority doth what it list, I mean 
 power that's the stronger, though sometimes it shifts sides, therefore the 
 King must know at what time to play the King, and when to qualify it, 
 but never put it off ; for in all triumphs whatsoever or public showing 
 yourself, you cannot put upon you too much king ; yet even there some- 
 times a hat or smile in the right place will advantage you, but at other 
 times you may do more, and civil speeches to people and short doth much 
 win of them : and certainly, sir, civility cannot unprince you, but much 
 advantage you. To women you cannot be too civil, especially to great 
 ones : what hurt were it to send them a dish from your table when they 
 dine with some of your great lords, and to drink their health ? Certainly, 
 sir, you cannot lose by courtesy. I mean not you should be so familiar 
 as to bring you to contempt, for I mean you should keep yourself up Prince 
 still, and in all your actions, but I would not have you so seared with 
 majesty as to think you are not of mankind, nor suffer others or yourself 
 to flatter you so much. The incommodities to life and the sustaining of 
 it, and the same things the meanest do, you must do the like or not live ; 
 these things when you are pleased to think of them will persuade you that 
 are of the lump of man, and mortal, and the more you repeat these thoughts 
 the better Prince you will be, both to serve dod and for distributive justice 
 to your people ; for being a Prince you ought rather to give Almighty dod 
 thanks for the advantage-ground you have of other people, than to be 
 proud. I mean not by repeating your mortality to have a death's head 
 set always before you, or to cry every morning that you arc mortal, for I 
 would not have you fall into a divine melancholy, to be an anchorite or a 
 capuchin, or with a philosophical discourse to be a Diogenes in your tub ; 
 i Here and four lines lower down I should suggest " masters ' instead of ' maskers.'
 
 Newcastle's Mission to Hull in 1642 187 
 
 but to temper yourself so by this means, as to be a brave, noble, and just 
 King, and make your name immortal by your brave acts abroad and your 
 unspotted justice at home, qualified by your well temper and mercy.' 
 
 In the Patent creating Newcastle a Duke, quoted in the Life, 
 p. I So, King Charles II says : ' The great proofs of his wisdom and 
 piety are sufficiently known to us from our younger years, and we 
 shall always retain a sense of those good principles he instilled 
 into us.' 
 
 Ill 
 NEWCASTLE'S MISSION TO [[VIA. IN JANTAKY, Hqj 
 
 The following are the two letters mentioned in the note on p. 9 : 
 
 MAY IT IM.KASH voru MOST SACUKD MAJI STY, I am here at Hull accord- 
 ing to your Majesty's commands, but the town will not admit of me by no 
 means, so 1 am very flat anil out of countenance here, but will May until 
 I know your Majesty's further pleasure, which I hope I shall soon do. 
 God preserve your Majesty, Your Majesty's most faithful creature, 
 
 \\'. Nl.Wl AMLl;. 
 
 Ilri.t., the i^th of January ib.\z 
 
 Sir, My first address, in these parts, was to Sir Thomas Metham with 
 his Majesty's directions, but I found him altogether incapable of any power 
 to secure the Magazine or town of Hull, as being neither 1 >eputy-l.ieiitenant 
 or Colonel of the Trained-bands. When that hope was taken from me I 
 conceived the best means I had was to prevail with the burgesses of the 
 town, by themselves, to secure the place for his Majesty's service, and tliat 
 work is very well brought to pass, for last night here arrived an express 
 from Sir John llotham, with an order from the Parliament for him to be 
 Governor, and a power to draw in such forces .is he thought lit, likewise a 
 letter from him to the Magistrates for preparing lodging and billet for his 
 regiments : his admission was quite denied, and a letter to the Parliament 
 despatched with the hands of the chief burgesses to excuse themselves 
 from receiving any garrison, they of the town being able to secure tin- place 
 for his Majesty's service. This afternoon arrived here the Marl of New- 
 castle with his Majesty's commission for the Government, to which I shall 
 (for my own part) lie ever obedient, but I perceive not the townsmen be 
 willing to receive him unto their command, but hiM^t upon their o\\u 
 affections and readiness to serve his Majesty with all faithfulness. Now 
 the means of present strength from Sir Thomas Metham or any near hand, 
 being taken away, there is no me, in for us but to assure the people of this 
 town to his Majesty by holding off any other from the power of the place, 
 and if ever his Majesty appear in person all will be absolutely at his dis- 
 posing. When 1 received his Majesty's command, lie told me Ins direc- 
 tions should be derived by (me from) you, and therefore I humbly beseech 
 you to give him this account of me ; and I shall to my utmost power
 
 1 88 Appendix III 
 
 labour nothing but his Majesty's service ; and shall ever be ready (as 
 obliged) to express myself, Your Honour's most humble and obedient 
 servant, WILL. LEGGE. 
 
 HULL, 141/1 Jan. 1642 
 
 (Endorsed as received on Jan. 18) 
 
 On January 21, 1642, Nicholas writes to Hoc that the Earl of 
 Newcastle is Governor of Kingston-upon-Hull, where the towns- 
 men have manifested great affections to the King, and excused 
 their not receiving Sir John Hotham, commanded to that charge 
 by the Parliament. S. P. Dom. vol. 488, No. 80. The following 
 arc the entries in the Journals of the House of Lords referred to in 
 the note on p. 18 : 
 
 The Earl was ordered, on January 20, to attend the House of 
 Lords at once. The Earl was absent at a call of the House on 
 February 9. 
 
 On February 14 it was moved ' That the Earl of Newcastle, 
 being sent for to come and give his attendance on this House, 
 hath daily attended this House, and now desires that he might 
 have leave to go into the country for his health sake.' Hereupon 
 the House ordered ' That the Earl of Newcastle shall deliver in his 
 commission, granted to him under the King's manual, by which 
 he was to have raised forces to go into the town of Hull, and to 
 be Governor ; and that his Lordship be ready to attend this House 
 when he shall have notice upon any occasion ' (L. /., February 14, 
 1642). 
 
 The commission was delivered by the Earl on the afternoon ot 
 the same day. It is given in full in the Journals (p. 585). 
 
 The Earl was then excused attendance, and granted leave to go 
 into the country. 
 
 IV 
 
 A NEW DISCOVERY OF HIDDEN SECRETS 
 
 In several letters, propositions, articles, and other writings concern- 
 ing the Earl of Newcastle, Captain John Hotham, and many 
 other malignant gentry of the northern counties. All lately 
 found in Pomfret Castle ; the original whereof remain now in 
 York, where they may be seen of any who desire it. With a 
 declaration of the committee of Yorkshire and some observa- 
 tions thereupon to undeceive their deluded and oppressed 
 countrymen. 
 
 LONDON, 1645
 
 A New Discovery of Hidden Secrets 189 
 
 (Dated November 3d, by Thomason, E. 267 (2). British Museum 
 King's Pamphlets) 
 
 The Declaration is omitted. 
 
 It states that ' the letters are being examined by seme of the com- 
 mittee appointed for that purpose, and the originals remain in 
 safe hands to be seen by any man that shall desire it.' 
 
 MY LOKD, It is the desire uf us, and the most of the gentry of this 
 country to crave assistance from your Lordship in this time of Mr. 1 lot- 
 ham's infesting the country ; which favour we shall always acknowledge 
 from your Lordship, and we are the bolder in this business, because we 
 know it to be a great service to his Majesty, by the preservation of this 
 country, and will be much to your honour, to preserve in peace and safety, 
 my Lord, Your Lordship's most humble servants, 
 
 SAVILIC. WILLIAM SAVILK. 
 
 liiiNKV SLIM. SHY. JOHN KI.Y. 
 
 I-'KKDINAND LKK.II. FRANCIS NUVILK. 
 
 Jons GOOIJRICKI:. WILLIAM 1st, RAM. 
 
 (iKOKGic WENTWOKTII. Tno. (iowi K, Yi. Co. 
 
 PKTKR MII>L>LI:TON. JOHN KAMSDI:N. 
 
 JOHN MALLOKY. Tno. IN<;RAM. 
 
 RICHARD HTTTON. ROUKKT KOCKI.LLY. 
 YORK, September 26, 1642 
 
 XOHLI: (iKNTi.KMKN, I have received from vu a letter <>f invitation 
 by the hands of Sir Mar. Langdalc, and Mr. Aldburgh, and shall (for the 
 esteem and affection I bear in general to the country, being my native 
 country, and in particular to many ;>f you whom I have the honour t" be 
 known) be ready to contribute my best aid and assistance in that work. 
 since it is likely to conduce to his Majesty's service, and peace and <|nu t 
 of all his good subjects, and to Conclude this agreement, I have sent vmi 
 inclosed certain propositions which by way of articles should be drawn 
 and signed and sealed by you, and as many more as you shall engage in th.it 
 work, which I shall expect from yon before I march. And so presenting 
 my service to you all, I remain your most faithful servant, 
 
 W. N. 
 
 NLWCASTLK, Stfttcmher jo, u>.\2 
 
 To the Kight Honourable, and my noble friends the nobility .ind 
 gentry now assembled at York lor his Majesty's present ser- 
 vice. Propositions in answer to your letter of invitation : 
 
 First, that I have all your consents and promises that the army be paid 
 whilst they are in that county. 
 
 That an assessment be laid upon the cotmtiv to enable you lor that 
 undertaking, and that if money be not gotten in time, that 1 mav h.ue 
 free billet for the soldiers, for which billet vou are to engage \.'in>eli t > 
 the quarters, and that the ollicers be paid according to his M.ijoty'* 
 present establishment, out of that assessment.
 
 190 Appendix IV 
 
 That there be some of the gentry of that county appointed as a com- 
 mittee, enabled by the rest of the gentry to agree and conclude of such 
 further propositions as may happen to be necessary_for this service, and 
 not here mentioned, and to march along with the army, whose counsel 
 and assistance from time to time I am resolved to use. 
 
 That I have assurance that all manner of provisions fit for an army be 
 prepared and brought to the army the first day it enters. 
 
 That since this army was levied a purpose to guard her Majesty's person, 
 that it shall not be held a breach of any engagement betwixt us if I retire 
 with such numbers as I shall think fit for that service. 
 
 VV. N. 
 
 MY LORD, We have received from your Lordship an answer to our 
 letter of invitation, noble as yourself, which we hope shall make you the 
 master of such a work of honour, as besides your great service it will be to 
 his Majesty, shall both enable yourself farther and oblige us. We have 
 signed and sent unto your Lordship, articles proportionable to your Lord- 
 ship's desire, as we conceive, besides a particular power to those gentlemen 
 now with you more fully to declare ourselves. My Lord, believe this, that 
 we suffer here no distresses, but for our loyalty to the King, and your Lord- 
 ship's favour to us will equally oblige both : therefore, good my Lord, 
 make all possible speed to march hither, or to send some force before, lest 
 a little delay make all our endeavours fruitless ; and in the general believe 
 there is nothing in the power of us, or of this country, which shall not 
 faithfully serve you ; and more you cannot expect from, my Lord, your 
 most faithful and humble servants, 
 
 H. CUMBERLAND. GEORGE WENTWORTII. 
 
 SAVILE. CO.NYEKS DAKCY. 
 
 THOMAS COWER, Vi. Co. ROBERT STRICKLAND. 
 
 WILLIAM SAVILE. WILLIAM WENTWORTII. 
 
 HENRY GRIFFITH. INGRAM HOPTON. 
 
 HENRY SLINGSBY. JOHN GOODRICKE. 
 
 EDWARD STANHOPE. WILLIAM WENTWORTII. 
 
 JOHN KEY. JOHN BATTY. 
 
 JOHN MALLORY-. RICHARD HUTTON. 
 
 I-'ERDINANDO LEIGH. FRANCES MONCKTON. 
 
 WILLIAM INGLEBY. ROBERT ROCKLEY. 
 
 JOHN RAMSDEN. W. THORNTON. 
 
 The answer of the nobility and gentry of Yorkshire assembled at 
 York for his Majesty's service, to the propositions sent unto 
 them by the Right Honourable the Earl of Newcastle. 
 
 1. That your Lordship shall have our consents and promises, the army 
 which your Lordship shall bring with you into this country for the defence 
 thereof shall be paid by this country. 
 
 2. There is an assessment of 8000 already laid upon this country, 
 which shall be levied as soon as by your Lordship's assistance we are ena- 
 bled to do it, and that till money be gotten in, your soldiers shall have free 
 billot, for which we will engage ourselves to the quarters ; and for the pay- 
 ment of your officers for the army it is referred to the committee for this
 
 A New Discovery of Hidden Secret? 191 
 
 county who have instructions and power to treat and conclude with your 
 Lordship in that particular. 
 
 3. There shall be a committee of some of the gentry of tin- county 
 appointed and enabled by the rest to agree, ami conclude of such further 
 propositions as may happen to be necessary for this service, not here men- 
 tioned, and to inarch along with your Lordship's army, whose counsel and 
 assistance we desire your Lordship may use, the names of which committee 
 we send your Lordship herewithal, who are appointed to attend y<>u at 
 Newcastle, and to march along with your army when you enter into the 
 county. 
 
 4. That as soon as we have notice of your Lordship's march, we will use 
 all possible means to bring to your army all such provisions as this country 
 can afford. 
 
 5. We are tender of the safety of her Majesty's person, that we shall not 
 only consent to your Lordship's performance of that service but will also 
 contribute our utmost endeavours to assist your Lordship therein. 
 
 6. Lastly, we have appointed our committee to be, Sir Kdward Osborne. 
 Baronet, Sir Marmaduke Langdale, Knight, Francis Tindall and Richard 
 Aldburgh, Ksquires, and given them instructions and power to treat with 
 your Lordship, and to conclude in such particulars as may further conduce 
 to this service, or in these propositions admit a doubtful interpretation. 
 
 H. CUMIIKKI.AND. 
 
 (and the rest signing before with the addition 
 of Walter Hawkesworth). 
 
 Mv LORDS AND GKNTI.KMKN, I am to give you many thanks for your 
 favourable letter by Mr. Aldburgh, and the signing so far my desired arti- 
 cles, which had no other end than the better to enable me to serve you. 
 And I beseech you to give me leave as I intend faithfully to serve you. so 
 lo deal clearly and freely with you, which I hold a duty : the truth U. I 
 am very sorry you pleased to leave out the article for the officers' p.iv. or 
 coldly referred it to your committee, being the iirincip.il thing in all the 
 articles, for you know the soldier is encouraged with nothing but ni"iiev. 
 or hopes of it, and truly last night when I was going to bed, there came 
 colonels and lieutenant-colonels, and said they heard you had left it out, 
 and for their parts that they must think th.it if you wen' so cautions not 
 to grant it in paper before we came in, they doubted very much of it in 
 money when they were there, and that the workman was worthy of his 
 hire, and such like discontented words : so the truth is. rather than not 
 come cheerfully to serve you, I will not come at all. for I see beforehand 
 1 shall either disband with a mutiny, or fall of plundering without distinc- 
 tion, either of which would be destructive to me: and besides. I hold 
 myself free, since my articles are not signed, for I never understood any 
 of those articles to be referred to the committee, but Midi things as we 
 could not remember, and the present occasion ottered, t/oiild 1 pav them 
 or his Majesty, you should not have such had an article, but since that 
 cannot be, you will pardon me in telling you how I am capable to serve 
 you. and how not. and so I rest in a huge disposition t<> be re.illv votir ni'-t 
 faithful servant. W. N. 
 
 Ni WCASII i, <>(/!'/'<; ;,o, idij
 
 192 Appendix V 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS LETTERS RELATING TO THE CIVIL 
 WAR IN YORKSHIRE 
 
 THE first of these letters was captured when Guilford Slingsby, to 
 whom it was addressed, was defeated by Sir Hugh Chohnley at 
 Guisborough on January id, 1^43 (Rushworth, III, ii, 125). Slingsby 
 was severely wounded, and died a few days afterwards (Rush- 
 worth, Trial of the Earl of Straff ord, 773). The letter was sent up lo 
 Parliament, and is now amongst the papers of the House of 
 Lords, together with the instructions given to Slingsby which 
 accompany it. 
 
