- THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES I HERN UNI CALIFORNIA, A.OS ANt.tL.t-a. CALsK THE Harleian Mifcellany: O R, A COLLECTION O F SCARCE, CURIOUS, and ENTERTAINING PAMPHLETS and TRACTS, As well in Manufcript as in Print, Found in the late EARL ofOXFORD's LIBRARY. INTERSPERSED With HISTORICAL, POLITICAL, and CRITICAL NOTES. WITH A Table of the CONTENTS, and an Alphabetical INDEX, VOL. II. LONDON: Printed for T. S B R N E, in' Grafs-Inn. MDCCXLIV N. B. The Proprietor of this Work, having been advifed, by many judicious Gentlemen, who are his Subfcribers, to publifli at the End of every Week- ly Mifcellany, a full and exadt Catalogue of the moft confiderable Pam- phlets in the Harleian Library j with fome fhort Account, as Occafion fhall offer, of their Gharatters, Contents, &c. the fame will, accordingly in a few Weeks appear ; as well to manifeft the great Variety of Curio- fities therein, little known to many Readers; as becaufefuch a Catalogue was never before attempted ; the very Titles whereof will be ufeful in many other Refpedts ; but principally, to gratify his Subfcribers with an Oppor- tunity of being their own Chufers, and recommending any of them to Publication in the faid Work : Whereby many choice Pieces^ which have never been ibid feparately, under Five, Ten, Twenty Shillings, and more, will, befides others in every Number, be fold as ufual for One Shilling. 223 o o o TO His Royal HIGHNESS, FREDERICK, PRINCE of WALES, This SECOND VOLUME OF THE HARLEIAN MISCELLANY, Is moft humbly infer ibed^ by y Tour Royal HIGHNESS' s Moft faithful, and Moft obedient Servant l , Thomas Osborne. Q SUBSCRIBERS TO THE j * < , -. { . ) Harleian Mifcellany: Since the Publication of the Firft Volume. William Thompfon, Efq; Mr. George Edwards Seymour Leeke, Efq; James Wittewrong, Efq; The Reverend Mr. Edward Town- fhend of Trinity-College, Cambridge Mr. George Barne, Gent. Mr. Robert Lamb Sir John Bland, Bart. Fletcher Norton, Efq; The Reverend Mr. Blakifton Richard Noy's, Efq; Mr. Penn Samuel Sheppard, Efq; Thomas Strickland, Efq; Right Honourable Lord Vifcount Mo- lineux John Rant, Efq; Mr. John Nichols, Fellow of the Roy- al Society, and Member of the So- ciery of Antiquarians Sir William Irby, Bart. Mr. Samuel Rafh, Gent. Mrs. Hope Revererd Mr. Thomas Lally, Fellow of Peter-houfe College, Cambridge Captain William Robfon Mrs. Elifabeth Smith . Shelley, Efq; Peirce Galliard, Efq; Mr. John Coe Doftor Dodridge of Northampton The Society at Canterbury The Honourable John Hobart, Efq; Mr. John Gowland Apothecary William Bragg, Efq; Mr. Michael Gibbon Mr. Michael Newman, Gent. Mr. Padman of Hampftead, Apothecary Mr. Nelfon, Apothecary Mr. Francis Hutton, Gent. George Cuthbertfon, Efq; Mr. William Mofdell Alexander Strahan, Efq; b Abra- VI Subfcribers Names frnce the Firft Volume. Abraham Janffen, Efq; The Reverend Mr. Goodwin James Davis, M. B. of Salifbury John Popham, Efq; of Ditta The Reverend Mr. Comarque Mr. Jofeph Barlow Anthony Afkew, M. B. of Emanuel College, Cambridge John Carew, Efq; of Camerton, Somer- fetmire Windfor Sands, Efq; Mrs. Sufanna Wainhoufe Mr. James Flemming, Bookfeller Thomas Vaughan, A. M. late of Lin- coln College, Oxon Mr. William Kinlefide, Apothecary Mr. William Grays-inn Sir John Rawdon, Bart. The Honourable Colonel Edward Rich- bell Patefon, Efq; Mr. John Parkin, Engraver The Reverend Dr. Howard, Chaplain to his Royal Highnefs the Prince of Wales George Spearman, Efq; The Reverend Mr. Berrow, Lecturer of St. Bennet's, Paul's Wharf Mr. Thomas Dummer Richard Davenport, of Calvely, in the County of Chefter, Efq; The moft Noble the Marquis of Mont- gomery Lieutenant John Goodwin Mr. James Lucas Mr. St. Andre Robert Allen, Efq; Mr. James Reed, Bookfeller at Leith, in Scotland, 2 Sets Mr. Thomas Fimer Mr. Benjamin Tilden, of Eltham, Mer- chant Sir Clement Cotterell, Bart. Mr. Gymander Mr. Lobb, Bookfeller in Chelmsford Mr. Partridge, of Kenfington Mr. Lewis Gumerow Samuel Strode, Efq; The Honourable and Reverend Dr. Dawney Richard Walwyn, Efq; Mr. Samuel Van Court, of Blackheath James Stonehoufe, M. D. Phyfician to the County Infirmary at Northamp- ton The Reverend Philip Dodridge, D. D. Nehemiah Brooks, Efq; Mr. Thomas Roome Thomas Wedgwood, Efq ; Mr. John Wedgwood, of Newcaftle in the County of Stafford StrellyPegg,Efq ; Thomas Mytton, Efq; Sir William Worfley Mr. John Woodhoufe Mr. Benjamin Ketely THE lo fen. ( vii ) THE CONTENTS T O T H E HARLEIAN MISCELLANY, SErjeant Thorpe, Judge of Affize for the Nor- thern Circuit, his Charge, as it was delivered to the Grand Jury at York Affixes , the Twen- tieth of March, 1 648 j clearly epitomifing the Statutes belonging to this Nation, which concern (and, as a golden Rule, ought to regulate) the feveral Eftates and Conditions of Men ; and, be- ing duly obferved, do really promote the Peace and Plenty of this Commonwealth. 4 to, containing thir- ty Pages, printed at London, by T. W. for Matthew Walbancke and Richard Beft^ at Grafs-Inn Gate, in 1649 Page i A Reprefentation of the prefent State of Religion, with Regard to the late exceffive Growth of infidelity, Herefy, and Profanenefs : Drawn up by the Upper Houfe of Convocation, of the Province of Canter- bury, and tranfmitted to the Lower Houfe for their Approbation. Folio, containing five Pages, printed in 1711 17 The Bloody Parliament, in the Reign of an unhappy Prince. 4/0, containing feven Pages, printed at Lon- don, in the Year of much Blood-fhed, 1643^ 22 Strange News from Plymouth: Or, a wonderful and tragical Relation of a Voyage from the Indies ; where, by extraordinary Hardfhips, and Extremi- ties of the late great Frofts, feveral of the Seamen, and others, miferably perifhed j and, for Want of Provifion, caft Lots for their Lives, and were forced to eat one another ; and how a Dutch Merchant eat Part of his own Children, and then murdered him- felf, becaufe he would not kill his Wife : With the miraculous Prefervation of George Carpinger, an E-ngHJh Seaman, and the Dutch Merchant's Wife, now a-fhore at Plymouth. In a Letter to Mr. D. B. of London, Merchant. 4(0, containing eight Pages, printed at London for y. Ccnyers, at the Black Raven in Duck-Lane, 16^4. 25 The Quacks Academy : Or, The Dunces Directory. A new Art to crofs the old Proverb, and make a Man a Fool and Phvfician both at a Time. Dif- covering the feveral Methods whereby fo many ig - norant Pretenders obtain Repute and Praclice. Cur ludere nobii Non liceat, licuit cum jugulare tili. MART. With Allowance. Quarto, containing fix Pages, printed at London, for A. B. in 1678. 28 A Queftion, Whether there be Nothing new ? Being one of thofe Queftions handled in the Weekly Con- ferences of Monfieur Renaudofs Bureau a" AddreJ/es t at Paris. Tranflated into Englifh, Anno 1 640. 4/0, containing fix Pages. London, printed by R. B. for Jafper Emery, at the Eagle and Chi'.d, in St. Paul's Church-yard, near St. Auguftini$ Gate 31 Vindex Anglicus : Or, the Perfections of the Englifo Language defended and aflerted. Printed Anna Dom. 1644. 4 fo > containing fix Pages 33 The Honour of the Gout : Or, a rational Difcourfe, demonftrating that the Gout is one of the greatejl Blejfings which can befal mortal Man ; that all Gentlemen, who are 'weary of it, are their own E- nemies ; that thofe Praflitioners, who offer at the Cure, are the vaineft and moft mifchievous Cheats in Nature. By Way of Letter to an eminent Citi- zen, wrote in the Heat of a violent Paroxyfm, and now publiflied for the common Good. By Philander Mifaurus. i zmo, containing fixty-feven Pages, printed at London, in 1699 37 The Character of an ill Court Favourite : Reprcfent- ing the Mifchiefs that flow from Mmifters of State, when they are more great than good ; the Arts they ufe to feduce their Majlen, and the Unhappinefs of Princes, that are curfed with fuch dcjlrucli-ve Servants. Tranflated out of Fren-h. 4/5, containing twenty- two Pages. London, printed in thesReign of King Charles the Second 50 The Forerunner of Revenge. Being two Petitions : The one, to the King's moft excellent Maje ly ; the other, to the moft honourable Houfes of Parliament. Wherein are exprefied divers Actions of the late b 2 Earl Vlll Earl of Buckingham ; We CONTENT efpecially concerning the s. Death of King James t and the Marquis of Hamil- ton, fuppofed by Poifon. Alfo may be obferved the Inconveniences befalling a State, where the no- ble Difpofition of the Prince is rnifled by a Favou- rite. By George E^li/ham, Doaor of Phyfick, and one of the Phyficians to King James, of happy Me- mory, for his Majefty's Perfon, above ten Years' Space, 4/0. containing at London, in the Year 1642 61 % Fragment a Regalia: Or, Obfervations on the late Queen EHfahtb, her Times and Favourites. Writ- iand Thunder. Whereunto are added divers new /Epigrams never before printed. The fifth Edition, !with more new Auditions. London, printed for I Richard Harper, and are to be fold at his Shop, at (the Hofpital Gate, 1638. Duodecimo, containing j eighteen Pages 167 A brief Relation of a wonderful Accident, a Diflblu- tion of the Earth, in the Foreft of Charnvuood, a- containing twenty-three Pages, printed i bout two friiles from Lougbborough in Leicejlerjhire ; \ lately done, and difcovered, and reforted to, by many People, both old, and young. Publifhed by two Lovers of Art, I. C. and /. W. Quarto, con- taining fix Pages, MDCLXXIX. 178 The Geography and Hiftory of Mons. Firft written in French, for the Service of an Imperial Officer, in the Army about Mons ; and now done, a fecond Time, in Engiijb, for the Satisfaction of our Bri- tijh Officers. By John Mack Gregory, L L. L. Profeflbr of Geography and Hijiory. Printed at E- ainburgb, in the Year MDCCIX, Quarto, contain- ing Forty-four Pages. i go St. Hilary* s Tears. Shed upon all Profeffions, from the Judge to the Pettifogger. From the fpruce Dames of the Exchange, to the dirty walking Fifli * mongers. From the Cow#/-Garden Lady of Ini- quity, to the Turnbal-Jireet Trull, and indeed, from the Twcer -flairs, to Wcjlminfter-fary . For Want of a ftirring Midfummer Term, this Year of Difaf ters, 1642. Written by one of his Secretaries, that had Nothing elfe to do. London, printed Anno Dam, .1642. Quarto, containing fix Pages 199 -V \ ten by Sir Robert Naunton, Matter of the Court of ~\ Wards. Printed Anno Dom. 1641 . 4/0, containing forty-nine Pages 7 2 The Nicker Nicked , Or, the Cheats of Gaming dif- \- covered. The third Edition. Felix quern faciunt aliena pericula cautum, Licenfed November 4, 1668. Printed in the Year 1669. 4/0, containing nine Pages 96 A Dialogue between Sam. the Ferry-man of Docket, Will, a Water- man of London, and Tom. a Barge- man of Oxford. Upon the King's Calling a Par- liament to meet at Oxford. London, printed in 1681. 4/0, containing twenty- nine Pages _ 99 The Antiquity and Dignity of Parliaments. Written by Sir Robert Cotton. Printed Anno Dam. 1679. ol. containing thirteen Pages 1 14 e Execution of luftice in England, for Mainte- naunce of publique and ChrilHan Peace, againft cer- teine Stirrers of Sedition, and Adherents to the Tray- tours and Enemies of the Realme, without any Per- fecution of them for Queftions of Religion, as is falfely reported and publifhed by the rautors and Foilerers of their Treafons ; xvii December, 1583. Imprinted at London, 1583, 4/0, containing five Sheets, black Letter, the firft Edition ; though, as it appears from fome Manufcript Additions and Al- terations on the Title, and in other Parts of the Book, prepared a fecond Time for the Prefs, by the , Author, on the \\tb si January, 1583. 122 A Difcourfe of Marriage and Wiving, and ofthe greateft Myflery therein contained : How to chufe a good Wife from a bad. An Argument of the deareft Ufe, but the deepeft Cunning, that Man may err in ; which is, to cut by a Thread, between the greateft Good or Evil in the World. Perti- nent to both Sexes, and Conditions, as well thofe already gone before, as fliortly to enter this honeft Society. Amare & fapere vix Diis toneeditur. By Alex. Niccholes, Eatchelor in the Art he never yet ' put in Practice. He that ftands ly, and doth the Game fur*vey, Sees more oftimes, than thoje that at it play. London, printed by N. O. for Leonard Becket, in the Inner Temple, ltfr he very Beggars Petition againft Popery ; wherein u they lamentably complain to King Henry the Eighth N of the Clergy : i. Of their abominable Covetoufnefs and Oppreffion, in feveral Particulars, from 3, to $13. 2 . Of their infatiable Lechery, being Devils at Women ; and how they apply themfelves, by all Sleights they may, to have to do with every Man's Wife, Daughter, and Maid (as well Ladies, as meaner Perjons, when they come in their Way) from 13, to 17. 3. They brought in Theft with them, and nourifhed it under them, 17. 4. That they baffled all Laws, that none could take Hold of them, tho' they ravifhed Men's Wives and Daugh- ters ('which that curfed Creiv would be at again, thd 1 not in that feeming holy Method, but no-iv in an open, odious, debauched Way, like infernal Incubuffes, who now have naturalifed Succubujfes for their Turn, &c.) for the Law was too weak to hold them ; they making fuch as begin with them quickly to ceafe profecuting them, f 18. 5. An Example hereof, fee in the Bifhop of London, 19. 6. Tho' the Statute of Mortmain was made to prevent giving them any more, yet ftill they got more than any Btoke, 2-0 and 21. 7. Their yearly Exactions came by curfed Pretenfions of praying People's Souls out of Purgatory, &c. 22. 8. This Doctrine of Purgatory was always oppofed by godly, learned Men, 23 and 24. 9. Their hellifh Policy, in not fuffering the New-Teftament to be tranflated in the Mother-Tongue, left their Hypocrify and Cheating fhould be difcovered, 2$, 26. 10. The Impu- dence of Dr. Alhn, and Dr. Horfey, fined to the King, but afterwards therefore amply rewarded by the Clergy, 27. n. The Reafon of this was, becaufe the Chancellor was one of them, viz. a Clergyman, 28. 12. The Cheat of giving Lands, or Money, to the Church for the Poor, or Maffes, i 30. 13. They petition to turn th"fe Blood {up- pers out to labour and get them Wives of their own, 31. 14. The Benefits and Advantages of fo doing, Cfc. $ 3 i, 32. Tbefe Arguments, and the like, pre- vailed V * - Butchers. If any Butcher kill and fell Calves under five Weeks old, or any weaning under two Years old. If they fell any meafled Hogs, or Beaft that died of the Murrain, or other corrupt or un- wholefome Meat. Fijh. ; ? % If any deftroy the Fry of Fifh, or fi/h with Nets lefs than two Inches and an half wide in the Mafh. If any kill any Salmon utider fixteen Inches long, or Pickerils under ten Inches long, or Trouts under eight Inches long, or Barbels un- der twelve Inches long. If dried Barrel-fifh (brought in by Strangers) be not of, due Affize, viz. in Barrels of Herrings Thirty-two Gallons, inBarrels of Eels thirteen Jury, at York Affixes, &c. 15 Gallons, in a Butt of Salmon Four-fcore and four Gallons. If any bring any Cod or Ling from beyond Sea, in Barrels to be fold, or other wife than loofe in Bulk. If any fet a Tax, or Toll, or Reftraint upon Fifh brought into this Nation to be fold. If any cut out or deftroy Heads or Dams of Ponds, Moats, or Stews of Fifh, in any Man's feveral Fifhings. ~ > Ma't-makers. ' If any Malt-maker do not make his Malt of good and fweet Barley, not mow-burnt or fpired Barley. If they do not rub it, and drefs it well, and fan half a Peck of Duft out of every Quaf ter. If it be lefs Time than three Weeks in the Fat, Floor, and Drying. Millers. If any Miller take exceflive Toll for grinding Corn, viz. above a twentieth Part, or twenty- fourth Part, according to the Strength of the Water. Wine. If any bring in Wine in foreign Bottoms. If any bring in Wine in VelTels, not of due Aflize, viz. the Butt One-hundred twenty fix Gallons, Hogfliead fixty-three Gallons, Pipe One-hundred twenty-fix Gallons, Terce eighty four Gallons, Tun Two hundred fifty- two Gal- lons. If any fell Wine, above the Price proclaimed in Chancery. And thus you fee how the publick Plenty of the Country is diminifned for a few Men's par- ticular Gains ; and you fee alfo how the Abufcs may be reformed, to a general Advantage of all ihe People. Laftly, Common Nufances are to be en- x qitited after. Touching ccmmon Nufances, or Offences, done againft the general Eafements of the Peo- ple, as, againft the Health, Beauty, and good Complexion of the Body Politick, are thefe. If any eret a Cottage s and do not lay four Acres 1 6 Serjeant Thorpe, Judge of the Affize for the Northern Circuit, Sec. Acres of Ground to it, to be occupied with it. If any continue fuch unlawful Cottage. If any keep an Inmate, or Underfitter, in a Cottage. If any common Bridge be out of Repair. If High ways to Market- Towns be not en- larged and cleanfed of Wood, Two-hundred Feet at lead. If any common High-way be out of Repair, or if any Ditches be unfcoured, or undrefled, which mould conveigh and avoid the Water from ftanding in High-ways; If the Parishioners have not met at the Day appointed, to mend the High-ways, as the Law If any keep common Gaming- houfes, Bowl- ling-allies, or the like. If any common Vagabonds and Beggars, or wandering Rogues, or dangerous Rogues do pafs, or be fuffered to pafs, from Place to Place, or be relieved, in Places where they come. If any keep, or ufe, unlawful Weights and Meafures, not according to the Standard of the Exchequer ; or if Weights and Meafures, of the Standard Aflize, be not kept in every Mar- ket Town. If any ufe any Weights or Meafures, un- fearched or unfealed. If any profane the Lord's Day, viz. by tra- velling that Day, or by ufmg Sports, and un- lawful Exercifes that Day. If any profanely fwear or curfe. If any keep a ftoned Horfe in any common Ground, not being fourteen Hands high. And thus you fee bow the Wifdom of the Com- mon Laws of this Nation, and of the Parliaments, from Time to Time, bath provided for the Secu- rity and Eafe of the People j and hath furnijhed us with a Salve for every Sore, and gives us Rules and Injiruftions, how to govern ourfehes, that we may be helpful and uftful to one another ; and from whence it is, that we may well conclude, If we keep the Law, the Law will keep us ; and that, If we place the Law in the Throne, the Law will preferve and protect us, in Safety and Security, touching the Offences, which are committed by difobedient and lawlejs Perfons : You that are culled out from all the Parts of the Country, and chofen to be the chief Agents, and fiijl Movers (as I may Jpeak) in this Work of Jujlice, which is the Subject of this Day's Ser- vice, and are the Ccuitry's Trujiees for that Purpoje ; I do not quffiion, but your publick Spi- rits are fuch, and common Love to your Country fuch (taking in even your own Inter ejls and par- ticular Profits and Concernments) that you will be more than ordinary careful to cleanfe the Coun- try of thefe Weeds, and Darnel, ana Cockle, that grow up among the Corn , thofe wicke'd and unrea- jonable Men, which are as Pricks and Goads, in the Sides of others, and live idly, loojly, and wickedly, among the People, and are, as fo many Plague-fores, fpread over the Body of the Coun- ty ; and the Way, to cleanfe the Country of them, is to execute Jujlice upon them ; for the Execution of Jujlice is the Work of God himfelf, the End of the Law, the Command of the Parliament, the Magijlrates Honour, the Offenders Terror, and the Expectation of all hone/} Men : And there- fore (as once it was fpoken in another Cafe) let it not feem a fmall Thing to you, who are to begin this Work of Jujlice, that you are feparated from the Congregation, and brought near to the God of Heaven, to do the Service of the Tabernacle, and to Jland before the People, and to minifter unto them. And, having faid thus much, I leave what remains to your Diligence. All our Ser- vice begins in you ; it is your Ignoramus, or Billa vera, which opens and Jhuts, which Jhuts and no Man opens. A Re- ( '7) A Reprefentation of the prefent State of Religion, with Regard to the late exceffive Growth of Infidelity, Herefy, and Pro- fanenefs : Drawn up by the Upper Houfe of Convocation, of the Province of Cdnterbury y and tranfmitted to the Lower Houfe for their Approbation. [Folio, containing five Pages, printed in i 711.] May it pleafe your Majefty, WE, the Archbijhop, the Bijhops, and the Clergy of the Province of Canter- bury, in Convocation ajjembled, are deeply fenfible of the many Blejffings and Advantages of your gracious and profperous Reign : Amongjl which, there is none that more affeEls us, than the tender Care and Concern Jhewn by your Ma j eft y for the flourijhing State of Religion, and the godly Zeal you have exprejfed again/I the Wickednep of tho/e, who, by loofe and profane Principles and Praftices t have endeavoured to undermine and dejlroy it* We are thankful to Almighty God, who hath put it into your Royal Heart to reprefs thefe im- pious and daring Attempts ; and, for that End, among others, to order your Clergy to be called to- gether, that they might, in Synod, humbly offer their Counfel and AJJiflance. It is, on many Accounts, our Duty, to do the ut- mo/t that in us lies, towards promoting fo excellent a Work. We have, therefore, applied ourjelves, with Diligence, to conftder the Matters to us re" f erred', and do now, in Obedience to your Royal Commands^ humbly lay before your Maje/iy, A Reprefentation of t be prefent State of Religion among us, with Regard to the late exceffive Growth of Infidelity r , Herefy, and Prophanenefs. IT is with the greateft Affli&ion and Concern, that we enter upon a Work fo unpleafant in all Refpecls, were it not for the Hopes it gives us of feeing thefe Evils, in fome Meafure, removed ; and, therefore, we fliall not give your Majefty the Uneafinefs of a particular Re- lation, either of the blafphemous Paflages that have been publifhed from the Prefs, or the great Impieties that have been committed : But, in Difcharge of the Truft repofed in us, by your Majefty, we think ourfelves obliged to lay be- fore you fuch an Account of the Progrefs of Infiddity, Herefy, and Profanenefs amongft us, as may let your Majefty fee the Caufes and Oc- cafions which have given the greateft Rife to them, and the fad Confequences with which they are attended. It is hard to come to the Beginning of thefe great Evils, which all Times have complained of ; and, therefore, to confine our own En- quiries, and leflen your Majefty's Trouble, as much as we can, we (hall look no farther back for the Source of them, than that long unnatu- ral Rebellion *, which loofened all the Bonds of Difcipline and Order, and overturned the goodly Frame of our Ecclefiaftical and Civil Confti- tution. The Hypocrify, Enthufiafm, and Variety of wild and monftrous Errors which abounded, during thofb Confufions, begat in the Minds of many Men, too eafily carried into Extreams, a Difregard for the very Forms of Religion, and proved the Occafion of great Libertinifm, and Profanenefs, which hath ever fince too much VOL.11. Againft King Charlei the Firft. c prevailed A Refrefentation of the prefent State of Religion, &c. 18 prevailed amongft us; the Seeds of Infidelity and Herefy, which were then fown, did foon after appear, and the Tares have fprung up in great Abundance. The Authority of the prefent Canon of Scripture hath been reprefented, as ftanding upon a very precarious Foundation, and the Infpira- tion of the Whole hath been called in Queftion. The Miracles, recorded in Scripture, have been difputed and compared to the fabulous Re- lations of thofe that occur in Heathen Writers. All Myfteries in Religion have been exploded as abfurd and ufelefs Speculations, and fcveral fundamental Articles of our moft holy Faith have not only been called in Queftion, but re- jected. The Arian and Socinian Herefies have been propagated with great Boldnefs ; the Do&rine of a Trinity of Perfons in the Unity of the God" head, hath been denied and fcoffed at ; the Sa- tisfa&ion made for the Sins of Mankind, by the precious Blood of Chrift, hath been either di- rectly renounced, or very ungratefully leflened i the eftablifhed Creeds of the Church have been reprefented as unwarrantable Impofltions. Even at this Time, when we are thus met by your Majefty's Writ, and exhorted by your gracious Letter, to confult of Methods for re. preffing pernicious Errors and Impieties, a Book hath been printed, wherein the Arian Do&rine (of which we cannot but declare our utter Ab- horrence) is avowed and maintained, and the Truth of it is threatened to be (hewn by large and elaborate Proofs, in other Treatifes from the fame Hand, which are foon to follow. To this Book, the Author hath prefixed his Name, and hath not been afraid to dedicate it to the Archbifhop, Bifhops, and Clergy of this Pro% vince, in Convocation afTembled, with .invita- tion to all, to encourage his Defign by their Subfcriptions to it, and not without laying the Imputation of Anticbrijlianifm upon all thofe who {hall not approve it. x The Natural Immortality of the Soul hath, upon different Schemes and Views, been oppo- fed, as a Vulgar Error, and the Neceffity of all human Thoughts and Actions have been af- ferted, to the Overturning the Foundations of all Religion, whether Natural or Inftituted, and to the Rendering all Notions of Good and Evil, of Rewards and Punifhments, whether in this Life, or the next, groundlefs and vain. Others have endeavoured to root out of Men's Minds all Notions of a Church, as a Society inftituted by Chrift, with peculiar Powers" and Privileges, and proper Officers to adminifter the Word and Sacraments ; and fo to blend and confound the fpiritual Society with the tem- poral, as to make every Thing in Religion, its divine Truths, and moft facred Ordinances, dependent on the Will of the Civil Magiftrate, as deriving iblely from hjm their San&ion and Authority. Nay, thefe religious Ordinances themfelves, even the chief of them, Baptifm and the Supper of the Lord, have been fpoken of with fuch a Degree of ungodly Mockery and Scorn, as to fill the Hearts of good Chriftians with Horror and Aftonifhment.- The Frauds of Pagan and Popijh Priefts have been difplayed, in order to reprefent all Priefts aslmpofers upon the Credulity of Mankind, and draw Infamy upon the Priejlbood in general j and to render the Order itfelf, in what Religion foever it was found, equally the Object of pub- lick Averfion and Contempt. The Books, containing the Errors and Impie- ties abovementioned, have been the more eafily publifhed and difperfed, fmce the Expiration of the Ad for retraining the Prefs ; and, thro* the greater Liberty of Printing, which thereon enfued, have the Vicious and Profane had more Opportunities to fcatter their Papers, for cor- rupting the Manners of Men. Not only feveral Pieces formerly written on the Side of Infidelity, which might have been forgotten without fuch a Revival, have been colle&ed into Volumes, and publifhed again, but mock Catechifms, framed in a light Man- ner, have been cried in the Streets, to depre- ciate the excellent Summaries of our Chriftian Faith, and, as far as pofEble, to root out of Men's Minds the Senfe of thofe great Truths that are contained in them. This Profanenefs hath been much increafed, by the Licentioufnefs of the Stage, where the worft Examples have been placed in the beft Lights, and recommended to Imitation ; and the various Images thus painted to the Life, and fet out with all Manner of Advantage, have made fuch Impreflions upon the Minds of the Young and Unwary, as are not eafy to be effaced : Where the Bond of Wedlock hath been generally treated as a ridiculous and bur- denfome Yoke, to the great Prejudice of Society and Virtue, and every Thing facred hath been expofed : Where the Office of the Priefthood hath been made a Matter of Scorn and Re- proach i and where, at the Opening of a new Theatre, A Reprefentation of the prefent State of Re/tgion, &c. Theatre, the Building of Churches was im- pioufly derided, as a vain and ufelefs Work, the Effect: only of Superftition and Ignorance. It is indeed for the Purpofe of the Irreligious to difcourage the Building of Churches where they are fo much wanted, and where the Want of them is, in all Appearance, one great Oc- cafion of the Irreligion of many. For, by this Means, vaft Numbers of Souls have, in and about thefe two populous Cities, been excluded from a Poflibility of attending the publick Wor- fhip of God, and from all the Benefits of Chrif- tian InftrucYton. And the natural Confequence of this has been a gradual .Defection from Piety and Virtue to irreligious Ignorance, and all Manner of loofe and licentious Living. And as the Want of Churches here, fo the Want of competent Maintenance for the Service of many that are in the Country, where two or three Cures do not often aftbrd enough to fup- port a Minifter, is, though not a late, yet a like Occafion of Profanenefs and Ignorance there; for, by this Means, many Parifhes have no Minifter refiding among them, and are feveral Sundays in the Year without any Service at all j and the Minifters, by having fo much Duty upon them, cannot difcharge it as they ought, nor have Time for the Catechifing young Per- fons, which is fo neceflary a Part of Chriftian Inftru&ion. And to the Increafe of this Mifchief, both in City and Country, have they alfo contributed, who have taken Occafion from the Relaxation of tho/e Laws which made Abfence from the efta- bliftied Church penal, to withdraw themfelves intirely from all religious Aflemblies, although the very A61 of Exemption, which gave Liberty in one Refpe6t, equally reftrained it in the other. From thefe feveral Occafions hath enfued a E-eat Neglect of the religious Obfervance of the ord's Day, too great a Part of which is fpent, by many, in publick Houfes, and other Diver- fions, wholly unfuitable to the Time fet a-part for the more immediate Service of God ; tho' we have Reafon to think, that, through the Care of Magiftrates and others, fome Reformation hath been made of this Matter. But whatever Share any of the Caufes and Oc- cafions abovementioned may have had in that Growth of Infidelity, Herefy, and Profanenefs amongft us,- we cannot but bewail the Effect j confidering the Difhonour it brings on our holy Faith, our Church, and Nation ; and the Hurt 19 it has done to your Majefty's People, many of whom have been made worfe Men and worfe Subjects by the Means of it. It is lamentable to reflect how ,many Souls have been loft by imbibing wicked Doctrines from thofe Books which have been fcattered for feveral Years through this Kingdom ; how many more are endanger'd by too near Approaches to Infidelity (though they have not as yet actually arrived to it) from a Spirit of Indifference and Neutrality in Religion, which hairt been infufed into their Minds by thefe Means. But what we have farther to apprehend from our Impitties is, that they have made us ob- noxious to the Difpleafure of Almighty God, who mayjuftly on their Account be provoked to viilt us with his Judgments, by flopping the con- tinued Current of Succefs with which he hath hitherto blefied our Affairs, *"and delivering us into the Hands of our Enemies ; by withdrawing the pure Light of his Gofpel from us, and letting in the Abomination of Popery among us. For the Emiffaries from Rome have been all along very watchful to lay hold of thefe Oppor- tunities for the Advancement of their Caufe j to which nothing is fo ferviceable as Scepti- cifm and Loofenefs of Life. Thefe, therefore, as well as the Errors and Divifions amongft us, they have always encouraged to the beft of their Power, and improved to their own Advantage ; reprefenting in feveral Books, as well as in their common Converfation, the great Uncertainty of the Chriftian Religion upon Proteftant Prin- ciples, and filling Men's Minds with infinite Doubts, the better to make them fubmit to an infallible Guide. They have fwarmed in our Streets of late Years, as they do more particu- larly at this Time, and are very bufy in making Converts ; nor do we doubt but that divers of your Majefty's Subjects, either from the Scan- dal taken at the Infidelity, Herefy, and Profane- nefs they fee, or from fharing the Contagion of it, have, by their Arts, been perverted. But, notwithfianding that we have thefe Things to complain of, fo much hath been done already toward taking off" the Caufes and Effects of thefe Evils, and to prevent the further Con- fequences of them, as to give us great Hopes, that, through the Bleffing of God upon your Majefty's Authority and Example, and the En- deavours of your Subjects in their feveral Stations, we fhall efcape the Danger we have fo much Reafon to fear. C 2 For, A Reprefentation of the prefent State of Religion, &c. 20 For, as Books have been publifhed in Favour of Herefy and downright Infidelity ; fo others have been written from. Time to Time, as Oc- cafion required, in Defence of the fundamental Truth?, whether of Natural or 'Revealed Re- ligion, with great Clearnefs and Strength of Ar- gument. The vain Pleas of the feveral Advo- cates for Infidelity have been particularly con- fidered and refuted, to the Silencing, if not the Conviction, of fome of the Principal of them. A Lecture was founded, not m:--iy Years fince, by Mr. Boyle *, in Defence of the Chriftian Re- ligion, agfiinft all the Adverfaries of it : and many excellent and ufeful Sermons have been preached and publifhed upon that Occafion. Societies have been formed for the Reforma- tion of Manners ; Funds of Charity have been raifed for the Propagation of the Gofpel in foreign Parts, and of Chriftian Knowledge at Home, and for the pious Education of poor Children ; great Variety of plain and ufeful Difcourfes have been diftributed among the meaner Sort for their more eafy Improvement ; and Parochial Libra- ries have been fet up for the Ufe of Minifters in the Country, that they might be better pro- vided for the Inftruftiori of thofe committed to their Charge. Authority hath often interpofed for the Coun- tenancing thefe excellent Defigns, and for with- ftanding the bold Attempts that have been made upon our common Faith; and, for preventing thelncreafe of Irreligion and Profanenefs, Royal Injunctions and Proclamations haveiiTued, Ars of Parliament have pafled, Profecutions at Law have been ordered, gracious Speeches from the Throne have been made, and from thence fuch bright Patterns of Piety and Virtue have fhone forth, as have, no Doubt, prevailed upon many, though the Influence of them hath not extended fo far as might have been expected. But then the Infidelity of fome hath been at- tended with this good Confequence in others, that the Zeal of devout Perfons hath thereby been excited to do every Thing that in them lay towards refifting and ftemming the Increafe of this great Evil ; nor have their Endeavours been altogether fruitlefs ; our Eyes daily fee the happy Effects of them ; Divine Service and Sacra- ments have of late 'been oftener celebrated, and better frequented than formerly ; the Catechifing of Youth hath been more generally pra&ifed, and with greater Succefs ; vaft Sums have been furnifhed by private Contributions to fuftain the Charge of educating poor Children in the pious Manner above 'mentioned ; and many other new and noble Inftitutions of Charity have been fet on Foot. Many Churches have been repaired and adorned at the Expence of the feveral Parifhionen and other Btnefadors ; and many Chapels open- ed in the larger Parifjies, though not fufficient to anfwer the Wants of the Inhabitants. Great Sums of Money have been by publick Authority provided and applied for the Building, Support- ing, and Adorning other Churches ; -and your Majefty has been gracioufly plea fed, upon our humble Addrefs, to recommend to your Par- liament to find out Means for the Building of fuch as are ftill wanting ; of which from the great Satisfaction with which your Meflage was received, and the great Progrefs made upon it, we hope to fee the blefled Eft'eft j when all, who are religioufly difpofed, may have the Opportu- nity of giving publick Teftimony of it, and the Carelefs be left without Excufe. In the mean Time, other Methods of redref- fing thefe Mifchiefs, may, we humbly conceive, be fuccefsfully tried, fuch as your Majefty's great Wifdom and Piety, and the foregoing Obferva- tions, will fuggeft to you. We entertain not the leaft Doubt of your Majefty's firft Refolution to render the Laws and Proclamations fet forth for the Suppreffion of Immorality and Profanenefs ufeful to that Pur- pofe, by an impartial and vigorous Execution of them ; and to reform the Corruptions of the Stage, which have been fo instrumental in vitia- ting young and innocent Minds, and have given fo juft C)frence to all ferious and devout Chriftians. We are intirely perfuaded, that your Majefty will, in the moft effectual Manner, difcounte- nance all fuch Perfons as are profligate in their Lives, or the known Abettors and Spreaders of impious Opinions ; and the repeated Affurances which your Majefty, whom God long preferve, hath been pleafed to give to your People of your Care to tranfmit the Succeflion of the Crown in the Proteftant Line, as eftablifhed by Law, give us great Hopes, that our Enemies of the Romijh Communion will, at laft, be effectually dif- couraged from attempting the Ruin of that ex- To be preached at Bow Churth in Cheap-fide, London. cellent A Reprefentaticn of the prefent State of Religion, &c. cellent Church, of which, under Chrijt^ your Majefty is the chief Governor and glorious De- fender. From the Application of thefe feveral Means, which, we do not doubt, but your Majefty will ufe, we promife ourfelves very great and du- rable Effects 5 but that for which we at prefent in moft earneft and moft humble Manner addrtfs curfelves to your Majefty i?, that, by your Royal Interpoiition, an Act may be obtained, for re- training the prefent excefllve and fcandalous Liberty of printing wicked Books at Home, and Importing the like from Abroad ; in fuch Man- ner as to the Wifdom of your Majefty and your Parliament fhall feem moft expedient. For as we take this Liberty to have been one chief Source and Caufe of thofe Evils whereof we have fpoken, fo we queftion not but the Re- ftraint of it would go a great Way in the Cure of them. There is another pernicious Cuftorr that has very much prevailed amongft us under the falfe Notion of Honour, which we beg Leave to men- tion in this Place ; and that