 Sir, I have received your letters this day, and return you thanks for 
 the very good service you have done, and should ho very glad to give you 
 all the assistance you desire, and more, to prosecute your present levies, 
 but I was informed that you had of your own levies 400 foot besides your 
 troop of horse. And as the case stands I cannot furnish you with any 
 more forces for the present. For these reasons, first, the forces of the 
 Bishoprick were levied upon condition to remain in the country for the 
 security thereof ; and besides, they are appointed to guard the ammuni- 
 tion through their country, and if need be further ; which I hope they will 
 obey, for I hear Colonel Huddleston nor Colonel Clavering can either 
 of them march for that convoy as was intended, and therefore I have 
 appointed Sir Robert Strickland and his forces to wait upon that service, 
 and I desire you will do so too, for I hear they have a design to surprise it 
 if they can, and it deserves our best cares to secure it. When that service 
 is done, I shall be ready to give you all the assistance I can. For the lady 
 you mention use your own discretion towards her, for I have not been ever 
 used to take ladies prisoners. For any goods or arms you shall take of 
 disaffected persons or in their possession, keep them to your own use, the 
 goods upon account for paying your soldiers (for we can get no money 
 here to supply you) and the arms for arming your men, and though they 
 be part of the Trained-band arms, yet being taken by you as a pri/e. they 
 shall be accounted so. For your fortifying those castles you mention, 
 I do not understand of what consequence it can be to you, except it be 
 some one for your retreat and place of residence whilst you are levying 
 your regiment. For the 500 arms you desire a warrant for, it will be very 
 inconvenient to serve it upon their way, and therefore for it you must have 
 a little patience. For the paying of your troop you propose one of three 
 ways, but to resolve of which of them is to no end unless there was money 
 to pay, but in that you shall have all the right that may best be, in time. 
 Till then, as I told you before, you may make use of such moneys and 
 goods you take of delinquents, or so much thereof as will serve you, for 
 I perceive you meet with good store. And thus much for answer to your 
 letters from, Your very affectionate friend, W. NKWCASTI.I'. 
 
 I'OMI-KKT, H//I Jan. 164.3. 
 
 (Papers of the House of Lords)
 
 The Civil War in Yorkshire 193 
 
 Instructions takrn with Colincl Slin<fibv 
 
 The county (York) to bo universally disarmed of all private arms, both 
 of horse and foot, and those not borne in service to be brought into a 
 magaxine at York. The trained bands that rose with Hothain to be com- 
 polled to rise again, and serve in their persons, or every man to send an 
 able-bodied man to serve for him. Considering her Majesty intends to 
 commit her person into the protection of this county, a magazine is to be 
 made at York to enable an army to subsist there in case of extremity or 
 necessary retreat. All the gentry of Yorkshire to be unanimously moved 
 to resort thither with their families and movables, as the contrary faction 
 do daily to Hull, by which means the persons and estates of such as are 
 not well affected will be secured, as such as refuse or decline it shall dis- 
 cover themselves, and every man's fortune and family being there engaged 
 they will more actually move with a joint concurrence for the preservation 
 of the place, which must be the retreat for the safety of the Queen's person, 
 no other place being defensible and considerable to balance Hull. Those 
 that decline this proposition are to understand that they must at their 
 own peril undergo the plunder of the soldiers, if any fall out. The garrison 
 in York shall be daily employed in making regular works upon the avenue 
 and outworks, and encroachments upon the hills and other places com- 
 manding the town. \o markets or fairs to be held in any place in the 
 county except York. Some of the iron ordnance, sent over by the Queen 
 to be sent for at the charge of the county to place upon the avenues and 
 fortifications. 
 
 (From Report V of the ///.-/nn'rii/ .USX. l\>mmi**it>n, p. f>. For 'en- 
 croachments ' in I. .: i we should most likely substitute ' intrenchments ') 
 
 Siiiiiiii<>n< tii Hull 
 
 When tin- news of the arrest of Sir John Hotham reached the 
 Karl of Newcastle lie wrote from Howling Hall, near Hradford. 
 where- he was staying, alter the rapture of that town, the following 
 letter to the Mayor of Hull : 
 
 Sir,-- I hear there is some alteration in the government of the garrison 
 of Hull, and because I have some prisoners there which I inav have occasion 
 to treat for, I desire to know in what condition it now stands, and whether 
 1 am to treat with his Majesty's loyal and laithful subjects or such as are 
 in opposition to him, or neutrals, to that end that I mav accordingly applv 
 myself. So expecting your answer, 1 remain, your very affectionate friend 
 to serve >ou, 
 
 \V. Ni w> vsn K. 
 
 HOWIIM, II Ml, .(/// Jtllv I('('i 
 
 To inv very worthy friend, the Mayor 
 of the town ot Hull. 
 
 The Mayor answered : 
 
 Ru.iir HoNorKAiii.i-, It is true there is some alteration here of govcr-
 
 194 Appendix V 
 
 nor, not government ; though the power of exchanging persons is not such 
 as we assume for the present, nor know we any neutral or opposite here 
 to his Majesty, all being, for aught we understand, as dutiful as ever, and 
 as constant, and resolute to keep what we have hitherto defended for King 
 and Parliament (God assisting), in confidence whereof we rest your Lord- 
 ship's humbly devoted servants. 
 KINGSTON -iTpON-Hui.i., 
 the 5//i July 1643. 
 
 (Tanner HISS., Ixii, 144, 151) 
 
 There is in the same collection a commission to Colonel Thomas 
 Haggerston to be colonel of a regiment of =;oo harquebusiers, 
 April 14, 1643 (Ixii. 51) ; and a warrant to arrest certain delinquents 
 in Durham, dated 25th April 1643 O x i'. So), 
 
 A Declaration and Summons sent by the, Earl of Nezccaslle to the 
 town of Manchester to lay down their arms, etc. 
 
 I presume you are not ignorant of the success it hath pleased Almighty 
 God to give unto his Majesty's army under my command, and the great 
 desire I have to avoid the effusion of Christian blood, which moves me 
 before I proceed any further towards you, to make you an offer of his 
 Majesty's grace and mercy. If you will submit yourselves, lay down your 
 arms, so unjustly taken up in contempt of the laws of this kingdom, and 
 immediately return to your due allegiance, his Majesty is graciously 
 pleased to authorise me to receive you into his favour and protection, 
 which I am as willing to do as to enforce your obedience. If you will 
 refuse, I cannot but wonder, while you fight against the King and his 
 authority, you should so boldly offer to profess yourselves for King and 
 Parliament, and most ignominiously scandalise this army with the title 
 of Papists, when we venture our lives and fortunes for the true Protestant 
 religion established in this kingdom. He no longer deceived, for the blood 
 that shall be shed in this quarrel will assuredly fall on your own heads. I 
 have no other ends in this but to let you see your error, if you please ; for 
 my condition is such that I need not court you ; if not, let me receive your 
 answers by this messenger, and you may expert to find little favour (if 
 yon force my nature), but such as is due to high contcmiiers of his Majesty's 
 grace and favour now offered to you by \V. NKWCASTI.K. 
 
 HKAUFOKD, 5/A July 1^43 
 
 Appended to this letter is the answer of Manchester, dated Roch- 
 dale, ;th July 1643. It ends : 
 
 Sir, We are nothing dismayed at your force, but hope that God, who 
 hath been our Protector hitherto, will so direct our just army that we 
 shall be able to return the violence intended into their bosoms that shall 
 assay the prosecution of it, which shall be the endeavour of his Majesty's 
 most humble and obedient subjects.
 
 "Passage of the Army" 195 
 
 la 'Certain Informations for Thursday, July 13' we arc told 
 that the Lancashire men ' have placed a garrison of 1200 men in 
 Rochdale, and 500 more upon Jilackstonc Edge, to guard the pas- 
 sage into their country out of Yorkshire, and that they have sent 
 away Colonel Goring and their other prisoners, but whither it was 
 not known, yet is supposed to be Liverpool, to be conveyed thence 
 by sea to London ; but it is now said they are brought to Notting- 
 ham.' 
 
 Letter to Lord Loft us, July 6, 1643 
 
 To Edward, Viscount Loftus of Kly, or the Commander-in-Chief 
 at Middleham Castle 
 
 You cannot be ignorant of the good success it hath pleased Almighty 
 God to give unto the army under my command. And that you may see 
 the desire I have to avoid the effusion of more blood before I proceed any 
 further, I have thought it my duty to God and the King to signify unto 
 you that if you shall upon sight hereof submit yourselves, lay down your 
 arms most unjustly taken up against your dread Sovereign, and immedi- 
 ately return to your due allegiance, his Majesty is graciously pleased to 
 authorise me to receive you into his mercy and favour, which I shall as 
 willingly do as to bring you to obedience by force if you shall refuse. And 
 I cannot but wonder, whilst you light against the King and his authority, 
 you should so boldly presume to profess yourself for the King and Parlia- 
 ment. Be no longer deceived, for that blood that shall be shed in this 
 quarrel will fall upon your own head. I have no other ends in this treaty 
 but to let you see your error, if you please ; if not, let me receive your 
 answer, and that without delay. And if you resolve to persist in your 
 obstinacy, then I do hereby advise you to remove out of the castle all 
 women and children, unto whom and all others well affected I do promise 
 safe and free passage without any interruption. And then you may expect 
 no other than what is due to so high a condemner of his Majesty's grace and 
 favour offered. Given under my hand the sixth day of July K>.|.?. 
 
 W. NKWCASTLE. 
 
 (\inlh AY/>or/ of flu- Historical .l/.S'S. Commission, Part II, p. 317. From 
 the Marquis of Droghecla's Papers.) 
 
 VI 
 
 A TRUE RELATION OF THE PASSAGES OF THE AKMY 
 UNDF.R THE COMMAND OF HIS EXCEI.I.FNCY THE 
 MAROl'KSS OF NEWCASTLE SINCE HIS COMING INTO 
 DERBYSHIRE 
 
 (Printed at York by Stephen lUdkley. K>43) 
 
 Sir Thomas Fairfax and his forces being at Chesterfield, a part of 
 our horse inarched near unto them and beat in their scouts, and a
 
 196 Appendix VI 
 
 troop of their horse, and showed themselves upon a hill within the 
 view of the town a little before sunset, where they remained till it 
 grew dark ; then the soldiers set the whins and gorse on fire upon 
 that hill, which gave them such an alarm in the town, that Sir 
 Thomas Fairfax presently called to horse, and about twelve o'clock 
 in the night they quit both that town and a garrison they had in 
 Sir Henry Humlock's house, and in great disorder away they fled 
 to Nottingham without any stay, having lost many of their men, 
 most of which are now our prisoners. About Broxtowe their men 
 so straggled, that two parties met with one another in a lane, and 
 conceiving they had met a party of ours, gave lire upon one another, 
 and killed a lieutenant of their own. They passed to Nottingham 
 extremely tired and wearied, and there remained three or four 
 days ; from thence they went to Melton-Mowbray in Leicestershire, 
 and stayed but a while there, not liking to remain long in one place. 
 But we had no sooner possessed Chesterfield, before the rebels 
 possessed themselves of a strong house at Alfreton and the church 
 there, against which we sent two hundred musquetiers, who fell 
 upon the church and took it by assault (without any loss on our 
 part), anil about twenty men in it, together with their arms ; 
 whereupon the house and arms were surrendered with this con- 
 dition, that they might march away to their own houses, making 
 first protestation never again to bear arms against his Majesty. 
 
 About that time Colonel Dudley, Major-General of the Dragoons, 
 was sent with a commanding party of horse and foot, into the 
 Peak Country, where at the first, about Ashford, he encountered 
 with at least five hundred foot and three troops of horse, which he 
 charged home, and presently routed them ; some of them he killed, 
 and took about twenty prisoners, but being late and growing dark 
 the rest escaped, and in great disorder ran away to save them- 
 selves. 
 
 About the same time Commissary Windham going out with a 
 party of horse and dragoons into Craven, was there encountered 
 by some rebels, which he presently forced into a house (belonging 
 to Sir William Savile) called Aireton Hall, where though he had 
 some few men hurt, and himself shot through the shoulder (not 
 without good hopes of recovery), yet continuing their assault, 
 they took the house and sixty men in it (together with all their 
 arms), whom now they have prisoners at the Earl of Cumberland's 
 castle in Skipton. 
 
 Not long after this, about the twenty-seventh day of November, 
 the Governor of Newark having intelligence from Bclvoir that the 
 committee of Leicester was at Melton raising money, with a guard 
 of two or three troops of horse, and some dragoons (which town 
 is sixteen miles distant from Newark), he drew forth about four
 
 "Passage of the Army' 197 
 
 troops of horse from thence, and having one from Belvoir to join 
 with them, they marched away all night, and coming to Melton 
 about break of day, they presently fell into the town, and without 
 the loss of one man they took the committee (one Haslerig, Stanley 
 and Hatcher), three troops of horse (every troop consisting of 
 seventy), two troops of dragoons, and one company of foot, with 
 all their commanders both horse and foot (except one Cornet), 
 which are now prisoners at Bclvoir Castle. 
 
 There comes news again from Colonel Dudley, who in the morning 
 about three of the clock on the seven and twentieth day of this 
 instant November marched out with all the horse and foot he had 
 (excepting four companies of foot and two troops of horse, which 
 he left to secure and attend the Commissioners of Array then sitting 
 at Bakewell), and went towards the enemy's quarters about Hart- 
 ington towards Staffordshire, with an intention to beat up those 
 quarters ; but not coming so soon as to perform that intention, the 
 rebels drew out ei body of two thousand horse and foot (such as 
 they were), and with a hideous noise, proclaimed the expectation 
 they had of a sudden victor}'. But it pleased God otherwise to 
 dispose of them ; for Colonel Dudley (leaving only a good reserve 
 of foot and one troop of horse) charged the rebels with all the rest 
 of his horse and foot in a full body at once, which was so home, 
 that with his horse he beat quite through their rear of foot into 
 the midst of their horse, and forced them to a disorderly retreat ; 
 and not willing to give them time to recollect, he pursued and slew 
 above one hundred of them upon the place, following the chase 
 into Staffordshire near live miles together (almost to I.cek), and 
 doing sharp execution all the way. Then he drew up his horse in 
 order, and made a stand, and sent back a messenger to know the 
 success of the foot, who had by that time routed all the rebels' 
 foot, only three hundred or thereabouts retreated into the church 
 which they had prepared with strong baragadoes, but before this 
 messenger came thither, the foot had forced one of the church 
 doors, and taken and slain every man of them. They took ten 
 officers, three colours of foot, and one of horse, and among others 
 the brother of Colonel Ashcnhurst. 
 
 About this time, upon the left hand, a body of three hundred 
 horse appeared from Derby to join with the rebels, but they found 
 that they came too late, and our horse, marching towards them, 
 they lied away into Staffordshire. 
 
 And Colonel Dudley having then secured the prisoners, and 
 given the soldiers tin- pillage of the field, marched again that night 
 to Bakewell to his quarters there. In this whole action he kno\\s 
 not any one man slain on our part, and but live hurt, whereof not 
 one officer but Lieutenant-Colonel 1'reston, and he not dangerously.
 
 198 Appendix VII 
 
 Upon the ninc-and-twcntieth day of November, so soon as the 
 rebels who possessed Chatsworth House (the principal seat of the 
 Earl of Devonshire), then under the command of Captain Stafford, 
 heard of this news, though the place was very strong, and three 
 hundred well provided to defend it, yet not adventuring either an 
 assault or a summons, they quit their hold and are lied away. 
 
 VII 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF THE MARCjUIS OF NEWCASTLE 
 AGAINST THE SCOTS IN FEBRUARY, MARCH AND 
 APRIL 1644 
 
 The best account of this campaign is that given by Rushworth 
 III, ii, 612-16 ; it is a summary of the different news-letters pub- 
 lished at the time, and seems to be derived entirely from writers 
 favourable to the Parliamentary cause, and based mainly on letters 
 from the Scottisli camp. The object of this note is to collect some 
 materials for the history of the campaign from Royalist sources. 
 Some of the letters of the Marquis during the campaign are printed 
 in Warburton's I'riiifc h'npcrt. The long despatch which follows 
 is from a copy amongst the Conway papers, now in the Record- 
 office, and the extract from Mercuritis A ulictts represents another 
 dcspatcli which has now disappeared. 
 
 Newcastle writes to Prince Rupert from York on January 2<S, 
 1644, telling him that his marching army amounted to only 50(10 
 foot, and that his horse was not well armed, whilst the Scots num- 
 bered 14,000 and had advanced as far as Morpcth (Warburton, ii, 
 368). He concludes by regretting that he is to be left to fight the 
 Scots unaided. A day or two later he set out for Newcastle ; the 
 Scots appeared before that town and summoned it on February 3d, 
 and the same day the Marquis arrived within its walls. Of the 
 attack which followed, and the condition of their forces, Newcastle 
 and King sent the following account to Charles. 
 
 A true and perfect representation of the state of your Majesty's army 
 under our command and the condition we are in at this present 
 
 Your Majesty may be pleased to understand that the greatest part of this 
 winter was necessarily spent in suppressing the rebellion in Derbyshire, 
 which otherwise had grown to an irresistible head. And by the time we had 
 reduced that county, and put in it a defensible posture, the disorders in 
 Yorkshire, together with the rumour of the Scots' invasion, called us back
 
 Campaign against the Scots, 1644 199 
 
 into Yorkshire very much wearied and toiled, both horse and foot, where 
 we had hopes to have refreshed and clothed our men, which were discour- 
 aged both for want of clothes and money. We remained there not above 
 a fortnight, but the Scots had invaded the kingdom witli a very great army, 
 although the season of the year and a great snow at the very instant did 
 persuade us that it was impossible for them to march. Yet not trusting 
 to that, my Lord-Lieutenant-General hasted away with all expedition with 
 such horse and foot as were quartered nearest to those parts, and, receiving 
 intelligence of the Scots continuing their march, he hasted to Newcastle 
 in his own person some days before his forces could possibly get thither ; 
 where truly he found the town in a very good posture, and that the mayor, 
 who had charge of it, had performed his part in your Majesty's service 
 very faithfully ; and all the aldermen and best of the town well disposed 
 for your service. And though our charge was very tedious, by reason 
 of floods occasioned by the sudden thaw of the snow, yet I came thither 
 the night before the Scots assaulted the town which was done with such 
 a fury as if the gates had been promised to be set open to them ; but they 
 found it otherwise ; for the truth is, the town soldiers gave them such an 
 entertainment (few of our forces being then come into the town, and those 
 extremely wearied in their march), as persuaded them to retire a mile 
 from the town, where they have remained ever since quartered in strong 
 bodies, and raising the whole country of Northumberland, which is totally 
 lost, all turned to them, so that they daily increase their army, and are 
 now striving to pass part of it over the river, so to environ us on every side, 
 and cut off all provision from us. But we have hitherto made good the 
 town and river, and shall do our best endeavour still to do so. Hut your 
 Majesty may be pleased to know that the enemy's army consists of at le.ist 
 fourteen thousand foot and two thousand horse, and daily increase their 
 numbers: and we cannot possibly draw into the field full five thousand 
 foot and about three thousand horse : and besides. Sir Thomas Fairfax's 
 success in Cheshire hath made him capable of drawing from Lancashire 
 a very great force into the West Riding of Yorkshire, which lie is ready to 
 do. My Lord Fairfax hath sent forth of Hull into the Kast Riding two 
 thousand foot and live hundred horse, all threatening to march towards 
 us, which will make them a great body. And by this your Majesty may 
 perceive where the seat of the war is likely to be. 
 
 The letter from which this is extracted is dated February i; 
 and signed by the two generals. They concluded by desiring tin- 
 King's express commands ' whether we shall still continue in .1 
 defensive posture, and expect some assistance as well of force, as 
 ammunition, from your Majestv, or whether upon this great in- 
 equality, \ve shall adventure to ha/anl the loss of the army, and so 
 of all the north, by giving them battle ' (XVarburton's /V/w.r Ruf- t -it, 
 ii, 481). This was followed by another letter of Newcastle's dated 
 February U>, pointing out the advances of Sir Thomas Fairfax and 
 his father in Yorkshire, and begging earnestly for aid. ' If your 
 Majesty beat the Scots, your game is absolutely won ; which can 
 be no other way but by sending more forces, especially foot, and
 
 zoo Appendix VII 
 
 cither diverting Manchester, and those forces about Newark ' 
 (Warburton, iii, 381). The letter of March 9 gives an account of 
 the progress of the campaign from February 19 to March 8, inclu- 
 ding the three days' manoeuvring and skirmishing near Sunderland 
 on the 6th, /th, and 8th of March. The skirmish near Corbridge 
 on February 19, is related at length in a letter from Edmund 
 Bowles to the younger Vane, which is printed in Terry's Life <>/ 
 Alexander Leslie, p. 192. Newcastle's own account of these inci- 
 dents is headed ' A true relation of all the observable accidents and 
 passages that have happened in these parts since my last to your 
 Majesty and before the gi\\ of this month ; with the reason of 
 the impossibility of making good the river of Tyne against the 
 Scots ' : 
 
 SIR, Thomas Riddell sent about 50 musketeers from Tynmouth Castle 
 to destroy some corn in the enemy's quarters, from whence they were drawn 
 out as he was informed. But it seems his intelligence betrayed them to the 
 enemy, and about 45 of them were taken prisoners, who being carried to 
 Leslie he sent them to me as a token, and I returned him thanks for his 
 civility with this answer, that I hoped very shortly to repay that debt 
 with interest : which I did within a few days. The igth of February 1643 
 Sir Marmaduke Langdale fell upon their quarters at Corbridge in North- 
 umberland, but the enemy having timely notice of his coming were drawn 
 into the field. He thereupon sent some troops to second those that first 
 entered the towns, who charged the enemy, but the enemy with their 
 lancers forced them to retreat. He sent more, but the enemy charged 
 them gallantly, but durst not pursue them because of our reserve. At last 
 he rallied his forces and took about 200 foot with him and forced the 
 enemy to retreat. He routed them totally and followed the chase three 
 miles, killed above 2o< >, t<x >k above 1 50 prisoners, besides divers officers slain, 
 whereof one named Captain Haddon. The prisoners Major Agnew, major 
 to the Lord Kirkcudbright, dangerously hurt, Archibald Magee his Quarter- 
 master, 1 (addon's Cornet Carr, grandcHild to the Lord Roburgh. There 
 was 15 of their troops of horse, whereof Leslie's life-guard was one, and 3 
 troops of dragooners, and that Leslie's son was their general, who is shot 
 through the shoulder. There is 2 horse colours and a dragoon colour taken. 
 The same morning Colonel Dudley from his quarters about Prudhoo 
 marched over the river with some horse and dragoons and fell into a quarter 
 of the enemy's in Northumberland and slew and t<>k all that was in it, 
 which was 55 prisoners, and gave such an alarm to f<>ur of their quarters 
 th.it they quit the same with disorder and some loss; in which neither 
 had we suffered any loss at all had not Colonel Hrandling been taken 
 prisoner by the unfortunate fall of his horse ; and Colonel Dudley, per- 
 ceiving a greater force preparing to assault him, retreated, and in his 
 retreat took eight of the Scots prisoners, both horse and men, but they 
 took four of his dragoons, whose horse were so weak they could not pass 
 the river. First, after I had made true inquisition of the passes over the 
 river Tvne, I found that there was so many fordablo places betwixt New- 
 burn .in<l II ex ham, about twelve miles distant one from the other.that it was
 
 Campaign against the Scots, 1644 201 
 
 impossible with my small number of foot to divide them so as to guard 
 and make good every (dace, but to hazard the loss of them at any one 
 place, and yet not do the work ; so I resolved of two evils to choose the 
 less, and left them to their own wills : so they passed the river, and after 
 some days' quartering upon the high moors which was beyond the river 
 Derwent, so that I could by no means march to them, for the situation of 
 these quarters gave them great advantage against our approaches, they 
 inarched thence, over the new bridge near Chester (le Street) to Sunderland, 
 which pass our horses in respect of the inclosures could not hinder them 
 nor charge them. Upon Wednesday the 6th of this instant March, at 
 one o'clock afternoon, our first troops passed Newbridge and within a 
 while after the enemy appeared with some horse ; when they advanced 
 towards us with more than they first discovered, after some bullets had been 
 exchanged and they appeared again with a greater body, we backed our 
 party with my Lord Henry's regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Scrimsher 
 commanding them being part of Colonel Dudley's brigade, with which 
 he drew up after them with whom also we sent some musketeers ; which 
 caused the enemy that da} 1 to look upon us at a further distance, we judged 
 they were about 500 horse when they appeared most, yet they continued 
 most of that day in our sight, which satisfied us extremely in hopes the rest 
 were not far off, yet far from troubling us except it were sometimes to 
 make use of our perspectives. 
 
 The next morning, from the hill from whence the day before they viewed 
 us, we discovered them, from whence setting ourselves in order we marched 
 towards them, but they still upon our advance fell something obliquely 
 from us on our right hand, bending towards Sunderland, placing their 
 
 army upon a hill called , which was on the left hand of the town from 
 
 the sea, there ranked themselves for their best advantage to display their 
 own strength, and for their own security, upon which finding them thus 
 backward to join, which truly we little expected, Considering what great 
 brags they had made, we resolved to inarch towards the town, either to 
 possess ourselves of it or a piece of ground near unto it, which would have 
 hindered them from coming back again to the town without fighting with 
 us, upon which piece of ground they had left a good part of their horse 
 and a strong party of their musketeers ; which they perceiving made them to 
 drawdown again to the same place with all the haste they could make, 
 where again they possessed themselves before they could put over any 
 troops. The Convenient passage we could find to it being through some 
 fields of furze and whin bushes, where we were to make our way with 
 pioneers through three thick hedges with banks, twoof which they had lined 
 with musketeers, there also being a valley betwixt us and them, In-sides 
 they had possessed themselves of a house, wherein as we guess they had 
 put *oo musketeers and a drake, which Hankered those hedges which 
 were betwixt us, and from thence there ran a brook, with a great bank, 
 down to the river Wear : behind these places was this plain above-men- 
 tioned, where they stood in their best postures to receive us, having the 
 sea behind them and on the left hand the town, the hill anil inaccessible 
 places, by which we must have fetched so great a compass about, that 
 they would have been upon the same lull ai:ain to have received us that 
 wav. Hv tins time the evening caused us to withdraw towards the highet 
 ground, where being sainted with cold blasts and MI..W. our horses suffer- 
 
 D D
 
 2O2 Appendix VII 
 
 ance with hunger, that we seemed so far to become friends as in providing 
 against those common enemies. The next morning both the armies drew 
 up again into batalia, when with the continual snow that fell all that day, 
 and by reason of the great fatigation of the horse it being the third day they 
 had received little or no sustenance, it was thought by the consent of all 
 the general officers not expedient that the army should suffer such extremity 
 or for that time seek any further occasion to engage an enemy whom we 
 found so hard to be provoked, who found from us I believe, contrary to 
 their expectations, so much forwardness as they might plainly perceive 
 we endeavoured what we could to fight with them, and were confident 
 enough of our own strength could we have come unto them upon any 
 indifferent terms of equality. And truly the forwardness of the soldiers 
 was such as we would have been contented to have given them some advan- 
 tages to boot rather than to have deferred it. But upon such disadvantages 
 we had no manner of reason, being the ground would not permit us to 
 draw up the fourth part of the army, by which we had been defeated of the 
 advantage we had over them with our horse, and besides we should have 
 been forced to have fought for that ground which afterwards we should 
 have stood upon. We being now resolved to march off, and they having 
 been so niggardly to afford us occasion to try what mettle each other w.is 
 made of, in some measure to satisfy the great forwardness we found in our 
 people, and also to give the enemy warning that they should not be too 
 bold upon our retreat. For these reasons we sent off 120 horses to enter- 
 tain them near their own leaguer, Sir Charles Lucas his major commanding 
 them, where meeting with 200 of the enemy's, the first that charged them 
 not passing 60 of this one regiment, notwithstanding the enemy w.is so 
 placed before a hedge, where they had some dragooners as it seems, they 
 were confident ours would not have come up unto them ; but when they 
 saw that their muskets could not prevent the courage of our men, they 
 turned their backs and leaped over their dragooners, affording our men 
 the execution of them to a great body of theirs, in which chase our men 
 killed some .jo of them, and had taken near loo men, but they advanced 
 so suddenly that we could bring off but 20 of them, of whom there were 
 three English one of them were handed (was hanged ?) immediately, 
 having formerly served in our army : their lancers did seem to follow eagerly 
 upon our men in their retreat in great numbers, but we had not passing six 
 men hurt, whereof one died, and not any of the rest miscarried or are 
 missing. In the meantime, we were drawing back our army, and the 
 enemy, when they saw the greatest of our number to be marching, made 
 a show as if they would have followed us : they therefore sent down about 
 <>oo horse and as many musketeers to try, as I suppose, our behaviniir 
 in our retreat, as also to requite us if they could, sending three bodies of 
 horse into the field next the moor, by the side of which we passed, but still 
 under the favour of their musketeers, which lined the hedges ; but we. 
 being content to play with them at their own name, whilst we amused 
 them by presenting some horse before them, our musketeers, which iu the 
 meantime stole down upon their flank towards their passage, gave them 
 such a peal, that it made the passage which they retired over seem I believe 
 a great deal straiter, and the time much longer than at their coming over. 
 after which they were a great deal l>etter satisfied with our retreat, and 
 this was all we could do with the enemv. I must confess we brought our
 
 Campaign against the Scots, 1644 203 
 
 horse home very weary, which did us more harm than the enemy could have 
 done, until they be again refreshed, which we make no doubt will be in a 
 very short time. We could entreat the world to be content with further 
 expectation. 
 
 A summary of this letter is given in Mcrcitriiis .litlictis for March 
 14, 1644. Alter tin: events narrated in the letter, Newcastle re- 
 tired to Durham, and devoted himself to endeavouring to straiten 
 the quarters of the Scots and cut off their provisions, in which he 
 was very successful (Rushworth III, ii, 015). The Scots suc- 
 ceeded, however, in taking a fort at South Shields on March 20, 
 and in surprising on the same day a detachment of Newcastle's 
 horse at Chester le Street. On March 23 Newcastle marched from 
 Durham to Hilton near Sunderland, and unsuccessfully endeavoured 
 to bring on a general engagement. The skirmishes which took 
 place on March 24 and 25 are narrated from a despatch of New- 
 castle's in Mcrcnrius A ulicits for March 30. 
 
 ' It being expressly certified from the noble Marquis of New- 
 castle that on Sunday last (March 24) he got the Scots out to West 
 Bedwick near Hilton Castle in the Bishopric of Durham, where 
 they sat fast upon Bedwick Hill : my Lord Marquis had often in- 
 vited them to light, with overtures of many advantageous oppor- 
 tunities, but could not possibly draw them out : on this hill four 
 regiments of his Kxcellency's foot fell to work with six regiments 
 of the rebels. The light began about three in the afternoon (March 
 J4) and continued from that time till night, and continued more 
 or less till next morning, the rebels all this while being upon their 
 own Micklc MidJing, and there they lay all night ; next morning 
 (being Monday) the Lord Marquis followed them till afternoon, 
 and then they vanished instantly into their trenches and retire- 
 ments in Sunderland. Then his Excellency (seeing no hope of 
 getting them out) drew off towards his quarters, and they being 
 sensible of so many provocations, came on his rear (which was 500 
 horse) with all the horse they had (for as yet they never looked the 
 Lord Marquis in the face), but the rear (with the loss of some thirty 
 men killed and taken) presently faced about, being seconded by 
 that valiant knight, Sir Charles Lucas, with his brigade of horse, 
 who fell on so gallantly that he forced all their horse (which is 
 about >,<H)o) to hasten up the hill to their cannon, all the way 
 doing sharp execution upon them so as their Lancers lay plentifully 
 upon the ground (many others being taken and brought away 
 prisoners) their cannon all that while playing upon the Lord M.ir- 
 quis his horse with so little success as is not easily imagined. In 
 both these lights (on Sunday and Monday) they that speak lea^t 
 reckon a lull i<>m> Scots killed and taken which cost the Lord 
 Marquis -'40 of his common soldiers, scarce an officer being cither
 
 204 Appendix VIII 
 
 killed or taken, though many of their leaders arc certainly cut 
 off. Their foot ran twice, and would not stand longer than their 
 officers forced them on with the sword ; the Lord Marquis hath 
 taken many of their arms, especially of their Scottish pistols. Next 
 morning (Tuesday) his Excellency drew towards them again, 
 faced them a long while, but they had too much of the two days 
 before, and would by no means be entreated to show themselves.' 
 (Mcrcnrins Aitlicus, March 30, 1^44). 
 
 On the 25th of March, after this unsuccessful attempt to bring 
 on a battle, Newcastle wrote to congratulate Rupert on his success- 
 ful relief of Newark and to urge again his own need of assistance. 
 ' I must assure your Highness', he says, 'that the Scots arc as 
 big again in foot as I am, and their horse, I doubt, much better 
 than ours are, so that if your Highness do not please to come 
 hither, and that very soon too, the great game of your uncle's will 
 be endangered, if not lost ' (Warburton, ii, 397 ; see also 399). In 
 his old quarters at Durham, Newcastle awaited the arrival of aid 
 and continued his former tactics. The Scots established their 
 headquarters at Kasington, midway between Hartlepool and Dur- 
 ham, where they continued till the 8th of April, and then marched 
 to (Juarendon Hill, within two miles of Durham. On the iitli of 
 April took place the defeat of Bellasis at Selby, and on the i^th 
 Newcastle commenced his retreat to York. His next letter is 
 dated from York, iSth April (Warburton, ii, 433) ; he says that 
 Fairfax and the Scots are too strong for him, and ' have put them- 
 selves in such a posture as will soon ruin us, unless there be some 
 speedy course taken to give us relief . I have not been able to find 
 any letter of Newcastle giving an account of the latter part of the 
 campaign, or the retreat to York. 
 
 VIII 
 
 EIGHT LETTERS WRITTEN BY THE MARQUIS OF 
 NEWCASTLE DURING HIS EXILE 
 
 Of the following letters, the first was intercepted and published 
 in a newspaper, and it is uncertain to whom it was written. The 
 other seven were all written to Secretary Nicholas. 
 