is the Practice of fighting Duels, which has fo far obtained, that your Majefty hath had many Occafions, and fome very lately, to fee the difmal Effects of it. We do therefore, in all humble Duty, beg your Majefty to take the moft effectual Methods to extinguish thofe falfe Notions, fo contrary to the Laws of God, and fo deftructive of all So- ciety, and to put a Stop to this wicked and unchriftian Practice by fuch Means as your Majefty, in your great Wifdom, (hall think moft jrfuper. We have alfo good Hope, that all, employed in Authority under your Majefty , will, as we pray, truly and indifferently minijier Jujlice^ to the Pu- ni foment oflrickednefs and Vice, and to the Jl>fain~ tenance of true Religion and Virtue ; and wi(h that fome Way may be found for the Recovery and Improvement of Chriftian Knowledge and 21 Piety in Families, which, we fear, is too much neglected. We likewife hope, that efpecial Care will be taken of the Education of young People at the Univerfities, by providing that Tutors make it their Bufmefs to teach their Pupils the Princi- ples of the Chriftian Religion in the Courfe of their other Studies, and endeavour to make them ferious in it, with a particular Eye to fuch as are defigned for holy Orders. And for ourfelves, who are called to this holy Function, we beg Leave to afTure your Majefty, that we will take all poflible Care of the Dif- charge of our own Duty, and do all that in us lies, that the Canons of our Church may be ftrictly cbferved both by ourfelves and thofe com- mitted to our Charge. We have thofe Parts of our Difcipline which your Majefty hath, in your great Goodnefs, thought fit to recommend to us for farther Im- provement, under our moft ferious Confedera- tion j and hope, in fome Meafure, to anfwer the Wants of the Church, and your Majefty's Ex- pectations in referring them to us ; as we fhall at all Times hereafter, as often as your Majefty fhall be pleafed to* require our Attendance for thefe Purpofes, endeavour to make our fynodical Meetings fubfervient to the good Order and Eftablifhment of this Church, the Intereft and Advantage of the Chriftian Religion, the Satis- faction of your Majefty, and the Honour of God. A.nd our daily and fervent Prayer to God fhall be, that your Majefty may be the happy Inftru- ment of thefe and many other Bleflings to this Church and State ; that you may be as prof- perous in your Defigns againft Infidelity and Vice here at Home, as you have been in all your L 7 n- dertakings againft the common Enemy Abroad \ and may, by that Means, add, what alone is wanting to compleat the Glory, and crown the Succefles of your ever memorable Reign. The The Bloody Parliament, in the Reign of an unhappy Prince. \iluartO) containing feven Pages, printed at London in the Year of much Blood-hed, 1643.] THis prefent Occafion ferving Co op- portunely fit, I thought it a Labour well worthy the Obfervation, to lay down, a true Narration of that me- morable Parliament, begun in the tenth Year of Richard the Second, both for the great Wonders that it wrought, in the Subver- iion of the Malignants, who were near unto the King, and had diftilled much pernicious Coun- fel into, his facred Ears : As alfo, that every good and careful Reader might learn thereby to avoid Diversities of Miferies, and the Fear and Danger of a cruel Death. I will therefore give a true and {hort Narration of that which hath Jain hid a long Time in the Shadow of Forget- fulnefs, concerning Men of .great and eminent Authority in this Kingdom, who have been led away in the deceitful Path of Covetoufnefs, and have come to an untimely and ignominious End ; being famous Examples to deter all Men in Authority, or whom Favour fhall raife near unto the King, from pradtifing thofe, or the like Courfes. When Richard, the Second of that Name, about the Prime of his Youth, fwayed the Im- perial Sceptre of our Realm, there flourifhed in his Court certain Peers, viz. Alexander Nevill, Archbifhop of York, a Man more favoured by Fortune, than by the Honour of his Defcent j Robert fere, Duke of Ireland', Michael de la Poole, Earl of Suffolk ; and then Lord Chan- cellor ; Robert Tri/ilian, Lord Chief Juftice of England, and Nicholas Brambre, a Man, though low in Parentage, yet fometime Lord Mayor of London. Thefe Men being raifed by the fpecial Favour of the King, and advanced to the Degree of Privy-Counfellors, were the Men, who had the only Rule of the Common-wealth, which they, for a little While, governed, under the King, with great Care and Diligence, meriting thereby deferved Commendations ; but this not long did continue, for, overcome either with Ambition, or with Covetoufnefs, or with the Pleafures of the Court, they defpifed the Au- thority of their too eafy King, and, negledt- ing the Commodity of the Realm, in a fhort Time, the Revenues of the Crown began to wafte, the Treafure was exhaufted, and the Com- mons murmured at the Multiplicity of Levies, and Subfidies,. and new Ways of Taxations ; the Peers repine to fee themfelves difgraced, and, in one Word, the whole Kingdom endured an univerfal Mifery. The Nobility, feeing the miferable Eftate wherein themfelves and the Kingdom was involved, urged the King to fummon a Parliament, which was done fhortly after ; in which, amongft many other Acts, Michael de la Poole was difmifled of his Chan- cellorfhip, and, being accufed of many Crimes of Injuftice, as, Bribery, Extortion, and the like, he was committed to /^7w<^r- Cattle, and all his Lands confifcated to the King. Neither did the Parliament here give over, but provided for the whole State, by a mutual Confent be- twixt his Majefty and the Prelates, the Barons, and the Commons ; and, with an unanimous Confent, they chufe a Committee of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, to deprefs all civil Dif- fenfions, and to appeafe the Grudgings of the People. Of the Spiritualty were chofen the Arch- bifhop of Canterbury, the Archbifhop of York, the Bifhop of Ely, the Bifhop of Winchejier, C3V. Of the Laity were elected, by the Duke of York, the Earl of Arundel, the Lord Cobham^ the Lord Scroope, &c. thefe, as Men eminent in Virtue, were chofen by general Suffrage, and (the Parliament being then to be diflblved) were fworn to carry themfelves as dutiful and obedi- ent Subjects in all their Actions. Soon after the aforenamed Chancellor, Michael de la Poole, buzzed in the King's Ears (being moved with implacable Fury againfr. the Parliament) that the Statutes then enacted, were prejudicial to the Crown, and much derogatory to his Prince- ly Prerogative, infomuch that he fhould not have the Power in his own Hands to preferve a Servant, The Bloody Parliament, in the Servant, or to beftow a Largefs, &c. By thefe, and other the like impious Inftigations, with which the Devil did continually fupply them, they practifed to annihilate thefe out of the Par- liament, or whatfoever might feem, by the Li- berty of the Subject, to reflect on the Royal Prerogative of the Prince : And, Fir/1, by their ferpentine Tongues, and ambitious Projects, they fo bewitched the noble Inftigation of the King, that they induced him to believe, that all the 111 they did was a general Good, and fo wrought upon him, that he began to diftafte and abhor the parted Ads of his Parliaments, as treacherous Plots, and wicked Devices. Next, they ftudied to ingrofs the Riches of the King- dom into their own Coffers, and, to the fame End, deal fo cunningly, yet plealingly, with the King, that to fome he gave Ranfome of royal Captives, taken in the late Wars in France ; to fome Towns, to fome Cities, to fome Lands, to others Money, amounting to the Sum of a 100000 Marks, -to the great Impoverifhment both of King and Kingdom. Thirdly, con- trary to their Allegiance, they vilified the Dig- nity of the King ; they caufed him to fwear, that, with all his Power, during his Life, he fhould maintain and defend them from all their Enemies, whether Foreign, or Domeftick. Fourthly, whereas it was enacted, that the King fliould fit with his Parliament at Weftminjier, to confult of the public Affairs, through the Per- fuafion of the aforefaid Confpirators, he was drawn into the moft remote Parts of his Realm, to the great Difparagement of his great Coun- cil, and the general Diflatisfaction of the King- dom. And when any of his great Council came to make Relation of the State of the Realm unto his Majefty, they could not be granted Accefs, unlefs they related the Bufmefs in the Prefence of the Confpirators, who were always ready to upbraid them, if. they uttered any Thing that difpleafed them ; and though they feemed to ad- vance it, they did as much as in them lay, to hinder the King from exercifmg his Royal Pre- rogative. But, though there were fo many Plots, Confpiracies, and Treafons againft our State, our ever-merciful God infpired into the Hearts of the Duke of Gloucejler, the Earls of Arundel and Warwick, the Spirit of Valour and Magnanimity, and every Man, according to his Ability, levied a Power for the Prefervation of the King and Kingdom ; all which Forces, being united, amounted to the Number of 20000. And though the Confpirators, by Vertue of a Reign of an unhappy Prince. 23 certain fpiritualCommiffion, proclaimed through- out the City of London, That no Man, upon the Pain of the Lofs of his Goods, fhould fell any Victuals, or Ammunition, to the Army of the Earl Q{ Arundel, they could not debar them from it ; wherefore they counfelled the King to abfent himfelf from Parliament, and not con- fult of the Affairs of the Kingdom, unlefs an Oath were taken, that they (the faid Confpi- rators) fhould have no Accufation urged againft them : And they caufed it to be proclaimed throughout London, that none, under Pain of Confifcation of all their Goods, fhould fpeak any upbraiding Speeches concerning the King, or the Confpirators, which was a Thing impof- fible to hinder. In the mean Time, the three Noblemen, the Duke of Gioucejler, the Earls of Arundel and frarwick, having muftered their Troops, fent an Accufation in Writing to the King, againft the faid Confpirators, the Arch- bifhop of York, the Duke of Ireland, the Earl of Suffolk, Robert TriJJilian, and Nicholas Brambre, wherein they accufed them of High-Treafon, for proclaiming throughout all the Shires where the King journied, that all Barons, Knights, and Efquires, with the greateft of the Commonalty, able to bear Arms, fhould fpeedily repair to the King, for his Defence againft the Power of the Commiffion. As alfo, thafc contrary to the faid Acts, they caufed the Duke of Ireland to be created Chief Juftice of Cbejler, hereby fell- ing Juftice as they lifted, and for giving Par- dons, under the broad Seal, to Felons, Mur- derers, and fuch like : As alfo, they taught Ireland to look back to her priftine Eftate of having a King ; for they plotted to have th Duke created King of Ireland; and, for to have the Confirmation of this Defign, they allured the King to fend his Letters to the Pope. When thefe Things came to the King's Ears, he fent unto them, required to know what their Demands were : Anfwer was returned, They defired, that the Traitors, who daily committed infufferable Crimes, and filled his Ears with falfe Reports, to avoid the Effufion of more Blood, might receive that Reward their Crimes deferved, and that they might have free Liberty of going and coming to his Grace. This the King gave Confent unto ; and, fitting in his Throne, at the great Hall in Wejlm'wjler, the poor Appellants, with humble Reverence, bowed three Times low before his Majefty oh their Knees, and again afked the aforefaid Con- fpirators, guilty of High-Treafon j whereupon, not 24 77)e Bloody Parliament, in tie not long after, the Duke of Ireland withdrew himfelf, and, marching into Cbtjfhtre t Lanca- Jbire, and Walti\ raifed a Power of 6000 Men, in the King's Name, to overthrow and confound the Appellants ; and, marching to- wards London, when he found the Army of the Appellants was marching down the Mountains, near Whitney, like a Hive of Bees, fuch a vio- lent and cold Palfy cowed them, that they flung down their Arms, and yielded themfelves to the Mercy of the Appellants; the Duke of Ireland himfelf, putting Spurs to his Horfe, took the River, where he hardly efcaped Drown- ing. The Confpirators, hearing of this, (truck with Fear, under the Cover of the Night, did fly by Water to the Tower , and feduced the King to go along with them. Not long after, there was a Conference in the Tower, betwixt the King and the faid Ap- pellants, at the End of which the King did (wear to adhere to their Counfels, fo far as the true Law of Reafon and Equity did require j and, becaufe the Harveft was now ripe, pre- fently divers of the Officers of the King's Houf- hold were excluded, as John Beauchamp, Peter Bourtoey, Knights, and many others j and of the Clergy, John Blake, Dean of the Chapel j John Lincoln, Chancellor of the Exchequer ; John Clifford, Clerk of the Chapel, were kept under Arreft. And thus this hideous Brood of Monfters, fo often (haken, was quite over- thrown. On the Second of February the King came to his Parliament, and after him appeared the five Noblemen, Appellants j who, leading one an- other Hand in Hand, with fubmiflive Geftures reverenced the King, and, by the Mouth of Robert Pleajington, their 'Speaker, they thus declared, That the Duke of Gloucejier, and themfelves, came to purge themfelves of the Treafons' laid to their Charge, by their Confpi- rators. To whom the Lord Chancellor, by the Command of the King, anfwered, That the King conceived honourably of them all, efpe- cially of his Coufm the Duke of Gloucejier^ who, being of an Affinity to him in a collateral Line, could never (he faidj be induced to at- tempt any Treafon againft his Majefty. On this, after Thanks humbly given to the King, the Appellants requefted the King, that Sentence of Condemnation might be given againft the Confpirators j but the King, being moved in Confcience, and in Chanty, perceiving that in every Work they are to remember the End, de- Reign of an unhappy Prince. fired, that the Procefs might ceafe ; but the Peers again importuned him, that no Bufmefs might be debated, until this Treafon were ad- judged : To which the King, at length, gra- cioufly granted his Aflent ; and, when nothing could be produced by the Confpirators to juflify themfelves, they were adjudged this heavy Doom, That the Archbifhop of York, the Duke of Ireland, the Earl of Suffolk, Trijffilian, and Brambre, (hould be drawn from the Tower to Tyburn, and there to be hanged upon a Gibbet, until they were dead, and all their Lands and Goods to be confifcated, that none of their Pof- terity might by them be any Way inriched- After this many more of their Accomplices were taken, and indicted of High Treafon, whofe Names here follow unwritten. The Names of fuch as were charged and con- demned of High Treafon in the aforementioned me- morable Parliament. Alexander Nevill, Archbifhop of York ; Ro- bert de Vere, Duke of Ireland, who being banifh- ed into France, was killed by a wild Boar j Michael de la Poole, Earl of Oxford, Lord High Chancellor ; Robert Tre/tlian, Lord Chief Juf- tice pf the King's-Benck j Sir Nicholas Brambre^ fometime Lord Mayor of London, made a Privy- Councellor ; John Blake, Serjeant at Arms > v Thomas UJke, an Intelligencer of Trejfiliari's. All thefe, except the Duke of Ireland, were hang- ed and drawn at the Elms, now called Ty- burn. Robert Belknap, John Holt, Roger Falthorp, Wil- liam Burleigh, John Lofton, and John Carey were Judges ; and, altho* condemned, yet their Lives were faved at the Interceflion of the Lords Spi- ritual and Temporal, and were afterwards ba- ni(hed into Ireland ; Sir Simon Burleigh, who was condemned and beheaded ; Sir John Beau- champ, Steward of the Houlhold to the King ; Sir James Beverfous. There were alfo condemned and detected of the aforefaid Treafon the Bifhop of Chicbe- Jier, the King's Confeflbr ; Sir Thomas Trinit, Knight j Sir William Ellington, Knight; Sir Nicholas Neyworth, John Slake, and John Lincoln^ which laft were three of the Clergy. Behold thefe Men, who feared not God, nor regarded Men, but, having the'Laws in their own Hands, wrefted them now this Way, and now that Way, as pleafed beft their Appetites, wrefting them, at their Pleafures for their own Commodities, were A wonderful and tragical Voyage from the Indies, &c. were at the laft brought down to the Depth of Mifery, from whence they were never able to free themfelves. Richard^ Son of the valiant and victorious Edward the black Prince, was born ztBourdeaux, and Grand-child to King Edward the Third \ being eleven Years old, he began his Reign, the twenty-fidt Day of June, in the Year of our Lord 1377, and was crowned King at Weft- minjler, the Sixteenth Day of July ; in Bounty, Beauty, and Liberality, he far furpafied all his Progenitors, but was over much given to Eafe and Quietnefs, little regarding the Feats of Arms; and, being young, was ruled moft by young Council, regarding little the Council of the fage Men of the Realm; which Thing turned this Land to great Txouble, and himfelf to extreme Mifery. For being firft difgraced by his Coufm Henry of Bullingbroke, Duke of Hereford, Son of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancajler, he was, at length, by the general Confent of Parliament, depofed from his Crown and Kingdom, the Twenty-ninth of September, 1399, and committed to Prifon, and afterwards wickedly murdered ; for, being fent to Pomfret Caftle to be fafely kept, and princely maintain- ed, he was fhortly after, by King Henry's Di- rection and Command, who feared, left his E- ftate might be fhaken while K\ngRichard livetf, wickedly aflaulted in his Lodging, by Sir Pereu of Exton, and eight other armed Men : from one of whom with a princely Courage he wreft- ed a Broom-bill, therewith flew four of them, and fought with all the reft, until, coming by his own Chair, in which the bafe cowardly Knight ftood for his own Safety, he was by him ftruck with a Pole-ax in the hinder Part of his Head, fo that prefently he fell down and died, when he had reigned twenty-two Years, fe- venteen Weeks, and two Days. Strange News from Plymouth : Or, a wonderful and tragical Re- lation of a Voyage from the Indies ; where, by extraordinary Hard (hips, and Extremities of the late great Frofts, feveral of the Seamen, and others, miferably periflied ; and, for Want of Provifion, caft Lots for their Lives, and were forced to eat one another ; and how a Dutch Merchant eat Part of his own Children, and then murdered himfelf, becaufe he would not kill his Wife : With the miraculous Prefervation of George Carpinger, an Englijh Seaman, and the Dutch Mer- chant's Wife, now a-jfliore at Plymouth. In a Lerter to Mr. D.B. of London^ Merchant. O^uarto, containing eight Pages, printed at London for J. Confers, at the Black Raven in Duck- Lane , 1684. sis, ACcording to Promife in my laft, I have inquired into the Particulars of that fo tragical a Relation therein mentioned, the which, without any Prologue, I fhall lay down in its naked Truth, . as I had the fame from the Mouth of the Survivors who are now at my Houfe, which, if you pleafe, take as follow : VOL, IL A Gentleman called the Heer Van Effell, Na- tive of the Low Countries, having had the Edu- cation of a Merchant at Home, was refolved to improve his Patrimony in fome Foreign Parts : To which End, being thereunto the more encouraged by the Promife of a ftri& Correfpondence with feveral of his Country- men, he undertook a Voyage to the Indie>, whither he arrived about the Year 1670. And, D by A wonderful 'and tragical Voyage from tie Indies, 26 fey the induftiious Management of his Affairs, increafed his Eftate fo confiderably, that few Men in thofe Parts lived in greater Splendor ; being thus fettled about feven Years ; afterwards he came acquainted with the Daughter of a Dutch Merchant of great Fortune, a Gentle- woman of many worthy Accomplifliments, and exceeding beautiful. Our Merchant, being much taken with her Port and Beauty, made his Ad- drefles to her, and, refolving to change his Con- dition, found her not altogether t averfe to his Happinefs ; which, by Degrees, he raifed to Coufent, and obtained her for his Wife, with whom he lived very happily for feveral Years, till he had increafed his Eftate to fuch a Portion, as made him think to return to his own Country, where he firft drew Breath, and had left his Relations ; communicating which Defign to his Lady, fhe readily aflented to the Voyage, and accordingly he made Preparation to gather his E- ftate into a Bottom, and take Leave ofthejndies^ which in a fhort Time he effected ; and being fupplied with a Vefiel that had difcharged her- felf at the faid Port, he hired the fame for Rotterdam, and therein imbarked himfelf, his Wife, two Children and one Servant, with all his Eftate, which amounted to a very confidera- ble Cargo, and, in Auguft laft, took Shipping. The flattering Sea, which too o'ften beguiles us to our Undoing, promifed him for the firft two Months a very happy Voyage, and filled his Heart with Hopes of touching the Shore, the long Abfence of his Friends rendered very defirable to him, and buoyed up with the Expectation of 3 Happinefs cruel Fate had defigned to deprive him of, was on a fudden becalmed ; infomuch that, for feveral Weeks, they could fcarce tell whether they were forwarded a League's Space j in which Time, of the fixteen Seamen and Ma- fter that was on Board, by a Difeafe that increaf- ed amongftthem, feveral died, and, by Degrees their Provifion growing fhort, they were forced to deal the fame more fparingly about, hoping, by their Care, they might have enough to ferve them through their Voyage, and made the beft Way they could to their defired Port ; yet, fuch was their Misfortune, that they failed of their Expectation, and came to fee the laft of what they had, fpent, and for four Days lived without any Suftenance ; and, the Wind being crofs, they, could not make Land, where they might revi&uaL. but were forced to keep on their Voyage. Their. Extremity was fuch, that the two Children , not fo well able to bear fhips as others, both died, on whofe Bodies, not- withftanding the Tears and Intreaties of the Merchant and his Wife, they were forced to feed ; which being in a fhort Time confumed, it came to be confidered, having, no Sight nor Hope of any Shore, that they muft either all of them fubmit to the Fate that threatened them, or contrive fome other Method to fave them- felves, which af prefent they had not the leaft Profpc-Et of, unlefs, in the common Calamity, they confented by Lot, or otherwife, to deftroy fome one in the Number to fave the reft ; which unwillingly they were at length inforced to, and jointly agreed, that, according to the Number then on Board, they fhould number fo many Lots, and on whom Number One fell, he fhould be flain, and Number Two fhould be his Executioner. But here a Difpute arofe, whether the Merchant's Wife, whofe two Chil- dren had to her great Grief been already eaten, in Favour to her Sex, fhould not be exempted from the fatal Lot; fome were of Opinion fhe ought, and particularly one George Carpinger^ a ftout Englijh Seaman, ufed his Endeavours to work, the Company to afTent thereunto ; but as no- thing is fo voracious or cruel as the Jaws of Hunger, on the one Hand, or fo eftimable as Life on the other, he could not effect his De- fign ; fo that, the Majority having over-ruled his Arguments, they drew in common, and fuch was their Misfortune, that the Lot fell on the Woman for Death, and on her Hufband for Executioner. Miferable was the Lamentation of the Hufband and Wife, that fo fatal a Mif- chance fhould for ever part them ; yet Tears and Intreaties were ineffectual, fo that nothing but Submiflion was left, though the Merchant's Servant and Carpinger flood refolutely againft the reft, and refolved to fpare them ; which the Merchant perceiving, and knowing their Force was too little to accomplifh their Wifhes, with a fettled Countenance, fpoke to them to the following Purport: ' Honeft Friends, for fuch you have approved yourfelves to me, you have feen the Hardfhip of my Fate ; and, fince it is drove to this Point, I am refolved never to be her Executioner, who hath been fo loving and juft a Wife to me; but in her Stead am. refolved myfelf to be the Sacrifice; and. therefore what I have to fay to you is, that you ftand her Friends .when I am dead ; what is in this Veflel does, as you know, belong to- me ; fpare nothing of it to ferve her, and with ^thefe Notes, if ever that you arrive at Rotter" A wonderful and tragical Voyage from tie Indies, &c. 27 4 dam, though all in this Cargo be loft, you c fhall be plentifully rewarded'. Which after he had faid, and they with Tears had heard, being about to anhver him, he drew a Piftol from his Pocket, which he fo unexpectedly dif- charg;ed, that they had no Time to prevent it, and mot himfelf in the Head, of which Wound he immediately died. The Cry they made at his Fall, and the Noife of the Piftol, were quickly heard by the reft of the Ship's Crew, which foon called them thither ; nor was his Wife long abfent, who, poor Lady, had been preparing herfelf for her End, which, by this lefs pleafing Difafter fhe faw prevented. The Tears fhefhed and Extravagancies fhe acted at fo difmal a Tragedy, were but needlefs to re- count, fince none are fo hard-hearted but may in fome Meafure judge ; fhe founded and almoft died with Grief, and begged to be her own Exe- cutioner, but fhe was too narrowly watched by her Servant and Carpinger ; to effe fo cruel a Purpofe ; their Eyes never left her, and their Cares were more for her Prefervation than their own ; but irr vain was all their Watch- fulnefs againft the Enemy from without, when {he harboured in her own Breaft a Foe fufficient to deftroy a greater Strength than Grief had left her; for no Intreaties could perfuade her to feed on that dear Corpfe fhe had fo often cherifh- ed, but what Share thereof, the Hardfhip of her Fate allowed her for her Food, fhe embalmed with her Tears, and by renewed Vows, promifes to (hare Fortune with it, and be buried in the fame unwonted Grave in which that Fleflx was diftributed, fhe once fo much admired ; which fhe had near accomplifhed, having had no Food in that Time but two Rats, which were fortu- nately taken, and prefented to her by Carpinger, at fuch Time as the fatal Lot was to take its fe- cond Round, in which fhe was refolved to fhare, drew their Faulchions, and four Perfons were (lain, amongft whom the faithful Servant was one. This was a fufficient Morfel for the pre- fent, and ftaid the bloody Hunger of the Sur- vivors, who were now reduced to five or fix Perfons befides the Lady ; with the Bodies of the Slain they were then fed more plenteoufly than for fome Months preceding, but fuch was the Rigour of their Fate, that, by the unufual Diet, moft of their Men were dead, juft as they got Sight of the Lands-end of England ; and, having but very few Hands to work their Veflel, they found that, from the Dangers they had been fo long in, a fecond threatened them from the Severity of the late Seafon, for, the Ice being there in very great Flanks, they- found them- felves drove amidft the fame towards the Shore, from whence they could not difengage the Ship ; in which Times Carpinger, being a Perfon of a voluble Tongue, and formerly well bred at Stepney near London, where his Father, Captain Carpinger, had long lived, ufed all the Confola- tion he could, by Words or Device, to comfort the defpairing Lady, till at length, fhe was prevailed to hearken to him, and give her Pro- mife to fpare all Violence on herfelf, and wait her better Fortune ; in this Cafe they lay for fix Days, till all but two Perfons, befides them- felves, were dead, and thefe fo mife/abJy weak they could not leave their Cabins, fo that, being froze in, they could not ftir. Carpinger with the Lady refolved to venture on the Ice, and fet forward towards the Shore; which (he the rather undertook, for that fhe hoped hereby to find a Grave in thofe Waves on which fhe had loft what fhe loved above her own Prefervation ; with this Refolution Carpinger, taking Charge of the Lady, got a Plank and a long Pole in his Hand, and with thefe left the Ship, and with freat Danger and Difficulty, in fix Hours got f . 01 t rf~v . t r / f notwithftanding all the Intreaties of Carpinger fafe to Shore, having Opportunity only of faving and his Servant ; and, in fhort, fhe had her a Cafket of Jewels, which he brought off with Wifh, and drew again a fecond Time her own Sentence, which fhe welcomed more than a Bridal-day : and, being juft ready to yield her Throat to the Executioner's Knife, fhe had cer- tainly fell, had not Carpinger, with two more, whom he hired, ftepped in, and refolutely with- ftood the Execution ; upon which Quarrel they him, where, at my own Houfe, the faid Parties now remain, in reafonable Health ; and, confi- dering the Care and Kindnefs of Carpinger, the Lady feems much to favour him, and, when the Time of Mourning is over, will, undoubtedly, make him happy in her Embraces, D 2 S I The Quacks Academy : Or, The Dunces Directory y &c. SIR, POSTSCRIPT. V7" O U may, according to the Credit I have T Should have given you fome Account of the * with you, communicate this to the Publick, * Ship, called the De Ruyter of Rotterdam^ you if you think fit ; after E after. I intend to fee you at London^ and, in the mean Time, I am Plymouth^ Feb. 3, 1683. Your Servant j which we fee at a Diftance ; but as yet the Froft is fo hard we cannot get to her, but have fmall Hopes of preferving her. J.G. This Relation is juftified for Truth, by us, J. G. John The Quacks Academy: Or, The Dunces Directory. A new Art to crofs the old Proverb, and make a. Man a Fool and Phyfician both at a Time. Difcovering the feveral Methods whereby fo many ignorant Pretenders obtain Repute and Prac- tice. Cur ludere noils Non liceaty licuit cum jugular e tibi. With Allowance. MART. > containing 6 Pages, printed at London^ for A. B. in MDCLXXVIII. BEfore we enter upon the Subject Mat- ter of this Sheet, we muft declare, that we do except out of our Defign all thofe learned and worthy Perfons r whofe Experience and Labour, in the Arts of Medicine, may any Way contribute to the commorr Good of Mankind, intending only to reflect on thofe illiterate Pretenders to Phyfffck, whofe PracTdces are as well fhameful as dangerous to the. Place they live in j of which latter Sort we are about to fpeak. Having obferved the prodigious Succefs of mo- dern Quakery, and that the Practice of it is lately become a Loft Shift, more common and thriving too,, than Selling of Ale, or Setting up- a Coffee-houfe : And finding ftill Abundance of indigent idle People, that could never make their untoward Handicrafts fadge to Purpofe, who would be glad to exchange them for fo gen- teel and advantageous an Employ, had they but the fecret Knack, whereby other Bankrupts, with fmall Pains and lefs Parts, have in an In- ftant iaifed themfelves from Beggary to com- petent Eftates : Out of our great Refpeft to- fuch hearty Well-wimers, to fecure fo gain- full a Scene, we have thought fit to unfold the whole Myftery, as it is this Day pradtifed with fo much Profit and Applaufe. Draw near then with Attention, all you decayed Ragamuf- fins of the Town j you by whofe Dulnefs no- Mechanick. The Quacks Academy : Or, the Dunces Directory. 29 Skeleton of a Monkey, to proclaim your Skill in jfnatomy. Mechanick Myftery but fcorns to be mattered, whom neither Sea nor Gibbet will accept ; we will put you in a Way of feeding yourfelves and the Worms too. Honeft, no Doubt, becaufe common and fafe, for why, your Mifcarriages fhall never be heard for the Din of Knells you (hall occafion. But to deliver our Docu- ments in Ojder : Firjl, To pafs for current, you have no more to do but to call yourfelves Doftors ; Pliny hath affirmed it before ; and, though I neither expect nor defire you fhould underftand Latin; yet, be- caufe a Scrap may do you a Kindnefs, one Time or other, to fwagger with, I will give it you in his own Language : Hacfola artium, event t quodcuilibet fe medlcum dicenti facile credatur, cum fit periculum in nullo nullo mendacio majus, In this Art alone it comes to pafs> That ' any one, but profeffing himfelf a Phyfician, 4 is prefently believed, though in no Cafe the * Belief of a Lye be more dangerous.' I have englljhed this for the Benefit of thofe that do not underftand Latin ; and I have no Quarrel at all againft thofe that do. However, in the fe cond Place, to fupport this Title, there are feveral Things convenient ; of which fome are external Accoutrements, others internal Qualifications.. Your outward Requifites are a decent black Suit, and, if your Credit will ftretch fo far in Long-Lane, a plum Jacket ; not a Pin the worfe, though threadbare as a Taylor's Cloke j it fhews the more reverend Antiquity. Secondly, Like Mercury, you muft always car- ry a Caduceus or conjuring japan in your Hand, capped with a Civet-box ; with which you muft walk with Spamjh Gravity, as in deep Contem- plation upon an Arbitrament between Life and Death. Thirdly, A convenient Lodging, not forget- ting a Hatch at the Door ; a Chamber hung either with Dutch Pictures or Looking-glafles, belittered with Urinals or empty Gally-pots, and Phials filled with Tap-droppings, or fair Water, coloured with Saunders. Any Sextrfn will furnifh your Window with a Skull, in Hope of yourCuilomj over which hang up the Fourthly, Let your Table be never without fome old mufty Greek or Arabick Author, and the fourth Book of Cornelius Agrippa** occult Pbilofophy, wide open, to amufe the Spectators; with half a dozen of gilt Shillings, as fo many Guineas received that Morning for Fees. Fifthly, Fail not to oblige neighbouring Ale- houfes, to recommend you to Inquirers ; and hold Correfpondence with all the Nurfes and Midwives near you, to applaud your Skill at Goffipings. Now to your neceuary Qualifications, They are in general two, w'z. Loquacity or Talkative- nejs and Impudence. As for the Firft, it is a mighty Setter-ofF a- mong the Vulgar ; be fure, therefore, you learn to pronounce Oppilation and Objlruftion of the Spleen, and Schirrus of the Liver, with a full Mouth ; at leaft fpeak hard Words, though ne- ver fb wretchedly mifapplieJ, and obfcure com- mon ordinary Things in Terms of Art (for all the Ufe you are to make of fuch Terms, is the fame Jugglers do of Hiftius Doffius and Prejh ; to amufe People's Brains, while you pick their Pockets)" if you can but get fo far as to call the Fit of an Ague, a Paroxyfm, Fits of the Mother, Hyfterical Paffions ; thunder out fym- pathetical and antipathetical Cures ; prate of the Mechanifm of Nature, though you know no more of it than a Ploughman does of Clock- work ; tell them of appeafmg the irritated, ar- chaical, microcofmical Monarch ; increafmg the radical Moifture, and relieving all the Powers, vital, natural, and animal ; the admiring Pa- tient (hall certainly cry you up for a great Schol- lard, provided always your Nonfenfe be fluent, and mixed with a Difparagement of the Col lege, graduated Doctors, and Book-learned Phy- ficians ; againft whom ypu muft ever bring in, yoi;r high and mighty Word Experience. But lince every Man is not endued with the Gift of Tattling, and that it is fit you mould learn, Tike a Dutchman, to fail with every Wind ; if niggardly Nature, or more penurious Educa- tion, have not afforded you a Tongue well hung, make a Virtue of NeceJJity ; look grave and big, decline all Difcourfe, efpeeially if ingenious Men be by ; tell them Difeafes are not to be frighted. The Quacks Academy : Or, the Dunces Directory. 