 MY I.OKII, Your Lordship's Letter by Crcswell is so nobly kind, friendly, 
 and so wise counsel, as it is too big for my I'm, Inkr, and I'apcr, milv it 
 hath made me all over thaiikfulncsse, and that is as nnirli as I ran cither 
 say or do. For my estate they are now selling of, it is against all the old 
 tencnts that I should !>e a Traytor and Kebcll, and all my estate confiscate, 
 and I to he hanged without merry, and none will lend me two shillings here, 
 but the me, and know not how to put bread into my mouth, as if 1 was
 
 Letters during Newcastle's Exile 205 
 
 the arrantest knave and Rogue in the World, I vow to (Jod the ridiculous- 
 ncssc of it makes me laugh heartily, like the (icntleman tliat had his ship 
 taken from him by our wise, just, and grave privy Councillors. Againe 
 to passe the time away withall, my Lord Bishop of Derry, my Lady Oncale 
 and my selfe gravely sat in Conned, as wise and provident 1'arcnts to pro- 
 vide tin; best we Could for our children, agreed upon a Match between 
 my son Harry and her daughter, and gravely articled, bought eighteen 
 pennyworth of Kibond for the wooing, the old Lady a lean thicken in a 
 I'ipkin for the Dinner, with three preserved Cherries, and 5 drops of Syrup 
 by them for the- banquet. One wiser than the rest asked how it should be 
 performed, which our wisdomes never thought of before, so when my estate 
 was examined, besides the Parliaments selling of it, That my debts were 
 so great with what was intailed upon my Son Charles as I coukl estate 
 nothing. The old Lady was very angry at that, but I had more reason 
 than modesty, I examined her, having examined old Ladies in my time, 
 anil found she had as little. So the times have broke; that grave intention, 
 yet the joynture and portion being alike one might think it might go on. 
 And so Marry is a lusty Hatchelor begging homeward for Kngland, but the 
 young lady truly is very deserving and vertnoiis. [I am] one of the cast 
 I'rivy Councellors his Majesty left here behind : Lvery letter and b<>k 
 of News we gravely deliver our opinions thereof, but first wipe our mouths 
 formally with our handkerchers, spit with a grace, and hem aloud, and 
 then say little to the purpose : If our doubtful braines cannot resolve, then 
 \ve shake our lie. ids and shrugge our shoulders with prudence, saying time 
 will produce more, but the Scots He say no more. The sweet I Mike of Yorks 
 Court is no more then was in Noah's Ark, iS person with some beasts, anil 
 these iS persons are in is factions at least, to practice against yon come to 
 White-hall, Katclille like an Hermits stalfe, and Doctor Killegrew. Dr. 
 Statesman great projects that comes to nothing, nor can come to anything, 
 they have hurryed the sweet Duke up and d"wn, as I dare swear his Iligh- 
 nesse is we. try of them, but could not but laugh at Matchivell I )eveeke, that 
 gravely broke his braine with thinking that there was something in it, some 
 whatchecalle, which is his by-word. (iod blesse your (,r.ice, and tell me 
 when I shall waite of you at White-hall : my Lord I am entirely 
 
 Your Lordship's most faithful 
 obliged Servant 
 
 \\ . N" i:\vc AS n.K. 
 ANTWKKPK the 8 of Feb. i(>.y> 
 Pray burn this letter. 
 
 (Several rrncccdinm in r,irluiinciil, iS .js. Si'/ 1 /., 1051.) 
 
 Nom.i: SIK. I desire y>n will be pleased to put his Majextv in mind 
 that he will be graciously pleased to renew th>e ottices and place^ unto 
 me, that the King his father of ble>sed memory gave me. th.it other> may 
 not possess them, his Majesty not knowing ,<i a ; and those I ha\e had 
 and desire to have are the following : 
 
 i. Lord Lieutenant of the County of Nottingham. 
 
 j. Lord Lieutenant of the TonM ,.| Sherwood, ulnch that \\.-rthy per- 
 son the ! .11 1 ot Clare hath had trin the Parliament e\er since my 
 misfortune.
 
 2o6 Appendix VIII 
 
 3. Then Gustos Rotulorum of the County of Nottingham. 
 
 4. And Gustos Rotulorum of the County of Northumberland. 
 
 Then if please God his Majesty come to his throne, which I make no 
 doubt of, certainly all my land that the rebels have possessed themselves 
 of I may lawfully take possession of without troubling his Majesty ; but 
 whereas my traitorous servant hath sold any land to any of those rebels, 
 that I may have my land again, since it was but in trust, which the law will 
 give me. Hut I speak of it only in this case, that any of the rebels that the 
 King might give to any courtier or others, if they have any of my land I 
 shall have great trouble with them, though justly they cannot possess it ; 
 and therefore I humbly desire his Majesty there may be an exception made 
 in my particular and in acquainting his Majesty with these particulars you 
 will oblige me very much, Your most faithful servant, 
 
 W. NEWCASTLE. 
 
 ANTWERP, the i^th of August 1654 
 To Sir Ed. NICHOLAS 
 
 (Domestic Stale Papers. Record Office. ) 
 
 NOBI.I: SIR, I received yours of the 22<\, and give you many hearty 
 thanks for the favour, for I assure you there could nothing rejoice me more 
 in the whole world than the King and the Duke of York to be so kind, and 
 my daily prayers shall be that it may ever continue. NOW I will give 
 you my intelligence. I hear my friend and neighbour. Sir (iervase Clifton, 
 who at least is seventy years old, hath lately married, as I take it her 
 name is the Lady Alice Hastings, sister I believe to the Lord Loughlx trough, 
 with 4000 portion, Sir (iervase his second wife, so that off the next wife 
 he comes eight, and then I believe the mark will be out of his mouth. I 
 speak like an experienced horseman. This lady. I believe, is in years 
 for a maid, and a pretty tough hen for this Lent without eggs. I am so 
 tormented about my book of horsemanship as you cannot believe, with a 
 hundred several trades, I think, and the printing will cost above /Ji.V'o, 
 which 1 could never have done but for my good friends Sir 11. Cartwright 
 and Mr. Loving ; and I hope they shall lose nothing by it, and I am sure 
 they hope the like. I hope this next summer I may be so happy as to see 
 you, and believe me, I am affectionately our most faithful servant, 
 
 W. NEWCASTLE. 
 
 ANTWERP, the i^th of Feb. 1656 
 
 (Domestic State Papers. Record Office). 
 
 NOIII.E SIR, I received the favour of yours of the 22d, and you have 
 obliged me very much, not only by your own letter, but by sending that 
 of Sir Henry Hennet. I beseech you put his Majesty in mind of his gracious 
 promise to me, in giving Sir Henry Bennet thanks for his favours to me. 
 I hope by your news that the Swede will go down, We have it here very 
 confidently reported, that the peace between the two crowns is verv far 
 advanced (and truly I am not so wise as not to believe it, for all things con- 
 sidered, nii-thinks it is very probable), and then I hope the King r.iiniot f.nl 
 of their aid. There are many noblemen, or at least lords, that are romed 
 over to 1'aris it is true, but those lords that can take such sudden appre- 
 hensions of fears so far off, 1 doubt will hardly have the courage to help
 
 Letters during Newcastle's Exile 207 
 
 our gracious Master to his throne woful people and the next generation 
 of lords they tell me are fools. It will he a brave 1'pper House! I'ray 
 present my humble servire to my Lord Chancellor. I have been indisposed 
 this week, but I thank (ind I am much better now. And in all conditions 
 I shall be entirely your most faithful servant, 
 
 \V. Ni W( ASH.!:. 
 ANTWKKP, 23^ Jan. 1651) 
 
 I write with so much freedom to you that I pray burn this. 
 (l^ciimi .U.S.S'. British Museum.) 
 
 Ncivcastlc to Hichohis 
 
 Nom,E SIR, I thank you for your last and your favour to me in present- 
 ing my humble thanks to the King. I thank (lod I am for the time v( ry 
 much mended ; for age, I am in less than a year of you, and hope we may 
 both live to see better times, for I will always hope the best. The Duke 
 of Gloucester went away this morning, arid the Marl of Norwich galloping 
 along with him, as also my Lord Berkeley ; the young lady, Mrs. Hyde, 
 her brother, and Doctor Morley went away this morning too. The noble 
 Lord of Ornumd and his company will be with you to-morrow. Tin- 
 Ear! of Norwich within a few days will be with yon too. I spoke with a 
 young gentleman, one Mr. Smith, newly coined (counide) out of England ; 
 he thinks that Cromwell and the Parliament will agree, but I think he knows 
 little. But I spoke with another, an elderly man and a stout, th.it served 
 in mv army, and he says they will fall to pieces, and that then- will be i;reat 
 factions and divisions in England. The merchants have it lien- that cer- 
 tainlv there will be no peace between the two crowns and that the treaty 
 is absolutely broke; others say that it is piecing again: they report con 
 fidently that some English ships have met with some Spanish ships and sunk 
 them, but I do not believe it. Now it yn can make anything out of all 
 this you do very well, for 1 protest 1 cannot. I'ray remember my service 
 to Lord Chancellor and thank him for his favours, and so I rest constantly 
 your most faithful servant, 
 
 \V. Ni- \\v.\sri.F. 
 
 AvnvitRT, tltt- 2(1 <>/ .-I /'// 1651) 
 
 (l-'.^crton MSS., 536, f. 3-56.) 
 
 NOIU.K Sin, I now have two petitions to you one to present tins 
 enclosed humblv to his Majesty, the next that you would favour me >o 
 much as to give me the mo->t timelv notice ol the assurance of the peace 
 between Spain and Erance. The reason is. the Burgomasters and < io\i r- 
 nors of this town desired me to Irt them know if I could the certainty .>t it. 
 1 told them that my Kind's principal secretary was mv very noble Inend. 
 and I would write unto him : thus, by your favour. 1 shall ingratiate mv<elt 
 very much to this town. Pardon me thus trespassing upon v,m and believe 
 me, 1 am very constantly your most faithful servant. 
 
 \V. NiwcvsriK. 
 A\rwi RI\ the iS/// ,i/ .I/';;/ n>v) 
 
 Mv service to mv Lord Chancellor. 
 (/-.'t;< ;/<>! ,1/SS. British Mu-euiu.)
 
 zo8 Appendix VIII 
 
 Newcastle to Nicholas 
 
 Noni.E SIR, I received yours of the 3oth last, and give you many thanks 
 for the favour of your most excellent news. I am sure we cannot be worse 
 than we are, and I hope in God that this peace may prove considerable 
 for the advantage of our gracious King. But your son writ to Mr. Topp 
 that the Lower House was divided and that the two houses could not agree, 
 and that it was thought they would be dissolved this may be considerable 
 indeed. We have it here by some letters that the army stands upon terms 
 of their own, that is considerable and to the purpose if it be so ; but we 
 have so many lies here at Antwerp that we know not what to believe, for 
 this morning the Lord Wentworth and Sir Cecil Howard came to me and 
 told me that Major Wood told them that one of the Prince of Conde's 
 followers told him that Sir Robert Welsh his son, and three or four more 
 had a plot to kill my gracious Master, and they had no sooner said it but 
 I received your letter dated yesterday, so then they saw there was no such 
 thing : God ever preserve my gracious Master from all knaves, fools, and 
 bloody rascals. My service to your younger son, with many thanks for 
 his favours to me about Monsieur Juliane (?) ; though he hath not answered 
 it I do not care, so that now he knows my mind, which is sufficient. It 
 was about a truck for horses, and I would be loth to give a good horse for a 
 jade ; and though there is none that is a piece of a horseman amongst them, 
 riders or others, yet I assure you the greatest of them are horse coursers 
 beyond any in Smithfield, and so they arc in France, for it is two professions, 
 a good horseman and a horse courser. I pretend to the first, but know 
 nothing of the second, for I'll co/en nobody ; I only take care not to be 
 cozened, which they find I can do reasonable well at that. Believe me 
 it is not .in easy thing to have a good horse nor a rare man in any quality. 
 
 ANTWI RI>, May Day i<\V) 
 
 (/:.!yr/H MSS. British Museum.) 
 
 Newcastle to X 
 
 Noni.KSiR, I received yours of the mth, and give you many thanks 
 for your excellent good news. We have it here that the Parliament is dis- 
 solved by Cromwell, but he was forced to it by the army who told him if 
 he would not dissolve they would, and then they say they came to Crom- 
 well and took away all the dishes of meat he had but one. Cromwell went 
 presently to Hamilton Court, and letters from the Venetian ambassador say 
 that he believes by this time there is a guard set upon him. Heetwood 
 is made General of the Army, and Lambert Lieutenant-general, and this 
 is the redcoats which I always said would do what they list. Some talks the 
 Presbyterians begin to appear in divers parts of the kingdom, but I doubt 
 that yet. Great confusions and alterations is daily looked for, and I hope 
 in God it will produce excellent things for the King, for certainly Heetwood 
 and Lambert can never make their advantage and settlement so well as to 
 serve the King. My service to niv Lord Chancellor, and tell him th.it now 
 I hope to wait on him to Westminster to see him take possession of the 
 Chancery, and upon one of niv horses of manage, which will be the quietest, 
 safest, and surest lie or any man can have. You see how my hopes trans-
 
 Two Most Famous Universities 209 
 
 ports me with the passion I have for my gracious Master, f'.od send us 
 a good meeting at Whitehall, and so I rest constantly your most faithful 
 servant 
 
 W. NEWCASTLE. 
 ANTWFRT I lie I.T//J May 1659 
 
 (F.gerton MSS. British Museum.) 
 
 IX 
 TO THE TWO MOST FAMOUS UNIVERSITIES OF ENGLAND 
 
 MOST FAMOUSLY LEARNED, I here present to you this philoso- 
 phical work, not that I can hope wise schoolmen and industrious, 
 laborious students should value it for any worth, but to receive 
 it without scorn, for the good encouragement of our sex, lest in 
 time we should grow irrational as idiots, by the dejectedness of 
 our spirits, through the careless neglects and despisements of the 
 masculine sex to the female, thinking it impossible we should have 
 either learning or understanding, wit or judgment, as if we had 
 not rational souls as well as men, and we out of a custom of dejected- 
 ness think so too, wluch makes us quit all industry towards profit- 
 able knowledge, being employed only in low and petty employ- 
 ments which take away not only our abilities towards arts, but 
 higher capacities in speculations, so as we are become like worms 
 that only live in the dull earth of ignorance, winding ourselves 
 sometimes out by the help of some refreshing rain of good education, 
 which seldom is given us, for we are kept like birds in cages, to hop 
 up and down in our houses, not suffered to lly abroad to see the 
 several changes of Fortune, and the various humours ordained and 
 created by nature, and wanting the experience of nature, we must 
 needs want the understanding and knowledge, and so consequently 
 prudence and invention of men. Tims by an opinion, which I 
 hope is but an erroneous one in men, we are shut out of all power 
 and authority, by reason we are never employed cither in civil or 
 martial affairs, our counsels are despised and laughed at, the best 
 of our actions are trodden down with scorn by the overweening 
 conceit men have of themselves, and through a despisement of us. 
 
 Hut T, considering with myself that if a right judgment and a 
 true understanding and a respectful civility live anywhere, it must 
 be in learned universities, where nature is best known, where truth 
 is oftcnest found, where civility is most practised, and if I find not 
 a resentment here, I am very confident I shall find it nowhere, 
 neither shall I think I deserve it, if you approve not of me ; but 
 if I deserve not praise, I am sure to receive so much courtship 
 from your sage society as to bury me in silence, that thus I may 
 
 E E
 
 2io Appendix X 
 
 have a quiet grave, since not worthy a famous memory, for to lie 
 entombed under the dust of an university will be honour enough 
 for me, and more than if I were worshipped by the vulgar as a 
 deity. Wherefore, if your wisdoms cannot give me the bays, let 
 your charity strew me with cypress ; and who knows but, after 
 my honourable burial, I may have a glorious resurrection in follow- 
 ing ages, since time brings strange and unusual things to pass 
 I mean unusual to men, though not in nature. And I hope this 
 action of mine is not unnatural, though unusual for a woman to 
 present a book to the university, nor impudent, for it is honest, 
 although it seem vainglorious. But if it be, I am to be pardoned, 
 since there is little difference between man and beast, but what 
 ambition and glory makes. 
 
 (Dedication by the Duchess of Philosophical anil Physical Opinions, 
 1663.) 
 
 SIR CHARLES LUCAS 
 
 Sir Charles was the youngest son of Thomas Lucas, of St. John's, 
 Colchester. The Duchess gives an account of his youth in her 
 autobiography. He served, like most young soldiers of his time, 
 in the wars of the Low Countries. In the second Scotch war he 
 commanded a troop of horse (CaL ndar of Domestic State Papers, 
 1640-1, 318). He was knighted 27 July 1639. From the beginning 
 of the Civil War he served in the King's army. He was wounded 
 at the battle of Powick Bridge, September 22, 1642 (Warburton's 
 Prince Rupert, i, 409). He served under Prince Rupert also at 
 the capture of Cirencester, February 2<1, 1643, and a contemporary 
 account notices his mercy in taking prisoners (Bibliothcca Glouces- 
 trensis, 170). On July i, 1^43, with three troops of his own regi- 
 ment, he defeated Colonel Middle-ton with 4<x> horse and dragoons 
 at Padbury, taking 40 prisoners and killing above KM> of the enemy 
 (Mercnriitf Atilictis). In the autumn of the same year lie served 
 for some months in Lincolnshire and Nottinghamshire, and com- 
 manded in an attack on Nottingham on January 16, 1644. The 
 committee, describing the attack in a letter to Gilbert Millington, 
 say that he ' reports himself (iener.il of this county and Lincoln- 
 shire ' (Memoirs of Colonel Ifulchinson. vol. i, pp. 298, 388). Imme- 
 diately after this Lucas was ordered into Yorkshire. A remonstrance 
 of the committee of Newark complains that the recent capture 
 of Gainsborough and the Isle of Axholm ' have moved his Excel- 
 lency the Lord Marquis of Newcastle to engarrison Doncaster now 
 in fortifying, and to command Sir Charles Lucas with his own regi-
 
 Sir Charles Lucas 21 1 
 
 nient, and the Lincolnshire horse, in ;tll about 1400, to quarter 
 thereabouts for securing that fortification, which is like to be a 
 work of time, and so to procrastinate Sir Charles Lucas his coining 
 -into these parts (whom we hoped to have been sent by your Majesty 
 for our immediate assistance) to the apparent hazard of this garrison 
 and these two counties' (Rushworth, III, ii, 305). From Don- 
 caster, on February 2, 1644, Lucas wrote to Rupert a very interest- 
 ing letter, thanking him for his recommendation to Lord Newcastle 
 (Warburton, ii, 370). He joined Newcastle in the north some 
 time before March Cth, and distinguished himself in the skirmish 
 at Hilton on March 25th (Rushworth, III, ii, 615-6). \Vhcn the 
 Marquis was obliged to shut himself up in York, Lucas in command 
 of the horse was sent to quarter in Nottinghamshire and the Mid- 
 land counties, and to take part in any attempts at the relief of the 
 besieged. He accordingly joined Rupert in his march to York, 
 and was one of the commanders of the left wing of the Prince's 
 horse at Marston, in which defeat he was taken prisoner, although 
 his division successfully routed that of Sir Thomas Fairfax, which 
 was its immediate opponent. Rupert as soon as possible negotiated 
 the exchange of Sir Charles, which probably took place in the 
 winter of 1644-5 ( sec letter in Warburton's Prince liupcrl, iii, 3<S). 
 He was certainly released before March 1645, for in a letter of 
 March 5 Digby discusses the question of his appointment to the 
 government of Berkeley Castle (Warburton, iii, 60). 
 
 In July 1645 Lucas writes to Rupert from Berkeley complaining 
 of the inadequacy of the garrison, and the disaffection of his soldiers, 
 and of the people of the neighbouring country (///>/. .V.S.S". /\Y/>. 
 ix, pt. ii, p. 437). Berkeley Castle was stormed by Colonel Rains- 
 borough on September 25, 1645 (Sprigge, Amelia Rcdiviva, p. !.><>, 
 cd. 1X54). According to Sprigge it hail endured nine days' siege, 
 but the capture of the church and outworks, and the planting of 
 cannon thereupon, forced the Governor to sound a parley and 
 treat. ' The castle was surrendered upon tlie.se articles : the 
 soldiers to march out without arms ; the Governor. Sir Charles 
 Lucas, with three horses and arms and not above /;o in money ; 
 every field officer with two horses, and but /; in money ; foot 
 captains with swords but no horse ; the soldiers with not above 
 55. apiece." In the castle were taken provisions for six months. 
 Lucas had answered to the first summons ' that he would eat horse 
 flesh before he would yield, and man's flesh when that was done ', 
 and returned an equally peremptory answer to the second summons. 
 The garrison inarched out about 500 strong, but probably the dis- 
 affection before mentioned by Lucas still existed and contributed 
 to the surrender, and it is not likely that it had been increased in 
 numbers since he complained of its inadequacy to Rupert in July.
 
 212 Appendix X 
 
 The table at the end of Sprigge's work seems to imply that forty 
 of the garrison were killed and ninety taken prisoners during the 
 siege. Before many weeks passed Lucas was again actively em- 
 ployed. In the diary of Richard Symonds for December 23, 1645, 
 it is stated ' Lord Astley came to Worcester, being General of these 
 four counties, Sir Charles Lucas with him, Lieutenant-general of 
 the horse.' His career came to an end three months later with 
 the defeat of Astley's army at Stow in the Wold in the following 
 March. The name of Lucas is not mentioned in the list of prisoners 
 given in many reports of the battle ; for instance, in the letter of 
 Colonel Morgan to the speaker. This is explained by a circumstance 
 mentioned by Vicars. ' Sir Charles Lucas, as was credibly re- 
 ported, was also taken in the tight, but immediately after rescued 
 by a party of lire-locks of the enemy, and on his rescue fled into 
 the wood hard by for hoped safety ; but after the light our forces 
 searching the wood for stragglers found there the said Sir Charles 
 Lucas ' (Burning Bush, 399). Thus Lucas became a prisoner, and 
 it is presumed that he obtained his liberty by engaging himself to 
 Fairfax not to serve again against the Parliament. The sole evi- 
 dence for this fact, probable enough in itself, is in the letters ex- 
 changed between Fairfax and Lucas on June 19, 1648. Soon after 
 the siege of Colchester began, Fairfax sent a letter to the besieged 
 ' to acquaint them that Sir Charles Lucas had forfeited his parole, 
 his honour and faith, being his prisoner upon parole, and therefore 
 not capable of command or trust in martial affairs' (Rushwortli, 
 IV, ii, 1 160). To which Lucas replied : ' Sir, I wonder you should 
 question me of any such engagement, since I purchased my free- 
 dom and estate at a high rate by a great sum of money, which I 
 paid into Goldsmith's Hall, for which according to the ordinances 
 of the two Houses I was to enjoy my freedom and estate. When 
 I conceived myself in this condition, I sent a letter to your secretary, 
 desiring him to advertise your Lordship that I had punctually 
 performed my engagements as they stood in relation to your Lord- 
 ship. Upon which I had notice from him that you accepted of 
 my respects to you, which truly have never been wanting to your 
 person. But, my Lord, besides my inclinations and duty to the 
 service I am in at present, be pleased to examine whether the 
 law of nature hath not instigated me to take my sword again into 
 my hand, for when I was in peaceable manner in London, there 
 was a price set upon me by the committee of Derby House, upon 
 which I was constrained to retire myself into my own country, and 
 to my native town, for refuge ' (Fairfax Correspondence, iii, 57). 
 
 In this letter Lucas admits that such an engagement as the one 
 supposed to have been contracted after his capture at Stow had 
 actually existed. At the same time he puts forward two pleas :
 
 Sir Charles Lucas 213 
 
 the first, that his engagement to Fairfax had been ended by his 
 payment of a composition for his estates ; the second, that the 
 action of the Parliament against him had justified him in taking 
 up arms in self-defence. With regard to the first it may fairly be- 
 held that the personal obligation to Fairfax had been superseded 
 and ended by the arrangement with the civil government ; from 
 being a prisoner Lucas had become a citizen, and substituted for 
 his former obligation to the commander-in-chief a new obligation 
 to the civil power. In the list of compounders Sir Charles Lucas, 
 knight, of Horsey, Kssex, appears as having paid in part a fine 
 fixed at /5"S, i<>\. J5ut the committee at (ioldsmith's Hall, to 
 which this composition was paid, exacted from delinquents an oath 
 not to assist the King against the Parliament, ' nor any forces 
 raised without the consent of the two Houses of Parliament in 
 this cause or war' (vide Husbands' Collection of Ordinances, fol., 
 i<>4'>, pp. 036, and 739). We know from his own petition that 
 Lucas took this oath. The action of Sir Charles in taking up arms 
 again in 1648 was a distinct breach of this engagement (Calendar 
 of the Committee for Compounding with Delinquents, iii, 1821). 
 
 With reference to the second plea it may be stated that Lucas 
 more than any other man was responsible, if Matthew Carter is 
 to be trusted, for the refusal by the loyalists of Fssex of the in- 
 demnity offered them by Parliament if they laid down their arms. 
 (Passed in the House of Commons, June 5, 1648). Kushworth 
 gives the following news from Essex under June 7 : ' That the 
 Parliament's commissioners having published the indemnity at 
 J5ow to those that should lay down arms, Sir William Hicks and 
 divers others of the gentlemen submitted, and the Lord Goring re- 
 treated back from thence. But Sir Charles Lucas, that eminent 
 cavalier, is come into them, and keeps up the soldiers, making great 
 promises to them ; and by his insinuations hath prevailed with the 
 discontented party not to lay down arms." It must l>e admitted 
 that this circumstance, confirmed by the evidence of Kushworth 
 .UK I Carter, does not seem to bear out the statement of Sir Charles 
 Lucas that he took up arms in self-defence. At the same time he 
 expressly states that the committee of Derby House put a price 
 upon his head, and till the truth or falsehood of that statement is 
 ascertained a final judgment on this second plea is hardly possible. 
 
 For a detailed account of the siege the reader must be referred to 
 Mr. G. F. Townshend's Siege of Colcliexter. to Mr. Markham's Life 
 of Fairfax, and to the anonymous author of The History and Antiqui- 
 ties of Colchester Castle (Colchester, iStfj). Carter's True Relation 
 of the Honourable though Unfortunate lL.\f>edition of Kent, Essex and 
 Colchester, together with the contemporary diurnals and the ex- 
 tracts in Kushworth, supply a full account of the incidents of the
 
 214 Appendix X 
 
 struggle. The pamphlet entitled Colchester's Tears charges Sir 
 Charles Lucas with cruelty to the inhabitants of the town during 
 the siege, but it deserves very little credit. However, Clarendon, 
 in the extract quoted on p. 158, accuses Lucas of considerable harsh- 
 ness. But Kushworth quotes a letter saying ' the Lords Goring 
 and Capel carry things very high and peremptorily, but Sir Charles 
 Lucas more moderate' (1181). 
 
 Colchester capitulated on August 27, 1648, and Lisle and Lucas 
 were shot on August 28 by sentence of a court-martial. By the 
 terms of the capitulation (quoted in the note to p. 49), the superior 
 officers had rendered themselves to mercy, so this execution was 
 not a breach of the terms of the capitulation. Fairfax gives two 
 reasons for the execution : the first, ' satisfaction of military justice ' ; 
 the second, ' avenge for the innocent blood they have caused to be 
 spilt, and the trouble, damage, and mischief they have brought 
 upon the town, this country, and the kingdom' (Kushworth, vol. 
 vii, p. i -'43). The first of these reasons evidently refers to the 
 breach of parole with which Fairfax charged Lucas. If the argu- 
 ment stated above holds good, this had been superseded by an 
 engagement to the Parliament, and it would have been justcr to 
 leave the punishment of the breach of that engagement to the Par- 
 liament. The second reason given for the sentence, the punishment 
 for raising a civil war (satisfaction of political justice, as it might 
 be termed), is obviously a subject which should have been reserved 
 for the judgment of a political authority like the Parliament rather 
 than decided by a General, or a council of war. Parliament might 
 have condemned Lucas, as it afterwards condemned Hamilton 
 and Capel, and the justice of the sentence could hardly have been 
 impeached, except by those who are prepared to hold that it is in no 
 case just to impose the penalty of death on the leaders of a civil 
 war. With reference to the personal share of Fairfax in this sentence, 
 it may be pointed out that Clarendon says that ' the manner of taking 
 the lives of these worthy men was generally imputed to Ireton, who 
 swayed the General, and was upon all occasions of an unmerciful 
 and bloody nature ' (Rebellion, xi, 109). In Mercurius 1'raginalictis 
 for October 3-10, 1648, the following statement is made : ' In 
 (that) unworthy act it's said his Excellency had no hand, but only 
 the council of war, by the special instigation of Ireton, Rains- 
 borough, and Whalley.' An account of the death of Lucas is 
 given in Mcrcuritis Prat^ninticiis for August 29 to September 5, 
 1648. It will be seen that the conclusion here adopted differs 
 from that arrived at in the note to p. 49, in granting that the com- 
 1 osition might be fairly considered to put an end to the engagement 
 of Sir Charles to Lord Fairfax. 
 
 A paper on The Case of Lucas and Lisle, by Mr. J. II. Round, is
 
 The Battle of Atherton Moor 215 
 
 printed in vol. viii of The Transactions of the Royal Historical 
 Society, new series. It gives the arguments against Fairfax. 
 
 XI 
 
 LORD NEWCASTLE'S ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF 
 ATHERTON MOOR 
 
 The original of the despatch in which Lord Newcastle announced 
 his victory lias not survived, but it appears to me to be contained 
 in the following pamphlet. The pamphlet does not bear on its 
 title the name of any place, but the device of an Oxford printer 
 shows it to have been printed at Oxford. No author's name is 
 attached to it, nor is there any signature ; but it is evidently an 
 olficial relation, anil the use of the first person (" I sent troops, etc.") 
 shows it to have been written by the royalist commander-iii-chief. 
 Its style also rather resembles that of Newcastle's despatch on his 
 campaign against the Scots, printed in Appendix vii. For these 
 reasons I insert it here, but as being doubtful, have given it the 
 list place in the Appendix. 
 
 An E.\ press Relation of the Passages and Proceedings of ///s .V<i/r</v's 
 Artnv, under the Command, of fiis J-'\eellente tlie ]\<nl of .Y< ,v- 
 castle, against the Rebels under the Command of tlic /..'</ 
 l-'airfa.v and /iis Adhtri'iits 
 
 [Printed in the year 1643.] 
 
 ' We marched from Pom fret towards Bradford, and in our wax- 
 thither we summoned Sir John Savile, commander of llouley, to 
 deliver ii|> thai house, and lay down his arms so unjustly taken up. 
 who returned an uncivil answer, and that he would keep it manure 
 our forces, whereupon we planted our cannon against tliat hou>e. 
 and environed it upon Wednesday the Jist of June in the alter 
 noon, and next morning look it by assault, and in it the said com- 
 mander -in-chief and all his otlieers and soldiers, about jj;. some 
 few whereof were slain, the rest taken prisoners; \\here. by the 
 unseasonableness of the weather, we \\ere enforced to remain till 
 Friday the ;<>th of June, from whence we marched early towards 
 Bradford, and when we had marched two miles or thereabouts \\ e 
 found a great body of men, a greater number of foot than we, and 
 almost all musketeers, and some twenty troops ot hor>e. and had 
 possessed a place called Adderton Moor, and taken the most ad- 
 vantageous places thereof, and lined several hedges with muskt-
 
 216 Appendix XI 
 
 teers, and played so fiercely upon us, and that before the whole 
 body of our foot could be drawn up, and their horse likewise possess- 
 ing a plain field and a great ditcli betwixt us lined with muske- 
 teers, and keeping our horse in a ground full of pits, that for the 
 space of two hours or thereabouts, we were forced to give ground, 
 though very little ; but when our cannon was well placed, and 
 our foot once drawn up, within half-an-hour we put their foot on 
 the right wing of the battle to retire, and pursued them so hotly, 
 that they presently were put into a disorderly retreat ; whereupon 
 part of our horse fell upon that wing, and the cannon playing upon 
 the body of their horse killed many and routed them, together 
 with our horse charging at that time, so we pursued them, killing 
 and taking them to Bradford town end, which was more than two 
 miles, in which chase was slain (as is supposed) about 500 of the 
 enemies, and about 1400 taken prisoners, amongst which many 
 officers, together with three field pieces, and all their ammunition 
 there, which was not much. We had many soldiers hurt, two 
 colonels of horse slain, Heron and Howard, and some officers hurt, 
 as Colonel Throckmorton, Colonel Carnaby, and Captain Maison, 
 all recoverable, and not above twenty common soldiers slain. 
 
 ' That night we came before Bradford, a strong town, and ill 
 approaching to it, yet we made our approaches that night. The 
 next day we had placed our cannon and made places of batteries 
 very near the town and church, where they had two drakes upon 
 the top of the steeple, and lined the steeple with woolpacks ; yet 
 our cannon dismounted their drakes upon the top of the steeple, 
 and battered the steeple so as none could stay on it, where they 
 had many musketeers, and so we got both the ends of the town 
 Ixjfore Sunday night ; and in the night-time Sir Thomas Fairfax, 
 governor of the town, his lady, Major Gilford, and Sir Henry Fowlis, 
 escaped out of the town, and upon a moor was forced to charge 
 with their party a party of our horse, where his lady and his cornet 
 were taken prisoners, but he and the other two being well horsed 
 escaped, though pursued very near Leeds, which was above five 
 miles ; and that morning our men entered the town, took pri- 
 soners : 
 
 1. Colonel Malliver (Mauleverer ?). 
 
 2. Sergeant-Major Willshire. 
 
 3. Captain Mudd. 
 
 4. Captain Rogers. 
 
 5. Captain Bland. 
 
 6. Captain O'Neal. 
 
 7. Captain White. 
 
 8. Captain Smith.
 
 The Battle of Atherton Moor 217 
 
 9. Captain Dent. 
 
 ID. Captain Stanley, 
 
 i i. Captain Feurc. 
 
 i_'. Lieutenant I'opler. 
 