3 frighted away with Words ; that you do not come to talk but to cure, &c. This will at once conceal your Ignorance from the Judicious, and increafe your Efteem for a notable referved pretty Fellow with others : If any afk the Caufe of their Diftempers, or Reafon of your Pre- fcriptions, fatisfy them both by producing a Lift of your mighty Cures ; wherein, if one Half be falfe, and the other hired, there is no great Danger ; for he muft be a ftrange'lnquifi- tive Infidel, that will not rather believe them, than give himfelf the Trouble of difproving them Which brings me to the fecond Pro- perty, viz. A convenient Audacity. There is nothing more neceflary, nothing more advantageous. Make People believe that no pitched Field ever flew or wounded half fo many as you have recovered j that you have made Death retreat, where Na- ture was more fiercely beleaguered than ever was Stetin, and difappointed him of more Bits than civil or foreign Wars have furnifhed him with thefe forty Years ; that you have even beckoned Souls back again, that have been fome Leagues onwards their Journey from their, Bodies ; boaft the Wonders you have done at Leyden and Ham- burgh, the Lazaretto at Venice, and the Maifon de Dieu at Paris ; that your Clofets are Immor- tality-offices, and that you can let Leafes of Lives of a larger Date than Popifli Indulgences ; pretend to the Cure of all Difeafes, efpecially iuch as are incurable ; and to know which are moft in Seafon, confult the Bills of Mortality, and next Week vay the Bill accordingly. In particular, fmce the whole Art of Phyfick confifts in the Diagnofticks, Prognofticks, and Therapeuticks ; for the firft two you muft either pretend to be Waterologers, (or which is more abftrufe and modifti) Afs-trologers, or Pifs-pro- phets, or Star-wizards ; either way will do well enough, and, to fpeak Truth, are much of a Certainty ; in both there is neceffary a previous Pumping, by apt and wary Queftions, and their Anfwers, handfomely turned into other Words, will extremely gratify the Patient or Querent. If you practice by the Urinal, though it is as Jike to difcover the Colour of a fick Man's Cloaths, as his Infirmities ; yet a Thoufand to, One, but with difcreet Handling, youmayfliake it into the Scurvy, the Pox, or the Confump- tion : Nay, you may venture to tell what Trade your Patient is of, by his Working-days Water, and, if you fee his Sunday's Water, what Religion he is of. But, if you proceed by the Scheme, there is nothing fo probable as to fay, He is be- witched under an ill Tongue ; that he has a Take upon him, or is Planet-ftruck, and the Lord of the Seventh mews you to be the only Doctor in the World that can help him. Only here be- ware that you never pronounce a Common- Council-Man with Child, or a Conftable fick ' of the Mother ; and in other Cafes, if your Judgment chance not to hit the Nail on the Head, it is but having Recourfe *o necefi'ary Prudence, called by the Superftitious, the Art of Lying, as to tell them their Stomach is fallen out of the Place, but you doubt not but to fetch it up again. That they have Straws in their Lungs, as big as Beams, and their Livers are wailed with venery and Drinking. Then as for Therapeuticks, if your Medicines are Galeni- cal, though never fo common, difguife them with ftrange Names; call Sena a Specijick, Mithridatc an Elixir, ExtraElum Ruddii an Arcanum, and add a Nojlrum to Album Gracum. But if you would rather betake yourfelf to Chymical De- vices, and want Nonfenfe to cant their Vertues ; there are Pamphlets enough Abroad to furnifh you. The Tincture of the Sun's Beard ; the Powder of the Moon's Horns ; or a Quint- eflence extracted from the Souls of the Heathen Gods ; will go off rarely for an univerfal Me- dicine ; and bubble the Simple out of their Mo- ney firft, and their Lives afterwards. But to deal ingenuoufly, I will teach you a far more ready and curious^Vay, both of finding out and curing all Difeafes, than has yet been difcovered j which is thvs : Take two large Sheets of Paper, on the one write down (or get the Book-learned Scribe that writes your Bills to do it for you) theNames of all ordinary Diftempers; on the other all celebrated Medicines, whether Catharticks, Diureticks, Diaphoreticks, orEme- ticks. Then when any Parient comes or fends, and you have heard the Story, retire a While, telling them a true Phyfician muft firft ftu- dy and then prefcribe. In the mean Time, by yourfelf, on the Roll of Infirmities, fling a Dye, and, as many as the Chance is, fo many Difeafes, you may aflure them the Party has ; but principally that whereon the Dye falls; then the fame on the Paper of Remedies, and prefcribe or adminfter that which the Dye lights on, to be taken fo many Times as there are Spots on the Chance. And if the Sick be pained in the Head, you may eafily difcourfe them into a Perfuafion that the Dife^fe, or at leaft the Caufe, is in their A Queftion, Whether there be nothing new ? their Hand or Toe ; by which fafe and inge- nious Courfe, you mall honeftly refer it to For- tune, to difcover both the Difeafe and Me- dicine ; whereas others through a conceited Knowledge, or unhappy Ignorance, render themfelves more than acceflary to the Death of many. There are feveral other Dircftions Tit to ac- 3' quaint you with, which we fhall referve for the f.cond Part of this moft ufeful Directory. In 'the mean Time fas your Predeceflbrs have- done before you) practife thefe and give Thanks - To your old Friend Mifo Agyrtes. A Queftion j Whether there be Nothing new ? Being one of thofe Queftions handled in the Weekly Conferences of Monfieur Re- naudofs Bureau cT Addreffes at Paris. Translated into Englifi) Anno 1640. ityartO) containing fix Pages. London, printed by R. B. for Jajper Emery, at the Eagle and Child, in St. PattF* Church-yard, near St. Augujtines Gate, TH E Defire to learn, is natural, and no lefs pleafing to the Mind of Man, than his Defire of getting $ and, in- deed, it isone Kind of getting: And as Men receive more Contentment, in one new Purchafe, than in often thinking on all thofe, which they had made before ; fo our Underftanding takes a great deal more Pleafure, in feeding upon new Nourifhment, than in chewing the Cud upon that, which it had al- ready ; yea, and among thofe new Repafts, if it lighted upon any which it never tafted before, it receives it, as our Palate is wont to do, with fo much the more Pleafure: For Nature is more pleafed with the Change, than with the Conti- nuation of the Ufe of any Thing ; the Reafon is, becaufe, feeking the fupreme Good, and not finding it in any of thofe Things, which he hath yet made Trial of, me always hopes to find it elfewhere. This Sweetnefs is that which allays the Bitternefs of Learning to Children, who are ravifhed with the Pleafure of learn- ing all thofe Hiftories, and pedantical Conceits, which we can fo hardly endure, when we are grown to more Age. It may be,, it makes old - Men fo melancholick, becaufe you can hardly tell them any Thing, that they know not ; and, therefore, Men's Talk is tedious to them ; whereas ignorant Youth admires and takes Bleafure. in every Thing. And we are. fo de-- lighted with Novelty, that there is no Beaft Ib ill-favoured, which feems not pretty, whcn.it is young, witnefs the Afs's Foal; nor no Plant of fo little Delight, as that Novelty cannot commend it, as we fee in the Hop, and the Primrofe. $ut, I difttnguifh Novelty into PhyftcaJ, or Natu- ral, Moral, and Artificial. The Fir/} of thefe is in new Productions, whether of Subftances, or Accidents, or of Difeafes unknown to the Ancients. The fecond of new and unufual Ac- tions. The Third of Inventions. ' According to which DiftindTion, we may ftate this Queftion, and that, in my Opinion, muft be done thus : There are no new fubjlantial Productions j Nature having difplayed all her Forces, almoft thefe fix Thoufand Years (ac- cording to the true Account, and much more, if we believe the Egyptians and Chinefe) and hav- - ing run through all imaginable Varieties of Spe- cies, by the divers Combinations of all her Matters ; and, alfo, through all Mixtures of Dualities,, and other Accidents; which makes it impoflible to mew any Difeafe, that is new and unknown to the foregoing Ages. But, for Ac- tions,, it is another Cafe ; their Number can- not be determinedj becaufe they depend upon 1 the Liberty of Man, which could be no longer Liberty, if our Will were not free to pafs lome fet Number. Much, lefs can- Inventions be: 22 A Queftion be faid to be determinate, and reducible to a certain Number, becaufe they depend, in their Productions, upon the Wit of Man, which \% iiifin te in its Duration, and in its Conceptions, v hich cannot be bounded, no not by that Va- cuum, which fome have imagined on the fur- ther Side of the Heavens. Of which all our In entions are Proofs fufficicnt. The Second faid, that this Exception is un- necefEiry, there being nothing at all new, in any of thofe fore' named ClaJ/ef, according to the Teftimony of him, that was beft able to judge, as being the wifeft, and who had made . the moft Experiments ; I mean Solomon, who boldly pronounces of his own Times, that there was not then, nor fhould ever be, any new Thing. How much more then is it true in our Time, being fo many Years after him ? For, to begin with the Forrnce fubftantiales, as they call them, there is not one of that Sort new, not only in its Species, but even in its individual Qualities, which, indeed, appear new to our Senfes, but yet are "not fo, for all that ; as the Shape of a Marble Statue was in the Stone not only in PoJJibility, but alfo in Aft, before the Graver made it appear to our Eyes, by taking away that which was fuperfluous, and hindered us from feeing it. And if we believe, that we have fo good a Horfe, that his like was never found ; it is not, becaufe it is fo, but be- caufe it feems fo j other Horfes, as good, or better than that, never coming to our Hands. Much lefs likely is it, that new Difeafes fhould be produced, as fome have believed, imagining that the Ancients were not curious enough to defcribe all thofe of their Times, or their $uc- ceffors, diligent enough to examine their Wri- ting, to find them there. As for human Ac- tions, do we fee any now-a-days, that have not been praclifed in Times paft, whether good or bad, valiant or cowardly, in Counfel or Execu- tion ? And that, which they call Invention, is, for the moft Part, nothing but a iimple Imitation in Deeds, or Words. Thus, Print" ing and Guns, which we believe, were invent- ed within thefe two or three hundred Years, are found to have been in Ufe, among the Chi- nefe, above twelve-hundred Years. So faith Terence of Speech, Nibil eft jam diftum, quod nan dittum fit prius. Our very Thoughts, though they be innumerable, yet, if they were regiftered, would be all found ancient. TheThird faith, That Nature is fo muchpleaf- 2 Whether there be Nothing new ? ed with Diverfity, which is nothing elfe, but a Kind of Novelty, that (he hath imprinted aDefire of it in all Things here below, and, it may be, in Things above alfo ; for they are pleafed in their Work, and the fupreme and univerfal Caufes produce us thefe Novelties. Thus, the different Periods of the Heavens make new Afpe&s, and new Influences, not only every Year, but alfo every Month, every Day, yea, every Moment. The Moon, every Quarter, fhews a feveral Sort of Face ; and particularly, when fhe fends all her Light towards the Si fhe is called new. The Sun, at his Rifing, is new, and fo he appears inceflantly to fome Conntry or other in the World ; in each of which he makes new Seafons ; and amongft the reft, Spring, becaufe it is the moft pleafant Time, is commonly called, in France, le Re- nouwau, becaufe it reneius all Things ; the Air decking itfelf with a more .chearful Light, the Trees cloathing themfelves with Leaves, the Earth with Greennefs, the Meadows being ena- melled and embroidered with new Flowers. The young Man, that feels the Down upon his Chin, acknowledged! his mofiy Beard to be new j up- on his Wedding-day, he is a new married Man; it is a pretty new Cafe to his Bride, to find her- felf made a Woman ; her great Belly and Ly- ing-in are alfo Novelties to her; the little Infant then born, is a new Fruit ; his firft Sucking is new ; his Teeth, at firft coming, are new. And fo are all other Conditions of Clerkfhip, and Priefthood, and Widowhood, and almoft infinite others. Yea, many Things, that feem not at all to be new, yet are fo, as a River feems very ancient, and yet it renews itfelf every Moment; fo that the Water that now runs under the Bridge, is not that, which was there Yefterday, but ftill keeps the fame Name, though it be altogether one indeed. We our- ourfelves are renewed from Time to Time, by our Nourifhment's continual Reftoration of our wafted triple Subftance. NoF can any Man doubt, but that there are new Difeafes, fee- ing nothing is written of them, in the Books of the Antients, nor of the Remedies to cure them, and that the various Mixtures of the Qualities which produce them, may be in a manner innumerable ; and that both Sorts of Pox were unknown to the Ancients. But this Novelty appears yet better in Mens's Ac- tions, and divers Events in them, which are, therefore, particularly called News. Such are the Vindex Anglicus : Or, the Perfections e/V&Englifh Language. 33 the Relations of Battles, Sieges, Takings of Towns, and other Accidents of Life ; fo much the more confiderable, by how much they are ordinarily lefs regarded. It were alfo too much Injuftice to go about to deprive all Inventors of the Honour due to them, maintaining, that they have taught us no new Thing. Do not the Sectaries and Herefiarchs make new Reli- gions ? Moreover, who will make any Queftion, whether we have not Reafon to afk, what new Things Africa affords now-a-days, it having been fo fertile in Monfters, which are Bodies intirely nnu, as being produced againft the Laws of Nature. And, when the King calls down Money, changeth the Price of it, deter- mines its Weight, is not this a new Ordinance ? In fhort, this is to go about to pervert, not only the Signification of Words, but alfo com- mon Senfe, in maintaining, that there is No- thing new j and it had not been amifs, if the Regent, who printed fuch Paradoxes in a youthful Humour, had never been ferved with new laid Eggs, nor changed his old Cloaths, and, if he had complained, Anfwer might have been made, That there is Nothing new. I7}e Fourth Jaid) That there are no new Sub* fiances, and, by Confequence, no new fubftan- tial Forms, but only accidental ones ; feeing Nothing is made cf Nothing , or returns to no- thing ; and, in all the other Clafles of Things, there are no new Species, but only new Indivi- duals, to which Monfters are to be referred. Yea, the Myfteries of our Salvation were al- ways in intellefiu Divino : Which made our Saviour fay, that Abraham had feen him. And, as for Arts and Inventions, they flourifhed in one Eftate, while they were unknown in ano- ther, where they fhould appear afterward in their Time. And this is the Senfe, wherein it is true, that, There is Nothing new. Vindex Anglicus : Or, the Perfections of the Englijh Language defended and aflerted. Printed Anno Dom. MDCXLIV. containing fix Pages. other Nations, contemning their own ; or elfe imperioufly (as if Cenfors in this Particular) do add, detect, mangle, and transform her, accord- ing to their weak Fancies j vainly fpoiling the beft of vulgar Languages. I will not ftick to avouch it a Language, though that very Affir- mation be a received Paradox ; nor will I blufh to parallel it with the beft of the minor Lan- guages. And, to make it good, I will not deduce it, from Babel^s Confufion, for truly I believe it had a nobler Beginning ; neither will I traffick with Scaliger fo far for it as Perfia y or Cherfo- nefus : Seeing I look upon fuch Deductions, as learned Fancies conducing little to prove our Antiquity, neither needful ; iince we together with our Language are extracted from the Ger- mans, whofe Title is fo glorious in that Kind, that the reft of Europe gives Place unto them. There are two main Objections which feem to exclude us from the Title of a Language, our Mutability and Mixture^ happy Faults j and fo univerfal, that I prefume the beft of our Oppo- E nents AMongft all Things requifite to noble Actions, I never faw Fear recounted, neither can I acknowledge it due from fo excelling a Creature as Man to any but the eternal Majefty of his Creator. Which Confideration makes me ad- venture the Hazard of many Cenfures, refolving to account thofe {lender Scars, they {hall be able to inflict upon me in this Attempt, as Cha- racters of Honour, decyphering to every inge- nuous Eye my Love to my Country. What- ever enfue, it will fuffice me with Content e- nough, if my honeft Endeavour ferve as an In- citement to fome more able Pen, to handle fuch a worthy, though almoft neglected Subject, as is the Patronage of our truly excellent Lan- guage. I feek not to compafs any fuch Miracle as to convince the prepoflefled Judgments of Foreign- ers, but fhall think to retreat with Victory e- nough, if I can but foil thofe unnatural Dome- fticks, who degenerately do either with a certain fond affected Idolatry adore the Language of VOL. II. 7 34 Vindex Anglicus : Or, the Perfections of the Englifti Language. nents are.hardly free from : Though (it may be) not equally guilty of, for I confefs our Mutabi- lity to be more frequent, yet choicer than theirs ; and our compofed Mixture confifling of greater Variety, yet accompanied with more Purity and Felicity. The Italian is compounded of Latin, Barbarous Greek, and Gotbijh : The French of Latin, Dutch, and the old Gallic^ : the Spanijh of Latin, Gothifi, and Morifco ; Germany hath a Tafte of the Roman Empire, and her bordering Neighbours ; if I be not deceived, in us you may difcover all thefe with Advantage ; yet their pureft Expreffion fitly feated, and feparated from their Barbarifms, which by others are f wallowed together with the reft. All of them are fo mu- table, that our Frequency is excufable : Nay, Mixture and Mutability are Things fo natural to Languages, that none but the Hebrew (if that) are free from them. What is become of the ancient Latin, ufed in the Reigns of Latium and Carmenta ; or in the Times of the Tarquinii, or Decemviri ; nay, or under the very Confuls or Emperors, if Books did not conferve it ? The fame Queftion may we make unto the French, Spanijh, the latter Indians and Germans alfo : Though Eecanus would make us believe Wonders of their Anti- quity, Immutability, and the hidden Cabala or Myfteries contained in their Language, like as, in the Hebrew, to which, by his Account it is not inferior in Age, he derived it even from the Days of Adam : Which Perfection, fuppofed true, we alfo might partly lay hold of, as a Branch of the feme Tree. But, Gredat Judaus Amelia, non ego : Let him that pleafe, believe the fame, ^For I the Fable quite difclaim. For my Part I believe, that what the learned Phyficians pronounce of human Bodies, that they are by Time often renewed, Excre- tions, Cold, Heat, Sicknefs, Wounds, and Sweat confuming the prefent, and giving Place to new Subftance, may be faid of Languages, altered by every Age j and as Antiquity hath gi- ven Place to us, fo we (hall yield to our Pofte- rity, -not only in our Lives and Fortunes, but our Language alfo. By this Time, I hope you will grant us the Name of a Language, and ftay us no more upon the fimple Term of Speech 3 wherefore now will I direct myfelf againft thofe Admirers of foreign; Tongues, flighting their own, inferior to none of them in true Excellency : None, I prefume, will deny the Perfection of a Language to con- fift in Facility, Copioufnefs, Sweetnefs, and Sig- nificance ; in all which, if I can make good that our Language is equal, if not fuperior to the reft, I hope he muft be very far transported with Paf- fion, and deeply factious, that will not afient un- to me. The great Facility of our Language is evident by a double Demonftration, the Eafe wherewith others commit ours to Memory, and the fin- gular Help which it affords us to the attaining of others. Our Monofyllables, and the Exemp- tion we have from Flexions (whereunto moftr others are incident) do greatly facilitate ours.- which though fome may reckon as a Defect, L will efteem a Bleffing, accounting that Multi- plicity of Cafes, Genders, Moods and Tenfes (which puts us to School to learn our Mother- Tongue) the Emblems of Babel's Curfe, and Confufion. For our Facility in learning others,, let us renew but the old Obfervation : Turn an ingenious Englijhman into what Country foever, and quickly you fhall for the moft Part fee hinv profit fo well, that his Speech will little or no- thing differ from the genuine Dialect, of what Language foever is there ufed by the Natives j no common Privilege. Our Copioufnefs I need not ufe much Art, to demonftrate,. for, befides the Treafures of the ancient Dutch, which we retain in our Saxon Monofyllables, the choicer Wits of our Nation have fetched hither the very QuintefTence of thofe other Languages, and by their excellent Induftry fo happily improved our Englijh Soil,, that I dare fafely afKrir. many of thofe foreign Scions bear better, and more plentifully than in, their former Climate. The Latin and French are defective in the Expreffion of many Words, which we utter with Eafe, and they have none, whereunto our Ability extendeth not; our A- bundance ends not here. We have Court and Country Englijh, Northern and Southern Dia- lects, which differ not only in Pronunciation, but alfo in Words and Terms. There is no Language can deliver a Matter with more Va- riety than ours, plainly by Synonyma's, or by Circumlocution with Metaphors ; which any mean Judgment will initance with fundry Ex- amples. We almoft equalife the Greeks, and even exceed the Latins in a peculiar Grace of com- Vindex Anglicus : Or, the Per/colons of the Englifh Language. 3 5 compounding many Words together, which is one of the greateft Beauties can be in a Lan- guage. Our Significancy and Abilities in Expreflion, in the feveral Parts both Letters, Words, and Phrafes, is very eminent ; in Number and Ufe of Letters we exceed both Greeks, Latins, French and Italians : Our Words are incomparably fig- nificant, infomuch that many of them have four or five feveral Significations. Our Interjections are fo fit for the Expreflion of our Paflions, that they feem to be derived from the very Nature of our feveral Affections ; when many of thofe of other Tongues are almoft ridiculous. What Variety doth any other Nation brag of, that we have not almoft with equal Felicity made our own ? The Italian Courtier, the French Saluft, the SpaniJJi Gufman, the Latin Nafo, and the Greek Polybius ; who would read that matchlefs Effay of Mr. Sandys, upon the Mneids, and, would not think it writ fo by the peerlefs Maro himfelf ? How properly hath the renowned Lord Bacon taught us to fpeak the Terms of Art, in our own Language ? We judged it impoflible, till we faw it performed ; which Difficulty when I fee overcome, makes me defpair of Nothing. What matchlefs and incomparable Pieces of Elo- quence hath this Time of Civil War afforded ? Came there ever from a Prince's Pen fuch exact Pieces as are his Majefty's Declarations ? Were there ever Speeches uttered in better Language, or fweeter Expreffions, than thofe of the noble and learned Lord Digby, and fome other worthy Perfonages ? Did ever Nation expofe choicer, more honourable or eloquent Difcourfes, than ours hath done in our Sovereign's Behalf, fmce thefe unhappy Divifions ? There is no Sort of Verfe either ancient or modern, which we are not able to equal by Imitation ; we have our Englijh Virgil, Ovid, Seneca, Lucan*, 'Juvenal, Martial and Catullus : In the Earl of Surry, Daniel, Johnfon, Spencer, Don, Shakefpear, and the Glory of the reft Sandys and Sidney. We have eminent Advantages of all other vulgar Languages in Poetry. The Italian is fo full of Vowels, that he is ever cumbered with Elifions ; the Dutch with Confonants, that his Verfe is fick of the Sciatica', the French cannot afford you four Words, whofe Accents are in the Antepenul- tlma, and therefore unfit for Daftyls, which the Accent and Metre do fo naturally fquare with tis, that in 'both we defervedly bear the Prize from all the reft. The Spanijh and Italian want our Cafura in the Midft of the Verfes j the Ita- lian cannot afford you a mafculine Rhyme : Nor, the French make Metre of the Antepenultima, and yet there is 'not any of the three Syllables, whereunto our Ability excendeth not. The Sweetnefs of our Language I doubt not to compare with any vulgar whatfoever ; let us put it to the Trial and compare it with others. The Italian I confefs is an excellent, princely, and pleafant Language, upon which the beft Judgments look with great Refpect ; yet it wants Sinews, and paffes as a filent Water. The French are truly delicate, but too affected and effeminate. The Spanijh majeftical, but terrible and boifterous. The Dutch manly, but very harfh. Now we, in Borrowing from each of them, give the Strength of Confonants to the Italian, the full Sound of Syllables to the French, the Variety of Termination with milder Accents to the Spaniard, and diffolve with more Facility the Dutch Vowels ; like Bees, gathering their Perfections, leave their Drofs to themfelves : So, when Subftance combineth with Delight, Plenty with Delicacy, Beauty with Majefty, and Expedition with Gravity, what can want to the Perfection of fuch a Language ? Omitte mirari beat& Fumtm, & opes, JJrepitumque Remev. Admire not then the fmoaky Fume, The Wealth and Train of mighty Rome. For one of our great Wits (who underftood moft Languages in Europe) affirms, That in < Uttering fweetly and properly the Conceit of the Mind, which is the End of Speech, we parallel any other Tongue in the World ; and that our Language is fuch, that Foreigners, c looking upon it now, may defervedly fay, Ipfa, fuis pollens opibus, nihil indiga no/In, She now abounds in proper Store, And ftands in Need of us no more. . Certainly the Mixture of our Extractions from others, joined with our own Monofyllables, make up fuch a perfect Harmony ; that fo you may frame your Speech majeftical, pleafant, de- licate, or manly according to your Subject, and exactly reprefent, in ours, whatfoever Grace any other Language carrieth. Yet let none think that I ftand in any Competition with the facred Hebrew, Ijrarned Greeks, or fluent Latins, or E 2 claim 3 6 Vindex Anglicus : Or, claim a Superiority over the reft ; my Ambition extends not fo high, though you fee I want not Pretence for it. Let us look upon our own as a Language, equal to the beft of vulgar; and, for my own Part, Let others-retain their ancient Dignity and EJleem. Upon fair Terms \ have ended the Contro- verfy, and muft now begin a fiercer Combate againft'a fecond Enemy. Moths and Cankers^ who, with their fhallow Inventions and filly Fancies, muft ftill be en- grafting new coined Words in our Englijh Nur- fery, without either Art or Judgment. I feek not to difcredit their worthy and immortal La- bours, who, with unmatchable tnduftry, have fetched hither the beft Inhabitants of other Cli- mates, and made them Denizens in our Colonies : Thefe who with a fkilful Felicity have bought, brought, or borrowed the richeft Ornaments of other Languages, to make ours abound with Plenty and Variety ; but thofe I difclaim, who, when the Work is excellently performed already, muft ftill be fingering ; and, when the Quintef- fence and Life of other Tongues are ours al- ready, muft now traffick for the Dregs, to the End they may be faid to have done fome- what. Languages, as all other mortal Things, have their Infancy and Age ; their Wax and Wane j the States where they are ufed, are the Load- ftars: Ad ujus numen motumque mover i. At whofe Motion or Command, They climb, decline, or make a Stand. With their Profperity and Adverfity they for the moft Part rife and fall, which the beft of Languages can largely teftify, who, had they not, even miraculoufly by Providence, been hi- therto conferved in Books, had long fince pe- rifhecl, and been buried in the Duft of Oblivion ; they being now as ftrange to their own Birth- places, as to us. Our Language hath long been in the Afcendent together with our Monarchy, and at laft, by excellent Artifts, is even brought to the Height, which already our over diligent and intruding Spirits, with their Botching, leek to bring to the Wane. God grant it prognosticate no greater the Perfettion of the Englifh Language] Ruin, it is an evil Symptom of further Detri- ment. Notwithftanding, I hope it is no inevitable Deftiny, but that our Language and Empire fhall yet enjoy a far long Noon, and not fo foon poft towards the IVeft ; let thefe bufy Creatures be checked and reftrained from fuch prefuming Liberties, and no Doubt but it will be a Sove- reign Antidote, to maintain the Splendor of the EngliJJ) Language in the Meridian of Purity a long Time, which thefe active Perfons ftain and obfcure. How ridiculous, if well confidered, is the Merchandife'they feek to fell for Current. Let me afford you a few Examples, and I am deceived if they will not move both your Anger and Laughter ; read and cenfure. pugne, Algale, Adjlupiate^ Daffe, Defujl, Depex, Brochity t Bitlbitate, Extorque^Ebriclate^ Caprious, Contra/i, Catillate, Fraxate, Froyce, Imporcate* Incenabe^ Incaffe^ Gingreate, Glabretall, Ha/itate, Ligurition^ Lurcate^ Ketnand, Mephitick^ Mir- minodized, Obfalutate? Orbation, Nixious, Nau- Jiible y Plumative, Prodigity, Puellation^ Raption> Rereft) Rumatizt, Sudate, Sole/lick^ Sracone t Subgrundy Tridiculate, Trijtful, Xantical, Texate, Fitulate, Undofous t Tioografe. A thoufand other fo unnatural Phrafes, that they caufe a Loathing in a curious and Judicious , Eye. Thefe, and fuch as thefe, that fet up Mints for fuch bafe Coin, would I have the Arts to perfecute, and not fuffer them to mix their counterfeit Stuff amongft our purer Ingredients, . fo to canonife them for Current. Our Lan- guage is copious enough already, we need traf- fick no more to inrich it ; at leaft, not fo oft, for yet I will not deny, but fome Pearl or other may be left behind uncheapened by our former Fadors, which is worth the Buying, yet would I have it naturalifed here with Judgment and Authority. Let us improve what Grain we have already, and we fhall find it full as much as is needful, or at leaft as much as our Soil is well able to bear.. Let us not therefore, with a bafe. and bufy Ava- rice, abufe our Language with the Dregs of others, being pofTefled with the Perfections of them all already, for by Enfranchifing, Refining, and Implanting ftrange, old, and new Words, it is happily become even the Prince of all the vulgar j from the Dignity of which nothing hath fo much detradtedj as our own vain affect- 2 ing, Honour ing, admiring, and applauding foreign Tongues above Meafure : Which makes Strangers judge our own contemptible. Our Separation from the Continent World doth make our Language infular, which is one chief Reafon of its Want of Efteem amongft Foreigners, they fcarce having Ufe of it ; few of them frequenting our Climate, and wefwarming into theirs. Though fome of the wifeft of them now acknowledge the Worth of it, and with Envy look upon the Perfection of our Language, as well as upon the Excellency of our Country. of the Gout. 37 Though in this Conelufion I here frrike Sail, and vail to the learned Languages j let that not detract from (he Worth of ours, which is pa- rallel, if not fuperior to the beft remaining j it is as courteous as the Spanijh, and court-like as the French^ as amorous as the Italian, and as fluent as any ; wherefore think me not over- weighed with Affe&ion, if I believe the moft renowned of other Nations, to have laid the very Elixir of their Tongue's Perfection inTruft with our Ifland. The Honour of the Gout : Or, a rational Dilcourfe, demonftra- ting, that the Gout is one of the greateft BleJfings which can befal mortal Man ; that all Gentlemen^ who are 'weary of it, are their own Enemies ; that thofe Practitioners^ who offer at the Cure, are the vaineft and moft mifchievous Cheats in Na- ture. By Way of Letter to an eminent Citizen, wrote in the Heat of a violent Paroxyfm, and now published for the com- mon Good. By Philander Mtfaurus. Duodecimo^ contain- ing fixty-feven Pages, printed ^London % in 1699. The Publisher to the Reader. 'This Piece, which J prefent to you, as appears from many PaJJages in it, was wrote to- wards the Beginning of the Reign of King William j whether or no the Author be living, 1 cannot fatisfy you \ but this 1 will engage : Greater Profit, and more agreeable Enter tainmenty were never pur chafed of a Bookfeller cheaper. ADVERTISEMENT. the Author is of Opinion, that fome Epiftles Dedicatory would do beft*. Jianding after the Pamphlet -, therefore, good Reader, pafs on, and expefl mine in its proper Place. S I R, I OWE you a greater Obfervance, more profound Refpe&s, and hearty r \ "hanks, for Favours to which I had not Merit to pretend, than I am able to exprefs, fhould I make Words and Phrafe my Study ; but I am not like to do that at prefent j for you have ufed me fo of late, that you tempt me to think you are going to put as much Defpight in one Scale, as ever you put Obligation into the other. Why ! Sir, I am informed, that your Worfhip, not having a right Senfe of Things, nor the Fear of God before your Eyes, fhould, to the Difgrace of your own Virtue* give your Tongua 65643 Honour *j Tongue the Liberty, in~"an open Coffee- houfe, to fpeak ill of the Gout. Of the Gout, Sir ! which if you look on as a Difeafe, you ought *o welcome, as the moft ufeful and neceflary Thing that could have happened to you ; but, if you confider it as becomes you, then, with .me, you muft reverence it as a Power Divine, -On wbofe facred internndial Attars /, Each Spring and Fall, at leajl, will facrifict Morbifick, painful Loads of Matter tartarous y With Recrements of nervous Juice impregnate. Would you yourfelf, Sir, patiently endure the Honour of our great Mafter, our rightful and lawful King, to be contemptuously re- fleded on by ever a recreat Piece of confcien- cious Prieftcraft *, that infefts the Town ? Then, why mould not I be concerned for the Honour of my great Mafter, the Gout ? Who claims not, it is true, the Power he exercifes over me, by any hereditary Pretence, but from an Origin altogether as facred and indifputable, viz. fome voluntary Ads and Deeds of my own. Yet, you could fay, that, when the Al- mighty God had, out of rude Chaos, built this goodly Frame of Nature, which we fee, ad formed his noble Creature, Man; he indulged the Devil to create fome one Thing, and his damned Envy gave Being to the Gout. Now I am confident, Sir, and have great Authori- ties for it, that, if the Devil ever created any Thing, it was. the Dodor, of whom, fince you have made fo much Ufe, I know not, but it may be rationally inferred, that you have dealt with the Devil. The Gout, Sir, whe- ther you know it, or no, was proftrate to the Creation, and younger, fomething, than the Fall of Man; who having incurred the Sentence of Death, the friendly Gout was fent in Mercy, down from Heaven, to lengthen wafting Life. Fy my Confent, you (hould never have the Gout, who have no more Cpnfideration in you, than to blafpheme it. I always took your Worfhip for a Perfon the moft accomplifhed our City has ever bred ; 1 imagined, that you thoroughly underftood moft Things ; but it could never enter into my Head, that you mould fall into fo profane an Error, as to think, into fo rafh a Pradice, as to fpeak ill of the Gout. But, becaufe my Soul has been of the Gout, full of humble Deference to your Worfliip, I will be at fome Pains to recover you to your right Mind, and a due Veneration of that friendly D?emon, the Gout. For, though you may value yourfelf, and reckon, that no girding Satyrift can take up the old Proverb againft you, and fay, that you are afraid of your Friends, when there is none near you ; yet, what is worfe, they may reproach you with this difgraceful Truth, You are afraid of your beft Friend, when he kiflfes your very Feet. Now, upon this Subject, having no Need to ufe the inveigling Arts of Oratory, I (hall not with Tropes and Metaphors, with Flourishes and Amufements of infmuating Words, feek to d vert your Mind, and cheat your Judgment ; but, to make my Work the fhorter, and do it tffedually, prefs you with plain Demonftration. Your Error, . Sir, was this : That the Devil created the Gout. I prove he did not. You know, Sir, that the Man of Sin, the Son of Perdition, beft known by the Name of Anti- chrift, is the Pope. You muft not doubt of this ; for, till the Days of that excellent Pre- late, Archbifhop Laud t the whole Stream of Proteftant Interpreters gave it fo ; a learned Chaplain of his has put that Character upon the Grand Seignior ; and a famous Annotator has taught our Church to fplit Antichrift into Simon Ma^us and his Gnoftick Followers. I muft confefs, I have a Sort of Refped to thefe Au- thorities ; but the Body of modern Diflenters, and the general Agreement of Interpreters, Whig and Tory, in the Age before, weighs them down : Take in, then, the Lay-mobi- lity of the Nation, who fhould know fome- thing, but are confident of nothing more, than that Antichrift is the Pope ; and your Worfhip will agree with me, that that is the plain Truth of the Matter: By the Way, I will obferve one Thing, which will not trouble my De- monftration, but let your Worfhip fee, how ready I am to allow you, in your Speculation, all that can reafonably be defired. A cele- brated Author notes, that the Ancients de- fcribed Antichrift by the Phrafe of ^ulorox.^ ?5 Ear*, The Firjl-born of the Devil. Sup- pofing now, that the Devil created fomething, as you contend, you fee, it could not be the Gout ; at leaft, not if you will be judged by the Fathers; but rather Antichrift, or the * Alkding to Biftiop Burners unbecoming Insinuation againft King William tie Third. Pope. 'The Honour Pope. I defire your Worfhip to confider next, that you (hall not read, in Platina, Onuphrius, or any later Antichriftian Biographer, that ever fetid Toe of Pope was vifited with the beneficial Gout. But, had fo great a Blefling been cre- ated by the Devil, as you fondly imagine, the Devil had, for certain, beftowed it on his Firft- born, the Pope: Nay, and then too, inftead of the filthy Scrutiny, through the Porphyry Chair, for old and wafted Tefticles, the Dea- con had only pulled off the Stocking of the Elect, and the ratificatory Report had been, Dominus nojler Papa habet Podagram *. In fhort, Sir, Antichrift, or the Pope (for they are one and the fame Firft-born of the Devil, ac- cording to the Ancients) being never favoured with the Gout, it is plain, that the Devil did not create it ; 5^ &r|, which was the Thing to be demonftrated. Having thus, Sir, utterly confounded your Error, my next Labour fhall be, to inftrudt you in a founder Perfuafion. The Gout was fent, in Mercy, down from Heaven, to lengthen wafting Life. The Seat of this friendly Daemon, by whom every afflicted Man receives a Thoufand Times more Benefit, than ever Socrates by his ; his Seat, I fay, is in the nervous Parts ; he com- monly vifits the Internodia of the Bones of the Feet ; fometimes the Hip, the Knee, the El- bow, Shoulder, Wrift, and Ancle : But, to prove its Divine Original, I will proceed me- thodically, and from his loweft Commenda- tions, afcend, by fix juft Steps, or Degrees, till' I have raifed him above the Stars, and en- tered him among the celeftial Spirits ; to whom, Sir, you will then be tempted to offer up your Oraifons, in the prefcribed Form, at the End of an old Manufcript-MiiTal, communicated to me by a learned Antiquary, a great Collector of thofe Rarities. The Form is this j ' Bleffed Gout, moft dcfirable Gout, fovereign Anti- dote of murdering Maladies, powerful Cor- rector of Intemperance, dejgn to vifit me with thy purging Fires, and throw oft* the tophous Injury, which 1 may have fuffertd by Wine and Wita too hard for the Virtue of a Devotee upon a holy Feftival j but fail not thy humble Supplicant, who needs thy friendly Help to keep his tottering Tenement in Order j fail '< him not, every vernal and autumnal /Equinox.' I know, fome precife Doctors are againft all of the Gout. 39.