 13. Lieutenant Loveday. 
 
 14. Lieutenant Moore, 
 i 5. Lieutenant Sad. 
 
 Sergeant Floyd. 
 
 Sergeant Brabant. 
 
 William Lowden and Nathaniel Ciolfe, gunners, 
 
 with all or most of the common soldiers, which are in nutnlxT .;<> 
 or thereabouts, besides the enlarging of JIHI prisoners of ours then-, 
 and taking of arms which are yet uncertain in number. 
 
 ' That very day, within three hours alter, came a captain of ours, 
 who among divers other prisoners at Leeds, finding that my Lord 
 Fairfax and his son were inclined to leave the town (as they did) 
 attended with three or four troops of horse, jix> dragooners, and 
 300 foot, broke out of prison, possessed themselves of the maga/ine, 
 took all the arms, which were 1500 at least, eight barrels of powder, 
 and 12 pieces of ordnance, with a very great proportion of match 
 and ball, and so kept the town till I sent forces into it, U-sides 
 the enlarging of 700 prisoners there. The Lord Fairfax and his 
 son inarched towards Selby, in which march his ;tx> foot run away 
 from him ; and his forces left, being discovered by our forces at 
 the garrison of Cawood were charged by them, and they tied into 
 the town of Selby. Our forces being too weak for them were 
 forced to retire; so my Lord, his sou Sir Thomas, Major (iittord. 
 Sir Henry Fowlis. and Sir Thomas Mauleverer. took a boat and 
 passed themselves therein ; and swimming their horses over the 
 river, and as their men were passing over some of them were drowned 
 with crowding the bo. its, and so they lied, we conceive, to Hull or 
 to Nottingham, but to which is not certain. 
 
 'The same day news was brought us Imm Halifax, that all the 
 forces were run from thence, and have taken with them all our 
 prisoners that remained there, and so we are possessed of that 
 town, as also of Denton I louse, my Lord Fairfax, his liou--e, wherein 
 there was a small garrison, two drakes, <> men and arms.' 
 
 F F
 
 218 Appendix XIT 
 
 APPENDIX XII 
 
 THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE'S RULES FOR HORSE 
 RACING 
 
 ' Being commanded by his Excellency the Lord Marquis of New- 
 castle to publish the following articles for his new Course, I am 
 first to inform you, that the work was begun so late, and is so great, 
 viz. : the ploughing of five miles in length, and a considerable 
 breadth, with the harrowing of it twice over, and sowing it with 
 hay seed to sord (?) it, that there will be no firm riding on it before 
 the last of July, when my Lord intends to give a cup of 5/. ( and 
 the same he will do on the last of August and September, then 
 ending the Course for this year. But the next year (if God grant 
 his Excellency life and health) he means to begin it on the last of 
 April, continuing it on the last of each moncth till the last of Sep- 
 tember inclusively, six months in all, giving each moncth a cup 
 of 5/. 
 
 ' THE ARTICLES 
 
 ' i. The horses arc all to meet at Sparton-hill-top between eleven 
 and twelve, where the riders are to be justly weighed, the weight 
 ten stone down weight, by the weights (as they call them) of ' Avcr- 
 du-poyse ' : the horses are to be bridled, sadled, and shod. After 
 the riders are justly weighed by such a gentleman as shall be domed 
 to be a just judge, not only of the riders weight, but also to judge 
 who comes first to the stoup ; another gentleman must be appointed 
 at the twelve-score-stoup, to judge what horse is rid out of distance, 
 which is a maine businesse, and a third must be desired to see them 
 start fair. 
 
 ' 2. The horses must be led down from Sparton-hill to the start- 
 ing-place ; and there must be three heats, the first heat to Sparton- 
 liill, there to rub half an hour, and then the judge is to give them 
 warning to get up and start ; but if in that lialf-hour they relieve 
 their horses with anything but fair water, or if they ride out of 
 distance, or the riders want weight, they must lose the cup ; only 
 there is allowed two pound for wasting. The second heat is to 
 end where they begun last, and two gentlemen must be desired to 
 sec. not onely who comes first to the stoup, but at the twelve score- 
 stoup who rides out of distance, and who not : and 'twere well to 
 have a flag at the ending stoup of each heat to be lot down as soon 
 as the first horse is past the stoup, for the Judges easier discern 
 who rides within distance and who not : the riders must be weighed 
 every heat, the relief is to be onely water, the rub but half an hour, 
 and then the Judge is to bid them mount.
 
 Newcastle's Rules for Horse Racing 219 
 
 ' 3. There being three heats he that wins the most heats wins 
 the Cup, so he rides within distance, not otherwise, but that horse 
 which is foremost the last heat ; this will make them ride for it. 
 The stakes are ten shillings an horse, and to be put into the hands 
 of the Judges who are to deliver them to the second horse. 
 
 '4. He that wins the Cup saves his own stake, the second horse 
 shall have all the rest. 
 
 ' 5. It is to be considered that if any rider whip another rider, 
 or his horse on the face, or pull back another's bridle, he shall lose 
 the cup. 
 
 1 6. No bystander must ride in with the horses, to face, stop, or 
 turn them over, or any way to hinder them, but must ride aloof 
 from them. If any such fault be committed, I must implore the 
 gentry to help me in the legal punishing of the offenders. 
 
 ' His Kxcellency saith, that, seeing he makes his Course only 
 for the pleasure of the gentry, he hopes they will take in good 
 part, he having no other end in it, except his Lordship's own con- 
 tentment. But his Excellency adds that he never yet knew any 
 public thing that was not found fault with, and that everywhere 
 there be many teachers, for if people did not find fault with every- 
 thing, they would not be thought wise in anything : but his Lordship 
 is very confident lie shall find nothing of this humour amongst 
 those noble persons whom herein he desires to serve. And he 
 commands me to tell you, that though this be not the Law of the 
 Modes and Persians, yet he will alter nothing in it. Every man 
 may put in his horse, mare, or gelding at his pleasure, 'tis the 
 Liberty of the Subject, and so his that sets up the Course. When 
 any man doth the like, he may make the Law wh.it he pleases. In 
 the meantime his Lordship hopes this Course will please you all, 
 since he has no other end in it. 
 
 'His Excellency further commands me to let you know, th.it 
 his Course or heats continue no longer than his Lordship's good 
 liking. 
 
 ' Thus have I obeyed his Excellency's commands, 
 
 ' Jo. RoU-KSTON.' 
 
 jdMay, K>(>J. C.ivrn to me by 1 h n. II. dl. the University Printer. 
 A. \\oode.' 
 
 (Hod. Lib., Wood -v<>.\, 14^.)
 
 INDEX 
 
 ACTON Ti'RviL, 76 
 
 .Tisop, xxxvi 
 
 Aireton Hall, 196 
 
 Aldburgh, Richard, 1X9, 191 
 
 Alfreton, 19') 
 
 Ancaster, 27 
 
 Annesley Woodhouse, 69 
 
 Antoinc, Mons., 105 
 
 Antwerp, city of, 45, 48, 50, 51, 
 
 (*), 01, 06, 2U5 
 
 Ash, Sir Joseph, 67 
 Ashenhurst, Col., 190 
 Ashford, 190 
 Association, the Eastern, viii, 
 
 ^9 
 
 Astley, Lord, 2 i 2 
 Atherton Moor, 24, ill, 215, 
 
 216 
 Aylesbury, William, 50 
 
 B.\(;SIIAW, Lieut., 32 
 
 Hake-well, 197 
 
 Hallanl. Lieut. -Col., S 
 
 Hamford, Thomas, iSi 
 
 Hankaert, Ca|)tain, <<? 
 
 Barlaston, 70 
 
 Harley, or Harlow, Robert, 11.5 
 
 Barlow, 70, S<> 
 
 Hartu, Sir Peregrine, 87 
 
 Hasset, Elizabeth, first wife of 
 
 the Duke of Newcastle, 3, 
 
 20, 7.:, 115 
 
 Hasset, William, 3, 7.', 115 
 Hatty. John, 190 
 HaynitiK, Cecilia, 117 
 Hc-ard Hall, 76 
 
 Heaumont, Major, 86 
 
 Hedwick, 203 
 
 Bceton, Col., 87 
 
 Hellasis, John, 33, 35, 86, 89 
 
 Helvoir Castle, 88, u/>, 197 
 
 Hennet, Sir Henry, 206 
 
 Benoist, Mr., 40 
 
 Berkeley Castle, Jii 
 
 Berkeley, Lord, 2uj 
 
 Berry, James, 27 
 
 Berwick, 6, 33 
 
 Be verity, 30, 91 
 
 Beynham, Mrs., 48 
 
 Blackstone I'-dye, 195 
 
 IMackwall, 70 
 
 Bland, Ca])tain, J 16 
 
 Blore, 72, 76 
 
 IMount, Mountjoy, Karl of New- 
 port, 10, 17, 88 
 
 Bolsover Castle, 32, 58, 65, 70, 
 70, 80, 88, 103 
 
 Bolton, 87 
 
 Bonivant, Captain, 87 
 
 Boston, _'9 
 
 Bothal, 77 
 
 Bowden Hills, 35 
 
 Bralant, Sergeant, _ i 7 
 
 Bradford, 17, 24 _'>, MAJ. _MO 
 
 Bramhall, Bishop, 43 
 
 Bramj)ton, 70 
 
 Brandcnburgh, IClector of, 54. 
 
 Brandlini;, Col., JDO 
 
 Bray. Mr., i I 8 
 
 Breda, 53 
 
 Brooke, Lord Cobham, 155 
 
 Brooks, Mr., 155
 
 Index 
 
 221 
 
 Browne, Sir Richard, 45 
 
 Broxtowe, !</> 
 
 Bruce, Lord, i 14 
 
 Brussels, 45 
 
 Bnllingbrook ('astir, XX 
 
 Bullingbrook, Karl of, 1 1<> 
 
 Burlington, iX 
 
 Burton, 2j 
 
 Butler, Jaiiu-s, Duke of Orniond, 
 
 47, o<>, 115, J<i7 
 Huxton, 7') 
 Byron, Sir Richard, X/ 
 
 CAMMKAY, 4;, 4,S 
 
 Cambridge, \\viii, 104 
 
 Campbell, Karl of Ai-vle. ; 4 
 
 Caraceiia, Mari|iiis ol, (>i , <>j 
 
 Carburton, 75 
 
 Carcolston, 75, Xo 
 
 Carlisle, $$, Xj 
 
 Carnaby, Kram is, 4 } 
 
 Carnaby, Sir William, r>, 4 }, XX, 
 
 _ K> 
 
 Cart wri^ht, Sir I lu^h, -'< '<> 
 Castcl Rodri^o, Marquis of, 4^ 
 ('anldon, 7') 
 Canlton, 7') 
 Cavendish, Catherine, Baroness 
 
 ( l^le, mother of the I >ul<e ol 
 
 Newcastle. 4, 7.', I i<> 
 Cavendish. Sir Charles, father 
 
 of the 1 Mike of Newcastle, I . 
 
 -'. ,. 7-'. H >5, 115 
 Cavendish. Sir Charles, brother 
 
 ol the I Mike ol Newcastle, I 1 ', 
 
 4.1. 47. 55 5X, 04 ; character ; 
 
 sS, 51). 7 i . 7.}, 77, (>-', 105. 115, 
 
 !<>''. 170, 171 
 Ca\'endish. Charles. Viscount 
 
 Manslield. eldest sun of the 
 
 iMike of \e\\castle. 4;. 40. 
 
 57. 70, XX. IK-. 141 
 Cavendish, Mr. Charles, j-, SS 
 Cavendish, KHzabeth, uS 
 
 Cavendish, Elizabeth, wife of 
 
 Sir William Cavendish. Sec 
 
 I lardwick, Kli/abeth. 
 Cav'elldish, I-'raiites, 117 
 Ca\'endish, Sir Henry, uncle of 
 
 the iMikc of Newcastle, I, I 15 
 Cavendish, Henry, Karl of OK'^'. 
 
 and second Duke of Newcastle, 
 
 U. (. '''. /". 7-'. 75. '<-'. ' ""> 
 Cavendish, Margaret, Duchess 
 of Newcastle, her account of 
 her life, 15; i7X ; her birth, 
 i ;'> ; breeding, i 50 ; educa- 
 tion, I ^7 ; becomes a maid 
 ol honour, K>I ; residence at 
 the court at ( >\ford. 04. I'M ; 
 her marriage, 45, i K>, K>J ; 
 necessities duriiij,' her exile, 
 4<> ; visit to Ku^land to 
 obtain a m.iintenance Irom 
 her husband's estate, 55 ;X, 
 K>'> 1711 ; letters to Newcastle. 
 K-J ; m.innerof life at Antuerp, 
 171 1 74 ; her description ol 
 her own character. 174 I7X ; 
 lett as a pawn at Antwerp, 
 <>d ; return to Kn.ulaud at the 
 Kestoi'ation. 07 ; description 
 ol her appeal'. nice by I'epys. 
 175 ; her death and epitaph, 
 
 XXX 
 
 Her writings, x\m \\\ 
 !'<>< in-, tin, I l-\in, h i. \\iii, 
 i 7< > ; quoted. \ \\ in. \\i\, 
 
 /'/j//i'.s. '/-/in.// ()pi>:i'<n-.. \\vi. 
 
 i 71 ' ; dedication of it to the 
 
 Universities of l'.ni;land, 
 
 \\viii, j>) 
 H' .<il,i's ( '/'.-. xxiv. 17 ; 
 
 ((noted. I ;7 
 \\itiitt-'* I'titnti-s hv /".ii.vv'.v 
 
 /V>ici/, xxni ; quoted. \\ix.
 
 222 
 
 Index 
 
 104 ; autobiography of the 
 Duchess, being Book XI. 
 of it, 149-178 
 Plays, xxv 
 Orations, xxiv 
 Philosophical Letters, xxvii ; 
 
 quoted, 174 
 
 Sociable Letters, xxiv, 67 
 Observations upon Experi- 
 mental Philosophy., xxvii 
 Grounds of Natural Philo- 
 sophy, xxvii 
 
 Her reasons for writing, xxix 
 Her manner of writing, 172 ; 
 accused of plagiarism and 
 imposture, xxxvi, 151; 
 difficulties with her secre- 
 taries, xxxvii 
 Cavendish, Mary, i, 118 
 Cavendish, Sir William, grand- 
 father of the Duke of New- 
 castle, i, 1 13, el seq 
 Cavendish, William, Earl of 
 Devonshire, 4, 50, 74 ; family 
 of, 114 
 
 Cavendish, William, Duke of 
 Newcastle, editions of his 
 Life by the Duchess, v ; 
 criticisms on it, vi ; his services 
 during the Civil War, vii-x ; 
 Clarendon's character of him 
 x-xii ; Warwick's character of 
 him, xiv ; his encouragement 
 of literature, xii-xvii ; his 
 own plays, xvii, 109 ; his 
 poems, xvii, xviii, 109 ; his 
 works on horsemanship, xviii- 
 xx, 206 ; date of his death, 
 xxx ; his epitaph on the 
 Duchess, xxx ; Epistle of 
 the Duchess to him, prefixed 
 to his Life, xxxv ; his orders 
 to the Duchess respecting her 
 Life of himself, xxxix ; letters 
 of Charles I and Charles II 
 
 to him, xli, xlii ; an incom- 
 parable master to his servants, 
 xlvii ; his good management 
 of his estate, xlviii ; his 
 descent, I, 113 ; made Knight 
 of the Bath, 2 ; his travels, 
 2 ; his first marriage, 3, 20 ; 
 made Viscount Mansfield, 3 ; 
 created Earl of Newcastle, 5 ; 
 appointed Governor to Prince 
 Charles, 5, 183 his advice 
 to the Prince, 184, 187 ; 
 service during the first Scotch 
 war, 6, 74 ; quarrel with 
 Lord Holland, 6 ; resigns his 
 post as Governor to the 
 Prince, 8 ; his share in the 
 Army plot, 8 ; his attempt 
 to obtain possession of Hull 
 for the King, 8,9, 187 made 
 governor of Newcastle and 
 the four Northern Counties, 
 10 ; made General of all the 
 King's forces north of the 
 Trent, 12 ; empowered to 
 make knights, 13 ; invited 
 into Yorkshire, 13 ; enters 
 Yorkshire, 14 ; his Declara- 
 tions, xli, 14 ; attacks Tad- 
 caster, 16; sends Sir William 
 Savile into the West Riding, 
 17 ; receives the Queen and 
 conducts her to York, 18, i<> ; 
 gains Scarborough, 19 ; second 
 attack on the West Riding, 
 20; takes Rotherham, 21 ; 
 takes Sheffield, 22 ; the Cjucen 
 sent to Oxford with a large 
 army, 23, 90 ; third attack 
 on the West Riding, 23 ; 
 Newcastle takes Howley Hall, 
 23, 24, 215 ; defeats the Fair- 
 faxes at Atherton, 25, 215, 
 216 ; invades Lincolnshire, 20 ; 
 takes Gainsborough, 28 ; takes
 