- Invocation of Saints ; at prefent I fhall not dif- pute with them j but they muft grant me, That there is more to be,faid in Juftification of fuch a Prayer to the Gout, than can be faid for the Offices directed to any other Saints, not excepting the Virgin. For I defy their Wor- fhipers to prove, that there has been the Tithe of fo much Good done by them all, as, I fhall prove, has been done by the beneficial Gout. I begin at the loweft Step, and note r Fir ft, The Gout gives a Man Pain -without Danger. It is poffible, I confefs, that a fick Man, if he were directly afked to declare his Senfe of ther Matter, might refufe to acknowledge the Be- nefit of Pain without Danger, for Sicknefs and Peevifhnefs commonly go together ; but mind his Difcourfe at another Time, when he talks from the Heart, and is not upon his Guard: Then, O then, Pain without Danger is a blsffed Thing. For Inftance, Suffering under a painful threatening Diftemper, What is his firft Queftion to the Phyfician, but this? Doctor^ pray be plain with me, and let me truly know what I am to expect, don't flatter a fick Man, but tell me, am I like to recover, or no ? That Pain, you fee, which he fuffers, does not at all trouble him, he is only afraid he fhall die, fe- cure him againft that Danger, and all is well with him : Cut, flafh, burn, no Pain is grievous, if it promife to fet us out of the Danger of Death. When the other Doctor comes, the Phyfician of the Soul I mean, whofe Coming bodes no Good to the Body, he tells the Decumbent a long Story of the Pains and Mifery of Life, in order to make his Nunc dimittis go down the eafier; but that Method feldom takes, for not one of a Hundred is fo bad, but he is content to live, and put the reft to the Venture. The Fear of Death is generally more grievous, than all the cruel Pains of a wretched Life. But, fince we muft have Pain while we live, give me the Pain of the Gout, which has no Danger attending. Here fome malevolent Adverfary may impor- tunately object, Did ever any Man die of the Gout ? To this I anfvJer, i. I have not yet af- firmed, That the Gout can make a Man im- mortal, though I will boldly fay thus much, it very often keeps a Man alive till all his Friends are weary of him. But, 2. Should I venture to * Cur Lord the Pope has got the Gout. The Honour of the "Gout. 40 fay, that the Gout lias in "ufelf the Power to make a Man immortal ; it ought not ro feem Co very ftrange, all Things being confidered. If that be true, which fome, Authors write of the noble ParacelfuSy He had the Secret to make a Man immortal, and I would not fay he lyed, though himfelf died about forty ; for, perhaps, he did not like his Company ; but it muft have been by Way of his Difcovery to give any Man the Gout when he pleafed ; in that I am pofuive. Here the Objector will fcornfully put me in Mind, that gouty Perfons efcape Death no more than other Men ; which is very true, but that's becaufe Men are Fools, and don't know when they are fafe *, they muft be curing the Gout, forfooth, and, to that End, they deal with the Doctor, /'. e. with the Factor of Death, the Emiflary of Hell, the Purveyor of the Grave, damned Alchymilr, good at calcining nothing but living Bodies into Duft and Aflies. Let every one bear hisown Burthen ; the Gout has nothing to do with the Carnage of the Doc- tor. All, that can be rationally faid againft the Gout, is, that it doth not actually preferve Man, itfSpight of their own Folly, and the Doctor's Ignorance : And yet there is the Right Ho- nourable Sir R. H. the Gout is fo falutary to him, that two Swifs Doctors can't difpatch him ; what would a certain Lord give, that thofe two coagulating Spirits could remove his Honour's Gout j but, fay I, Gout t bold thy own ', for Earth has more need of the Cripple, than Heaven of the Saint. And now, Sir, let me tell you a Story, the famous Willis fhall be my Voucher, who diflected the Body of the reve- rend, learned, and pious Doctor Hammond^ killed purely by his Friend, who, unhappily, taught him a Medicine to cure the Gout ; upon the Succefs of that Medicine, the Do&or's old Nephritic Pains returned, and in a Fortnight difpatched him. Therefore, for your own, for your Lady's, and for your Children's Sake, Sir, welcome the Gout to your Houfe, and fhut all your Doors againft the Phyfician, I'll warrant you for up- wards a Hundred. Lord ! how glad (hall I be, to fee them pick Chalk-ftones out of your Wor- fhip's Feet, fome forty or fifty Year's hence ; by that Time you will have learned fo much Pa- tience, as never to roar for the Matter. But if you do roar (for that may be then as you ufe yourfelf now) they that look on, if they love Life, will envy, not pity you : Indeed you are already a fit Object for the Envy of thinking Men, for I have heard you con fefs, that yours is an hereditary Gout, and that is for the better ; an hereditary Gout is a far greater Happinefs than an acquired one ; what a deal of Intempe- rance, and amorous ExceiTes, might it have coft your Worfhip to have got the Gout before Forty, whereas now you have the mighty Blefting for nothing, forte najccndi, it is your Birth-right, Sir, never think of parting with it. Perhaps, you may be now tempted to afk me, how I acquired my Gout ; I fhall not be fhy to fatisfy your Curioiky, for I came by it honeftly : We Scholars have a Way, by ourfelves, to come at the Blefling, without ever being beholden to the God, that chears the genteel Candidate of the Gout by Day, or the Goddefs that enter- tains him on Nights; we lead fedemary Lives, feed heartily, diink quantum fufficit, but fleep immoderately ; fo that, the Superfluities of our fober and grave Fulnefs not exhaling, we very honeftly prepare tartarous Matter for the Gout, for the beneficial Gout, which gives us Pain without Danger. Afcend we now the next Step, which adv & ab bojit docerl. Learn of our common Enemy ; Sir, I fancy, the late Tyrant folaces his Exile, with the Expectation of a Return to trample on the Liberties, and riot in the Blood of Hereticks ; but, before ever that difmal Day come, may the Gout, my Life's kind Pre- ferver, and my dear Life itfelf forfake me ; only I will make it in my Bargain, I will not ftand to this Wifh, if my. Help can contribute any Thing to oppofe this Invafion. I am much of the Mind, Sir, that, by what I have faid al- ready, you are a coming Profelyte ; but, before I have done with you, you {hall chufe to part with your Eyes, rather 'than your true Friend, the Honour of the Gout. 42 the Gout. The mighty Blefling whereof, that ever the Phyfician fell foul upon him with poi- you may the better underftand, mount with me fonous Recipe's. The Phyfician, purely to force one Step higher, and then take Notice of this a Trade, impofed upon the People, that the farther Advantage of the Gout. 3. The Gout prffents you with a perpetual Alma- nack ; and that it may never be out of the Way, but ready always for your Worfhip's Ufe, fafe- ly depofits it in the Jnternodia of your Bones. Barometers, Thermometers, and other the Inven- tions of Men, not yet perfect Matters of their Art, ferve more for the Delight, than the Ufe of the Curious ; but the ufeful Pains of the Gout, give your Honour trufty Prognofticks of the Seafons. As often as a moift Conftitution of the Year, South or North Winds, or Snows are at Hand, you predict thofe Things from the AccefTes of your Pains ; and by the Abfence of your Pains you foreknow the contrary ; fo, one Way or qther, your Bone- Almanack ferves for all Changes. Our Lilly's and Gadbury's foreknow, when it fhall be Rain-like, or Snow-like, but what your Honour foreknows, by Means of the Gout, does afterwards actually come to pafs. Doctor Goad knew more of the Stars, and their Pofitions than you, but not half fo much of their In- fluence. Spinofa will have it, that when a Jew- ijh Prophet foretold any Thing, he gave a Sign, a prefent Sign, which was a Confirmation of his Prophecy ; you have the Sign within you, Sir, and are a true Prophet all over. Majora animalia diutius vifceribus Parentum tontinentur, fays Pliny. Nature gives to larger- fized Animals a longer Stay in the Womb of their Mother ; their mighty Limbs, and vaft Frame of Body, are not fo foon fafhioned and perfected, as is the compendious Texture of lef- ier Animals : So it is with the moft noble Arts and Sciences, with the moft ufeful Inventions, when firft brought to Light; every Man is taken up with unactive Extafy, and lazy Admiration, greatly pleafed to be taught, and let into Myfte- jy, and as well content to know no more than is taught him ; Time paffes filently on, and Ages fteal away, before there ftarts up a ftu- dious inquifitive Perfon, who bends his Wit to improve the Difcoverles of his Anceftors, and laiie them to their juft Perfection. Now of this Obferv,ation, I am of the Mind, there is not again in Nature fo clean an Inftance, as the Gout affords us. The Gout, at firft, patted for no other but an evil Spirit, which an txordfing Piieft attacked with Charms, before Gout was a Difeafe ; having cheated them with this falfe Opinion, he plagued them with real Tortures, all which he was pleafed to chriften by the general Name of Therapeutic* Method, in which his barbarous Executions thus follow one another. Firft Phlebotomy, then Catharticks, Emeticks, Hypnoticks, the and all ; and, while the Infide of the poor Patient is thus mi- ferably racked and confounded, he dawbs the Outfide with Anodyne Applications, Unguents, and Cataplafms ; and when all is done, I will give them my Body to practife on (though I had rather the Executioner had it to difpatch outright) if plain Cathartick-Gi\\d, and the Cataplafm of a frefh Cow-turd, do not work greater Wonders, than any Thing they can pretend to. From Germany, nay, from beyond the Alps, they come, with hard Names, Exotick Cant, and baneful Poifon, to allay the Paroxyfm and remove the Procatarxh of the Gout ; but, God be thanked, their Practice decays, and muft do more and more every Day, now that it is fo plainly difcovered, that the Gout needs no Remedy, not being, in Truth and proper Speaking, a Difeafe, but a Sovereign Antidote, againft the moft dangerous Difeafes ; and there- fore People of the beft Senfe are content to let it take its Courfe ; and not only fo, but they are proud to publifh the Satisfaction they take, in one or other Advantage, which the Gout affords them. For Inftance, as to the Foreknowledge of Weather : The Gout never twitches their Nerves, but they will be telling others what Changes are towards. Now, that which I pro- pofe, is this, that People mould not think it enough to know thus much of the Gout, but ftu- dy to improve and increafe their Knowledge ; for, no Doubt, more may be made of this Blef- fing, than ever yet was done by the happy Man that has enjoyed it longeft. I am periuaded, that if the fortunate Patient would be at the Pains to obferve all the Motions of the Gout, in his pinching, fmarting, gauling Acceffes 3 in his gnawing, (tabbing, burning Paroxifms j in his evacuating, tender, remitting Receffes, he might quickly come to wind a Storm, fo long before, that, in a fhort Time, no Owners would think their Ship fafe, but with a gouty M after, nor would any experienced Seaman, that want- ed a Ship, offer himfelf to the Merchants, but upon Crutches. PofiibJy here fome nice Per- fon tfhe Honour fon may object, that it is a fad Thing to be a Cripple ; I reply, in Lamenefs two Things are to be confidered, the unfightly Gate, and the afflicting Pain. As to the unfightly Gate, fet the Italian Proverb againft it : He knows not Venus In her pere ff^bo has never lain -with a lame Mijtrefs \ And Montaigne tells us, that the fame is faid of Men, as well as Women : for the Queen of Amazons anfwered the perfonable Scythian, who courted her to Love, air X*>x&? ofpir, Lame Men make the beft Gallants. In that Female Re- publick, to prevent the Dominion of the Males, they lamed their Arms and Legs in their In- fancy, believing that they would be rather the better for the Ufe which they (hould make of them thereafter. Montaigne gives a Philofophical Reafon for the Advantage accruing by Lame- nefs, either to Men or Women, viz. The Legs and Thighs not receiving their due Aliment, it falls out, that the Genital Parts above are the fuller, better fupplied, and more vigorous. 2. As to the Pain proceeding from Lamenefs , I will not, to diminifh that, tell the Objector a long Story from the Reafonings of Arijiotle, or the Practice of Cato ; but only pray him to con- flder the lower Sort of People, who know little of Example, and mind as little of Precept ; Na- ture is their Guide, and this their familiar Prac- tice j they call the Phthifick, fays Montaigne, a Cough ; the Bloody Flux is no more with them than a Loofenefs ; a Pleurify, but a Stitch in the Side j and as they foftly name, fo they patiently endure thefe Grievances. If the mercenary Adverfaries of the Gout, the Doctors, have any other Objections againft a Bone-Almanack, befides what I have anfwered ; let them be publifhed ; I will fairly and fully anfwer them alfo, or renounce my Reverence for the Gout. O ! That I had an infallible Medicine, which would both certainly and fpeedily caufe the Gout (Wine and Women are tedious and uncertain Ways of purchafing the mighty Blefling) I would not doubt but to make more of it, than ever Daffy did of his Elixir, or any (trolling Mountebank of his Nojtrum. The Fair for Ri- der's Almanack, Partridge's Almanack, Al cb's Almanack, lafts but one Month in the Year ; but I might-vend Gout-Almanacks and Bone-Al- manacks, all the Year round. Here I fufpedt, that the malevolent Doctors, that get their Li- of the Gout. 43 ving by their mifchievous Craft in practifing on the Gout, will object, That all, which I have hitherto urged in its Commendations, has a ve- ry great Allay; for, though it is not dangerous, yet it is painful ; though the Patient has lucid Intervals, yet he has violent Paroxyfms ; though he be a Prophet, yet the Spirit, which infpires, rends him. But of thefe Objectors I would fain know, whether holy precious Enthuftafm be not a furious ungovernable Impulfe ; whether lucid Intervals are not more eligible than a con- ftant, weak, and (alien Light ; whether Pain, without Danger, is not better than Eafe without Security ? I am of Opinion, that our Compo- fitions are no more able to endure pure and un- mixt Felicities, than Semele, the half-gone Mo- ther of Bacchus, to abide the warm Corigrefs of the Olympick Jove, circled with all his Glories. Yet, to filence Envy itfelf, the next Step we af- cend, we fhall fee the Gout dealing to his Pa- tients a Benefit, fo wonderous, refined, pleafant, and ufeful, that he muft be a very dull Crea- ture, that can ferioufly think on this, and not paflionately wifh, deliberately confider it, and not heartily labour, by all honeft Ways and Means, to deferve the Gout. 4. Gouty Perfons are moft free from the Head- ach; the Reafon of which is this : The heavy Recrements of the Blood and nervous Juice always fall downward to the gouty Joints. The Nerves of the Head, the Fibres and the Membranes, whereof there are many placed above and under the Skull ; the two Meninges, the Tunicles of the Nerves, the Pericranium, and other Periojlia, the Mufcles, the Pannicu/us Carnofus, and laftly, the Skin it- ' felf, are all freed from a World of Torment by Means of the Medicinal Gout, which attracts to exterior remote Parts vicious Humours of various Denominations, and there fets them on Fire, waftes and evacuates them. Perfons much favoured by the Gout, upon every long Abfence of that beft Friend of theirs (whether occa- fioned by unknown Accidents, or unwife Re- courfe to the mifchievous Tampering of a wick- ed Doctor) exchange their Freedom from the Gout, for Pain more intenfe and dangerous ; but of all other Pains, they are extremely fub- ject to the, Head-ach ; fomething of a Cloud, more or lefs, always hangs over their Brain ; but as foon as ever the Gout pleafes (forgi- ving their Ingratitude) to revifit them, prelently the Weather breaks up, the Nerves are relaxed, Fa the 44 the Fibres unmolefted, Mufcles recover their right Tone ; while the inimicous contefting Particles, thrown off from boiling Blood, and turgid nervous Juice, fall down to the remote Parts of the Body ; and then the "Understanding grows clear, the Thoughts brifk and active ; and the Patient is fitted, what- ever his Station and Employment is in the World, to do the Duty thereof, better than ever. I have been told of feveral Sea Captains .(and I have Reafon to believe the Relator) who, during a Fit of- the Gout, happening to meet 'lie Honour of the Gout. the Membranes and they revert with Fury and Indignation, dange- the Enemy, beftirred themfelves with a Vigour that forgot their Pain, and gave their Order with a fteddier Prefence of Mind, than ever they were Matters of before. I have the Ho- nour to he known to a Perfon of Quality, who has obliged the Age with feveral instructive Pieces, who never publifhed a forry Trifle, nor roufly affault the Vitals, diffufe ttfcir Venom over all the Vifcera^ corrupt the Stomach, but more efpecially affect the Head, with violent Pains, which are often followed by dangerous Swooning, a Vertigo , a Failing of Memory ; nay, and fometimes a downright Delirium. Thus Phyficians cure their Patients of the Gout ! Then doubly bleffed are the Poor and Needy, who, when they have the Gout, and do not underftand their own Happinefs, cannot be at the Charge to get rid of it, by a Cure of the Doctors. Nay, befide the mifchievous Confequences of their Meddling, their very Meddling itfelf, is a forer Pain, than the Gout, a thoufand Times : fo that Man's Intellectuals muft not be right, who would not wifh to have his Head-ach cured by the Gout, rather than by the Doctors Methods, /. e. by ver any Thing fo abfolutely perfect, ufeful, and being purged and blooded, cupped and fluxed, entertaining, as when he lay under a Courfe of ftifled with Spirit of Hartfhorn and Soot, drenched with Cephalick Juleps and Waters Cold as thofe that extinguifhed the Vital Heat of that renowned thrice illufkious Hero, hight old Simon the King. The Gout is a Specifick, a fingle, proper, and effectual Remedy for the Head-ach ; by a irrong Revulfion it attracts morbifick Matter from the nobler Parts, and, ever while you live, fay I, keep Pain from your Head, and Sorrow from your Heart The ho- neft old Beldame made Sport for her Neighbours, when (he applied the Clyfter.to her Fore-head, the Part affected : Again, when her Neighbours turned up her blind-fide, and plaid her Pipe at her Virgin Avenue, that was a Jeft to her : Marry Gap, quoth fhe, it is the upper End that akes^ and you give Phyfick to the Lower ; but the Clyfter was a good Remedy for the Head-ach, entertaining, as wnen ne lay the Gout. Then would he dictate like an 'An- gel, or, which is much the fame, a Man in- fpired, to his ravifhed Anianuenfis. That Ama- nuenfis of his has told me, though he loved his Mafter very well, yet he was always forry for his Recovery; for then his Strength failed him, and he was no more than another Writer, I mean a Writer of the firft Rate though. I know nothing that a Man, when he enjoys the Gout is unfit for, but Jumping, Running of Races, or Foot-ball. The Amazons, if they be not belied, coveted to admit Strangers, fla- grante Paroxyfmo : Had Montaigne ever met with the MS. whence I have the Notice, he would have given us a Phllofophical Reafon for it. The Gout being thus beneficial, I blefs myfelf to think, that any Patient mould be fo much his own Enemy, as to be weary of it j any Doctor fo much an Enemy to Mankind, as to offer at the Cure ; but cure it they cannot, whatever they pretend, unlefs they kill the Patient. For my Part, I know no Difference in the Earth between a Doctor of Phyfick and a Tinker, fave that the Doctor has more of the Tinker, the Tinker more of the Doctor in him : For, the Tinker effectually flops that tho' planted at a Diftance, and fo the Gout. How neceffary a Friend to the Head, the Medi- cinal Gout is, keeping it eafy, clean and free from all Morbifick Matter which difturbs the Brain, we might parUy guefs, from the fubtle Obfervation of the famous Confucius upon gouty Perfons, which is communicated to us, by one of the chafteft Hifrorians among the veracious Emiffaries ^for the Chinefe are bleffed with the particular Hole which he is hired to flop, - Gout, as well as die Europeans : ) It is poffi- though he makes two or three for it j but the Doctor does but difturb the Gout, which he undertakes to cure ; and, when the vicious Hu- mours of the Body are not fuffered to have thtir Courfe to the exterior remote Parts, there to be ii.ciificcd on the Internodial Altars of the Gout, ble, {aid the wife Mandarin^ for a lame, gouty Perfon to be a Knave, even in our own Coun- try have I known fome fuch ; but who ever knew a gouty Cripple that was a Fool ? In a Book of that great Mafter of Morals and Politicks, prefented by a Mandarin of Confu- The Honour of the Gout. rim's own Race, to a learned Jefuit, who has inriched the King of France's Library with it, (but, I fuppofe, the Book was-there repofited, fince a certain Perfon finimed his Travels :) Thcfe farther Remarks are delivered, Natural Fools never acquire the Gout, the Sons of gouty Perfons are defended from Dulnefs and Folly by the Sins of their Parents ; or, if in their Minority, their Underftandings happen to lie a little backward, they fhall no fooner enter on their gouty Inheritance, but a bright Illu- mination brings the fame forwards : What- ever a Man's natural Powers are, they are fo Improved by the Gout, fo reftned, fo heightened in the Paroxyfm, that I am almoft tempted to call it a Sort of a Natural Infpiration. Facile inventis addere, what the noble Confujius as admirably well obferved of the Gout, viz. That it is a perfeft Deletory of 'Folly , prompts me to think, that it would be worth Inquiry, whe- ther the Gout is not as effectual againft Mad- nefs ; and we may reafonably believe that it is fo, if, upon Examination it fhould be found, that there are no gouty People in Bedlam ; and then for the Recovery of thofe poor Creatures to their Wits, again, it will not need much Confi- deration, whether they ought not to be excufed the hard Blows which their barbarous Keepers deal them ; and the Therapeutick Method of Purging, Bleeding, Cupping, Fluxihg, Vomit- ing, Clyftering, Juleps, Apozemes, Powders, Confections, Epithemes, and Cataplafms, with which the more barbarous Do&ors torment them ; and, inftead of their learned Torture, indulged for a Time only, a little Intemperance, as to Wine, or Women, or fo ; or the Scholar's Delight of feeding worthily, and fleeping hear- tily, whereby they might get the Gout, and then their Madnefs were cured. Many and great are the Advantages which accrue to mortal Men from the Gout, as can- not but fufficiently appear to your Worfhip from what I have, in running Hafte, obferved j but far more numerous, and unconceivably vaft, are the Improvements, which a Man, worthy of the Gout, and femlble of his Happinefs, might, with attentive Care and fedulous Obfer- vance, make. Yet I fhall not infift on con- jectural Topicks to do Juftice to fo effectual a Promoter of the Safety of human Life ; but proceed on thofe Benefits, which are the Objects of Senfe ; fo that, if there be any Perfon, that fcalJ think, or fpeak ill of the Gout, he mult be one, that does not defire, or deferve to live. It is a lofty Height to which I have advanced your Worfhip ; four ftecp Afcents you have already climbed, but the Honour of the Gout Caput inter nubila condit. Can your Head bear to mount a Fifth ? But, why do I afk that Queftion ? The Gout itfelf will enable you. 5. The Gout prefervcs its Patients from the great Danger of Feven. Gouty Perfons, by Reafon of a fixed Dyf- crafy of the Blood, are not obnoxious to Fe- vers ; as they live free from the dreadful Pains of the Head-ach, fo, likewife, from the fcorch- ing Heats of Fevers. Every one knows, that a Fever is a diforderly Motion, or Over- boiling of the Blood, which feldom, or never, hap- pens to gouty Perfons ; becaufe the malignant Recrements of the Blood and nervous Juice, which occafion Fevers, are continually depo- fited in the Joints of gouty Perfons, are there imprifoned, watered, and confumed by the purging, healing, cleanfing, fanative Fire of the burning Gout. There is a natural Motion and Heat in the Blood, depending, partly, on its proper Crajis and Conftitution (for, being compofed of Spirit, Salt, and Sulphur, Prin- ciples vigorous and active, it fpontaneoufly grows turgid and tumultuous, like generous Wine in narrow Veflel pent;) and, partly, to the Ferment impjanted in the Heart, which rarefies the Liquor paffing' through its Channels, and forces it to rife with EfFervefcence frothy. The preternatural Ebullition of the Blood is raifed, either by fome extraneous, heterogene- ous Mixture, or from the immoderate Exalta- tion of its own natural Spirit or Sulphur j which, when it happens, prefently a high and quick Pulfe follows j the Blood, like a fulphurous Liquor, taking Fire, diffufes its burning Heat all pver the Body. The vaft Sicilian Cbafms, which vomit flam- ing Heaps of Matter fulphurous and com- buftible, what are they, but Nature's Em- blems of a burning, fiery Fever ? And, when the Poets fable, that haughty Typhceus, big EryX) and bald Enceladus, deep buried in the Earth by angry Jupiter, belch out thofe Fires, which wafte the Country, aud fright the Inha- bitants, what meaned they to denote, but tlte Reftlefiwfs Honour of the Gout. Reftlefnefs of ftremious Heroes (for Want of the Gout to withdraw the feverifh Fewel) fry- ing in Flames mercilefs and deftru6tive ? 'Methinks, I pity the Young and Healthy, whofe Blood flows temperately, and never knew Diforder; I pity them, I fay, not for their prefent Eafe, but becaufc of their imminent Danger. For,' when a Royal Sun of France blazes, and periflies in Flames painted by a brave Ruflefs mafterly Hands; when a van- quifhed Admiral fliifts off in Boat inglorious, a King of equal Valour, from a fafe Station, all the While beholding the. Monfieur** .prudent Care to preferve a great Commander ; when a haughty Marefcbal is beat out of the ftrongeft Bulwark, that fenced his Mailer's treacherous Rapine; and, to induce that Mafter of his for once to keep the Cartel, can, in Spite of all his Bluftering, part with his Sword: When Rebel Invaders are difappointed, and execrable Aflaflins punifhed; on fuch tempting Occafions as thefe, who can forbear a rightful, lawful, and brimful Glafs ? Yet, on fo folemn a Fefti- val, if the Healthy gives Nature but a Fillip, it may, perchance, throw him into a Fever, and that Fever, perchance, coft him his Life ; whereas the Man that is obnoxious to the Gout, chearfully ventures the Duty of the Day, well knowing, that, when the worft comes to the worft, it is but Roaring in Purgatory fome forty Days, or fo ; and, by that Time the Gout has wafted and cleanfed off the tartarous Recrements of undigefted Falern, who knows, but good News may come, to make another Holy-day ? Purgatory, which- cleanfes the Souls of the Departed from their Filth, which fets them out of the Danger of the Lake, and renders them (like burnt Tobacco-pipes) clean and pure, and fit for Paradife, is a true Picture of the Fire of the Gout, which fpends the morbifick Matter, that might otherwife throw the Body into a hellifli Fever. Indeed, Infidels and Hereticks may object, and fay, That, perhaps, Purgatory is but a falfe Story ; but no Matter for that ; for grave Authors teach, That a falfe Story may be a true Picture, and ferve to illuftrate as ne- ceflary a Dodtrine as that of Purgatory ; but in this I am pofttive, that neither a falfe Story, nor a true one, can illuftrate a more infallible Maxim than this, That the purging Fires of the Gout withdraw the Fewel from the deftructive Fires of burning Fevers. Thofe learned and worthy Authors, that write of Devils and Spirits, and know the Na- tures and Orders of them as perfectly as Heart can wifli, tell us, that there be two Sorts of them, White and Black, Good. and Bad : So is it certainly with Difeafes. The Gout, if it be lawful to call it a Difeafe, is a good and ufeful Difeafe, a white Devil ; the Fever a bad, hurtful Difeafe, a black Devil, the Devil of a Difeafe, or a Difeafe that is the Devil ; whom if ever the Phyfician cafts out, I will fwear, it is by Compact : Whereas the Gout is an ho- neft Febrifuge, the Operations thereof natural and intelligible ; fomething painful indeed, but there is no Magick in them. By the Way, if the Phyfician cures, or cafts out black Difeafes, or Devils, by Compact with black Devils, may it not be laid to be a double Wickednefs ? For I took it to be the Roman Priefts ungodly Office, with rumbling Exorcifms, to eject them ; but this is the Fault alfo of other Dealers ; there is nothing more common, among them, than to incroach on one another's Trade. Could Tyrants inflict Fevers, they would never make Ufe of Rack or Gibbet, Ax, or unrighteous Judge, unlefs the Object of their Fate were an honeft gouty Fellow ; for the Gout would foften the feverifh Infliction, as the Popifti Printer did his Father ConfefTor's Penance, when he boiled the Peafe, which he was required to put in his Shoes, before he took his Walk. There is not, certainly, a feverer Torment than a burning Fever, nor a more fovereign Antidote than the medicinal Gout ; fo that it is a Truth clear as the Sun, if more People had the Gout, fewer would die of a Fever. Having placed thefe Things in fo clear a Light, I am ftrongly perfuaded, that not your Worfhip only, but the Generality of the Age will fet their Prejudices afide, and yield to the happy Force of the many ufeful Truths, which, by the bright Illumina- tion of a violent Gout-Paroxyfm, I have here difcovered ; fo that, hereafter, .inftead of the old parting Compliments, Save you. Sit- ; God keep you in good Healthy I queftion not but we fhall fay,- The Gout defend you, Sir ; God give you the Gout ; for we ought not to hope for a Blefling without the Means. To wifh a Man the Gout is to wifti him that, which withdraws Fewel from Difeafes, and preferves Life at fo cheap a Rate ; it cofts a Man not a Penny more than Patience. It has been the Opinion of fome Writers, that The Honour of the Gout. 47 that none can be faved, who die of the Plague ; but in judging of the future State of others, I think it beft to venture being miftaken on the charitable Side ; and therefore, I would fooner believe, that none can be damned, who have the Gout ; and, I muft tell your Worfhip, that I have known a lefs probable Sign of Salvation given by a Diflenting Rabbi , to his Hearers. When Mercury, by the mighty Power of a Verfe, borrowed from that great Architect Ho- ;w, heaved up the afpiring Mountain Pelion^ and piled it entire on Heaven-fhouldering OJJa^ and then helped Charon^ up to the Top j the poor old Ferry-Man complained, that the Dif- tance from the Earth was fo great, that he could not fee what was done there : I am much afraid, Sir, that this uppermoft Step of Afcent, on which I am going to feat your Worfhip, that you may have a full View of the amazing Excellence of the Medicinal, Ufeful, Health- reftoring, Soul-enlivening Gout, will place you at fuch a vaft Diftance above terrene Things and Notions, that you will not be able to dif- cern the true Proportion of that Benefit, which crowns the Honour of the Gout, at leaft, not fo plainly as I could wifli. 6. To crown the Honour of the Gout, It is not to be cured. The Gout defies all your grofs Galenical Me- thods, and all your exalted Chymical Prepara- tions ; for the conjunct Caufes thereof (as the learned Willis confefles) lie in Parts fo very re- mote, that the Vcrtues of no Medicines can reach them ; and, Heaven be praifed for it, for why, Sir, would you cure (as you call it) the Gout, which gives you Pain without Danger, a better Tafte of Health, by an Acquaintance with Pain, a Knowledge of future Things, Freedom from the Head-ach, and from Fevers ? Blefs us ! That any Man mould wifli to be rid of the Gout, for Want of which he may be- come obnoxious to Fevers, and Head-ach, be blinded in his Underftanding, lofe the Tafte of his Health, and the Security of his Life. I hope you and I, dear Sir, {hall be better advifed, and to fhew that we are fo, and at the fame Time, to fet the World a good Example, I hope we fhall neither of us ever tamper with the Doc- tor for the Cure of the Gout, which really and truly is incurable, unlefs the Patient be to be killed ; which is what the Doctor's Medicines aims at, perhaps not what he directly aims at himfelf ; For his Heart is chiefly upon his Fee ; his Prayers, that his Patient may neither die, nor recover ; at leaft not die, while he is worth a Penny ; but, when his laft Penny is fpent, then the miferable Creature is forfaken, like the poor Woman in the Gofpel, and may perifli for all him, unlefs Heaven has a Miracle in Store for a poor Sinner, that has been torment- ed by a nafty D , before his Time. But, left I mould be thought, in Vindication of the Honour of the Gout, too fevere againft the Pretenders to cure it, I {hall argu againft them, from their own Confeflions : We may fay of every Medicafter, whether a College, or a Stage-Doctor, habemns confitentem reum ; the whole Clan of them are Homicides, by their own Confeflion. Other wicked People put on the Guife of Honefty, for the better perpetra- ting their Crimes ; but Phylkians own the Ro- guery of their Art ; indeed, to fave themfelves from publick Infamy, they give this foftening turn to their fcandalous Caufe. The Principles of their Art, they fay, are difficult to be un- derftood, and uncertain to be relied on ; and, then, alfo the Temperament of the Body, on which they practife, can be but guefled at ; fo that the Succefs of the moft learned Practi- tioner can be but cafual. Now, that, after this, thefe Men mould be entertained, and fo general Admittance given to their Practice, does evidently prove, that the Generality of Men, when they lofe their Health, lofe their Wits together with it. I will allow, that it were reafonable for a fick Man liberally to part with his Guinea's for his Health, if the Doctors that have their Money in Hand, were fure of reftoring Health, or upon Failure would refund j but, to pay down ready Money for a Lottery-Chance, where it is great Odds, but the Adventurer increafes his Malady, and haf- tens his Death ! I, for my part, declare againft it, and am perfuaded, that, no one who con- fiders rightly, but would keep his Money, and bear his Burthen. A fpare and eafy Diet mall be always my Phyfick, and I will leave it to Nature, to do her own Work. But let us come to feme more particular Acknowledge- ments of thefe deadly Enemies of Mankind. Galen^ that is ftill revered as a God by mo- dern Practitioners, acknowledges it impoffible to find out a Medicine that (hall do any great Good one Way, and not do as much Hurt another. The learned Dr. Hammond fatally experienced the Truth of this Acknowledgement ; the Me- dicine, which was prefcnbed him to cure the Gout, Honour of the Gout. Gout, moved the Gravel from his Kidnies, which, being too bio; to pafs the Ureters, choaked the Channel, and deprived him of his Life that Way. Cornelius Jgrippa tells us of one Rafts, a Phyfician of Note, who, confidering the foolifti Credulity of Patients, and the conten- tious Ignorance of Profeffors in Phyfick, ad- vifcd, that never above one Doctor mould be made Ufe of at a Time, giving this Reafon,. becaufe the Miftake of a Jingle Man was lefs dangerous : And I would advife never to ufe any; for, as the Miftake of one Man is lefs dan- gerous than of a Confult of them, fo the having nothing to do with anyone, is lefs dangerous than the Miftake of one ; for Nature can commit no Miftake, but if not loaded with Luxury, nor difturbed with Phyfick, will vigoroufly ftrive to throw oft* every noxious Difeafe. Such the Gout is not, for Nature, throwing off morbifick Matter to the remoter Parts of the Body, does Phyfician, in Oppofition to one another ; plain- ly enough implying, that the former was his Duty, the latter his Fault. But our Phyficians, it feems, would have the Sick feek to the Lord, and them both ; as if the Lord could not do his own Work without them. Odl profanum Ge- nus. Hence, Sir, it is plain to me, that they are an Order of Men, that care not much what they fay, or do, to uphold their own Ho- nour, and keep their ungodly Trade a-going : But therefore I would wifli all unhealthy People, who have bought their Mifery of the Profeftbrs ; and all honeft Gentlemen, who are preferved by the falutary Gout in the Land of the Living, to prefer a Bill in Parliament againft this de- ftructive Order of Men, that, by a ftrong Ca- thartic Act, they may ^ purged out of his Ma- jefty's Dominions ; I will engage, that there's never a Family in the Nation, but (hall by this Means, befides their Health, fave their Taxes, defignedly beget the Gout, and make Ufe of fo that a vigorous War may be continued againft that admirable Remedy, to cure Difeafes alrea- dy gotten, and to prevent others. But it is not mere Reafon which I rely upon, when I advife Men to truft Nature alone for their Recovery, and never go to a Phyfician, I have the greateft Authority to fupport my Advice, 2 Chron. xvi. 12. Afa, in the 39th Year of his Reign, was difeafed in his Feet (as I am now, which hinders me from running to my Commentators) but I remember the Phrafe of the Septuagint is, l/*Xflwio-Si7 T; w6&*? his Feet were foft and tender, (fwelled with the Gout, that muft be the Mean- ing) until his Difeafe (Gout) was exceeding great, yet in his Difeafe ( T* fx,xxi* avra, in the extreme Softnefs and Tendernefs of his Gout) he fought not to the Lord, but to the Phyfician. I do not fee how our Doctors of Phyfick can evade the Force of this Text, in Defence of their Profefiion ; for it is a very weak and precarious Reply, which they make, when they tell us, That Afa is blamed, not di- France, till the Monjieur is not worth a Livre, and no Body with us ever the poorer. For fuch an ufeful Decree, we are not without a Prece- dent inHiftory. The wife Romans, under Marcus Porcius CatO) banifhed Phyficians, not only from Rome, but alfo from Italy, which Council, it may be reafonably thought, contributed not a little to the Increafe of their People j for, as where the moft Lawyers are, there are the moft Quarrels and Contentions ; fo, where the moft Phyficians, there the moft Funerals ; and fome fay, where the moft Divines, there the moft Differences about Religion ; but that is not the Fault of the Divines ; for, if the Magiftrate would let the ftrongeft Party alone, they would force all the reft to be of their Opinion. But I am afraid I forget myfelf in too long a Digref- fion ; what I ought chiefly to infift on, is, the fuperlative Excellence of the Gout, which is never to be removed." The Fear of lofmg a Bleffing takes off from the Pleafure of enjoying redtly for Seeking to the Phyficians, but not for it. Thieves may plunder your Houfe, Age will Trufting in the Lord when he fought to them. Now, I will grant thefe Gentlemen, that it is the Duty of Patients to truft in the Lord, when they feek to the Phyficians; nay, it is their Duty to truft in the Lord, then, above any other Time ; for then they run themfelves into thofe Hazards, that, if the Lord does not help them, 'tis Odds but they mifcarry. But I would have thefe Phyficians, who make but lorry Interpreters of Scripture, to confide^, that the Text fets Seeking the Lord, and feekmg the his Life. ruin your Beauty, Envy may afperfe your Re- putation, Bribes corrupt your Faith, but the Gout is a fure Inheritance ; neither Thieves, nor Knaves ; neither Time nor Envy, nor any Thing elfe, can defpoil you of it. A Man may, himfelf, if he has a Mind to it, fquander his Eftate, blemifh his comely Form, injure his Fame, and renounce his Honefty j but let him get rid of the Gout if he can : that Bleffing he may take ComTort in, being fecure that it is for They fay, there is more Care and Trouble Trouble in keeping an Eftate, than getting it; as for the Gout, there may be fome Trouble in get- ting it, tho' that is mixed with Pleafure too, but no Man is put to the leaft Care or Trouble for the fafe Keeping of the Gout ; he may endure Mi- fery enough indeed, if he feeks to the Phyfician for the Cure 6f it. You cannot be always young and handfome ; but gouty once, and gouty ever ; thence came the Proverb, Drink Claret, and have the Gout j and drink no Claret, and fl in have it : The Gout, it is true, is the Re- ward of fome Works, but there is no Forfeit- ing it, and therein it is preferable to a Crown Imperial. Pofiibly a wife and worthy Perfon may fecure his Virtue againft dangerous Temp- tation, but then he muft be always upon his Guard ; but let him take as little Care of him- felf as he pleafes, he mall never have the lefs Gout for his loofe Way of Living. But, pof- fibly, it may be objected, That the Gout, curing other Difeafes, and not being to be cured itfelf, becomes an Encouragement to Intempe- rance and Luft. The Luftful and Intempe- rate drink, and love on, reckoning that the Gout will carry off the evil Confequences of The D E D I C A T I O N. 49 wild Excefs, and foolifh Paflion. Now, I will not lye for the Gout, as much as I honour it * If it were not for this one Abatement, it were Phyfick for an Angel. But, that the Reader may not reproach me for a grofs philo- fophical Error, I declare, that I do not mean, for the fpiritual Sub/lance of an Angel, for that, I well know, needs no Phyfick, or one Sort, or other ; but for the corporeal Vehicle, which an Angel may chance to affume j which Vehicle, being rectified by the Gout, may, with lefs Trouble, be actuated by the Angel. Sir, I thought to have taken a longer View* of the Excellency of the noble Gout, from this fublime Afcent, which reprefents it with its greateft Advantage, the Advantage of being incurable : But, alafs f the violent Paroxyfm, which I have laboured under for thefe three fhort Days and Nights, abates ; the Intenfenefs of my Pains confiderably remits, and therefore I am forced to break off abruptly j for I am fen- fible, that no Man can do Honour to the Gout by a juft and adequate Panegyrick, but he that, at the Time of Writing, feels it in it in Extremity. The DEDICATION. To all the numerous OfF-fpring of Apollo^ whether Dogmatical Sons of Art, or TLmpirical By-blows. To all Pbarmaceutick Refidentiaries in Town or City ; alfo to all drolling Praditio- ners and Impoftors. Gentlemen, /F this Letter Jhall happen in any Meafure to fpoil your Trade, Heaven make me thankful ', for well I know, thai yours is the very Trade of two famous Princes, that have, by one Method or other , rid out of the Way very great Numbers of Men. A Malefaclor, condemned to die, ought to be free from all Manner of Infults as he goes to Execution. I know it, and therefore do not dedicate this Letter to you, Ly Jf^ay of Infult, but friendly to mind you, tbat,finceyour unrighteous Trade is broke or break- ingi you would timely bethink yourfelves, what honejl Employment you may be Jit for ; if you will take my Advice, you /hall travel , for, to your Sor- row, you have known an over- grown Yznier,from abroad, make a great Doctor in England ; why Jhould not you male as good Farriers abroad, as tley do Doctors hire? This is certain, like trut VOL. II. Farriers, you have prefcribed to many a weak Man, a Medicine for a Horfe j fo then, for the Materia Medica, it is the fame, nothing will be troublefome and uneafy to you, in your new ProfeJJlon, but that you Jhall never get as much by praftifing on the Spavin as the Gout ; but you muft be content with lefs Earnings ; what ! you cannot, in Conscience, expett as much for killing a Horfe as a Man. To this Cha nge of your Profejfion, not only the Difcovery of the Frauds and Dangers thereof, but alfo the Name of your great Patron, Hippocrates, invites, What are you more than he ? Come, come, rtmopa. icj Tt'xj fx.ira/wt'vJ/aTt, change Name and Profejfion, better a Murrain among Horfes than a Plague among Men. Having thus obliged you, Gentlemen, in an Epiftle Dedicatory, by minding you of the imm':- nent Decay of ycur Practice upon human Bodies, and teaching you how to make the bejl of a bad G Market* 50 We Character of an Markets, by trying Experiments u*?n Horfe-fie/1} ; / hope you will make me that grateful Return, as t* {'.''event the Obligation I confer on you from turn- ing to my Prejudice ; therefore, if any gouty Per- fon that may happen to malign you, Jhall objefi againji me, and fay, I had better have made a forlorn ill Court-Favourife. Regiment of you, and fent you to have been knocked on the Head in Flanders, than given you a Li- cenfe to kill Hcrfes, remember to Jay this for your- fehes, and your Benefactor, That, when the Devils were ejected out of human Bodies, they were fuffered to enter into Swine. The Character of an ill Court-Favourite : Reprefenting th6 Mifchiefs that flow from Minifters of State, when they are more great than good ; the Arts they ufe to feduce their MafterSy and the Unhappinefs of Princes, that are curfed with fuch deftruElive Servants. Translated out of French. ^uarfOy containing Twenty-two Pages. London^ printed in the Reign of King Charles the Second. HE that ftands by, and obferves the Jimple Addreffes and fedulous Ap- plications of Courtiers ; how greedi- ly Men, reputed to be wife, fell their Liberties, and facrifice their Time ; with what Patience they undergo At- tendance, more grievous than the Toil of Algier galley-Slavey or Popijh Pilgrims, will be ready to imagine, that it muft needs be fome won- derous Myjlery, which deferves fuch Superftition ; nor can expect lefs than the Pbi/ofopber's Stone, where he fees fo many Furnaces fet on Work, and fo rare Akhymijis engaged. If he caft but a fuperfkial Eye on the lofty flights of the Favourites of Princes, how, in Effect, they manage all the Reins of the Com- monwealth, though their Matters fit in the Saddle ; how they give Laws to the People, by recommending "Judges ; nay, biafs Religion it- felf, by beftowing Ecclefiaftical Dignities, and thefatteft Benefices, and make the braveft Sword- men kifs their Feet, fmce they can neither get, nor hold any Command of Honour and Profit, but through their good Graces. He, I fay, that remarks all this, and alfo how their feeming Virtues, and,' perhaps, but imaginary Abilities, are magnified and multiplied, and even their Errors, with Veneration, con, tealed, extenuated, or jujiified ; with what Eafe they trample upon their Adversaries, and prefer their Dependants, How can he refrain from Drawing at fo tempting a Lottery, or efcape thofe delicious Charms, which would almoft de- lude a Stoick to miftake fuch^a Fortune for his Summum Bonum ? But, alafs, thefe are only Outfides, to amufe the Ignorant ; thefe ftately Efcutcheons ferve but to hide a dead Corpfe, and thefe excellent O- dours, to perfume a Sepulchre: The Factions wherewith every Court and State is perpetually pregnant j the Envy and Emulation, which, though not fo loud, is yet, perhaps, fiercer than open War; the Spies which (like Eunuchs in Turky) are there fet upon all Men's A&ions, and. the (lippery Paths on which they walk ; the keen and peftilent Slanders againft which Inno- cency itfelf is fcarce Armour of Proof. Thefe, and a Thoufand other Inconveniencies, are not prefently difcovered ; and, indeed, it is, per- haps, fit they fJhould be concealed, left, other- wife, Men of Senfe and Integrity avoid Courts, as Perfons in Debt do Prifcns, and dread Great- nefs like Infection. Which would yet be more apprehended, if they could have either the Prudence or Leifure to reflect, How many Perfons, that, in a pri- vate Station, were honejt, jujl, and refolute Pa- triots, when once preferred to the Misfortune of being great, have abandoned all Thoughts of the Publick-weal i Their Integrity retired to give Toe Char after of an give Place to their Fortune, too rank Prefer- ment ftifled their Honejlj, and thenceforward they aimed only to advance their own narrow Interejl, and blow fhort-lived Sparks, to warm their private Fingers, out of the publick d/bes of their ruined Country. Their Innocency lafts fcarce fo long at Court, as the firft Man's did in the terrejlrial Para- dife.: Though they were not wicked before, yet they believe they ought to become fo ; and, therefore, as the foolifh wife Man of old flung all his Goods into the Sea, that he might more freely philofophife : They refolve to rid them- felves of their Conjciences, that, with lefs In- cumbrance, they may manage the Affairs of State. They conceit Pride neceflary to fup- port their Dignity, and that, (hould they not fwell, and look big, their Condition would be nothing changed j that Civility would reduce them to that Equality, whence they had forced themfelves with fo much Trouble ; to avoid Contempt, got being able to render themfelves refpetted, they ftudy to make themfelves feared. They efteem, that there is no Way left to blot out the Memory of their former Quality, but by the prefent Objects of their Tyranny j and, that they {hall not hinder the People from Laughing at their Infirmities, but by employing them to weep for their own Miferies, and com- plain of their Cruelties. One would think it Bedlam-Folly, that Men, not unacquainted with Mljlory, and fufficiently warned by Experience? of their own Times, fhould adventure on the very fame Precipices, on which, all, that went before, broke their Necks ; but, we muft remember, that Ambition is as blind as Love : They (like the famous fond Philofopher) are gazing at Stars, till they tumble into the Ditch : Their. Eyes are always fixed on the glittering Vanities above, fuggefted by a deluded Imagination, fo they never look down on the Wrecks and flattered Fortunes, and di/membered Bodies and forfeited Heads, and in- famous Memories of their Predecefiors. For few have the Wifdom to forefee, how hard it is, in Greatnefs, to purfue hone ft zndfafe Maxims, what Refolution is required for the Potent to be innocent, v/hat fordid Interefts they are forced to efpoufe, and by what infenftble Degrees they are brought at laft to fwallow thofe Actions and Compliances without Reluctancy, which, at firft, they looked upon with Deteftation : What, long fince, was obferved of Sejanus, holds true of many latter TympanitS of Grandeur , ;// Court -Favourite. 5 1 that their Favour is not to be purchafed without fome notable Crime : You muft part with your Honour, nay, your Soul, if you expect Promo- tion from fuch Spirits : If this were fufficiently weighed, we may juftly prefume, fuch, as have a ftrict Regard to Honejly, would not precipitate themfelves into publick Affairs , and ftand gaping, like greedy Camelions, to be puffed up with the tainted Air of haughty and luxurious Courts, where Intereft can fcarcely be preferved (unlefs by Miracle) without a Shipwreck of Confcience* But (to make our Approaches a little nearer) if it be fo ticklijh a Thing for even a good Man to abide long in Honour, without becoming like the Beajl that perijheth, and acting difho- nourable Things, what then {hall we fay of thofe portentous Meteors, that fometimes blaze in that fuperior Orb, noxious Exhalations drawn up by the wanton Beams of Favour, from the Slime and Filth of the World, and which prefage more Calamities, than a Comet, to thole Nations in which they appear ? Infolent Giants / that combate, with difplayed Colours, the Au- thority of the fundamental Laws, and all Me- thods of Jujiice, who, in the Government of a State, produce a Defign formed for its Ruin> who grow fat and hurley from the Juice and Subftance of exhaufted Provinces, who build their own Houfes with the Wreck and Diffipa- tion of a whole Kingdom. Princes and great Men would be happy, if, without Dying by Proxy, they could live in Perfon ; they are born oftentimes with excellent Qualities, and are 'calm Seas, filled with Riches and Power, that might do good to all the World, if the Winds would but let them flow gently, according to their own Nature. But, as extraordinary Beauties are courted by Vaiiety of Lovers, fo fuch exalted Conditions rarely want a Swarm of Flatterers, meer Infefts, bred out of Putrefaction, by the Warmth of Royal Sun/hine, that, under the Umbrage of Adorers, make themfelves Majlers, and, by a Colour of Service, exercife an Empire, even over thofe that think they command the Uni- verfe j whofe f acred Names, in fuch a Cafe, be- come but a Pafs-port to Mifchiefs ; their Autho- rity, a Sanctuary of Crimes ; their Revenues, but Tinder to Debauchery, and Supplies for Riot ; their Power, an Inftrument of Revenge, and a Scourge and Plague to thofe very People whom it ought to cherilh and protect. \\ hat {hall we fay of thefe infufferable Gran. G 2 dees,, *Tke Character of an ill Court* Favour t'fe. dees, who wjeck thtir private Spleens, with the Hands and Armt of their Matter ? Who de- clare all thofe guilty of High-Trcafon, who do not fall proftrate before them I -Who, by Jatal (ars, and difhonourable Treaties of Peace, by abandoning the true Inter eft of their Country, and playing the Mountebanks with the Body-po- litick, till they caft it at once into a Fever and Confumption, endeavour all they can to bring the People into Defpair, and would gladly reduce the honefter Sort of Men to fo miferable a Con- dition, as to be unable to fave themfelves, but in a Revolt ; that fo they may palliate their own yillanies, by others forced Difobedience, and trip off with the Spoils of a Nation, in a general Combujlion of their own Kindling ? Obferve them in Antient Hi/lory (for meddle not with our Times) they firft ruin the People, and then, if not themfelves, their Mafters, and many Times bring Deftruition on all three. Their Courfes are all violent and domineering, they own no Laws but Will and Pleafure, their Pace is always Fulifpeedy they whip and flafh like Mafters of a Bride- well, rather than Perfons intruded with the Governance of Free men. All to them is Plunder, all is Prey : They can- not feed but on dead Bodies ; they firft rife the Ship they fail in, and then vi\\(u\\y Jlrand her, to conceal their own Robberies : Though they came only out of the Dirt, and, to fpeak truly, are of Kin to no Body, yet they believe themfelves the Heirs of all the World ; there is no Officer of the Crown, no Governor of a Place, whofe Succeffion they do not pretend unto ; they think they are not in Safety, fo long as there is any Man in Credit or Au- thority, that is not a Creature of their own Raifing. Such People commonly introduce themfelves by low Means, and, for the moft Part, fuch as are dijhoneft and vile ; they not feldom owe the Commencement of their Fortune to a well danced Saraband, to Agility of Body, to the Beauty of their Face, or the Intereft of a Strumpet : They make themfelves valued by Jbamefulfec ret Services, whofe Payment is not public kly to be demanded. In a Word, though wife Antiquity allowed no Entrance into the Temple of Honour, but through that of Virtue, yet thefe crowd themfelves into Credit, by the Recom- mendation of Vice ', their Crimes, which truly deferve the Halter and the Ax, are the file Rondels, whereby they mount the Ladder of towering Prefermtni, Nor is their Progrefs unfu liable to their Rift.; their Defign being only to make complaifant Pro- pofitions, they enquire not whether they profit or incommode ; if they do but pleafe, it is enough. They infmuate themfelves into their Mafter's Favour, bythelntelliger.ee they endeavour to keep with his PaJJions. And, having once pof- fefled themfelves of his Mind, they feize on all the Avenues, and leave not fo much as an En- trance for his Great or Privy-Council, nay, fcarce for his ConfeJJor : How weak and tender foever his Inclinations may be to Evil, they water and cultivate them with fo much Art and Diligence, that prefently there fprings up a great Tree, from a little Seed, and a violent and opinionated Habit, from a light Difpofition. Thefe are the Petrtuiiitfla t and the Tigilli- nujfes about Nero ; thefe are the Advocates of Foluptuoufnefs, the Peft of a Realm, and the evil Genii of Kings. It is incredible to think how many Charms they ufe, without employing thofe of Magick (of which yet the People forbear not to accufe them.) How ingenious are they to invent new Pleafures, to a fated and difgufted Soul, and with what pungent SharpneJJ'es do they awaken the Jleeping Lujl^ which languifti and can no more ? Yet do they not, at the firft Onfet, become abfolute Conquerors, but for a Time difpute with Virtue, which fhall gain the Afcendent in the Court of a Prince of Eighteen ; fometimes five gets the better, fometimes is repulfed, fo that, for a fhort Seafon, there is a divided or alternate Empire over his Affections ; a kind of Twi- light between Good and 111, juft Government and Tyranny, party per pale. Preje&s brave and good aie refolved upon, but, before they can come to Execution, the Humour is altered ; good Counfels are given, but, before they take Jtnpreffion on his Mind, a Debauch is contrived* which dafhes them out of his Memory, and they are thought of no more. Honeft Burrhus is hearkened to perhaps, but thefe Court-Earwigs will take Care he never (hall be believed. However, thus far, they are like Seneca's Ba- lance, and Things are not yet grown defperate, but, at laft, they carry away all before them : The Epicure deftroys as much in three Days, as the Stoick built in five Years : Having under- mined or ftormed the Fortrefs, they by Piece- meals difmantle it, and undo the whole Frame : They afiault their Mafters good Parts one after another^ from petty Bailies of Humour, andyp- ciable 7/6* Character of an tiable Revels, and a refrejhing Glafs, and blufb- ing Gallantries, they lead him on Step by Step, to the utmoft Degrees of Debauchery, Adulteries^ Perjury, Cruelty, and Tyranny. At firft they content themfelves to breathe in his Ears, that it is not neceflary for a Prince to be fo precisely religious, fojlriftly jujl, fo nicely temperate, or fo very much an honeft Man. That it is fufficient, if he is not wicked \ that JVme and Women were defigned to fweeten the Toils of Empire, and the Fair created on Pur- pofe for the Diverfion of the Great. That he would put himfelf to too much Trouble, to make himfelf beloved, that he only ought to prevent his being bated : Or, if that cannot be, to render himfelf feared will do as well. That folid and perpetual Probity is too heavy and too difficult, fince \tsUmbrage and Counterfeit, hath no lefs Splendor than the Original, and pro- duceth the fame Effefts ; that a virtuous Action or two, kind and popular (which is no great Matter of Coft) being fitly performed, may ferve to entertain his Reputation ; nor will they leave him in fo fair a Way ; after having made him efteemGood, as an indifferent Thing, they make him approve /// as reasonable, and afford Vice the Colour of Virtue, and reprefent thofe Things, which are the Shame of all the reft of Mankind, as peculiar Ornaments of Majefty. To authorise his worft dftions, great Exam- ples (hall not be wanting ; they tell him, it is not in Turky, or amongft Barbarians, that he is to look for Precedents, that all Things are lawful to the Powerful, or, at leafr, any Thing may be made appear to be fo, to the Simple. God's own People, the Holy Nation (fay they) Sir, will furnUh you with Inftances, more than enough. The very King, that built the Tem- ple, was alfo the Founder of a Seraglio* and we, at this Day, fee, at Conftantinople, but a Copy of what was formerly to be feen at Je- rufalem ; you content yourfelf, even in the Heat of full Veins and Vigour of Youth, with half a Score, or forty or fifty Women only, where- as he that was the wift/1 Prince, the Earth could boaft of, even the fuperlative Solomon, in his old Age, had fix-hundred, which the holy Scripture implies to be legitimate Wives, with- out reckoning thofe, which were his Concu- bines j and, have you not heard of the loft Will of his Father David, and of thofe gallant Things , he commanded by his Teftament ? We (hall not exaggerate them, only befeech /// Court-Pavourife. 53 you to confider, by how many Death?, he coun- felJed his Son to fecure his own Life. Nay, Sir, fince the Law of Grace, and amongft Chrijiian Princes, you cannot find more Swett- nefs y you are nice, perhaps, to abandon a Child? or ftagger to expofe a Son, that never dif- obliged you. But (to omit the Practice of Mo- hometans, and the modern Example of the moft Catholick King, in the unfortunate Dm Curios') the great Conjlant:ne, that mojl holy, mojl religious, and mojl divine Emperor (as he hath been called by the Mouth of Councils) did much more than this, for he caufed his own Son to be put to Death, upon the firjl Sufpi- don, vthichwzsfa!j7yfugge/ted to .him It 13 true, he regretted his Execution, and acknow- ledged his Innocency, but this Acknowledgment came too late, and his Regret lafleJ, but four and twenty Hours ; he thought himfur quit, by caufing a Statue to be erected in Memory of the Deceafed, with this Infcription, To my Son Crifpus, whom I caufed to die unjujily. Do you referve^your abfolute Authority ? Will you always ftand upon Jujlice and Title, and vain Punctilio's of Equity ? Dare you not ufe Force, when the Good of your Affairs re- quires it ? The Example of the mighty Charle- maign, who is one of the Saints of the Chufch r as well as one of the Nine Worthies, may fe- cure you againft all the Scruples, your Con- fcience can make j he knew neither a better, nor greater Right, than that of Arms ; the Pom- mel of his Sword ferved him for his Seal and Signet. To this Day, there are Privileges found granted, and Donations of Lands made, by that good and orthodox Emperor, Rowland and Oliver being prefent, fealed with the Pom- mel, and, which he fwore, he would warrant with the Edge of the fame Sword. Would you rule abfolutely ? At your Plea- fure levy Taxes, and difpofe of both the Goods- and Lives of your Subjects ? You {hall there- in do nothing new or extraordinary, all the mighty Monarchs of the Eajt have done it thefe many hundred Years. And the mojl Cbriftian- King pradtifes it, at this Day. Difcover not fo much Weaknefs, as to regard the Sigbi and Groans of your People, who are but animated Dirt, prattling Beafts, Creatures defigned to be Slaves, as well, by Nature as Fortune ; what elfe were they born for, what elfe are they good for, but to be Injiruments of your Pleafures* and Sacrifices to yQutGbry.? The only Way r to 54 to preferve your Authority, is to curb the Ver- min, and keep them miferablej do they winch under your Rods, then fcourge them with Scor- pions. Are they not your Vaflals ? Why then do they complain ? Shall Slaves be allowed to murmur and capitulate? If their Tears grow troublefome, warn them away with their Elcod. There have been Favourites mentioned in Hiftories, that have inftru&ed Princes, in thefe, and the like pernicious LeJJons, and being at laft tired out with defending Crimes, with Pre- cedents, to excufe fome new unparalleled Extra- va^ance, they freely have told their Prince, that, when there was no Exampk to be found, he might make one. That what had formerly been unheard of would, being done, ceafe to be fo : That it would be Jhameful for the So- vereign Authority, to give an Account of any Thing it commands, and mifbecome him, who hath Armies and Fleets to maintain his Actions, to feek Words or Pretences, either to difguife or juftify them. There is not a Man (this is the Language of the SejanuJJes, and the PlautuJJes} innocent in all the Parts of his Life, and who in his Soul envies not his Superiors, and whom they en- vy, they hate. Therefore the Prince cannot but condemn the Guilty, nor ftrike any, but his Enemies ; confequently he gratifies him, whom he bereaves only of his Goods, in that he takes not away his Honour, and leaves him his Life. Honcjiy and Jujlice are Virtues proper for Merchants and Lawyers, not for Sovereigns ; that to be Slaves to their Words is to depofe themfelves, and abandon their Prerogatives j that even in Heaven (if there be any fuch Place above a Lady's Lap) the Oaths of Princes are put in the fame Scales with thofe of Lovers. That Jupiter commands them to be thrown in- to the Wind, as Things of no Obligation, and never to be regarded farther than prefent Inte- reft requires. Thus, in a Way of fooling and telling of Fa- bles, they perfuade the Prince, that he is not obliged by his Promifes, nor ought to hearken to the Fancies of Preachers or Dotages of Le- giflators, but ftands exempted, by his Duality, from all Laws Divine and Human, nor is ob- liged by Ties of Juftice or Prudence : And that it belongs to him, Jure Divins, to define unto Men what is Good or ///, to declare unto the World, what, for the Future, he will have to be jvft or unjaji, as well in Morality, as Policy. Thus are Tyrants made, from this Stock Man- Charatter of an ill Court-Favoiiriti. gers are ingendered ; from fuch Commence- ments, we are to fet Rome on Fire, to but- cher the Senate, to dishonour Nature with De- bauches, and declare War againft it by Parri- cides. Thefe wheedling Whifperers are the firft Caufes of fo many Miseries, and, did not thefe Winds blow, we (hould be fenfible of none of thefe Tempejls and Hurricanes, able to dif- compofe the Harmony of the be&fettted Govern- ments in the World. Wherefore, fmce, in the whole Bulk of fub- lunary Beings, there is no Good of fo great Ufe, and which fo univerfally communicates itfclf as a good Prince, nor any ///, which difperfeth itfelf farther, or is more pernicious than a bad one: Can there be any Punifhments great e- nough, in all *he Extent of human Juftice, for thofe who change this Good into 111 ; who cor- rupt fo falutifercus and fo excellent a Thing ? They had far better have poifoned all the Wetts^ and all the Fountains in their Countries ; nay. fhould they infeft the Rivers themfelves, Wa- ter might be gotten from elfewhere, even Hea- ven would ftill furnifh us with fome refrejhing Drops : But here of Neceffity we muft either choak, or drink Poifon ;. againft thefe domef- tick Ills, we are not permitted to ufe Foreign Remedies ; we are obliged to continue mifera- ble by the Laws of our Re!' yon, and to obey Furies and Madmen, not only out of Fear, but for Confcience Sake. For which Caufe, fince the Perfons of Princes, whatfoever they be, ought to be inviolable and facrcd, and that the Characters of God's Finger makes an Impreffion which we are to reverence, on what Matter foever it be engraven, no Won- der if Subjefts turn all their Hatred againft thefe Flatterers, which caft them into thefe Miferies without Redemption : If they purfue, with all Manner of Execrations, thefe evil Counfellors which give them /'// Princes^ which provoke In- nocents to Murther, and good Natures to bar- barous Cruelties ; it is their pernicious Advice, which occafions all fatal Refolutions. Their Maxims of Fire and Blood afTure and fortify Malice, when it is as yet timorous and doubtful j they Jharpen what cuts, they precipitate what is falling, they encourage the Violent to run after the Prey, they inflame the Defires of the Avari- cious to invade their People's Goods, and thofe of the Lafcivious to debauch their Daughters, and ravijh their Wives. But, if they meet with Natures, which are not fufceptible of thofe Jlrong PaJJions, and which, The Character of an which, by their Complexions, are, in an equal Degree, diftant from Vice and Virtue ; if they light on thofe foft Princes, who are without Sting or Spirit, and have fmall Inclinations to great and mighty Evils, but rather propenfe to Eafe and effeminate Delights, fuch as divide Time, between the Cup and the Bed, and are more intent at the Theatre than the Council- Chamber : It is ftill fo much the worfe for thofe People who live under them, for abufing the Simplicity of their pliant Mafler, and taking the Advantage which their Spirit hath over his, they reign openly, and their juft Dominion adds, to the Weight of Tyranny, the Shame that occurs from fuffering it from a particular private Per- fon and Pellow-Subjeft. You cannot imagine the Wiles and Artifices, they ufe to attain hereunto, and totally to fub- ject to themfelves the Prince. Their Method is, to fpur him with Glory in the Eftablifhment of their Fortune. They give him to underftand through feveral Trunks, that his Predeceflbrs, who were nothing more powerful than he, made fome far greater Creatures of their own ; that it is more fafe to raife up new People, who have no Dependance, and who fhall only hold from- his Majefty, than to ufe Perfons of antient Birth, and of known Probity, whofe Affec- tions and Party may be already made ; that it concerns his Honour, not to leave his Works imperfett, but to labour for their Embellifh- ment, after he has eftablifhed their Solidity. That he ought to put them in a Condition, that they may not be ruined, but by themfelves. That, if he yields to the Defires of his ancient Nobility, who will endure no Companions ; or if he confents to the Complaints and Petitions of his People, who are ever Enemies to zligrow- ing Greatnejs, he will not for the Future have the Power to reward a Servant, or to gratify thofe that oblige him : But muft live a preca- rious King, a meer Duke of Venice, a Shadow of Royalty, and be forced to call an Aflembly of the States, to difpofe of the leaft Office in the Kingdom ; befides, they reprefent, that he can- not abandon a Perfon, who hath been fo dear unto him, without condemning the Conduct of many Years, and rendering a publick Teftimo- ny either of pajl Blindnefs, or prefent Fickle- nefs. Nor wants this Argument its Force, for it is certain, that, having begun to love any Ob- ject, for the Love ofitfelf, Time prefently adds our own Intereft, to the Merit of the Thing ; the Defire that we have, that all the World /'// Court-Favourite. 55 fhould believe, that our Election was good, makes the AUon of Neceffity, which before was voluntary ; fo that what hath been done againft Reafon, being not to be juftified, but by an headjlrong Ptrfeverance, we never think that we have done enough, and upon this fond Conceit, though never fo much Reafon be of- fered to discontinue our Affection, yet it feems, we are obliged, in Point of Honour, to defend our judgment. Now, if thefe Temptations can lhake ftable Minds, and fometimes make wife Men fail, we need not be aftonifhed, if they eafily overthrow weak Princes, who make Ufe only of borrowed Reafon, and who will yield themfelves to be perfuaded by a very mean Eloquence, fo it but fuits with their already biafled Inclination. And when once a Prince is engaged in the making of this Subject (whom as much with- out Merit as beyond Meafure, he doats upon) great, he fpeaks of him no more, but as his En- terprife, and the utmoft Effort of his Preroga- tive and created Power, and fo goes on in a blind Zeal, till, without minding it, he even adores what he hath made, like the Statuaries of Athens, who, from their own Handy work, chofe their Gods : His Thoughts, which fhould be employed for Glory, and the publick Good of his Realm, and have no other Object, but the Safety and Welfare of his People, are all at an End in this pitiful Defign, in blowing up a gau- dy Bubble of Honour, as vain and trivial, and yet no lefs gay, than that which Children raife with a Quill from Water and Soap. He opens to him all his Coffers, and pours out Treafures on him, as much in Defpight of others, as to benefit him ; and, at lafr, when he hath con- ferred on him all the Offices of the Kingdom, and all the Ornaments of his Crown, and has nothing left to give him but his own Perfon, he furrenders that too with fo abfolute and fo total a Refignation, that, in the very Monafteries, there is not an Example of a Will more fub- je&ed, and more perfeclly renouncing itfelf. Henceforward he appears at Council, but when his Prefence is necefTary to authorife fome extravagant pre-refolved Defign, in the Debate of which he never bore a Part, and is content to fhew himfelf for no other Purpofe, but to jufti- fy what thofe, that advifed him to it, are both afraid, and afhamed to own ; he is amufed with petty Divertifements, unworthy of his Condition* and of hi Age : They take from about him all that dare fpeak Truth j they ruin, under feveral Pre- 5<6 *fhe Character of an Pretences, all that is eminent and virtuous in the State ; and he imagines, becaufe they tell him fo, that all this is abfolutely neceffary for his Service, and the Support of his Government. Thus Seneca mufl be butchered, before Nero could turn perfect Monfter, and Boetius banifhed by Theodoricus, at the Perfuafion of his three fatal Favourites, becaufe that good and wife Statefman was an Obftacle to their lewd De- fjgns. To ruin honeft Patriots, that would flop the unhappy Torrent, Slanders are raifed, and Ca- lumnies advanced, and falfe Informations en- couraged ; they are feized on general Rumours, without fpecifying their Crime, and condemned unheard, as Enemies \.Q Religion, and the State. Thofe that are rich and peaceable, are entrapped by Informers, and penal Edicts let loofe upon them : Thofe whofe paft Services and undoubt- ed Loyalty maintain them in Repute, and whofe Fidelity is without Reproach, are employed in chargeable, or put upon hazardous Attempts, and ungrateful Offices, either that they may lofe their Reputation, or themfehes. Some are driven away by an abfolute Command to retire, others honourably banijhed by an Ambafly ; and, in the Room of all thefe, the ambitious domi- neering Cabal place Perfons at their own De- votion, who never look farther than their Bene- factors, and flop at the next Caufe of their For- tune, and therefore ftudy to ferve and advance their Interefls, who raifed them, not the Prince's, though ftill they call themfelves his Servants, and would be thought the greateft Zealots for his Honour. Thus may an unfortunate Prince come to be at the Mercy and Difcretion of his Favourite ; he (hall not caft a Look, but prefently a Spy ren- ders the other an Account, nor utter one Word, but what is told him again ; fo that, in the Midft of his own Court, and amongft all his Guards, he {hall be environed with none but Sa- vages, that prey upon him, not having one faithful Tongue about him, that dare truly re- prefent his People's Sufferings, nor one bonejl Ear, to whom he may tell his own : Befides, he quickly becomes fo far engaged, that there is DO Way to releafe himfelf, the other making all the World his real Enemies, or fufpected for fuch, that he may have none but him to truft : And by having long had the Poffeffion of Affairs, which he communicates with none, he alone underftanding all, and knowing the State, he at laft becomes a neceffary Evil, which neither /// Court-Favourite. can the Prince be cured of, but by a dangerous Remedy. After this Manner, in an abfolute Peace, be- ing at Amity with his Neighbours, no Foreign Enemy appearing on the Frontiers, without flriking a Stroke, or having ventured farther than from the Palace to the Theatre, may a Prince infenfibly fall into another Man') Power, which, after the Defeat of an Army, is the worft Thing that could happen: And, to fpeak home, the Battle of Pavia was not fo fatal to Francis the Firjl, nor the Taking of Rome to Pope Clement the Seventh ; for, if their Dijgrace was great, it was not voluntary ; if they loft their Liberty, they, in their Afflictions, pre- ferved the Glory of their Courage, and, if they were taken Prifonen, it was by a great Empe- ror, who was their Enemy, and not by one of their petty SubjecJs. There is no Captivity fo miferable, fo bafe, nor fo infamous, as that of a Prince, who fuffers hirnfelf to be Jhackled in his Cabinet, and by one of his own ; he can never exercife a more cowardly Patience, nor be more fhamefully happy. Suppofe a King fhould eat his People to the very Bones, and live in his own State as in an Enemy's Country, he would not fo far eftrange himfelf from the Duty of his Place, as when he obeys another : There is, it is true, a vaft Difference betwixt Tyranny and Royalty, yet the former refenibles the latter a great deal more than Servitude. It is at leaft fome Kind of Government, and one Way of commanding Men, although a very ill one. But for a Sovereign to give up himfelf as a Prey to three or four petty Fellows, in the Know- ledge and Conduct of all his Affairs, certainly there cannot be a more miferable Interregnum, than fuch a Prince's Life, during which he doth nothing, and yet doth all thofe Evils which may happen to the People. In this Condition he is civilly dead, and hath, as it were, depofed himfelf ; it is only his Effi- gies, which is ufed in Publick, which, out of Cuflom, and for a Show, hath fome Homages paid, and ufelefs Congees made to it. But, in Effect, Royalty is forfaken, and Favour only courted, and a civil Idolatry committed : For, as fome fuperjiitious Bigots fay ten Ave Ma- ria's to one Pater Nojler, and call an hundred Times oftener upon St. Francis, than on our Saviour, fo, in this Cafe, where one addreffes himfelf to the King, forty Suitors apply them- felves to the Favourite ; for, indeed, to go to the Prince, without his Mediation, would be a certain Character of an certain Courfe to fpoil your Buftnefs, though never fo juft in itfelf, or advantageous to the Publick. What a brave Thing it was in former Times, to fee a King of Cajiilc, who durft not walk abroad, nor put on a new Suit, without the