 Index 
 
 223 
 
 Lincoln, 29 ; reasons why he 
 besieged Hull, 30, 91 ; siege 
 of Hull, 31 ; created Marquis 
 of Newcastle, 30, 94 ; inarch 
 into Derbyshire, 31, 195 198 ; 
 return to York, 33 ; cam- 
 paign against the Scots, 33-35, 
 198-204 ; besieged in York, 
 36-38 ; his share in the battle 
 of Marston Moor, 39 41 ; 
 leaves Kngland, 41-43 ; jour- 
 ney from Hamburgh to Paris, 
 
 44, 45 ; his second marriage, 
 
 45, i<>2 ; his necessities during 
 his exile, 46, 50, 56, 57, 59 ; 
 sends his sons to Kngland, 46 ; 
 advises conjunction with tin- 
 Scots, 47, 53 ; retires to 
 Antwerp, 50; advises the 
 King to go to Scotland, 53 ; 
 buys horses, 44, 47, 52, joX ; 
 sets up a riding-house, 51, <*>- 
 <>2 ; entertains the King and 
 royal family at Antwerp, 03 ; 
 his return from exile, 05 ; 
 retires to the country, OS ; 
 condition of his estates on his 
 return, (>o ; condition of his 
 houses, 70, So ; of his parks, 
 7, 7<) I value of the estates 
 inherited by him, 72. ~ 3 ; his 
 losses, 7 >-S i ; particulars of 
 the rents of his lands. 7; 77 ; 
 his expenses iu repairing his 
 est.ite, Si ; account of the 
 troops raised by him for the 
 King, S3 SCi ; list of the 
 garrisons constituted by him. 
 8(>- 88 ; ollicers appointed by 
 him, SS, So ; his misfortunes 
 ami obstructions, 89 ; supplies 
 sent to the King by him, i>o ; 
 of his loyalty ami sufferings, 
 0,2 ; his refusal to join cabals 
 amongst the Royalists, 94 ; 
 
 patents as Marquis and Duke 
 of Newcastle, 94-97 ; his 
 friendship with I.aud, 98 ; 
 his prudence and wisdom, 98 ; 
 his advice to Mont rose. 99 ; 
 his advice to King Charles II, 
 loo ; his blessings, 101 ; 
 honours conferred upon him. 
 102 ; his entertainments to 
 King Charles I, 103 ; his 
 education, 104 ; natural wit 
 and understanding, 106 ; his 
 views about witches, 107 ; 
 opinion concerning natural 
 philosophy, 108 ; as a jxx't, 
 108 ; his natural humour and 
 disposition, irx> ; his out- 
 ward shape and behaviour, 
 i i i ; his discourse, i 1 1 ; his 
 habit, 112; his diet, I u ; 
 his recreation ami exercise. 
 I I J ; his pedigree, 113; notes 
 of his conversation. i-M-147 ; 
 on the policy of princes, 
 121, 122 ; on commerce. 122. 
 123; on the education of 
 statesmen, 124 ; on the govern- 
 ment of the Church, 124 I2'> ; 
 on taxation, 12'>; on laws. 
 1 2' i, 127. 132; on sheritis. 
 1 27 ; on destruction of 
 timber during the rebellion. 
 1 27 ; on ap|M>intinent of 
 olticers. I2<>: on ncir--Mtv of 
 goxl intelligence. 13-'; on 
 holidays, 130; on a register 
 of deeds. 132 ; oil 1 oi lime, 
 i 33. I 34. KJ< i ; on the pivler- 
 nieiit of enemies. 134: his 
 loyaltv. 1 35. 138 ; on the 
 necessity of the Restoration, 
 136 ; on employment ol Cath- 
 olics, 137 ; on fools. 14." ; on 
 faith. 140; notes and observa- 
 tions on his lite, bv the
 
 224 
 
 Index 
 
 Duchess, 142-147 ; his rules 
 for horse-racing, 218, 219 
 
 Letters of the Duke of 
 
 Newcastle to Sir Thomas 
 \Vent\vorth, iSi ; to the 
 same, when Lord Deputy 
 of Ireland, 181 ; to Secre- 
 tary Windebank, 183 ; to 
 Prince Charles, 184 ; to 
 the King, 187, 198, 200, 
 215 (?) ; to the gentlemen 
 of Yorkshire, 189, 191 ; to 
 Col. Guilford Slingsby, 192 ; 
 to the Mayor of Hull, 193 ; 
 to the town of Manchester, 
 194 ; to Lord Loftus, 195 ; 
 to Sir Edward Nicholas, 
 204-208 
 
 Cawood, 16, 17, 20, 87, 217 
 Chaplain, Mrs., 46 
 Charles I, King of England, 5, 
 6 ; makes peace between 
 Newcastle and Holland, 7 ; 
 sends Newcastle to Hull, 8 ; 
 orders Newcastle to march 
 south, 29 ; orders touching 
 relief of York, 38 ; New- 
 castle's loyalty to him, 03 ; 
 Newcastle's prophecy concern- 
 ing him, 98 ; entertained by 
 Newcastle, 103,104 ; his death, 
 I3<5 
 
 Charles II, King of England 
 Dedication of the Duke's 
 Life to him, xxxiii ; New- 
 castle appointed his gover- 
 nor, 5, 97, 183 ; Newcastle 
 succeeded by Hertford, 8 ; ex- 
 tract of letter from Newcastle 
 to, 44 ; advice of Newcastle 
 to him, 184 ; at St. Germain, 
 47 ; takes command of the 
 fleet, 48 ; at the Hague, 49 ; 
 treats with the Scots, 53 ; 
 goes to Scotland, 54 ; bravery 
 
 at the battle of Worcester, 
 54 ; an excellent rider, 62 ; 
 jests with Newcastle, 63 ; 
 his restoration, 05, 135 ; 
 honours conferred by him on 
 Newcastle, 96, 102, 103 
 
 Charlton, Walter, v, xxvii, xxx 
 
 Chatsworth, 32, 114, 198 
 
 Cheadle, 70 
 
 Cheiney, Charles, 116 
 
 Cheiney, Lady, 09, 7<>, 110 
 
 Chester, Lieut. -Col., 88 
 
 Chesterfield, 31. 32, 70, 105, IQ<"> 
 
 Chewstoke, /'> 
 
 Chichester, the Bishop of, 185 
 
 Cholmley, Sir Hugh, 211, 38, 42, 
 87, 127, 192 
 
 Chudleigh, Captain. 8 
 
 Church Langley, /<"> 
 
 Clarendon. Sec Hyde 
 
 Clavering, Col., 38, 192 
 
 Clerkenwell, house of Newcast le- 
 al, 80, 175 
 
 Clifford, Henry, Earl of Cumber- 
 land, 14, 191 
 
 Clifton, Sir Ciervase, 2< >o 
 
 Clipstone Park, 71, 75, 70 
 
 C.ockcrmouth, 87 
 
 Colchester, 49, 2 10 214 
 
 Commerce, observations of the 
 l>ukc of Newcastle on. 122 
 
 Controversies, opinion of the 
 I Mike respecting, i 2 5 
 
 Corbridge. 200 
 
 C.osin, I>r., 3 
 
 Cot ham, 75 
 
 Coven t Garden. Lady Newcastle 
 lodges there, 50 
 
 Crawford, Earl of, 4 I 
 
 Crawford, General, 37 
 
 C.rofts, Lord, 5 1 
 
 Cromwell, John, i<><> 
 
 Cromwell, Oliver, 27, 31
 
 Index 
 
 225 
 
 Cromwell, Richard, 207, 208 
 Crosland, Sir Jordan, 87 
 
 DALZIEL, Lord Carnwath, 44 
 Danish clubs, 12 
 Darcy, Conyers, 190 
 Davcnant, Sir William, xii, xvi, 
 
 88 
 
 Denmark, King of, 12 
 Dent, Captain, 217 
 Denton House, 217 
 Derby, 32, 33 
 
 Derby House Committee, 213 
 Derbyshire, 4, 22, 31, 32, 36 ; 
 
 estates of Newcastle in, 76 ; 
 
 proceedings of Newcastle's 
 
 army in, 195 
 Devereux, Robert, Earl of Essex, 
 
 8 
 Digby, George, Earl of Bristol, 
 
 60 
 
 Doncaster, 87 
 Dorset House, 68 
 Dray ton, 75 
 Dronfield, 76 
 
 Drury House Committee, 167 
 Dryden, John, xvi, xvii 
 Duarte, Mr., 67 
 Dudley, Sir Gamaliel, 87, io/i, 
 
 197, 200 
 
 Dunham, 75 
 
 Durham, 10, n, 35, 90, 137 
 
 EDUCATION, views of the Duke 
 
 on, 124 
 
 Edwinstowe, 75 
 Egerton, John, Lord Brackley, 
 
 marries Elizabeth Cavendish, 
 
 74, 116 
 Elizabeth, Queen of England, 
 
 her severity towards duellists, 
 
 156 
 Elizabeth. Queen of Bohemia. 
 
 See Stuart, Elizabeth 
 
 Ellis, Clement, 68 
 
 Errington, Ralph, 88 
 
 Evelyn, Elizabeth, 117 
 
 Evelyn, John, remarks on the 
 Duchess of Newcastle, 175 ; 
 his description of Hyde Park, 
 170 ; of Spring Garden, 160 
 
 Evelyn, Sir John. 117 
 
 Eyrmouth, 87 
 
 FAIRFAX, Lady Anne, 26, 216 
 Fairfax, Ferdinando. Lord, vii, 
 
 viii, 15, 16, 21, 24. 36, 91, 
 
 199. 214, 217 
 Fairfax, Sir Thomas, viii, 15, 
 
 17, 20, 23, 25, 26, 29, 30, 31, 
 
 3^- '95. iA 212-215, 216, 
 
 217 
 
 Fane, Sir Francis, 87 
 Fermor, Sir John, 159 
 Fermor, Mary, 1 59 
 Feure, Captain, 217 
 Flawborough, 75 
 Flushing, 67 
 Flecknoe, xvii 
 
 Fleet wood. General Charles. 208 
 Floyd, Sergeant, 217 
 Foster, Sir Richard, 47 
 Fowlis, Sir Henry, 217 
 Fretchvile, Lord, 88 
 Friesland, East, Prince of, 60 
 Friton, 77 
 
 G.MNSBOROIV.H, 2J , jS, 29, 31, 
 
 88 
 
 Galbraith, Col. S; 
 
 Garrisons, list of those con- 
 stituted by Newcastle. ,sV> 
 
 Gazettes. 130 
 
 Gell, Sir John. 31 
 
 General officers iu the Army, 
 88 
 
 Gernouns, the family of. 113 
 
 GitTord. Major. ;>. .'17 
 
 Glead thorp. So 
 
 G G
 
 226 
 
 Index 
 
 Glenham, Sir Thomas, 14, 33, 
 86, 88 
 
 Gloucester, Duke of, 63, 207 
 
 Gloucestershire, estates of New- 
 castle in, 76 
 
 Goffe, Nathaniel, 217 
 
 Goldsmiths Hall, Committee of, 
 167 
 
 Goodrick, Sir John, 189, 190 
 
 Goring, General George, after- 
 wards Lord Goring, 8, 20, 21, 
 22, 39, 40, 88, 91, 195 
 
 Goring, Lord, Earl of Norwich, 
 213 
 
 Gower, Sir Thomas, 189, 190 
 
 Graham, James, Earl of Mont- 
 rose, 35, 90, 98 
 
 Granges, the, 75 
 
 Gray, Mr., 7 
 
 Gray, Elizabeth, Countess of 
 Kent, 73, 118 
 
 Gray, Henry, Earl of Kent, 118 
 
 Griffith, Henry, 190 
 
 Grindlow, 76 
 
 Grindon, 76 
 
 Guisborough, 192 
 
 Guise, Duke of, 52 
 
 HACKER, FRANCIS, 69 
 
 Hacker, Rowland, 87 
 
 Haggerstone, Col. Thos., 194 
 
 Hague, the, 65 
 
 Halifax, 17, 26, 87, 217 
 
 Hamburgh, 44 
 
 Hamilton, Marquis of, 33, 40, 
 
 54 
 
 Hardwick, Elizabeth, i, 113 
 
 Hardwick, John. 1 14 
 
 Harpur, Sir John, 31 
 
 Harris, Sir Thomas, 117 
 
 Hartington 197 
 
 Hartlepool, 14, 86 
 
 Haselrig, Sir Arthur, 197 
 
 Hasting, Henry, Lord Lough- 
 borough, 19, 32, 206 
 
 Hatcher, 197 
 
 Hawkesworth, 75 
 
 Hawkesworth, Walter, 191 
 
 Hay, James, Earl of Carlisle iSj, 
 
 Hay, Lucy, Countess of Carlisle, 
 182 
 
 Helmsley Castle, 87 
 
 Henderson, Sir John, 17, 87 
 
 Henrietta Maria, Queen, 12, iS, 
 19, 23, 27, 29, 44, 45, 47, 161 
 
 Henrietta, Princess, 63 
 
 Herbert, William, Earl of Pem- 
 broke, 73, 118 
 
 Heron, Col., 216 
 
 Hertford, Earl of. See Sey- 
 mour 
 
 Plessom Moor. Sec Marston 
 Moor 
 
 Hill, Captain, 26 
 
 Hilton, 203 
 
 Historians, remarks of the 
 Duchess on, xxxix 
 
 Hobbes, Thomas, xii, xiii, xiv, 
 106, 107 
 
 Holidays, opinion of the Duke 
 of Newcastle, 130 
 
 Holland, Earl of. See Rich 
 
 Holies, Gilbert, Earl of Clare, 
 117 
 
 Holies, John, Duke of New- 
 castle, 1 17 
 
 Holm Meadow, 75 
 
 Hopton, Ingram, 190 
 
 Hopton, Lord, 53 
 
 I Fornby Castle, 31 
 
 Hotham, Sir John, o, 1X7, 103 
 
 Hotham, Captain, o, i<>. 14. i'-. 
 17, 20, 24. 27, i8S 
 
 Hovingham, 77 
 
 Howard, Col., 14, 216 
 
 Howard, Sir Cecil, 2f>8 
 
 Howard, James, 119 
 
 Howard, Henry, 1 19 
 
 Howard. Thomas, Earl of 
 Arundcl, xliv, 73, 1 19
 
 Index 
 
 227 
 
 Howard, Thomas, Duke of Nor- 
 folk, no. 
 