Permiffion of Alvares de Luna ; all Favours, which others demanded of his Majefty, he him- felf was obliged to obtain from him. The moft he could do was, to recommend their Petitions to his Favourite, and to do good Offices with him, for thofe whom he loved. How prepofte- rous would it be to fee fuch a CoUrtier as he was, who revoked the Elections of his Prince, turned thofe out of their Places, to whom his Majier had granted them, nay proceeded to that Height of Infolence, that he took it very ill, that his Matter mould, once in his Life, offer to read a Paper, which he prefented him to fign, and complained, that this was to upbraid his Fi- delity, and forget his paft Services. But there are She-Favourites, as well as Bearded ones ; and, tho' this be the weaker Sex, yet both their PaJJions and Enchantments are the ftronger of the two. Hercules and Achilles were not the only Heroes that truckled to the Dif- taff : Love has often governed the Politicks, and the Fortune of a whole Kingdom become the Paftime of a debauched Woman j for it is too true, that fuch Perfons have ftrangely derided the Au- thority of the Law, and the Majefty of Empire ; more than once they have trampled under Foot Crowns and Scepters ; they have taken Pleafure, and fported themfelves with the Violation of Juftice, and gloried, in their cruel Pride, in afflicting, and rendering human Kind miferable. It is not long fmce there appeared one of thefe tftrtina's, who was rifen to fo high a De- gree of Infoleney, that having been folicited about a certain Affair which had been repreient- ed unto her, as juji and facile to be done, that fhe might the more -willingly employ herfelf therein, fhe anfwered with a Fiercenefs, wor- thy of her Sex and Profeflion, That fie ufed not her Credit Jo lavijhly \ that another might Jerve, on ft Jlight an Occajion, to ds jujt und pojfible Things ; for her Part, Jhe accujtomed herjelf on- ly to undertake thofe which were unjuft and im- poflible. How many Mifchefs do you think follow fuch an one, how many Violences are commit- ted under the Shadow of thefe fatal evergreen Medltr* ? Such a puffed up Succuba hath not a Groom or a Lackey, who believes it not to V O L. II. '' 57 he his Right and Privilege to abufe, at his Plea- fure, any other Subject, and, by alledging only that he belongs to fuch a great Mini/ier, com- mits all Outrages with Impunity, affronts Juf- tice, and dares tell to your Teeth, after he has cheated and abufed you never fo grievoufly, that you are obliged, and ought to thank him for his Civility, that he did not murder you. All this While, you will fay, what is this to the Prince ? And yet, with all Deference be it fpoken, he cannot be faid to be wholly innocent of the Mifcarriages : His Ignorance is not un- blameable, his Patience herein is not Virtue, and the Diforders which either he knows not of, or which he fuffers, are imputed to him before God, even' as if himfelf had done them ; and therefore that Prince, who was according to God's own Heart, in exprels Terms defires him, and that in the Fervency of his moft ardent Prayers, that he would clcanfe himfelf from his fccret Faults, and acquit him from the Sins of others' '; which laft Word intimates, that Kings ought not to content themfelves with a personal Innocency ; that it is not enough for them to be juft, if they lofe themfelves, and deftroy their People by the Injujlice of their Minifters, which becomes their own, becaufe they tolerate it, and countenance it, by conniving, and not pu- nifhing it with Severity. hii non prohibcty quum pot eft, jubct. Not to multiply Examples : Can King Aba- fuerus be juftified, who, in a Moment, aban- doned to the Vengeance of a pernicious Haman 9 fo many thoufand innocent Lives, and thofe too of the felctf People of God, without enquiring into their Crimes, or making any Reflection on what he granted : He had, doubtlefs, no Woody Defign, nor any Imagination, whither that in- human Commiffion, he fo readily delivered with his Royal Signet, would tend ; and his or- dinary Idlenefs, or over Conceit of the Juftice and Prudence of his Favourite, fuffercd him not to take any farther Cognifance of it, which rendered him doubly culpable, to permit fo many Murders, and yet be ignorant of it. For fo, no lefs wittily, than judicioufly, Seneca brings mClaii" dius in the other World, and fome Men reproach- ing him with Abundance of Murders, done under his Name, who pleaded Not guilty, and protefted he did not fo much as know what they meant, nor ever heard of thofe Sufferers Names before ; upon which the Ghoft of Augujlus roft up, and faid, Thou Mifcreant, we talk not here of the Slaughters thou ball committed) but of thofe thou H baft 58 The Qoar after of an baft not known ; For it is a more fiameful Thing to a King to be ignorant of the Evil that pajfcs in his Kingdom, than to aft it. Turpius igno- rafti, quam occidifti. Great Events are not always produced by great Caufes. The Strings are hid which move thefe vaji Machines of State, that externally ap- pear, and when thofe Springs happen to be truly tlifcovered, we are aftonifhed to fee them fo fma/l, and fo weak, and half afhamed of the high Opinion we had before conceived of them. A Fit ofjealoufy, in an amorous Intrigue between two particular Perfons, hath more than once been the Caufe of a general War. A little rejleftive Joke, uttered in a gay Humour, an Affront to a Page, a Wbifter, and a Nod, a Tale told at the King's Going to Bed, is, in Appearance, nothing, and yet this Nothing hath been the Beginning of Tragedies? wherein a Sea of Blood hath been ihed, and an hundred Heads made fly, It is but a Cloud which paffes, a fmall Stain in the Corner of the Arr, which vanilhes, rather than abides ; and -yet it is this light Vapour, this almoft imperceptible Cloud, -which raiieth the moft fatal Tempejis, which fhake almoft the Foun- dations of the Earth. The People, whenever War is proclaimed, think it their Sovereign's Intereft ; that it is to revenge fome infufferable Affronts, or have Reparation of vaft Damages fuftained, that it is to prevent an Invafion, or fe- cure their Tranquillity ; to increafe Traffick, or force by Arms the necefiary Conveniences of Peace : \Vhen, in Truth, perhaps, all this Buftle and Hazard, this Blood and Treafure Confumed, proceeds only from the Capritio's of two or three Penfionary Courtiers, that are con- tent to hazard the Ruin of their own Mafter and Country, to advance the Defigns of fome powerful Nfighbour, that underhand feeds them with Gold ; or from fome other unthought of Whim, if not altogether fo bafe, more ridiculous. I doubt not but the mighty Xerxes made moft fpecious Pretences to juftify his Arms, when he made his Inroad upon Greece, and his Manif (fid's told Wonders of his Intentions ; he received (I'll warrant you) Injuries, which he was bound to chajiife, and had a Right which he was obliged to aiiert ; fo that he could not, without Diminution to kis Glory, refrain the Ex- pedition ; for he forgot not to tell them, that he laboured the Repoje of the World, and to unite urope and Jfia ; that he, the mighty Monarch f the Eaft, came to chaftife the petty Tyraht s^ ill Court Favourite. and that he came purely out of Companion to the People, and offered them a rich glorious Liberty inftead of a poor and fliameful Servi- tude. There is no Doubt, but he falfified his Defign fever al Ways, and perhaps fwore, that ft was immediately infpired him from the immor- tal Gods, and that the Sun himfelf was the Au- thor of his March j yet, notwithftanding all this Parade and Colour of Juftice and Religion, the Bottom of the Bufmefs was, in Truth, only this : A Greek Pbyfician, the Queen's Domeftick, having a Mind to review the Port of Pyneiw:, and tufre the Figs of Athens, put this Fancy of War into his M'Jirefs's Head, and got her to engage her Hufband in the Attempt. So that the King of Kings, the puiflant redoubtable Xerxes, raifed an Army of three- hundred Thou- fand Combatants, levelled the Mountains, drank up Rivers, and overburthened the Sea, &c. only to bring back a Mounttbank into his own Country. Surely the Quack might have gone the Journey with lefs Expence and afmaller Equipage. The Greek Hiftory affords us another notable Example in the Kingdom of Macedonia. Long before the Birth of King Philip, there happened a famous Confpiracy, which of one Saint made two, and divided the Court, the Towns and the Families, upon the moft trivial Occafion imaginable ; one Meleager, Governor of a Frontier Town, and General of the Cavalry, having an handfome Wife, and withal fo good- natured, as feldom fuffered any of her Lovers to die of Defpair. The King, hearing of her Beauty and Gallantry, had a Mind to give her a Vifit in Private ; but, finding her no fuch ex- quifite Beauty as Fame had reprefented her to his Fancy, he at firft Sight betrayed his Difgujt, and prefently went away in a Huff; which Af- front ourjlately Dame, who had no ill Opinion of her own Merit, refented fo brifkly, that from that very Hour fhe vowed Revenge : And not being able to effect it better than by corrupting her Hufband's Fidelity, and debauching him from the Service of his Mafter, Ihe employed all her Charms to that Purpofe ; till at laft, by the continual Croakings of this Night-Raven, the x poor Man had loft his Reafon, and forgot his Duty, and, by this Bofom Cockatrice, became fo impoifoned, that he quitted the Service of his King, and imbarked himfelf in the Party of a Tyrant, without knowing truly what Motion drove him, nor what Paflkm he revenged ; he aded Character of an ill Court -Favourite. 59 a&ed a Part he underftood not, and was but his Wife's Soldier, when he thought he was the Head of the Revolt. It is undoubtedly a Truth, that Kings cannot reign without Minijlers, and fcarce lefs certain, that they cannot live without Favourites : The wifeft Princes in the World, the Augujluffes, and the Antonines, the Conjlantines, and the The- odofiuffes, if they fhould revive, would once a- gain, as well as formerly, give Teitimonies of Human Affeclion, and might with Reafon love one Man (cesteris paribus) rather than another; for Virtue is not fo auftere and favage, as to de- ftroy Nature, nor do the Politicks oblige a Prince to diveft himfelf of Humanity ; his Motions need only be juft and well regulated: Let him mew his Bounty and his Kindnefs to parti- cular Perfons, let him enjoy his Diverfions, his Complaifancies, and his Friendfhips too, but ftill it were to be wiftied he would obferve a Pro- portion and Meafure in the Diftribution of his Favours. Let not Nero make his Horfe a Conful, nor every Fidler a Minijler of State ; let not a mighty Monarch debauch Nobility (the Screen of Majefty) by conferring Honours on the Sons of Earth, and little People as void of ^tiality as Me- rit ; let him not encourage Villainy by Prefer- ments, the proper Dowry of Virtue ; nor im- poverifh the Publick, to make one Man unmea- ftirably rich. Let there be a Man (the Dictates both of Religion and Reafon allow it) who is the P rinds Confident, and on whom he may, like the Sun, more peculiarly dart down his Beams ; but let there not be any who Day and Night befiegeth the King, who by a violent Ufurpa- tion (the moft abborrable Monopoly in Nature) appropriates him to himfelf; for he who impales a Good, which ought to belong to the Publick, attempts the fame Injujiice as if he hid the Sun from all the World. There is nothing that recommends a Prince's "Judgment, or that is of more Importance to his Safety, than a difcreet Choice of his Mini- fters. A Man cannot conduct a Boat, nor guide a Chariot, nor manage an Horfe, without making Ufe of Addreis and Method ; and mall thofe who are to diredt Mankind, jump into the Employ without any preparatory Difcipline ? We come to the Knowledge of Affairs, and the Dexterity of ordering them, by Experience and Reafov. A Palace does not prefently make a Man wifer than he was before ; nor are we to expect Revelations, nor think Heaven obliged to endow a Prince's Minifters with the Spirit of well Governing, and render his precipitate Elec- tion valid and fuccefsfulby a fudden Illumina- tion : Courtiers are the Matter, and the Prince is the Artijt, who can eafily render this Matter fairer, but not better than it is ; he can add to its Colours and Shape on the Outfide, but can- not give it any interior Goodnefs. He can be ftow the Office and the Title, but he cannot confer Qualifications : The Knowledge of Things part, the Penetration into Things to come : That Light which difembroils the Intrigues of the Court, the Science of making War, and the Dexterity of treating Peace. In a Word, he may make an Idol, but he can neither make a Spirit of it, nor an able Man. Yet even in Chrijlendom fucb Idols are to be feen ; there have been always unworthy Perfo.is happy ; Monkies careflcd in Kings Cabinets, and apparelled in Cloth of Geld; there often happens an Authority which is blind and dumb, which neither knows nor underftands, which appears only and dazzles, pure refined Authority you may call it, for it has not any Mixture of Virtue or Reafon. There are Grandees, who are only remarkable by their Greatnefs, and theif Greatnefs is all without them ; they refemble certain fruitlefs Mountains in fome Parts of the World, which produce neither Herb nor Plant ; they feem to touch Heaven with their ftatcly Tops, yet ferve the Earth for no Ufe, and therefore their Sterility makes their Height oc- cur fed. Princes therefore fhould make a ftri& Inquiry into the Abilities and Virtues of thofe they em- ploy ; they fliould not fuffer themfelves to be led by Occafion, but take for their Inftrument? fuch as are able, not fuch zsjtand next, or firft offer themfelves ; wherein too, they ihould re- gard not only a general Sufficiency, but a parti- cular Fitnefs for difcharging thofe Charges in which they place them ; they muft not think an expert Soldier, that hath fignalized himfelf in divers Battles, is therefore qualified to be fent on an AmbaJJy ; nor make an old prodigal Lord, Treafurer, and fubmit the Exchequer to his Dif- pofe, becaufe, having in his Youth profufed away all his own Eftate, he now fpeaks admira- bly well of Frugality. Nor mould a Prince prefently thruft into his Council all thofe whofe Converjation is grateful to him ; we ought to make a Difference be- twixt Perfons who delight us, and thofe who are profitable to us ; betwixt the Recreations of the Mind, and the Nece/Jities of the State ; and H 2 *The Character of an ill Court -Favourite. 60 if a Sovereign take not fpecial Care in this Exa- men, he will commit irremediable Errors, and luch whereby he may render not only his own Reign miferable, but alfo his Memory accurfed and reproached in Ages to come. He therefore ought not to follow his own private Affections or Inclinations, but' abandon all Capricious and Fancies in this Matter : Let him in other Things fport and divert himfelf as he pleafeth ; but, in' a Choice of fo high Concernment, he inuft ufe the Severity of his Judgment, and at firft brins; with him an Indijferency of Will ; - i /"i. . * -** r> / c i expect nothing but certain Ruin, for their con- fcioui Fears prefage what will happen ; they know well enough the Ills they have done muft be de- fended with greater, and, if the Law live, they muft die ; wherefore, thefe being their Courfes, and that the Plague caufes not fo great a Defo- lation, as one of thefe accurfed Favourites, it might be wifhed, that this Prayer might be ad- ded to all the Publick Litanies of Chriftians, Lord turn away from all States an Evil, which is the Caufe of fo many other Evils : Deny not So- vereign Princes the Spirit of Condufl, which is Jit it ought to be a pure Operation of Reajon, freed for them to govern by : Give them Undemanding enough to counfel themfclves well, and to chufe their Counfellors as they ought. To conclude, as the firft Advances of ill Court-Favourites are commonly bafe and jhatne- ful, their Progrefs vile, wicked, and deftructive, their fhort Continuances attended with Hazard? and Anxieties, fo their Eclipfes are ever more fatal, and their Falls defperate ; they are gene- rally furprifed with Ruin, and their Defeat is like that of forlorn Troops, cut in Pieces before- they can rally, or be reinforced. Private Men oftentimes fall upon their Legs, and find Friends to relieve, at leaft to comrniferate them, and Bank- rupt Merchants are daily leen to rife again like Ph&nixes out of their own Duft, but with Cour- tiers and Siatefmen there are no Degrees of Mif- fortune ; thofe Ladders they clambered up with fo much Sweat, Addrefs, and Difficulty, upon the fmalleft Mif-flep, ferve but to render their Precipitation more notorious ; when they are hurled down from all thofe bubbled Glories, their beft Comfort is not to furvive their Deftiny j and their greateft Mifery is, when they out- live themfelves, to fee their Families buried in their Ruins, and all the Advantages of their Honour and Fortune turned againft them, like an Army diflipated with the Fury of its own- Cannon ; then, too late, they find themfelves for- fakenof alJ thofe Alliances, which they had with fo much Subtlety contracted, vainly imagining to have laid a Foundation of everlafting Great- nefs : Their Cobweb Policies are unravelled in ^ Moment, for no fooner do they begin to de- cline, but their moft obliged Creatures fhur* them moft, and, like Haman's Wife, are the and difpoiled of Love or Hate. For the Mifchiefs, arifing from ill Minifrers, are no lefs fatal, than various, Part of which we have already recounted, and to fum them up all is almoft as difficult, as to prevent them. If they are ignorant, they ruin the State, their Mafter and themfelves, by their Wickednefs ; if they are falfe and treacherous, they fet the Publick to Sale, and betray its Intereft for Mo- ney. If they are Men of /'// Principles, they blow up their Prince to Vanity by Flatteries, and banifh Truth from the Palace. They put him upon extravagant Defigns, or endeavour to drown him in Voluptuoufnefs ; they exhauft the Royal Treafury by their Profufenefs, and ftrip poor People to the very Skin, to feed their infatiable Avarice ; they rob the Prince of his nobleft and moft ftable Throne, the Hearts of his SuljecJs, by creating Fears and mutual Jea- loufies between them ; and whilft in vain Pre- tences and Endeavours, no lefs impracticable, than unjuji, they would feem to make him more abfolute than his Forefathers, they render him lefs confiderable at Home, and confe- quently lefs revered Abroad, than any of his Anceftors ; they manage Affairs according to private Fancies and hate public Councils ; ha- ving committed Extravagances that render them liable to Juftice, the reft of their Life is fpent, not to ferve their Mafter, but to fave their ewn Necks ; fo that in all their following Coun- cils they confult not bis Advantage, but their own Defence, and make his Interefts ftoop to their Conveniences ;. what care they how much the People be provoked ? They had rather their Country Ihould be involved in all the Miferies firji Harbingers of their Ruin.. Thofe that were raifed by their Countenance, not daring to own any Love or Honour to their Perfons, left they fhould be involved in their Ruin, by being at leaft fufpected, as concerned in their Crimes ; their own Servants conclude it but Jujlice, zt and Defolations of a Civil War, or be made a Prey to a Foreign Invadev, than they themfelves brought to an Account before an impartial Tri- bunal ; fince, in the frji Cafe, they hope to fliilt acnongft the Croud) but,, in they^W, can wdi Forerunner of Revenge. well as Prudence, to expofe their Faults ; their Enemies triumph over them, and even their Friends think it Charity enough to afford them an infulting Pity, and the People, who with Reafon univerfal.ly hated, but feared them before, are now privileged to curfe them ; nay, the Prince himfelf, in whofe Service perhaps they wounded their Conferences, and for whofe Pleafures they bleed, ufes them but as the Skreen of Envy, and hoping with their Ruin to gratify many, and pleafe ail, gives them up, when he cannot in Prudence longer fupport them, as a 61 propitiatory Sacrifice to the enraged Multitude, and becomes as inexorable to their Petitions, as they had been formerly to the more;'*//? Requejis of others in Diftrefs. In fine, having long fince forfeited their In- nocency (the fweet Retreat of opprefltd Virtue) they at laft find no Sanfluary fufficient to pro-, tecl: them, but are precipitated out of the World, loaded with Guilt and Shame, and the Ruins of Nations, and the DeJJrucJion of their and the Execrations of all Mankind. The Forerunner of Revenge. Being two Petitions : The one to the King's moft excellent Majefty ; the other, to the moft honourable Houfes of Parliament. Wherein are exprefled divers A&ions of the late Earl of Buckingham ; elpecially concerning the Death of King James, and the Marquis of Hamilton, fup- pofed by Poifon. Alfo may be obferved the Inconveniencies befalling a State, where the noble Difpofition of the Prince is milled by a Favourite. By George Eglijham, Doctor of Phy- lick, and one of the Phyficians to King James of happy Memory, for his Majefty's Perfon, above ten Years Space. Quarto containing Twenty-three Pages, printed at London^ in the Year MDCXLII. To the moft potent Monarch Charles, King of Great-Britain. SIR, NO better Motive there is for a fafe Government, than the fafe Medi- tation of Death (equalling Kings, with Beggars) and the exalt Jufttce of God requiring of them, that the Good fuffering Mifery in this Life Ihould receive Joy in the other ; and the Wicked, flourishing Securely in this, might be punifhed in the other. That which pleafeth lafteth but a Moment ; what tormenteth is everlafting. A^any Things we fee unrewarded or unpunifhed in this inferior World, which in the univerfal Weight of God's Juftice, rnuft be counterpoifed elfewhere. But wilful and fecret Murtherhath feldom been ob- ferved to efcape undifcovered or unpunifhed, e- ven in this Life, fuch a particular and notable Revenge perpetually followeth it, to the End that they who are either Athe'ijis or Macbiaveli/it may not truft too much to their Wits in doing fo horrible Injuftice; would to God your Ma- jefty would well confider what I have often faid to my Mafter, King 'James, The greateft Policy is Honefty; and howfoever any Man feem to- himfelf wife in compaffing his Defires, by Tricks, yet in the End, he will prove a Fool : For Falfhood ever deceiveth her own. Mafter, at length, as the Devil ('Author of all FalfhocdC 62 Forerunner Falfliood) always doth, leaving his Adherents defolate, when they have the greateft Need of his Help ; no Falfhood without Injuftice, no Injuftice without Falfhood, albeit it were in the Pei fon of a King. There is no Judge in the World more tied to do Juftice than a King, whofe Coronation tieth him unto it by folemn Oath, which if he violate, he is falfe and perjured. It is Juftice that maketh Kings, Juftice that maintains Kings, and Injuftice that brings Kings and Kingdoms to Deftru&ion, to fall into Mi- feiy, to die like Afles in Ditches, or a more bcaftly Death, eternal Infamy after Death, as all Hiftories from Time to Time do clearly manifeft. What Need hath Mankind of Kings but for Juftice ? Men are not born for them, but they for Men ; what greater, what more royal Occa- fion in the World, could be offered to your Majefty, to (hew your impartial Difpofttion in Matters of Juftice, at the firft Entry of your Reign, than this which I offer in my juft Com- plaint againft Buckingham^ by whom your Ma- jefty fuffereth yourfelf fo far to be led, that your beft Subjeds are in Doubt whether he is your King, or you his. If your Majefty know and confider how he hath tyrannifed over his Lord and Matter King James (the worldly Creator of his Fortunes) how infolent, how ingrate anOp- preflbr, what a Murtherer and Traitor he hath prQved himfelf towards him, how treacherous to his upholding Friends, the Marquis of Hamilton and others., your Majefty may think (giving Way to the Laws demanded againft him) to yield a raoft glorious Field for your Majefty to walk in, and difplay the Banner of your royal Virtues. Your Majefty may perhaps demand, what In- tereft I have therein, what have I to do there- with, that I (hould ftir, all others being quiet ? Sir, the Quietnefs or Stirring of others expedl- cth only a Beginning from me, whom they know fo much obliged to ftir, as none can be more, both in Refpe& of Knowledge of Pafla- ges, and in Regard of human Obligation, and of my Independency from the Accufed, or any o- ther that his Power and Credit can reach unto; many know not what I know therein, others are little or Nothing beholding to the Dead ; others, albeit they know it as well as I, and are obli- ged as deep as I, yet dare not complain fo fafely as I, being out of their Reach, who are infepa- rable from him by his Inchantments, and all to of Revcn'ge. obfcure myfelf, until the Power of juft Revenge upon him be obtained from God What I know fufficient againft him, I have fet down in my Petition againft him to the Par- liament ; to which if your Majefty difmifs him, fequeftered from your Majefty chiefly in an Ac- cufation of Treafon, you fhall do what is juft, and deliver yourfelf and your Kingdom from the Captivity in which he holdeth them and your Majefty opprefled. How eafily I may e- clipfe myfelf from his Power to do me Harm, unlefs he hath Legions of infernal Spirits at his Command to purfue me, your Majefty may well know, I being ultra mare to thefe Domi- nions, where he ruleth and rageth. How far I am obliged to complain more thati others, I will, in few Words, exprefs, that nei- ther your Majefty nor any Man may think other- wife, but that I have moft juft Reafon not to be filent in a Wrong fo intolerable, the Intereft of Blood, which I have to any of them, of whole Death I complain, either by the Houfe of Bal- gony Lunday or Silverton-Hill^ albeit it is eafy to be made manifeft and fufficient to move me, yet it is not the fole Motive of my Breach of Silence ; but the Intereft of received Courtefy, and the Heap of infallible Tokens of true Affec- tion, is more than fufficient to ftir me thereto, unlefs I would prove the moft ingrate in the World, and fenfelefs of the greateft Injuries that can be done unto myfelf; for who killed King James, and the Marquis of Hamilton, in that Part of the Injury, which is done unto me therein, he hath done as much as robbed me of my Life, and all my Fortunes and Friends. With fuch conftant and loving Impreflions of me, as are neither to be recovered nor duly va- lued ; for his Majefty, from the third Year of my Age, did pradife honourable Tokens offingular Favour towards me, daily augmented them in Word, in Writ, in Deed, accompanied them, with Gifts, Patents, Offices, Recommendations both in private and publick, at Home and Abroad graced fo far that I could fcarce ask any Thing, but I could have obtained it. How much Honour he hath done unto me, there needs no Witnefs unto your Majefty, who is fufficient for many ; no leis is my Lord Mar- quis of Hamilton's Friendfhip eftablifhed by mu- tual Obligation of moft acceptable Offices con- tinued by our Anceftors thefe three Generations, engraven in the tender Minds and Years of the Marquis and me, in the Prefence of our Sovereign King Jama, For the Marquis's Father, Father, who with the Right-hand on his Head, and the Left on mine, did offer us (young in Years fo joined) to kifs his Majefty's Hand, re- commending me to his Majefty's Favour, faid, I take God to Witnefs, that this young Man's Fa- ther was the beft Friend that evdr I had, or mall have in this World. Whereupon, the young Lord refolved to put Truft in me, and I fully to addict myfelf to him, to deferve of him as much Commendations as my Fatherd did of his Father. This Royal Celebration of our Friends rooted itfelf fo deep in my Mind, that to myfelf I pur- poied this Remembrance, giving it to my young Lord, and to my familiar Friends, and fet it upon the Books of my Study. Semper Hamil- tonium, sV. Always tie King and Hamilton Within thy Breaft conferue,. Whatever be thy Actions, Let Princes two deferve. Neither was it in vain, for both our Loves increafed with our Age, the Marqnis promifing to engage his Life and whole Eftate for me, if Need was, and fo {hare his Fortunes with rne ; and not only promifing,. but alto performing, whenever there was Occafion j. yea, for my Sake offering to hazard his Life in Combate, whofe Mind in wifhing me well, whofe Tongue in honouring of me, and whofe Hands and. Means in defending me (both abfent and prefent unto the laft Period of his Life) hath ever affifted me. I fhould be more tedious than was fit, if I fhould rehearfe every particular Favour fo ma- nifeftly known to the whole Court, and to the Friends of us both j who then can juftly blame me demanding Juftice as well for the Slaughter, of the Marquis of Hamilton, as of my moft gra- cious Sovereign King James, feeing I know whom to accufe? My Profeffion of Phyfick, nor my Education to Letters, cannot ferve to hin- der me from undertaking the hardeft Enter- prife that ever any Roman undertook, fo fax as the Law of Confcience will give Way. Why Jhould I Jiay at the Decay Of Hamilton's the Hope? Why Jhall 1 fee thy Foe Jo frce r Unto this 'Joy -give Scope ? Rather I pray a doleful Day Stt me in cruel Fate ; *The Forerunner of Revenge. fry Than thy Death Jlrange without Revenge^ Or him in fafe Ejlate. This Soul to Heaven, Hand to the Dead I vow ;, NofraudfulMind, nor trembling Hand, I have : If Pen itjhun, the Sword Reverge Jhall follow ; Soul, Pen, and Sword what Thing but jufl da crave ? What Affe&ion I bore to the Living, the fame {hall accompany the Dead ; for, when one (whofe Truth and Sincerity was well known unto me) told me, that it' was better for the chiefeft of my Friends, the Marquis of Hamilton,, to be quiet at Home in Scotland, than eminent in the Court of England; to whom, by the Opinion of the wifer Sort, his being at Court will coft him no lefs than his Life ; fith that, I,, Hretching forth mine Arm (apprehending fome Plots laid againft him) anfwered,. If no Man dare to revenge his Death, I vow to God, this Hand of mine fhall revenge it : Scarcely any other Caufe to be found r than the Bond of our clofe Friendfhip, why, in the Scroll of Noble- men's Names,, who were to be killed, I mould be fet down next to the Marquis of Hamilton, and under thefe Words (viz. The Marquis, and Dolor Eglifliam to embalm him] to wit, to the End that no Difcoverer or Revenger fhould be left ; this Roll of Names, *I know not by what Deftiny, found near to Wejlminjler, about the Time of the Duke of Richmond's Death, and brought to the Lord Marquis by hisCoufin, the Daughter of the Lord Oldbarro, one of the Privy-Council of Scotland, did caufe no Terror in me, until I did fee the Marquis poifoned, and remembered, that the reft therein noted, were dead, and myfelf, next pointed at, only furviving. Why ftay I any more ? The Caufe requifeth no more the Pen, but the Sword.. I do not write fo bold, becaufe I am amongft the Duke's Enemies ; but I have retired myfelf. to his Enemies, becaufe I was refolved to write and do earneftly againft him, as may vety well appear : For, fince the Marquis of Hamilton* Death, the moft noble Marquis de Fiatta 9> Ambaffador for the moft Chriftian King of France,, and alfo Buckingham's Mother, fent on every Side to feek me, inviting me to them : But I did forfake them, knowing certainly the Falfhood of Buckingham would fuffer the Am- baiTador rather to receive an Affront, than to .be unfatisfied of hisblood-thirftyDefire of my Blood,, to fileiice me with Death (for, according to the Proverb, Proverb, the Dead cannot bite) if he could have found me : For my Lord Duke of Lenox, who was often crofted by Buckingham, with his Bro- ther and the Earl of Southampton, now dead, and one of the Roll found of thofe that were to be murdered, well aflured me, that where Buck' ingham once mifliked, no Apology, no Sub- miflion, no Reconciliation, could keep him from doing Mifchief. Neither do I write this in this Fafhion, fo freely for any Entertainment here prefent, which I have not, nor for any future, which I have no Ground to look for ; feeing Buckingham hath fo much mifled your Majefty, that he hath caufed, not only here, but alfo in all Nations, all Britijh Natives to be difgraced and miftruft- ed ; your Majefty 's moft royal Word, which ihould be inviolable, your Hand and Seal, which ihould be infringeable, to be moft ftiamefully violated, and yourfelf to be moft ingrate for your kind Ufage in Spain ; which Buckingham maketh to be requited with Injuries in a moft bafe Manner; under Proteftation of Friendfhip, a bloody War being kindled on both Sides, whereby he hath buried with King James the glorious Name of Peace-making King, who had done much more juftly and advifedly, if he had procured Peace unto Chrijiendom ; whereby imall Hope I have of obtaining Juftice on my moft juft Complaint, unto which my dear Af- fection unto my dear Friends murdered, and ex- treme Deteftation of Buckingham 's violent Pro- Forerunner of Revenge. ceedings hath brought me. Your Majefly may find moft juft Caufes to accufe him in my Peti- tion to the Parliament, which mail ferve for a Touchftone to your Majefty, and a Whet- ftone to me and many other Scotchmen ; and which, if it be neglected, will make your Ma- jefty to incur a Cenfure amongft all virtuous Men in the World, that your Majefty will be loth to hear of, and I am aftonifhed to exprefe at this Time. A Serpent lurketh in the Grafs, No other Way there is to be found to fuve your Honour, but to give Way to Juftice againit that Traitor, Buckingham, by whom manifeit Danger approacheth to your Majefty, no other- wife than Death approached to King James. If your Majefty will, therefore, take any Courfe therein, the Examination upon Oath ot all thofe, that were about the King and the Marquis of Hamilton in their Sicknefs, or at their Deaths, or after their Deaths, before in- different Judges (no Dependants on Buckingham) will ferve for fufficient Proof of Buckingham's Guiltinefs. In the mean Time, until I fee what be the Iflue of my Complaint, without any more Speech, I reft Your Afaje/Iy's daily Suppliant, George Eglifham. To the mofl honourable the Nobility, Knights, and Bnrgefles of the Parlia- ment of England. tfbe humble Petition of George Eglifham, LoRor of Pfrftck, and one of the Pbyficians to King James of happy Memory , for bis Mfjeftfs P erf on, above the tyace of ten Tears. WHereas the chief human Care of Kings, and Courts of Parliament, is the Pre- fervation and Protection of the Subjects Lives, Liberties, and Eftates, from private and publick Injuries, to the End, that all Things may be carried in the equal Balance of Juftice, without which no Monarchy, no Common- wealth, no Society, no Family, yea, no Man's Life or Eftate can confift, albeit never fo little : It cannot be thought unjuft to demand of Kings and Parliaments the Cenfure of Wrongs, the Confideration whereof was fo great in our Monarch of happy Memory, King James, that he hath often publickly protefted, even in the Prefence of its apparent Heir, that, if his own Son fhould commit Murder, or any fuch execrable Act of Injury, he would not fpare him, but would have him die for it, and would have him more feverely punifhed than any other : For he very well obferved, no greater Injuftice, no Injury more intolerable can be done by Man to Man, than Murder. In all other Wrongs Fortune hath Recourfe ; the Lofs of Honour, or Goods, may be re- The Forerunner of Revenge. ptired, Satisfaction may be made, Reconcilia- tion may be procured, fo long as the Party in- jured is alive. But, when the Party injured is bereft of his Life, what can reftore it ? What Satisfaction can be given him ? Where fhall the Murderer meet with him, to be reconciled to him, unlefs he be fent out of this World to fol- low his Spirit, which, by his Wicketfnefs, he hath feparated from his Body ? Therefore, of all Injuries, of all the Ads of Injuftice, of all Things moil to be looked into, Murder is the greateft; and, of all Murders, the Poifoning under Truft and Profeflion of Friendfhip is the moft heinous ; which if you fufFer to go unpu- nifhed, let no Man think himfelf fo fecure to live amongft you, as amongft the wildeft and moft furious Beafts in the World: For, by Vigilancy and Induftry, Means may be had to refift, or evict, the moft violent Bead that ever Nature bred; but, from falfe and treacherous Hearts, from poifoning Murders, what Wit or Wifdom can defend ? This concerneth your Lordfhips, every one in particular, as well as myfelf. They (of whofe Poifoning your Petitioner complaineth) viz. King James, the Marquis of Hamilton, and others, whofe Names after (hall be expreiTed, have been the moft eminent in the Kingdom, and fat on thefe Benches, whereon your Ho- nours do now fit. The Party, whom your Pe- titioner accufeth, is the Duke of Buckingham, who is fo powerful, that, unlefs the whole Body of a Parliament lay hold on him, no Juftice can be had of him. For, what Place is there of Juftice, what Office of the Crown, what De- gree of Honour in the Kingdom, which he hath not fold ? And fold in fuch Craft, that he can (hake the Buyer out of them, and intrude others at his Pleafure ? All the Judges of the Kingdom, all the Of- ficers of State, are his bound VafTals, or Allies, and afraid to become his Out-cafts, as it is no- torious to all his Majefty's true and loving Sub- jects j yea, fo far hath his ambitious Practice gone, that what the King would have done, could not be done, if he oppofed it ; whereof many Inftances may be given, whenfoever they {hall be required : Neither are they unknown to this honourable Aflembly, howfoever the Means he ufeth be, whether lawful or unlawful, whe- ther human or diabolick, fo he torturcth the Kingdom, that he procureth the Calling, Breaking, or Continuing of the Parliament, at his Pleafure ; placing and difplacing the Officers of Juftice, of the Council, of the King's Court, of the Courts of Juftice, to his violent Pleafure, and as his ambitious Villainy moveth him. What Hope, then, can your Petitioner have, that his Complaint fhould be heard, or, being heard, (hould take Effect ? To obtain Juftice he may defpair ; to provoke the Duke to fend forth a Poifoner, or Murderer, to difpatch him, and fend him after his dead Friends al- ready murdered, he may be fure of this to be the Event. Let the Event be what it will, come whatfoever can come, the Lofs of his own Life your Petitioner valueth not, having fuf- fered the Lofs of the Lives of fuch eminent Friends, efteeming his Life cannot be better be- ftowed, than upon the Difcovery of fo heinous Murderers. Yea, the Juftnefs of the Caufe, the Dearnefs and Nearnefs of his Friends murdered, fhall prevail fo far with him, that he fhall un- fold unto your Honours, and unto the whole World, againft the Accufed, and name him the Author of fo great Murders, George Fillers, Duke of Buckingham; which, againft any pri- vate Man, are fufficient for his Apprehension and Torture. And, to make his Complaint not very tedious, he will only, for the prefent, declare unto your Honours the two eminent Murders committed by Buckingham, to wit, of the King's Majefty, and of the Lord Marquis of Hamilton ; which, for all the Subtlety of his poifoning Art, could not be fo cunningly con- veighed, as the Murderer thought, but that God hath difcovered manifeftly the Author. And, to obferve the Order of the Time of their Death, becaufe the Lord Marquis of Hamilton died firft, his Death (hall be firft related, even from the Root of his firft Quarrel with Bucking* ham, albeit many other Jars have proceeded, from Time to Time, betwixt them* Concerning the Poifoning of the Lord Marquis ^Hamilton. T\Uckingham once raifed from the Bottom of JLJ Fortune's Wheel to the Top, by what Defert, by what Right or Wrong, no Matter it is ; (by his Carriage the Proverb is ve- VOL. II. rifled) Nothing more .proud, than bafeft Blood, when it doth rife aloft. He fufFer ed his Am- bition to carry himfelf fo far, as to afpire to match his Blood with the Blood Royal both of I England The Forerunner of Revenge. And, well knowing, that Time, in the King's 66 England and Scotland, the Marquis of Hamilton was acknowledged by ICing James to be the prime Man in his Do- minions, who, next to his own Line, in his proper Seafon, might claim an hereditary Title to his Crown of Scotland, by the Daughter of Ki.-.g fames the Second, and to the Crown of England by Joan of Somerfet, Wife to King James the Firft, declared, by an Ac! of Parliament, Heretrix of England to be in her due Rank, never fuffered the King to be at reft, but urged him always to fend fome of his Privy-Council to folicit the Marquis to match his eldeft Son with Buckingham^ Niece, making great Promifes of Conditions, which the mean Family of the Bride could not per- form without the King's Liberality, to wit, Fifty-thoufand Pounds Sterling, valuing Five- hundred-thcrufand Florins with the Earldom of Orkney, under the Title of Duke, and whatfoever the Marquis would accept, even to the firft Duke of Britain. The glorious Title of a Duke the Marquis refufed twice, upon fpecial Reafons refer ved to himfelf. The Matter of Money was no Motive to caufe the Marquis to match his Son fo unequal to his Degree, feeing Buckingham himfelf, the chief of her Kindred, was but a Novice in No- bility, his Father obfcure amongft Gentlemen, his Mother a Serving- woman ; and he being infamous for his frequent Confultation with the Ring- leader of Witches, principally that falfe Doftor Lambe, publickly condemned for Witch- craft ; whereby the Marquis, knowing that the King was fo far bewitched to Buckingham, that, if he refufed the Match demanded, he mould find the King's deadly Hatred againft him j and, feeing that Buckingham's Niece was not yet nubile in Years, and that, before the Marriage fhould be confirmed, a Way might be found out to annul it ; unto which he was forced by deceitful Importunity ; therefore he yielded unto the King's Defire of the Match : Whereupon, Buckingham and his Fadion, fearing that De- lays would bring Lets, urged my Lord Marquis to fend for his Son, upon a Sunday Morning betimes, in all Hafte, from London to Court at Greenwich ; where never a Word was fpoken of Marriage, to the young Lord, till a little before Supper, and the Marriage made before the King after Supper. And, to make it more authentick, Buckingham caufed his Niece to be laid in Bed with the Marquis's Son, for a fhort in tne fung's Chamber, and in his Majefty's Prefence, albeit the Bride was yet innubile. Many were aftonifhed at the fudden News thereof, all the Marquis's Friends fretting thereat, and fome writing unto him very fcorn- ful Letters for the fame. The Marquis, having fatisfied the King's De- mands, did what he could to prevent the Con- firmation of the Marriage, and intended to fend his Son beyond the Seas, to tiavel through France, and fo to pafs his Time Abroad, until that Means were found out to unty that Knot, which Buckingham had urged the King to tie upon his Son. But Buckingham, to countermand the Mar- quis's Dejign, caufes the Marquis's Son to be fworn Gentleman of the Prince's Bed-Cham- ber, and fo to be detained with him within the Kingdom, until that the Bride was at Years ripe for Marriage. The Time expired that Buckingham's Niece became marriageable ; Buckingham fent to the Marquis, to defire him to make the Marriage to be compleatly confirmed. The Marquis (not willing to hear of any fuch Matter) anfwered briefly, he fcorned the Motion. This Anfwer was reported to Buckingham, who feeing himfelf like to be fruftrated of his am- bitious Matching of his Niece, and perceiving that the Lord Marquis was able to raife a great Faction againft him, whether King James did live or die, was mightily incenfed againft the Marquis : At the firft Encounter with him, did challenge him for fpeaking difdainfully of him and his Houfe. The Marquis replied, he did not remember any offenfive Words uttered by himfelf againft Buckingham, Buckingham then proudly faid unto him, Out of the Words of thy Mouth I will judge thee ; for you have faid, you fcorn the Motion of matching with my Houfe, which I made unto you. The Marquis anfwered, that, if he had faid fo, it became not the Duke to fpeak unto him in that Fafhion. So Bucking- ham threatened to be revenged : The Mar- quis uttered his Defiance ; and thus the Quarrel began, which four or five Times was reiterated, and as often reconciled by the Manquis^ Fiatta y a little before the Marquis of Hamilton fell fick ; wherein it is very evident, that the Quarrel hath been very violent, that needed fo many Recon- ciliations. The Duke's Fire of his Anger and Fury being unextinguifhable, as King James did often cenfure him in his Abfence, albeit a 3 Fa. "Forerunner of Revenge. Favourite ; that he was wonderful vindicative, whofe Malice was infatiable towards my Lord Marquis of Hamilton^ did well fhew itfelf, as fliall appear hereafter. Hardly can any Man tell, whether, by the Marquis in his Sicknefs, Buckingham was more fufpedted, than accufed, of the Poifon given, or to be given him j for he would not tafte of any Thing that was fent to him by any of Bucking- ham's Friends, but he would have fome of his Servants tafte of it before : And for the Love that was mutual between him and your Peti- tioner (whom he would never fuffer to go out of his Sight during his Sicknefs) your Petitioner caft off all that he took in that Time, unto whom his Sufpicion of Buckingham he exprefled by Name before fufficient Witnefs, who will teftify it upon Oath, if there be any Courfe taken therein for the Search thereof. Ail the Time of his Sicknefs, he intreated your Pe- titioner not to fuffer my Lord of Buckingham to come near him ; and your Petitioner having often fent Word, and alfo fometimes fignified himfelf to Buckingham, that there was no fit Opportunity to fee the Marqui?, pretending fomething to be miniftred to him : But, when your Petitioner could find no more Excufes, he told my Lord Marquis, that he had put away my Lord of Buckingham fo often, that he could not keep him away any longer, but that he muft needs fee him. Then he, knowing Buckingham's Vifitation to proceed of Diflimulation, requefted your Petitioner, at laft, to find the Means to get him away quickly ; which your Petitioner did, in- terrupting Buckingham's Difcourfe, and in- treating him to fuffer my Lord Marquis to be quiet. This did evidently fhew my Lord Mar- quis's Diflikinp: and Diftrufting of Buckingham, whereas he was well pleafed with other Noble- men's Company. All the Time of his Sicknefs, the Duke and my Lord Denbigh would not fuffer his own Son to come to him, pretending that he was alfo Tick ; which was falfe for the Time that my Lord Marquis called for him. After this, your Petitioner advifed his Lordfhip to difpofe of his Eftate,' and of his Confcience ; his Sicknefs was not without Danger, .which your Petitioner, four Days before my Lord's Death, did in fuch Manner perceive, that he had Caufe to dcfpair of his Health, but intreated him to commit all the Care of his Health to God and his Phylicians, alluring, howfoever he had gotten Wrong abroad, he mould get none in the Cure of his Difeafe. At length his Lordfhip burft out in thefe Words to my Lord Denbigh^ < It is a great ' Cruelty in you, that you will not fuffer my ' Son to come to me when I am dying, that [ < may fee him, and fpeak to him before I die.* So they delayed his Coming with Excufes, until my Lord's Agony of Death was near, to the End that he (hould not haveTime to give his Son private Inftrudtions to fhun the Marriage of Buckingham's Niece, or to fignify unto him the Sufpicion of Poifon: For they had rather his Son fhould know any Thing, than either of thefe ; yet many did fufpeft his Poifon before he died : For, two Days before his Death, two of his Servants died with manifeft Signs and Sufpi- cion of Poifon, the one belonging to the Wine- Cellar, the other to the Kitchin. The fatal Hour being come, that my Lord Marquis deceafed, your Petitioner intreated all that were prefent, to fuffer no Man to touch his Body v until he returned to fee it opened. For then he protefted earneftly, that, all the Time of his Sicknefs, he judged him to be poifoncd ; but this Poifon was fuch, and fo far gone, that none could help it : Neverthelefs, to have the Matter concealed, Buckingham would have him buried that fame Night in Wtftmfafter Church, and the Ceremonies of his Burial to be kept afterwards, faying, that fuch delicate Bodies as his could not be kept. But his Friends, taking hold of the Caveat be- fore given by your Petitioner, refufed fo to do, and replied, that they would have him, as be- came him, to be buried in Scotland, in his own ^Chapel, where all his Anceftors have been bu- ried for more than thefe four-hundred Years j and that his Body muft firft be vifued by his Phyficians. No fooner was he dead, when the Force of the Poifon had overcome the Force of his Body, but it began to fwell in fuch Sort, that his Thighs were fwoln fix Times as big as their na- tural Proportion ; his Belly became as big as the Belly of an Ox, his Arms as the natural Quan- tity of his Thighs, his Neck as broad as his Shoulders, his Cheeks over the Top of his Nofe, that his Nofe could not be feen or diftinguifhed ; the Skin of his Forehead two Fingers high fwelled, the Hair of his Beard, Eye brows, and Head, fo far diftant from one another, as if an hundred had been taken out between each one ; and when one did touch the Hair, it came away I 2 with 68 with the Skin as eafily, as if one hal pulled Hay out of an Heap of Hay. He was all over, his Neck, Breaft, Shoulders, Arms, and Brows, I fay, of divers Colours, full of Waters, of the fame Colour, fome white, fome black, fome red, fome yellow, fome green, fome blue, and thdt as well within his Body, as without. Alfo, the Concavities of his Liver green, his Stcmach, in fome Places, a little purpurated with a blue chmmy Water, adhering to the Sittesof it; his Mouth and Nofe foaming Blood mixed with Froth mightily, of divers Colours, a Yard high. Your Petitioner, being fent for to vifit his Body, and his Servants all flocking about him, faying, See, fee, prefently weeping, faid, He was poifoned, and that it was not a Thing to be fuffered. Moreover, he faid, that, albeit his Speech might coft him his Life, yet, feeing his Sorrow had extorted that Speech out of him, he would make it manifeft, and would have a Jury of Phyficians. Prefently, fome of my Lord Mar- quis of Hamilton's Friends faid, We mail fend to my Lord Duke, that he may fend his Phyficians } but your Petitioner replied, What have we to do with the Duke's Phyficians ? Let us have indif- ferent Men. Captain Hamilton, hearing your Petitioner fo boldly take Exceptions at Bucking- bam, and judging that he had good Reafon for what he had fpoken, faid, For all that, let us fend to the Duke, and fignify, that all who have feen the Marquis's Body, both Phyficians, Chi- rurgeons, and others, may fee that he is poi- foned, and that his Friends defire more Phy- ficians out of the College of London, befuks the Duke's Phyficians, to bear Witnefs in what Cafe the Marquis's Body is in ; and then, if the Duke's Confcience be guilty (faid the Captain) it will fhew itfelf, as indeed it did : For the Duke, being advertifed hereof, fent for his own Phyficians, and others out of London, whom he caufed firft to be brought unto him, before they went to fee the Marquis's Body, giving them his Directions in thefe Words, viz. My Mafters, there is a Bruit fpread abroad, that the Marquis of Hamilton is paifoned-, go fee, but beware what you [peak of Poifon (which he faid in a threatening Form of Deli-very) for every Nobleman that dieth mujl be poifoned, If his Confcience had rot been guilty, (hould not he have commanded the Phyficians to en- *The Forerunner of Revenge. quire, by all Means poffible, and make it known, rather than to fupprefs the Speech of poifoning fo worthy a Man. Thefe Phyficians being come, your Petitioner with one Hand leading Doctor More to the Table, where the Marquis's Body was laid, and with the other Hand throwing off the Cloath from the Body, faid unto him, Look you here upon this Spectacle. At the Sight whereof Doctor More, lifting up both his Hands, Heart, and Eyes to the Hea- vens, aftonifhed, faid, Jefus blefs me, I never faw the like, 1 cannot diftinguifh .a Face upon him ; and in like Manner all the reft of the Doctors, and alfo the Chirurgeons, affirmed, that they never faw the like, albeit that they have travelled and pradtifed through the greateft Part of Europe : Only one, that faid, My Lord of Southampton was bliflered all within the Breaft, as my Lord Marquis was. Doctor Leicejler, one of Buckingham's Creatures, feeing Doctor More and others fo amazed at the Sight of my Lord's Body, drew firft him afide, and then the others, one after another, and whifpered them in the Ear to filence them. Whereupon many went away, without fpeak- ing one Word ; the others, who remained, ac- knowledged, that thofe Accidents of the dead Body could not be without Poifon j but they faid, they could not know how fuch a fubtile Art of Poifoning could be brought into England ; your Petitioner replied, that Money would bring both the Art, and the Artift, from the furtheft Part of the World into England, from whence, fince your Petitioner's Departure, he hath con- ferred with thefkilfulleftPeft-Mafters that could be found, who vifit the Bodies of thofe that die of the Venom of the Peft. They all admire the Defcription of my Lord Marquis's Body, and teftify, that never any of the Peft have fuch Accidents, but Carbuncles, Rubons, or Spots, no fuch huge Blifters with Waters, and fuch a huge, uniform Swelling to fuch Dimenfions, above fix Times the natural Proportion. But he hath met with fome, who have practifed the Poifoning of Dogs, to try the Force of fome Antidotes, and they have found, that fome Poifons have made the Dogs fick for a Fortnight, or more, without any Swelling, un- til they were dead, and then they fwelled above Meafure, and became bliftered, with Waters of divers Colours ', and the Hair came away with the Skin, when it was touched. i The The Phyficians then, who remained, were willing to certify under their Hands, that my Lord Marquis was poifoned. But your Peti- tioner told them, it was not needful, feeing we muft needs attend God's Leifure to difcover the Author, the Manner being fo apparent, and fo many Hundreds having feen the Body to witnefs it, for the Doors were kept open, for every Man to behold, and to be Witnefs who would. The Duke of Buckingham making fome coun- terfeit Shew of Sorrow to Men of great Qua- lity, found no other Shift to divert the Sufpi- cion of the poifoning of the Marquis from him, but to lay it upon his Mafter, the King, faying, that the Marquis, for his Perfon, Spirit, and Car- riage was fuch as he was born worthy to reign ; but the King, his Mafter, hated him to Death, becaufe he had a Spirit too much for the Com- mon-weal ; whereby the Duke did (hew himfelf no good Subject to the King, who made the King's Honour to be tyrannical, and the King a blood-thirfty Murderer, and a mod vile Dif- fembler, having heaped fo many Honours daily upon the Marquis, even to the very laft, making him Lord High Steward of his Majefty's Houfe, and Judge of the very Court, whom he had made before Viceroy of Scotland, for the- Time of the Parliament of Scotland, Earl of Cambridge, Privy- councellor in England, and Knight of the Garter, as if he had raifed him to all thefe Ho- nours, that the Murdering of him might be the lefs fufpe&ed to proceed from him. The King's Nature hath always been obfer- ved to have been fo gracious, and fo free-heart- ed towards every one, that he would never have wifhed the Marquis any Harm, unlefs that Buckingham had put great Jealoufies and Fears into his Mind ; for, if any other had done it, he would have acquainted his Favourite therewith. And then was it Buckingham's Duty to remove from the King fuch fmiftrous Conceits of the Marquis, as the Marquis hath often done of Buckingham, upholding him upon all Occafions, and keeping the King from giving Way to in- troduce any other Favourite: Wherefore Buck- ingham, in that Diverfion of the Cringe from him, hath not only made the King, but alfo himfelf, guilty of the Marquis's Death. But Buckingham's Falfhood, and ill Intention, was long before rightly difcovered, when he did what he could to make the Earl of Nether/dale and my Lord Gordon (both near Kinfmen of my Lord Marquis) fo incenfed at him, that they had like all three to have killed one another^ if The Forernnner of Revenge, 69- it had not been that my Lord Marquis, by his Wifdom, did let them all know how they were abufed. If any Drffimulation- be greater than Bucking-, ham's, let any Man judge : For, when my Lord Marquis's Body, was to be tranfported from White-hall, to his Houfe at Bijhopfgate, Buckingham came out muffled and furred in his Coach, giving out, that he was fick for Sorrow of my Lord Marquis's Death ; but, as foon as he went to his Houfe out of London, before his Coming to the King, he triumphed, and domi^ neered with his Faction fo exceffively, as if he had gained fome great Victory. And, the next Day coming to the King, he put on a moft lamentable and mournful Countenance for the Death of my Lord Marquis. No greater Vic- tory could he have gotten to his Mind, than to have deftroyed that Man, who could, and would, have fetched his Head off his Shoulders, if he had outlived King James, to have known his Carriage in the poifoning of him in his Sick- nefs ; wherefore he thought it moft neceflary to remove the Marquis before-hand. The fame Day that my Lord Marquis died, Buckingham fent my Lord Marquis's Son out of Town, keeping him as Prifoner, that none could have private Conference with hfm, until his Marriage of Buckingham*- Niece was com- pleated j but always either my Lord Denbigh, ot my Lady Denbigh, or my Lord Duke of Buck- ingham, or the Duchefs of Buckingham, or the Countefs of Buckingham was prefent, that none could let him underftand how his Father was murdered. Even your Petitioner himfelf, when he went to fee him, within a few Days after his Father's Death, was intreated not to fpea-k to htm of the Poifoning of his Father, which he did conceal at his firft Meeting, becaufe their Sor- row was too recent. But he was prevented of a fecond Meeting, neither would Buckingham fuffer the young Lord to go to Scotland, to fee his Fa- ther's Funeral, and to take Order with his Friends, concerning his Father's Eftate, for fear that their intended Marriage fhould be overthrown. This Captivity of the young Lord Marquis lafted fo long, until that Buckingham caufed his Majefty, King Charles, to take the young Lord with himfelf and Buckingham into St. James's Park, difcharging all others from following them j and there to perfuade and urge the young Lord, without any more Delay, to accomplifh the Marriage with Buckingham's Niece, which inftantly was performed j fo that Buckingham trufteth, 'Forerunner of Revenge. trufteth and prefumeth, that, albeit the young Lord fhould underftand how his Father was poifoned by his Means, yet, being married to his Niece, he would not ftir to revenge it, but comport with it. To all that is obferved before, it is worthy to be added, that the Bruit went through Lon- don, long before the Lord Duke of Richmond's Death, or his Brother's, or my Lord of South- ampton's, or of the Marquis, that all the Noble- men, that were not of the Duke's Fadion, fhould be poifoned, and fo removed out of his Way, Alfo a Paper was found in King-Jlreet, about the Time of the Duke of Richmond's Death, wherein the Names of all thofe Noblemen, who have died fince, were exprefled ; and your Pe- titioner's Name alfo fet next to my Lord Marquis of Hamilton's Name, with thefe Words : To em- balm him. This Paper was brought by my Lord Oldbarro's Daughter, Coufm-german to the Lord Marquis : Likewife a Mountebank, about that Time, was greatly countenanced by the Duke of Buckingham, and by his Means procured Let- ters Patents, and Recommendations from the ,King, to pra&ife his Skill in Phyfick through all England; who coming to London, to fell Poifon, to kill Man or Beaft within a Year, or half a Year, or two Years, or a Month or two, or what Time prefixed any Man defired, in fuch Sort that they 9ould not be helped nor difcovered. Moreover, the Ckrtftmai before my Lord Marquis's Death, one of the Prince's Footmen faid, That fome of the great ones at Court had gotten Poifon in their Belly, but he could not tell who it was. Here your Honours confidering the Premifies of my Lord Duke of Buckingham's ambitious and moft vindicative Nature ; his frequent Quarrels with my Lord Marquis, after fo many Reconciliations ; his Threatening of the Phy- ficians, not to fpeak of the Poifon ; his Tri- umphing after my Lord Marquis's Death ; his Detaining of his Son almoft Prifoner, until the Marriage was compleat with his Niece j the pre- ceding Bruit of poifoning Buckingham's Adver- faries ; the Paper of their Names found, with fufficient Intimation of their Death, by the Conclufion of the Word, embalming ; the Poifon- Monger, Mountebank, graced by Buckingham, may fuffice for Ground to take him and torture him, if he were a private Man : And herein your Petitioner moft earneftly demandeth Ju- ftice againft that Traytor, feeing by Ad: of Parliament it is made Treafon to confpire the Death of Privy-Counfellor. Out of this Declaration, Interrogatories may be drawn for Examination of Witnefles ; wherein more is difcovered to begin withal, than was laid open at the Beginning of the Difcovery of the Poi- foning of Sir Thomas Overbury. Concerning the Poifoning of King James of happy Memory, King of Great- Britain. THE Duke of Buckingham, being In Spain, advertifed by Letter, how that the King began to cenfure him in his Abfence freely, and that many fpoke boldly to the King againft him, and how the King had Intel- ligence from Spain of his unworthy Carriage in Spain ; and how the Marquis of Hamilton (upon the fudden News of the Prince's Departure) had nobly reprehended the Kjng for fending the Prince with fuch a young Man, without Expe- rience, and in fuch a private and fudden Manner, without acquainting the Nobility or Council therewith j wrote a very bitter Letter to the Marquis of Hamilton, conceived new ambitious Courfes of his own, and ufed all the Devices he could to difguft the Prince's Mind off the Match with Spain fo far intended by the King ; made hafte Home, where, when he came, he fo carried himfelf, that, whatever the King commanded in his Bed-chamber, he controlled in the next ; yea, received Packets to the King from Foreign Princes, and difpatched Anfwers without acquainting the King therewith, in a long Time after. Whereat perceiving the King highly offended, and that the King's Mind was beginning to alter towards him, fuffering him to be quarrelled and affronted in his Majefty's Pre- fence ; and obferving that the King referved my Lord of Brijlol to be a Rod for him, urging daily his Difpatch for France, and expecting the Earl of Gondomor, who, as it feemed, was greatly efteemed and wonderfully credited by the King, and would feeond my Lord of Brljtol's Accufations againft him. He knew alfo that the King had vowed that, in Defpite of all the Devils in Hell, he would bring the Spanijb Match about again, and that the Marquis of Inicofa had given the King bad Impreflions of him, *The Forerunner of Revenge* 71 Articles of Accufation, the jefty's Sight. And Buckingham's Mother, kneel- ing down before his Majefty, cried out with a him, by whofe King himfelf had examined fome of the Nobi- lity and Privy- Council, and found in the Exa- mination, that Buckingham had faid, after his Coming from Spain, That the King was now an old Man, it was now Time for him to be at reft, and to be confined -to fome Park, to pafs the Reft of his Time in Hunting, and the Prince to be crowned. The more the King urged nim to be gone to France, the more Shifts he made to ftay ; for he did evidently fee, that the King was fully refolved to rid himfelf of the Oppreflions wherein he held him. The King being fick of a certain Ague, and that in the Spring was of itfelf never found deadly ; the Duke took his Opportunity, when all the King's Dodtors of Phyhck were at Din- ner, upon the Monday before cheKing died, with- out their Knowledge or Content, and offered to him a white Powder to take, the which he along Time refufed ; but, overcome with his flattering Importunity, at length took it in Wine, and immediately became worfe and worfe, falling in- to many Swoonings arid Pains, and violent Fluxes of the Belly, fo tormented, that his Ma- jefty cried out aloud of this white Powder,' Would to God I had never taken it, it will coft me my Life. In like Manner alfo the Countefs of Bucking- ham, my Lord of Buckingham's Mother, upon the Friday after, the Phyficians being alfo abfent and at Dinner, and not made acquainted with her Doing,, applied a Plaifter to the King's Heart and Breaft ; whereupon he grew faint, and fhort-breathed, and in a great Agony. Some of the Phyficians after Dinner, returning to fee the King,' by the offenfive Smell of the Plaifter, perceiving fomething to be about him, hurtful to him, and fearched what it mould be, and found it out, and exclaimed that the King was poifon- ed. Then Buckingham, entering, commanded the Phyficiani out of the Room, caufed one of them to be committed Prifoner to his own Chamber, and another to be removed from Court ; quar- relled with others of the King's Servants in his fick Majefty's own Presence fo far, that he of- fered to draw his Sword againft them in his Ma.- H brazen Face, Jujlice, Jujlice, Sir, I demand 'Jujlice of your Majejly. His Majefty afked her, For what ? For that which their Lives are no Ways fufficient to fatisfy: for faying that my Son and 1 have poifoned your Maje/iy. Poifoned me ? faid he : with that turning himfelf, fwooned, and fhe was removed. The Sunday after his Majefty died, and Buck- ingham defired the Phyficians, who attended his Majefty, to fign with their own Hands a Writ of Teftimony, that the Powder, which he gave him, was a good and fafe Medicine, which they refufed. Buckingham's Creatures did fpread abroad a Rumour in London, that Buckingham was fo for- ry for his Majefty's Death, that he would have died, that he would have killed himfelf, if they had not hindered him ; which your Petitioner purpofely enquired after of them that were near him at that Time, who faid, that, neither in the Time of his Majefty's Sicknefs, nor after his Death, he was more moved, than if there had never happened either Sicknefs or Death to his Majefty. One Day when his Majefty was in great Ex- tremity, he rode Poft to London, to purfue his Sifter- in-Law, to have her ftand in Sack-cloalh in St. Paul's for Adultery. And, another Tirrte in his Majefty's Agony, he was bufy in contri- ving and concluding a Marriage for one of his Coufins. Immediately after his Majefty's Death, the Phyfician, who was commanded to his Chamber, was fet at Liberty, with a Caveat to hold his Peace ; the others threatened, if they kept not good Tongues in their Heads. But, in the mean Time, the King's Body and Head (welled above Meafure, his Hair with the Skin of his Head ftuck to the Pillow, and his Nails became loofe upon his Fingers and Toes. Your Petititioner needeth to fay no more to underftanding Men, only one Thing he be- feecheth, that taking the Traytor, who ought to be taken without any Fear of his Greatnefs, the other Matters may be examined, and the Acceflaries with the Guilty punifhed. Fragments Fragmenta Regalia :- Or, Obfervations on the late Queen Eli- Jabeth) her Times and Favourites. Written by Sir Robert Naunton, Matter of the Court of Wards/ Printed Anno Dom. 1641, ^uartOy containing 49 Pages. TO take her in the Original, flae was the Daughter of King Henry the Eighth, by Ann Bullen, the Second of fix Wives which he had, and one of the Maids of Honour to the divorced Queen, Katharine of Auftria (or as the now ftiled Infanta of Spain] and from thence taken to the Royal Bed. That fhe was of a moft noble and royal Ex- tract by her Father, will not fall into Queftion, for on that Side was difembogued into her Veins, by a Confluency of Blood, the very Abftraft of all the greateft Houfes in Cbrijlendom ; and remarkable it is, confidering that violent Defer- tion of the Royal Houfe of the Britons, by the Intrufion of the Saxons, and afterwards by the Conqueft of the Normans : That, through Vicif- fitude of Times, and after a Discontinuance al- moft of a thoufand Years, the Scepter fhould fall again, and be brought back into the old re- gal Line and true Current of the Britijh Blood, in the Per fon of her renowned Grandfather, King Henry the Seventh, together with whatfoever the German, Norman, Burgundian, CaJlHian, and French Achievements, with their Intermar- riages, which eight-hundred Years had acquired, could add of Glory thereunto. By her Mother (he was of no fovereign De- Icent, yet noble and very ancient in the Family of Bullen ; though fome erroneoufly brand them with a Citizen's Rife, or Original, which was yet but of a fecond Brother, who (as it was di- vine in the Greatoefs and Luftre to come to his Houfe) was fent into the City to acquire Wealth, ad eedlficandam antiquam domum, unto whofe At- chievements (for he was Lord Mayor of London) fell in, as it is averred, both the Blood and In- heritance of the eldeft Brother, for Want of Iffue Males, by which Accumulation the Houfe within few Defcents mounted, in culmen honoris, and was fuddenly dilated in the beft Families of England and Ireland; as, Howard, Ormond, Sack- ville, and others. Having thus touched, and now leaving her Stipe, I come to her Perfon, and how fhe came to the Crown by the Deceafe of her Brother and Sifter. Under Edward the Sixth, fhe was his, and one of the Darlings of Fortune, for, befides the Confideration of Blood, there was between thefe two Princes a Concurrency and Sympathy ot their Natures and Affe&ions, together with the celeftial Bond (confirmative Religion) which made them one; for the King never called her by any other Appellation but his fweeteft and deareft Sifter, and was fcarce his own Man, fhe being abfentj which was not fo between him, and the Lady Mary. Under her Sifter * {he found her Condition much altered, for it was refolved, and her De- fliny had decreed it, for to fet her Apprentice in the School of Affliction, and to draw her thro' that Ordeal- fire of Trial, the better to mould and fafhion her to Rule and Sovereignty ; which finifhed, Fortune calling to Mind, that the Time of her Servitude was expired, gave up her In- dentures, and therewith delivered into her Cuf- tody a Sceptre, as the Reward of her Patience ; * which was about the Twenty-fixth of her Age; a Time in which, as for her Internals grown ripe, and feafoned by Adverfity, in the Exer- cife of her Virtue ; for, it feems, "Fortune meant no more but to mew her a Piece of Variety, and Changeablenefs of her Nature, but to con- ducT: her to her Deftiny Felicity. She was of Perfon tall, of Hair and Com- plexion fair, and therewith well favoured, but high nofed ; of Limbs and Features neat, and, which added to the Luftre of thefe exter- nal Graces, of a ftately and majeftick Corn- Queen Mary. portment, FRAGMENfA REGALIA, &c. 73 portment, participating in this more of her Fa- ther than of her Mother, who was of an infe- rior Alloy, plaufible, or as the French hath it, more debonaire and affable ; Virtues, which might well fuit with Majefly, and which, defcending as hereditary to the Daughter, did render her of a fweeter Temper, and endear- ed her more to the Love and Liking of the Peo- ple, who gave her the Name and Fame of a moft gracious and popular Princefs. The Atrocity of the Father's Nature was re- bated in her, by the Mother's fweeter Inclina- tions ; for (to take, and that no more than the Character out of his own Mouth) He never /pared Man in his Anger, nor Woman in his Lujl. If we fearch further into her Intellectuals and Abilities, the Wheel-courfe of her Go- vernment deciphers them to the Admiration of Pofterity, for it was full of Magnanimity, tem- pered with Juftice, Piety, and Pity, and, to fpeak Truth, noted but with one Act of Stain or Taint ; all her Deprivations, either of Life or Liberty, being legal and neceffitated ; me was learned, her Sex and Time confidered, beyond common Belief: For, Letters about this Time, or fomewhat before, did but begin to be of Efteem and in Fafhion, the former Ages being over- caft with the Mifts and Fogs of the Roman * Ig- norance, and it was the Maxim that over-ruled the foregoing Times, that Ignorance was the Mo- ther of Devotion. Her Wars were a long Time more in the auxiliary Part, and Afliftance of fo- reign Princes and States, than bylnvafion of any j till common Policy advifed it f, for a fafer Way, to ftrike firft Abroad, than at Home to expect the War, in all which fhe was ever felicious and victorious. The Change and Alteration of Religion upon the Inftant of her Acceffion to the Crown (the Smoke and Fire of her Sifter's Martyrdoms J fcarcely quenched) was none of herleaft remark- able Actions; but the Support and Eftablifh- ment thereof with the Means of her own Sub- fiftance amidft fo powerful Enemies Abroad, and thofe many domeftic Practices, were, methinks, Works of Infpiration, and of no human Pro- vidence, which, on her Sifter's Departure, fhe moft religioufly acknowledged, afcribing the Glory of her Deliverance to God above ; for, fhe being then at Hatfield, and under a Guard, and the Parliament fitting at the felf-fame Time, at the News of the Queen's Death, and her own Proclamation by the general Confent of the Houfe and the publick Sufferance of the People ; falling on her Knees, after a good Time of Refpiration, fhe uttered this Verfe of the Pfalm : A Domino faftum ejl IJlud, & eji mirabile in ocu- lis no/Iris ||. And this we find to this Day on the Stamp of her Gold, with this on her Silver : Pofui Deum adjutorem meum . Her Minifters and Inftruments of State, fuch as were participes curarum, or bore a great Part of the Burden, were many, and thofe me*, morable ; but they were only Favourites and not Minions, fuch as acted more by her prince- ly Rules and Judgments, than by their own Wills and Appetites ; for, we faw no Gavejion 9 Fere, or Spencer, to have fwayed alone, during forty-four Years, which was a well-fettled ana advifed Maxim ; for it valued her the more, it awed the moft fecure, it took beft with the Peo- ple, and it ftaved off all Emulations, which are apt to rife and vent in obloquious Acrimo- ny even againft the Prince, where there is one only admitted into high Administrations, A Major Palatii. TH E principal Note of her Reign will be, that fhe ruled much by Faction and Par- ties, which fhe herfelf both made, upheld, and weakened, as her own great Judgment ad- vifed j for I do difaifent from the common and received Opinion, that my Lord of Leicejler was abfolute and alone in her Grace ; and, though I come fomewhat fhort of the Knowledge of thefe Times, yet, that I may not err, or moot at Random, 1 know it from affured Imelli- Popifh.