 Howard, Thomas, Karl of 
 Suffolk, 72 
 
 Howard, William, Viscount Staf- 
 ford, xliv 
 
 Howlcy House, 23, 24 
 
 Hucklow, jfi 
 
 Hiiddlcston, Col., 192 
 
 Hudson, Michael, 8S 
 
 Hull, 8, 9, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 89, 
 91, 188, 193, 199, 217 
 
 Humlock, Sir Henry, 196 
 
 Hutchinson, Col., 109 
 
 Hutton, Richard, 189, 190 
 
 Hyde, Kdward, Karl of Claren- 
 d(ju, mentioned 50 ; quoted 
 by Newcastle, viii, ix, x, xi, 
 7, n, 14, 39, 42, 44, 49, 53, 
 56", 58, ft i, 103, 158, 214 
 
 INCJIIAM MKALICS, 75 
 Ingleby, William, 190 
 Ingram, Thomas, 189 
 Ingram, William, 189 
 
 JAMKS I., King of Kngland, 2, 
 
 3. ii 
 James II., Kins,' of Kngland (as 
 
 Duke of York), 03, (>;. (.9 
 Jammot, Major, So 
 Jennyn, Henry, Lord, 8, 47 
 John of Austria, 1 >on, (HI 
 Johnson, Baptist, 88 
 |onas, Mr., i 18 
 Jonson, Ben, xiv, xv, 2, 4, 103, 
 
 105 
 
 K.UHIHTON, Major, 87 
 Key, John, 180, 190 
 Keynsham, 70 
 Kidson, Sir Thomas, 115 
 Kighley, Anne, 1 1 5 
 Killigrew, Sir Peter, KH> 
 
 King, (iem-ral Jamex Lord 
 I'lythin. 18, 20, 20, 39, 41, 42, 
 
 44. . 9 1 
 
 Kin^sham Park. 7') 
 Kinj^sley, 76 
 Kirby, 75, 79 
 Kirby, Col., 87 
 Kirby Woodhouse, <) 
 
 LAMUKKT, General, 208 
 Kambton, Col. Henry, 8<> 
 Lancashire, 195 
 Lan^dale, Sir Marmaduke. >o, 
 
 34, 44, 189, 191, 20; 
 Lau^ley, ~(> 
 Laud, Archbishop, 98 
 Lawes, Henry, 109 
 Laws, opinion of the Duke 
 
 respecting. I2'>, 127 
 Lawsuits, opinion of the Duke 
 
 concerning, 132 
 Leeds, 17, 20, 26, 217 
 Leek, 197 
 Lcgg, William, 9 ; letter Irom 
 
 Hull, 187 
 
 Leicestershire, 13, 3'>, u/> 
 Leigh, Kenlinando, 189, i>/<) 
 Leighton, John, 1 5-; 
 Leighton, Klizabeth, i yi 
 Liddal. Dr., 88 
 Lincoln, city of, -'<). 87 
 Lincolnshire, estate of Newcastle 
 
 >n. 75 
 Lincolnshire. garri>on> con--ti 
 
 luted by Newcastle in. .\~ 
 1 .isle, Sir Cleorge, 40. 2 14 
 l.itchurch, 70 
 I.itleton, 70 
 Liverpool. 105 
 Loftus. Viscount. 10; 
 I.ongstone. 7'> 
 Lorraine, Duke of. 4; 
 Loveday. Lieut.. 217 
 Loving. Mr.. 4'\ 47. 2<.x> 
 Lowden. William 217
 
 228 
 
 Index 
 
 Lucas, family of, 155, 159, 163; 
 house near Colchester plun- 
 dered, 163 
 
 Lucas, Sir Charles, brother of 
 the Duchess of Newcastle, 
 sketch of his life, 210-215; 
 death, 49, 158, 165 ; epitaph 
 by the Duchess, 158; men- 
 tioned 36, 40, 49, 88, 91, 92, 
 137, 158, 202, 203 
 
 Lucas, Lady Elizabeth, mother 
 of the Duchess of Newcastle, 
 156, 157, 163-165 
 
 Lucas, Sir Gervas, 88 
 
 Lucas, John, Lord, brother of 
 the Duchess of Newcastle, 
 159, 160, 163, 167, 175 
 
 Lucas, Margaret. Sec Cavendish, 
 Margaret, Duchess of New- 
 castle 
 
 Lucas, Sir Thomas, eldest 
 brother of the Duchess of 
 Newcastle, 158, 159, 160, 165 
 
 Lucas, Sir Thomas, father of 
 the Duchess of Newcastle, 1 16, 
 155, 159, 210 
 
 MACKWORTH, 76 
 
 Mackworth, Sir Francis, 21, 32, 
 87, 88 
 
 Maison, Captain, 216 
 
 Mallever, Col., 216 
 
 Mallory, Sir John, 87, 189, 190 
 
 Manchester, town of, 194 
 
 Manchester, Earl of. See Mon- 
 tagu 
 
 Manners, Thomas, Earl of Rut- 
 land, 114 
 
 Mansfield Park, 76 
 
 Mansfield, Lord. Sec Cavendish, 
 Charles and Henry 
 
 Mappleton, 76 
 
 Marley, Sir John, 11, 86 
 
 Marston Moor, battle of, 39-41, 
 42. 85 
 
 Mauleverer, Sir Thomas, 217 
 
 Mazine, Captain, 9, 40 
 
 Mearing, 75 
 
 Mcldrum, Sir John, 31 
 
 Melton Mowbray, 196 
 
 Metham, Sir Thomas, 187 
 
 Meynell Langley, 76 
 
 Middleham Castle, 195 
 
 Middleton, Col., 210 
 
 Middleton, Peter, 189 
 
 Millington, Gilbert, 69 
 
 Mohun, Major, 63 
 
 Molyneux, Col. Roger, 88 
 
 Monckton, Francis, 190 
 
 Monk, General, 65 
 
 Montagu, Edward, Earl of Man- 
 chester, 31 
 
 Montrose, Marquis of. Sec 
 Graham, James 
 
 Moore, Lieut., 217 
 
 More, Dr., 181 
 
 Morley, Dr., 207 
 
 Mounteney, Major, 87 
 
 Mudd, Captain, 216 
 
 Murray, Anne, 1 18 
 
 Murray, Henry, 118 
 
 Muschamp, Col., 88 
 
 Musgrave, Sir Philip, 87 
 
 NEUBURG, Duke of, 54, 55 
 
 Nevil, Anne, 160 
 
 Nevil, Sir Christopher, 160 
 
 Nevil, Francis, 189 
 
 Nevil, Gervase, 88 
 
 Newark, 17, 23, 29, 31, 87, 196 
 
 Newcastle, town of, 9, 10, 11, 
 12, 14, 33, 86, 90, 95, 199 
 
 Newcastle, Duke and Duchess 
 of. See Cavendish 
 
 Newport, Lord. Sec Blount 
 
 Northinges, 77 
 
 Northumberland, estatesof New- 
 castle in, 72, 77 
 
 Norton. 75 
 
 Nottingham, 195, 196, 217
 
 Index 
 
 229 
 
 Nottingham Castle, 70 
 
 Nottinghamshire-. 3, 5, 8, 13, 
 17, 22, 32, 102, 205 ; estates 
 of Newcastle in, 75 ; garrisons 
 constituted by Newcastle in, 
 
 OGLE, family of, 1 19 
 
 Ogle, Catherine, Baroness, 4, 72, 
 119 
 
 Ogle, Jane, Countess of Shrews- 
 bury, 4. Sec Talbot 
 
 Ogle, Cuthbert, Lord, i, 4, 119 
 
 Ogle, Sir William Cavendish, 
 created Lord Ogle, 3 
 
 Ogle, Karl of. Sec Cavendish, 
 1 lenry 
 
 Oldenburg, Duke of, 60 
 
 Oliver, Richard, 181 
 
 O'Neal, Captain, 216 
 
 Orange, Prince of, 45, 53, 55 
 
 Orange, Princess of, 45 
 
 Orleans, Duchess of, 63 
 
 Osborne, Sir Edward, 191 
 
 Oxford, convoys sent thither 
 by Lord Newcastle, 19, 23, 
 90 ; Queen goes thither, 23 ; 
 cabals there, 93, 94 ; court 
 at Oxford, ini ; Duchess of 
 Newcastle at Oxford, \(i\ 
 
 P.UiET, WlI.I.IAM, I I<S 
 
 Palmes, Francis, 7 
 
 Payn, Mr., u>8 
 
 Peak Forest. 7<> 
 
 Peak, the, i9<> 
 
 Pensher I lills, 35 
 
 Pepys, Samuel, on the life of 
 the Duke, v. vi ; on the Duke's 
 plays, 109 ; on the Duchess, 
 
 175 
 
 Percy, Mr., 19 
 Peronne, 45 
 Piccolomlni. Count, 45 
 
 Piercebridgc, skirmish at, 14 
 Pierre[Kjnt, family of, 1 1<>, 117; 
 Anne, 117; Khzal>eth, 118; 
 Evelyn, 117; Frances, 116, 
 117, 118; Francis, 117, 118; 
 George, 117, 118; Gervase, 
 117, 1 1 8 ; Gertrude. 1 17 ; 
 Grace, 117; Henry, Marquis 
 of Dorchester, 1 17 ; Sir Henry. 
 117; Mary, 118; Kol>ert, 
 Earl of Kingston, 27, 1 17 ; 
 Robert, 118; William, 1 1'., 
 
 ii7, 13- 
 Pomfret Castle, 17, 23, 77, 86. 
 
 1 8.X. 215 
 
 Popler, Lieut., 217 
 Porter, George, 88 
 Porter, Endymion, 50, 181 
 Preston, Col., 197 
 Pye. Sir Edmund, 159, iU) 
 Pye, Lady, 159, 162 
 
 RABY CASTLE. SO 
 Rainsborough, Col., 211, 214 
 Ramsden, John, 189, n^> 
 Redman, Sir John. 8f> 
 Regicides, the. estate* con- 
 
 liscated, (>y 
 Registration of land tran>fers 
 
 projxised by the Duke. 132 
 Rich, Henry. Earl of Holland, 
 
 7. ISJ 
 
 Rich, Rol>ert, Lord. 11; 
 Ridilal. Sir Thomas, S<>. jm) 
 Rochdale, 195 
 Rockley, Robert. 189. K^I 
 Rogers, Captain. 2H> 
 Rogers, Mr. Richard. IH> 
 Rolleston, John, \ p ii. xlm. \lvii. 
 
 xlviii 
 
 Rotherham, 21, 22 
 Rotterdam. 44, 48. 40 
 Rowleston, Philip. nS 
 RuU. v ns, >o
 
 230 
 
 Index 
 
 Rupert, Prince, 38, 39, 41, 42, 
 210 
 
 SAD, Lieut., 217 
 
 Sandal Castle, 87 
 
 Savage, Sir John, 9 
 
 Savile, Sir John, 23, 24, 215 
 
 Savile, Lord, 24, i<S2, 189, 190 
 
 Savile, Sir William, 17, 22, 8T>, 
 189, 190 
 
 Savoy, Duke of, 2 
 
 Scarborough, 19, 41, 43, 87 
 
 Scot, Major, 40 
 
 Scots, the, rebellion of, <> ; 
 invasion of England by, xliv, 
 33 ; attack on Newcastle, 
 33 ; offered battle, 35, besiege 
 York, 37 ; campaign of the 
 Marquis against them, 33-38, 
 198-204 
 
 Scrimsher, Col., 201 
 
 Scroope, Mr., 87 
 
 Seacroft Moor, battle of, 20 
 
 Selby, 17, 36, 217 
 
 Selden, John, 1 19 
 
 Seralvo, Marquis of, 60 
 
 Seymour, William, Marquis of 
 Hertford and Duke of Somer- 
 set, 8, 50, 118 
 
 Shadwell, xvii, ux>, ill 
 
 Shaw, John, 22 
 
 Shaw, Sir John, 67 
 
 Sheffield, 21. 22, 86 
 
 Shelford, 87 
 
 Sheriffs, expenses of, 127 
 
 Sherwood Forest, 3, 71, 1(^4, 205 
 
 Shirley, James, xvi, xvii 
 
 Sibthorp, 69, 75 
 
 Skipton, 87 
 
 Skirton, Col., 25 
 
 Slingsby, Sir Henry, i'>, 91, 
 189, 190 
 
 Slingsby, Guilford, 192 
 
 Smith, Captain, 216 
 
 Smith, Mr., 88. 207 
 
 Somersetshire, estates of New- 
 castle in, 76 
 
 Sookholm, 75 
 
 South Shields, 203 
 
 Spring Garden, 160 
 
 Stafford, Captain, 198 
 
 Staffordshire, estates of New- 
 castle in, 76 
 
 Stamford Bridge, 29, 87 
 
 Stanhope, Edward, 190 
 
 Stanhope, Philip, 87 
 
 Stanley, Mr., 197 
 
 Stanley, Captain, 217 
 
 Staveley House, 88 
 
 St. George, Col., 88 
 
 St. John, Oliver, Earl of Bulling- 
 brook, 1 1 6 
 
 St. Loo, Sir William, 72, 114 
 
 Stoke, 76 
 
 Strickland, Robert, 190, 192 
 
 Stroud, 76 
 
 Stuart, Arabella, 118; Charles, 
 Earl of Lennox, 118; Eliza- 
 beth, Queen of Bohemia, 44 ; 
 Elizabeth, 118; Esme, Duke 
 of Lennox, 119; Henry. 
 Duke of Gloucester, 03, 207 ; 
 1 lenrietta, Duchess of Orleans, 
 
 63 
 
 Suckling, Sir John, 8 
 Sunderland, 35, 2<x>, 201, 203 
 
 TAUCASTKK, 14, 15, 10, 17, 20, 
 
 &. 7 
 
 Talbot. Aletheia, 1 1<; ; Edward, 
 Earl of Shrewsbury, i i ; ; 
 Elizabeth, 118 ; George, Earl 
 of Shrewsbury, 114; Gilbert, 
 Karl of Shrewsbury, i, 2, 3, 
 118; Grace, i, 114; Mary, 
 i, 118 
 
 Tankerly, 20 
 
 Thornton, W., 190 
 ;, 76
 
 Index 
 
 231 
 
 Throckmorton, Sir William, 4H, 
 
 88, 216 
 
 Tickhill Castle, 87 
 Tide-swell, 76 
 Tindall, Francis, 191 
 Tissington, 76 
 To|>, Mr., 65, 208 
 Top, Mrs., 46 
 Tormorton, 76 
 Tyno, the, 34, 2<x> 
 Tynmonth Castle, n, 14, 2<x> 
 
 UNIVERSITIES, the, xxvii, 
 xxviii, 104 ; dedication to, 
 209 
 
 VAN DYCK, 70 
 Vane, Sir George, 86 
 Vane, Sir Henry, 86 
 Van Helmont, 108 
 Van Peire, Col., 87 
 Villiers, George, Duke of Buck- 
 ingham, 70, i IT, 
 
 WAKKI-IKLO, 17, 20, 21, 22, 26 
 
 Waller, Kdmund, 106 
 
 Walter, Sir William. 160 
 
 Walton Hall, 86 
 
 Warsop, 75 
 
 Warwick, Sir Philip, \ii, 30, 
 
 33. 93 
 
 Waterfall, 76 
 Welbeck, 32, 58, 05, <.<>. 70, 7;, 
 
 7<), So, 87, in}, 182 
 Wellingore. 7; 
 Welsh, Sir Kohert, 208 
 Wentworth, George, i8<). 100 
 Wentworth, Thomas, Karl ot 
 
 Stra fiord. 5. (>, 18 t-tS ? 
 Wentworth. William. Lord, loo. 
 
 2i >8 
 
 Wetherby. K> 
 Whalley, lulward, 09, 214 
 
 White Captain, 210 
 Whitecoats, 37, 40, 84 
 Widdrington, William, Lord, 
 
 2<;, 31, 43, 44, 47, 48, ',*,, 8;, 
 Willis, Sir Richard, 8 
 Willou^hhy, Lord, 27, 2<>, 31 
 Willshire, Sergeant-Major, 2i'> 
 Wincehy, battle of, 31 
 Windebank, Sir l-'ranris, (>, 
 
 I.l 
 
 Windham, Col.. 88 
 Wingfield Manor, ^2, .88 
 Win Hill, 76 
 Wiverton House, 87 
 Wood, Sir Henry, 47 
 Wood, Major, 208 
 Wood ho use, 69 
 Woods cut down during the 
 
 rebellion, 7<), 127 
 Wood thorp, 76 
 Worcester, battle of, 5; 
 Worksop, 103 
 Wortley, Sir Francis, 87 
 Wort ley Hall, 87 
 Wot ton, Sir Henry, 2 
 Wyrton. 87 
 
 VARUM BRIDC.I-:, 18, 10 
 
 York, city of. King Charles at 
 York, 10 ; Karl of Newcastle 
 enters it. 15, 17; Queen's 
 arrival there, i<) ; Newcastle 
 appoints a Mavor. 31. 32 ; 
 siege of. 37 ; assault. 37 ; 
 siege raised. 38 ; surrender. 
 80 ; to be fortified. !> ; 
 
 Yorkshire gentlemen send an 
 invitation to Newo.i-.tle. T S ''>; 
 cleared of the rebrK .'" : 
 summons NewMstle to re--i--t 
 theSrot-^. 33 ; estates ot New- 
 castle in, 77 : garri>(<ns con- 
 stituted bv Newcastle in. 8'- 
 87
 
 2 3 2 
 
 Index 
 
 INDEX OF OBSOLETE WORDS 
 AND PHRASES 
 
 Advantage, 149 
 
 Amorous, 162 
 
 Rlccr, to, 153 
 
 Butts, game of, 63 
 
 Chapman, 52 
 
 Course, to, 208 
 
 Danish club, 12 
 
 Effeminate, 151 
 
 Ensnarle, 128 
 
 Enter, to, 40 
 
 Escuyer, 112 
 
 Fatigation, 202 
 
 Granadoes, 37 
 
 Grange, 80 
 
 Hurly-burly, 156 
 
 Invigilancy, 21 
 
 Manage, xlviii, 4^, 51, 53, 60 
 
 Meales, 75 
 
 Pale, to, 72 
 
 Pell-mell, 84 
 
 Pickaroon, 85 
 
 Picture-drawer. 50 
 Plunges, 64 
 Poot, 71 
 Pot-gun, 177 
 Potter, to, 144 
 Romancical, xli 
 Scholastical, xxxvi 
 Score, 56, 65 
 Setting lands, 165 
 Sharking, 157 
 Snarl, 153 
 Stub, to, 81 
 Substract, to, 78 
 Tour, 51, 173 
 Toy, 46 
 
 Unconscionable, 98 
 Use. 77 
 
 Use upon use, 77 
 Virtue, 158 
 Wharling, 164
 
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