- f SceVgl. I. p, 193, fcfr. V This is the Work of the Lord, and it is wonderful in our Sight. I have chofen God for my Help. you ii. K t Sec Vol. I. p. 207, gencc 74 FRAGMENT RE GAL IA t fee. gence that it was not fo, for Proof whereof a- mongft many (that could prefent) I will both relate a Story and therein a known Truth, and it Was thus : Bowyer, the Gentleman of the Black Rod, being charged by her expreis Com- mand, to look precifely to all Admiflions in the Privy Chamber, one Day ftaid a very gay Captain (and a Follower of my Lord of Lel- ajier} from Entrance, for that he was neither well known, nor afworn Servant of the Queen ; at which Repulfe, the Gentleman (bearing high on my Lord's Favour) told him, that he might, perchance, procure him a Difcharge. Leicejler coming to the Conteftation faid publickly, which was none of his wonted Speeches, that he was a Knave, and ihould not long continue in his Office, and fo turning about to go to the Queen, Bowyer, who was a bold Gentleman and well beloved, ftepped before him, and fell at her Majefty's Feet, relates the Story, and hum- bly craves her Grace's Pleafure, and in fueh a Manner as if he had demanded, whether my Lord of Leicejler was King, or her Majefty Queen; whereunto flie replied (with her wonted Oath, GotFs-deatb) my Lord, I have wifhed you well, but my Favour is not fo locked up for you, that others fhall not participate thereof j for I have many Servants unto whom I have and will, at my Pleafure, bequeath my Favour, and likewife refume the fame ; and if you think ,to rule here, I will take a Courfe to fee you forthcoming* j I will have here but one Mijlrefs, and no Majler, and look that no 111 happen to him, left it be feverely required at your Hands ; which fo quailed my Lord of Leicejler, that his faint Humility was, long after, one of his beft Virtues. Moreover, the Earl of Sujfix, then Lord Chamberlain, was his profefled Antagonift, to his Dying-Day ; and for my Lord Hunfdown, and Sir Thomas Sackvilie, after Lord Treafurer, who were all Contemporaries ; he was wont to fay of them, that they were of the Tribe of Dan, and were, Noli me tangere, implying, that they were not to be contefted with, for they were, indeed, of the Queen's nigh Kindred. From whence, and in many more Inftances, I conclude, that me was abfolute and fovereign Miftrefs of her Graces, and that all thofe, to whom Ihe diftributed her Favours, were never more than Tenants at Will, and flood on no better Terms than her princely Pleafure, and their good Behaviour. And this alfo I prefent as a known Obferva- tion, that me was, though very capable of Coun- fel, abfolute enough in her own Refolution ; which was ever apparent even to her laft, and in that of her ftill Averiion to grant Tyrbnc f the leaft Drop of her Mercy, though earneftly and frequently advifed thereunto, yea, wrought only by her whole Council of State, with very many Reafons ; and, as the State of her King- dom then flood, I may fpeak it with AfTurance, neceflitated Arguments. If we look into her Inclination as it was dif- pofed to Magnificence or Frugality, we'fhall find in them many notable Confederations, for all her , Difpenfations were fo poifed, as though Difcre- tion and Juftice had both decreed to ftand at the Beam, and fee them weighed out in due Pro- portion, the Maturity of her Paces and Judg- ments meeting in a Concurrence ; and that in fuch an Age that feldora lapfeth to Excefs. To confider them a-part, we have not many Precedents of her Liberality, nor any large Do- natives to particular Men ; my Lord of EJJex 1 ^ Book of Parks excepted, which was a Princely Gift ; and fome more of a leiTer Size, to my Lord of Leicejler, Hatton, and others J. Her Rewards chiefly confifted in Grants and Leafes of Offices, and Places of Judicature, but for ready Money, and in great Sums,* fhe was very fparingj which we may partly conceive, was a Virtue rather drawn out of Neceflity than her Nature j for (he had many Layings-out, and as her Wars were lafting, fo their Charge in- creafed to the laft Period. And I am f Opi- nion with Sir Walter Rawleigh, that thofe ma- ny brave Men of her Times, and of the Militia, tafted a little more of her Bounty, than in her Grace and good Word with their due Entertain- ment j for me ever paid her Soldiers well, which was tie Honour of her Times, and more than her great Adverfary of Spain could perform ; fo that, when we come to the Confederation of her Frugality, the Obfervation will be . little more, than that her Bounty and it were fb woven together, that the one was || ftained by an honourable Way of Sparing. * /. e. I will confine you; p. 366. | o/. not. f The Irijb Rebel. J See her laft Speech in Vol.1. The FRAGME NTA REG4L14, &c. The Irijh Aclion we may call a Malady, and a Confumption of her Times j for it accompanied her to her End ; and it was of fo profufe and vaft an Expence, that it drew near unto a Diftcmperature of State, and of Paffion in herfelf ; for, towards her laft, fhe grew fomewhat hard to pleafe, her Armies being ac- cuftomed to Profperity, and the Irijh Profecu- tion not anfwering her Expectation, and her wonted Succefs ; for, it was a good While an unthrifty and inaufpicious War, which did much difturb and miflead her Judgment ; and, the more, for that it was a Precedent taken out of her own Pattern. For, as the Queen, by Way of Divifion, had, at her Coming to the Crown, fupported the revolted States of Holland, fo did the King of Spain turn the Trick upon herfelf, towards her Going out, by cherifhing the Irijh Rebel- lion ; where it falls into Confideration, what the State of this Kingdom, and the Crown Reve- nues, were then able to endure and embrace. If we look into tlje Eftablifhments of thofe Times with the beft of the Irijh Army, count- ing the Defeatures of Elackwater, with all the precedent Expences, as it flood from my Lord of EJfcx's Undertaking of the Surrender of Kingfale, and the General Mountjoy ; and, fomewhat after, we (hall find the Horfe and Foot Troops were, for three or four Years to- gether, much about Twenty -Thoufand, befides the Naval Charge, which was a Dependant of the fame War, in that the Queen was then forced to keep in continual Pay a ftrong Fleet at Sea, to n.Jcnd the Spanijh Coafts and Parts, both to alarV the Spaniards, and to in- tercept the Forces, defigned for the Irijh Aflift- ance j fo that the Charge of that War alone did coft the Queen Three-hundred thoufand Pounds per Annum, at leaft, which was not the Moiety of her other Difburfements and Ex- pences ; which without the publick Aids, the State of the Royal Receipts could not have much longer endured ; which out of her own fre- quent Letters and Complaints to the Deputy Mount} 1 }], for cafhiering of that Lift as foon as he could, might be collected, for the Queen was then driven into a Strait. We are naturally prone to applaud the Times behind us, and to vilify the prefent ; for, the Concurrent of her Fame carries it to this Day, how loyally and viclorioufly (he lived and died, without the Grudge and Grievance of her Peo- ple ; yet the Truth may appear without Re- traction from the Honour of fo great a Prin- cefs. It is manifeft, fhe left more Debts un- paid, taken upon Credit of her Privy-feals, than her. Progenitors did, or could have taken up, that were an hundred Years before her ; which was no inferior Piece of State, to lay the Burthen on that Houfe * ,* which was beft able to bear it at a dead Lift, when neither her Re- ceipts could yield her Relief, at the Pinch, nor the Urgency of her Affairs endure the Delays of Parliamentary Affiftance. And, for fuch Aids, it is likewife apparent, that fhe received more, and that with the Love of her People, than any two of her PredecefTors, that took moft ; which was a Fortune ftrained out of the Subjects, through the Plaufibility of her Comportment, and (as I would fay, without Offence) the pro- digal Diftribution of her Grace to all Sorts of Subjects ; for, I believe, no Prince living, that was fo tender of Honour, and fo exactly flood for the Prefervation of Sovereignty, was fo great a Courtier of the People, yea, of the Commons, and that ftooped and declined low in prefenting her Perfon to the publick View, as fhe paffed in her Progrefs- and Perambulations, and in her Ejaculations of her Prayers on the People. And, truly, though much may be written in Praife of her Providence, and good Hufbandry, in that fhe could, upon all good Occafions, abate her Magnanimity, and therewith comply with the 'Parliament, and fo always come off both with Honour and Profit ; yet muft we afcribe fome Part of the Commendation, to the Wif- ' dom of the Times, and the Choice of Parlia- ment^men ; for I fold f not, that they were at any Tfrne given to any violent or pertinacious Difpute j the Elections being made of grave and difcreet Perfons, not factious and ambi- tious of Fame ; fuch as came not to the Houfe with a malevolent Spirit of Contention, but with a Preparation to confult on the publick Good, and rather to comply, than to conteft with Majefty ; neither dare I find J, that the Houfe was weakened and peftered, through the Admiffion of too many young Heads, as it hath been of latter Times, which remembers me of the Recorder Martin's Speech, about the Truth of our late Sovereign Lord, King Jamts || when there were Accounts taken of forty Gen- tlemen, not above Twenty, and fome not ex- /. Horfe. f /. find. K 2 $/. fay. \tkFirft. cccding 7 6 FRAGMENfA REGAL 1 4, toe'. ceeding fixteen Years of Age ; which made him to fay, that it was the antient Cuftom for old Men to make Laws for young ones j but there he faw the Cafe altered, and that there were Chil- dren in the great Council of the Kingdom, which came to invade and invert Nature, and to enact Laws to govern their Fathers. Such* were in the Houfe always f , and took the com- mon Caufe into Consideration ; and, they fay, the Queen had many- Times juft Caufe, and Need enough, to ufe their Afliftance ; neither do I remember, that the Houfe did ever capitu- late, or prefer their private to the publick, and the Queen's Neceifities, but waited their Times, and, in the firft Place, gave their Supply, and according to the Exigence of her Affairs : yet failed not at the laft to attain what they defired, fo that the Queen and her Parliament s, had ever the good Fortunes to depart in Love, and on reciprocal Terms, which are Confiderations that have not been fo exactly obferved in our lajl AfTemblies. And, I would to God they had been ; for, confidering the great Debts left on the King , and to what .Encumbrances the Houfe itfelf had then drawn him, his Majefty was not well ufed, though I lay not the Blame on the whole Suffrage of the Houfe, where he had many good Friends ; for I dare avouch it, had the Houfe been freed of half a Dozen po- pular and difcontented Perfons (fuch as, with the Fellow that burnt the Temple of Ephefus, would be talked of, though for doing of Mifchief) I am confident the King had obtained that which in Reafon,and, at his firft Occafion, he ought to have received freely, and without Condition. But par- don this Digrelfion, which is here remembered, not in the Way of Aggravation, but in true Zeal of the publick Good, and prefented in Caveat of future Times : For, I am not ignorant how the Genius and Spirit of the Kingdom now moves to make his Majefty Amends, on any Occafi- on ; and how defirous the Subject is to expiate that Offence at any Rate, may it pleafe his Ma- jefty to make Trial of his Subjects Affections ; and at what Price they value now his Goodnefs and Magnanimity. But, to our Purpofe : The Queen was not to learn that, as the Strength of the Kingdom confifted in the Multitude of her Subjects, fo the Security of her Perfon confifted and refted in the Love and Fidelity of her People, which flie politically affects (as it hath been thought) fomewhat beneath the Height of her natural Spi- rit and Magnanimity. Morever, it will be a true Note of her Pro- vidence, that fhe would always Men to her Profit : For fhe would not refuie the Informa- tion of meaneft Perfonages, which propofed Im- provement ; and had learned the Philofophy of ( Hoc agere) to look unto her own Work : Of which there is a notable Example of one Carmarthen, an under Officer of the Cujlom- Houfe ; who, obferving his Time, prefented her with a Paper, mewing how fhe was abufed in the Under-renting of the Cuftoms, and there- with humbly defired her Majefty to conceal him, for that it did concern two or three of her great Counfellors ||, whom Cuftomer Smith had bribed with Two-Thoufand Pounds a Man, fo to lofe the Qiieen Twenty-thoufand Pounds per Annum, which being made known to the Lords, they gave ftrict Order that Carmarthen fhould not have Accefs to the Back-ftairs ; but, at laft, her Majefty fmelling the Craft, and miffing Carmarthen, fhe fent for him back, and encouraged him to ftand to his Information ; which the poor Man did fo handfomely, that, within the Space of ten Years, he was brought to double his Rent, or leave the Cuftom to new Farmers : So that we may take this al& in Con- fideration, that there were of the Queen's Council, which were not in the Catalogue of Saints. Now, as we have taken a View of fome par- ticular Motives of her Times, her Nature and Neceffities, it is not without the Text, to give a fhort Touch of the Helps and Advantages of her Reign, whjch were not without Paroles ; for fhe had neither Hufband, Brother, Sifter, nor Children to provide for, who, as they are Dependants on the Crown, fo do they neceffari- ly draw Livelihood from thence, and often- times exhauft and draw deep, efpecially when there is an ample Fraternity Royal, and of the Princes of the Blood, as it was in the Time of Edward the Third, and Henry the Fourth, For, when the Crown cannot, -the Publick ought to give honourable Allowance j for, they are the Honour and Hopes of the Kingdom j and the Publick, which enjcysjhem, hath the like In- Fathers. f During Queen Elifabeth"^ Reign. $ a/, were without. Cbarlei tht Firjt. Burleigb, Leicefler t tereft FRAGMENTS REGALIA, &c. 77 tereft with the Father, which begat them, and our Common Law, which is the Inheritance of the Kingdom, did ever, of old, provide Aids for the Primogenitus * , and the eldeft Daugh- ter j for that the Multiplicity of Courts, and the great Charges, which neceflarily follow a King, a S^ueen, a Prince, and Royal Ijjite, was a Thing which was not in rerum natura -\ , du- ring the Space of Forty-four Years J ; but worn out of Memory, and without the Confideration of the prefent Times, infomuch as the Aids, given to the late and right noble Prince Henry, and to his Sifter, the Lady Elifabeth, which were, at firft, generally received as Impofitions for Knighthood, though an antient Law, fell alfo into the Imputation of a Tax of Nobility, for that it lay long covered in the Embers of Di- vifion, between the Houfes of York and Lan- cajier, and forgotten or connived at, by the fuc- ceeding Princes : So that the Strangenefs of the Obfervation, and the Difference of thofe latter Reigns, is, that the >ueen took up much be- yond the Power of Law, which fell not into the Murmur of People ; and her Succeflbrs took nothing but by Warrant of the Law, which ne- verthelefs was received, through Difufe, to be injurious to the Liberty of the Kingdom. Now before I come to any Mention of her Favourites, for hitherto I have delivered but fome oblivious Paflages, thereby to prepare and fmooth a Way, for the reft that follows : It is neceflary, that I touch on the Religiouf- nefs of the other's Reign, I mean the Body of her Sifter's j| Council of State, which fhe re- tained intirely, neither removing, nor difcon- tenting any, although fhe knew them averfe to her Religion, and, in her Sifter's Time, perverfe to her Perfon, and privy to all her Troubles and Imprifonments. A Prudence, which was incompatible to her. Sifter's Nature ; for (he both diffipated and pre- fented the Major Part of her Brother's Council; but this will be of certain, that, how compilable and obfequious foever (he found them, yet, for a good Space, fhe made little Ufe of their Coun- fels, more than in the ordinary Couife of the Board, for fhe had a dormant Table in her own privy Breaft ; yet fhe kept them together, and in their Places, without any fudden Change ; fo that we may fay of them, that they were then of the Court, not of the CouMcil ; for, whijft fhe amazed them by a Kind of promif- five Difputation, concerning the Points contro- verted by both Churches, fhe did fet down her own Gefts, without their Privity, and made all their Progreflions, Gradations, but for that the Tenents of her Secrets, with the Intents of her Eftablifhments, were pitched, before it was known, where the Court would fit down. Neither do I find, that any of her Sifter's Council of State were either repugnant to her Religion, or oppofed her Doings, Englefrl 79 the Lofs of his own ; fo that Pofterity may by reading of the Father, and Grandfather, make Judgment of the Son ; for we fhall find that this Robert, whofe Original we have now traced, the better to prefent him, was Inheritor to the Genius and Craft of his Father ; and Ambrofe, of the Eftate, of whom hereafter we fhall make fome fhort Mention. We took him now as he was admitted "into the Court and the Queen's Favours, and here he was not to feek to play his Part well and dex- teroufly ; but his Play was chiefly at the Fore- game, not that he was a Learner at the latter, but he loved not the After- wit, for the Report is, (and I think not unjuftly) that he was feldom behind-hand with his Gamefters, and that they always went with the Lofs. He was a very goodly Perfon, tall, and fin- gularly well featured, and all his Youth well- favoured, of a fweet Afpeft, but high-fore- headed, which (as I fhould take it) was of no Difcommendation ; but, towards his latter, and which with old Men was but a middle Age. He grew high-coloured ; fo that the Queen had much of her Father, for, excepting fome of her Kindred, and fome few that had handfome Wits in crooked Bodies, (he always took Per- fonage in the Way of Election, for the People hath it to this Day, King Henry loved a Man. Being thus in her Grace, fhe called to Mind the Sufferings of his Anceftors, both in her Fa- ther's and Sifter's Reigns, and reftored his and his Brother's Blood, creating Ambrofe, the el- der, Earl of Warwick, and himfelf Earl of Lei- cejler ; and as he was ex primitis, or, of her firft Choice ; fo he refted not there, but long en- joyed her Favour, and therewith what he lifted, till Time and Emulation, the Companions of Greatnefs, refolved of his Period, and to colour him at his Setting in a Cloud (at Conebury) not by fo violent a Death, or by the fatal Sen- tence of a Judicature, as that of his Father and Grandfather's was, but as it is fuppofed by that Poifon which he had prepared for others, where- in they report him a rare Artift. I am not bound to give Credit to all vulgar Relations, or the Libels of his Time, which are commonly forced and falfified fuitable to the Words and * Honours of Men in Paffion and Difcontent ; but what binds me to think him no good Man, amongft other Things of known Truth, is that of my Lord of EJftx's f Death, in Ireland, and the Marriage of his Lady ; which I forbear to prefs, in Regard he is long fmce dead, and others are living whom it may concern. To take him in the Obfervation of his Let- ters and Writings, which fliould beft fet him off, for fuch as have fallen into my Hands, I never yet fkw a Stile or Phrafe more feeming- ly religious, and fuller of the Strains of Devo- tion ; and, were they not fincere, I doubt much of his Well-being %, and, I fear, he was too well feen in the Aphorifins, and Principles of Nicholas the Florentine, and in the Reaches || of Ceefar Borgiat. And hereto, I have only touched him in his Courtfhip. I conclude him in his Lance ; He was fent Governor by the Queen to the re- volted States of Holland, where we read not of his Wonders, for they fey, he had more of Mer- cury, than he had of Mar s, and that his Devic* might have been without Prejudice to the great Ceefar ; Veni, vidi, redivi. * al. Humours, f Of which you have an Account hereafter in this fmall Pamphlet. 1| The Art of Poifoning. Martial State. RADCL1FFE, Earl of Su/ex. In a future State. HIS * Co-Rival was Thomas Raddiffs, Earl of SuJJex who in his Compilation was his direct Oppofite, for indeed he was one of the Queen's Martialifts, and did her very good Service in Ireland, at her firft Acceflion, till (he recalled him to the Court, whom fhe made Lord Chamberlain ; but he played not his Game with that Cunning and Dexterity, as the Earl of Leicefter did, who was much the fairer Courtier, though Su/ex was thought * LtittJIer\, much the honefter Man, and far the better Sol- dier, but he lay too open on his Guard ; he was a godly Gentleman, and of a brave and noble Nature, true and conftant to his Friends and Servants ; he was alfo of a very ancient and noble Lineage, honoured thro' many Defcents, thro* the Title of Fitzwalters. Moreover, there was fuch an Antipathy in his Nature to that of Z- ' cefter, that, being together in Court, and both in high Employments, they grew to a dire Pi&ures, his Qualities, Gefture, and Voice with that of the King, which Memory retains yet amongft us, they will plead ftrongly, that he was a furreptitious Child of the Blood Royal. Certain it is, that he lived not long in the To^vtr ; and that, after his Deceafe, Sir Tho- mas Perrot, his Son, then of no mean Efteern with the Queen, having before married my Lord of EJJcx'* Sifter, fmce Countefs of Nor- thumberland^ had Reftitution of his Land ; though, after his Death alfo (which immediately followed) the Crown renamed the Eftate, and took Advantage of the former Attainder ; and, to fay the Truth, the Prieft's forged Let- ter was, at his Arraignm'ent, thought but as a Fiction of Envy, and was, foon after, exploded by the Prieft's own ConfefEon : But that, which moft exafperated the Queen, and gave Advan- tage to his Enemies, was, as Sir Walter Raw- ieigh takes into Observation, Words of Dif- dain ; for the Queen, by (harp and reprehen- five Letters, had nettled him ; and thereupon, fending others of Approbation, commending his Service, and intimating an Invafion from Spain ; which was no fooaer propofed, but he faid .publickly, in the great Chamber at Dublin : Lo, now (he is ready to bepifs herfelf, for * Fear of the Spaniards j I am again one of ' her white Boys :' Which are fubje& to a various Conftru&ion, and tended to fome Dif- reputation of his Sovereign, and fuch as may ferve for Inftruclion to Perfons in Place of Ho- nour and Command, to beware of the Violencies- of Nature, and efpecially the Exorbitance of the Tongue. And fo I conclude him with this double Obfervation j the one, of the Innocency of his Intentions, exempt and clear from the Guilt of Treafon and Difloyalty, therefore of the Greatnefs of his Heart ; for, at his Ar- raignment, he was fo little dejected with what might be alledged, that rather he grew troubled with Choler, and, in a Kind of Exafperation, he defpifed his Jury, though of the Order of Knighthood, and of the efpecial Gentry, claim- ing the Privilege of Tryal by the Peers and Ba- ronage of the Realm : So prevalent was that of his native Genius and Haug-htinefs of Spirit* which accompanied him to his laft, and till, without any Diminution of Change therein, it brake in Pieces the Cords of his Magnanimity ;. for he died fuddenly in the Toiuer^ and when it was thought the Queen did intend his Enlarge- ment, with the Reftitution of his PoflefTions^ which were then very great, and comparable to. moft of the Nobility. H A T T Q N. SI R Chriftopher Hatton came to the Court, as his Oppofite ; Sir John Perrot was wont to fay, by the Galliard, for he came thither as a private Gentleman of the Inns of Court, in a Mafque\ and, for his Activity and Perfon, which was tall and proportionable > taken into her Favour : He was firft made Viu- fhamberlain^ and, fhortly after, advanced to the Place of Lord Chancellor ; a Gentleman that, befides the Graces of his Perfon, and Dancing, had alfo the Endowment of a ftrong and fubtle Capacity, and that eould foon learn the Difci- pline and Garb, both of the Times and Court : And the Truth is, he had a large Proportion of Gifts and Endowments, but too much of the Seafon of Envy ; and he was a meer Vegetable of the Court, that fprung up at Night,, and funk again at his Noon L Flos non mentorum^ fed fex fait ilia virorum. E F F I N G H A M.. *Y Lord of Ejfingham> though a Courtier _;: betimes, yet I find not, that the Sun- une of his Favour brake out upon him, until fhe took him- into the Ship, and made him High Admiral of England ; for his Extract, it might fuffice, that he was the Son of A. Howard^ and . DukeofNorfM. And,, for his Periba> as goodlj aGentleman. as the Times had any, if Nature had not been more intentive to compleat his Perfon, than Fortune to make him rich j for, the Times con- fidered, which were then active, and a long Time after lucrative, he died not wealthy ; yet thehonefter Man, though, it feems the Queen's Purpofe was to render the Occafion of his Ad- vancementj, and to make him capable of more Honour 3. FRAGMENTA Honour ; at his Return from the Cadiz Voyage and A&ion, fhe conferred it upon him, creating him Earl of Nottingham^ to the great Difcon- tent of his Colleague, my Lord of EJfix, who then grew exceflive in the Appetite of her Fa- vour, and the Truth is fo exorbitant in the Li- mitation of the fo^ereign Afpe<5t, that it much alienated the Qneen's Grace from him, and drew others together with the Admiral 'to a Com- bination, and confpire his Ruin ; and though, as I have heard it from that Party (I mean the old Admiral's Faction) that it lay not in his proper Power to hurt my Lord of Eftex, yet he had more Fellows, and fuch as were well flailed in the Setting of the Train : But I leave this to thofe of another Age ; it is out of Doubt, that the Admiral was a good, honeft, and brave Man, and a faithful Servant to his Miftrefs ; and fuch a one, as the Queen, out of her own princely Judgment, knew to be a fit Inftrument in her Service, for fhe was a Proficient in the Reading of Men, as well as Books ; and as fun- dry Expeditions, as that aforementioned, and 88, do better exprefs his Worth, and manifeft the Queen's Truft, and the Opinion fhe had of his Fidelity and Conduct. c. 87 Moreover, the Howards were of the Queen's Alliance, and Confanguinity, by her Mother, which fwayed her Afle&ions, and bent it to- wards this great Houfe ; and it was a Part of her natural Propenfion to grace and fupport ancient Nobility, where it did not intrench, neither invade her Intereft ; from fuch Trefpafles, (he was quick, and tender, and would not fpare any whatfocver, as we may obferve in the Cafe of the Duke, and my Lord of Hertford^ whom Ihe much favoured, and countenanced, till they attempted the forbidden Fruit, the Fault of the laft being, in the fevereft Interpretation, but a Trefpafs of Incroachmem ; but in the firft it was taken as a Riot againft the Crown, and her own fovereign Power ; and as I have ever thought the Caufe of her Averfion, againft the reft of that Houfe, and the Duke's great Fa- ther-in-law, Fitz- Allen) Earl of Arundel^ aPer- fon in the firft Rank of her Affe&ions, before thefe, and fome other Jealo'ufies, made a Se- paration between them. This noble Lord, and Lord Thomas Howard* fince Earl of Suffflkj ftanding alone in her Grace, and the reft in her Umbrage. PACKINGTON. SI R John Packington was a Gentleman of no mean Family, and of Form and Feature no Ways difabled, for he was a brave Gentleman, and a very fine Courtier, and for the Time which he ftayed there, which was not lafting, very high in her Grace j but he came in, arrd went out, through Difaffiduity, drew the Curtain between himfelf, and the Light of her Grace, and then Death overwhelmed the Remnant, and utterly deprived him of Recovery; and they fay of him, that, had he brought lefs to her Court, than he did, he might have carried away more than he brought, for he had a Time on it, but was an ill Hufband of Opportunity. HUNSDOWN. MY Lord of Hunfdown was of the Queen's neareft Kindred, and, on the Deceafe of SuJJeX) both he and his Son fucceffively took the Place of Lord Chamberlain j he was a Man faft to his Prince, and firm to his Friends and Servants ; and though he might fpeak big, and therein would be borne out, yet was he the more dreadful, but lefs harmful, and far from the Practice of the Lord of Leicester's Inftruftions, for he was downright j and 1 have heard thofe that both knew him well, and had Intereft in him, fay merrily of him, that his Latin and Diflimuiation were alike ; and that his Cuftom of Swearing and Obfcenity, in Speaking, made him feem a worfe Chriftian than he was, and a better Knight of her Carpet than he could be. As he lived in a roughling Time, fo he loved Sword and Buckler-men, and fuch as our Fa- thers were wont to call Men of their Hands ; of which Sort he had many brave Gentlemen that followed him, yet not taken for a popular and dangerous Perfon : And this is one that flood among the Togati, of an honeft, ftout Heart, and fuch a one, that, upon Occafion, would have fought for his Prince and Country, fo" he had the Charge of the Queen's Perfon, both in the Court and in the Camp at Tilbury. RAW- 88 FRAGMENTA REGALIA,&c. RAWLEIGH. SI R Walter Raleigh was one that, it Teems, Fortune had picked out of Purpofe, of whom to make an Example, and to ufe as her Tennis-Ball, thereby to fhew what fhe could do, for fhe tofled him up of nothing, and to and fro to Greatnefs, and from thence down to little more than to that wherein fhe found him, a bare Gentleman ; and not that he was lefs, for he was well defcended, and of good Al- liance, but poor in his Beginnings: And for my Lord Oxfords Jefts of him for the Jacks and Upftarts, we all know it favoured more of Emu- lation, and his Honour, than of Truth; and it is a certain Note of the Times, that the Queen, in her Choice, never took in her Favour a mere viewed Man, or a Mechanick, as Comities ob- ferves of Lewis XI. who did ferve himfelf with Perfons of unknown Parents, fuch as were Oil" ver the Barber, whom he created Earl of Du~ uoyes, and made him ex fecretis confiliis, and alone in his Favour and Familiarity. His Approaches to the University and Inns of Court were the Grounds of his Improvement, but they were rather Extrufions than Sieges, or Settings down, for he ftaid not long in a Place j and, being the youngeft Brother, and the Houfe diminifhed in his Patrimony, he forefaw his Deftiny, that he was firft to roll through Want and Difability, to fubfift otherwife, before he came to a Repofe, and as the Stone doth by long lying gather Mofs. He was the firft that ex- pofed himfelf in the Land-fervice of Ireland, a Militia, which did not then yield him Food and Raiment, for it was ever very poor ; nor dared he to flay long there, though fhortly after he came thither again, under the Command of the Lord Grey, but with his own Colours flying in the Field, having, in the Interim, caft a mere Chance, both in the Low~Coitntries+ and in the Voyage to Sea ; and, if ever Man drew Virtue out of Neceffity, it was he, and therewith was he the great Example of Induftry; and though he might then have taken that of the Merchant to himfelf,. Per mare, per terras, currit meraator ad Indos, He might alfo have faid, and truly, with the JPhilofopher, Omnia mea mecum porto, for it was a long Time before he could brag of more than &e carried at his Back j and when he got. on the winning Side, it was his Commendation, that he took Pains for it, and underwent many va- rious Adventures for his After-perfection, and before he came" into the publick Note of the World ; and thence may appear how he came up per ardua j Per varies cafus, per tot difcrimina rimm* Not pulled up by Chance, nor by any great Ad- mittance ; I will only defcribe his natural Parts, and thefe of his own acquiring. He had, in the outward Man, a good Pre- fence, in a handfome and well- compacted Perfon ; a ftrong natural Wit, and a better Judgment, with a bold and plaufible Tongue, whereby he could fet out his Parts to the beft Advantage ; and thefe he had by the Adjuncts of fome general Learning, which by Diligence he enforced to a great Augmentation and Per- fection, for he was an indefatigable Reader,, by Sea and Land, and one of the beft Ob- fervers, both of Men and of the Times ; and I am fomewhat confident, that, among the fe- cond Caufes of his Growth, there was Variance between him and my Lord General Grey, in his fecond Defcent into Ireland, which drew them both over to the Council-table, there to plead their own Caufes ; where what Advan- tage he had in the Cafe in Controverfy, I know not, but he had much the better in the Manner of telling his Tale, infomuch as the Queen and the Lords took no flight Mark of the Man, and his Parts ; for from thence he came to be known, and to have Accefs to the Lords ; and then we are not to doubt how fuch a Man would com- >ly to Progreffion ; and whether or no, my >rd of Leicefter had then caft a good Word for him to the Qpeen, which would have done him no Harm, I do not determine ; but true it is, he had gotten the Queen's Ear in a Trice , and fhe began to be taken with his Election ,, and loved to hear his Reafons to her Demands : And, the Truth is, fhe took him for a Kind of Oracle, which nettled them all ; yea thofe, that he relied on, began to take this his fudden Fa- vour for an Alarm, and to be fenfible of their own Supplantation, and to project his, which made him fhortly after fing > Fortune, my Fof, why doft tbou.frown ? ply Lor P R AG M E NT A REGALIA, &c. So thar, finding his Favour declining, and fall- ing into a Recefs, he undertook a new Peregri- nation, to leave that Terra infrma *, of the Court, for that of the Waves, and by declining himfelf, and by Abfence, to expel his, and the Paffion of his Enemies ; which, in Court was a ftrange Device of Recovery, but that he then knew there was fome ill Office done him ; yet he durft not attempt to mend it, otherwife than by going afide thereby, to teach Envy a new Way of Forgetfulnefs, and not fo much as think of him. Howfoever, he had it always in Mind, never to forget himfelf; and his Device took fo well, that in his Return he came in as Rams do, by going backward with the greater * Inftability. _ f James the Fir/}. J and feized upon his Eftate. Strength, and fo continued, to the Ia(f , great i n her Favour, and Captain of her Guard : Wher e I muft leave him, but with this Obfervation, though he gained much at the Court, he took it not out of the Exchequer, or merely out of the Queen's Purfe, but by his Wit, and by the Help of the Prerogative ; for the Queen was ne- ver profufe in delivering out of her Treafure, but paid moft and many of her Servants, Part in Money, and the reft with Grace ; which, as the Cafe flood, was then taken for good Pay- ment, leaving the Arrears ofRecompence due for their Merit, to her great Succeffor f, who paid them all with Advantage . He, difhonourably, cut off this good Servant's Head, G R E V I L L E. SIR Foulke Greville, fmce Lord Brooke, had no mean Place in her Favour, neither did he hold it for any fhort Time or Term ; for, if I be not deceived, he 'had the longeft Leafe, the fmootheft Time, without Rubs of any of her Favourites ; he came to the Court in his Youth and Prime, as that is the Time, or never j he was a brave Gentleman, and hope- fully defcended from Willoughby, Lord Brooke, and Admiral to Henry the Seventh ; neither illi- terate, for he was, as he would often profefs, a Friend to Sir Philip Sidney, and there are now extant fome Fragments of his Pen, and of the Times, which do intereft him in the Mufes, and which fhew in him the Queen's Ele&ion had ever a noble Conduct, and it motions more of Virtue and Judgment, than of Fancy. I find, that he neither fought for, nor ob- tained any great Place, or Preferment in Court, during all his Time of Attendance ; neither did he need it, for he came thither backed with a plentiful Fortune, which, as himfelf was wont to fay, was then better held together by a fingle < Life, wherein he lived, and died a conftant ] Courtier of the Ladies. ESSEX. MY Lord of E/ex, as Sir Henry Walton notes him, a Gentleman of great Parts, and partly of his Times, and Retinue, had his Introduction by my Lord of Leicefter, who had married his Mother ; a Tie of Affinity, which, befides a more urgent Obligation, might have invited his Care to advance him, his For- tunes being then, through his Father's Infelici- ty, grown low ; but that the Son of a Lord Fer- rers tf Charily, Vifcount Hertford^ and Earl of Effex, who was of the antient Nobility, and formerly in the Queen's good Grace, could not have Room in her Favour, without the Afliftance of Lcicejler, was beyond the Rule of her Na- ture, which as I have elfewhere taken into Ob- fervation, was ever inclineable to favour the No- VOL. II. bility : Sure it is, that he no fooner appeared in Court, but he took with the Queen and the Courtiers ; and, I believe, they all could not chufe but look through the Sacrifice of the Fa- ther on his living Son, whofe Image by the Remembrance of former PafTages, was a frefh Leek, the Bleeding of Men murdered, repre- fented to the Court, and offered up as a Subje& of Compaflion to all the Kingdom. There was in this young Lord, together with a goodly Perfon, a Kind of Urbanity and in- nate Courtefy, which both, won the Queen, and too much took up the People to gaze on the new adopted Son of her Favour ; and as I go a- long, it will not be amifs to take into Obferva- tion two notable Quotations j the Firjt was a M violent 90 FRAGMENTA violent Indulgence of the Queen (which is in- cident to old Age, where it encounters with a pleafing and futtable Object) towards this great Lord, which argued a Non-perpetuity ; the Second was a Faulc in the Object of her Grace, my Lord himfelf, who drew in too faft like a Child fuck- ing on an over uberous Nurfe, and had there been a more decent Decorum obferved in both, or either of thefe, without Doubt, the Unity of their Affections had been more permanent, and not fo in, and out, as they were, like an Inftrumgnt well tuned, and lapfing to Difcord. The greater Error of the two, though unwil- ling, I am conftrained to impofe on my Lord of EJJex, and rather on his Youth, and none of the leaft of the Blame on thofe that ftood Sentinels about him, who might have advifed better, but that like Men, intoxicated with Hopes, they likewife had fucked in with the moft of their Lord's Receipts, and fo, like Ca- fars, would have all or none ; a Rule quite con- trary to Nature, and the moft indulgent Pa- rents, who, tho' they may exprefs more Af- fe&ion to one in the Abundance ot Bequeaths, yet cannot forget fome Legacies, and Diftribu- tives, and Dividends to others of their Begetting ; and how hurtful Partality rs, and proves, eve- ry Day's Experience tells us, out of which com- mon Confideration, they might have framed to their Hands a Maxim of more Difcretion, for the Conduct and Management of their new graved Lord and Mafter. But to omrt that of Infufion, and to do Right to Truth, my Lord of EJJex, even of thofe that truly loved and honoured him, was noted for too bold an Ingrofier, both of Fame, and Fa- vour j and of this without Offence to the Living, or treading on the facred Grave of the Dead, I fhall prefent the Truth of a Paffage, yet in Memory. My Lord of Mountjoy, who was another Child of her Favour, being newly come, and then but Sir Charles Blount (for my Lord Wil- liam, his elder Brother, was then living,) had the good Fortune to run one Day well at Tilt, and the Queen was therewith fo well pleafed, that fhe fent him, in Token of her Favour, a Queen at Chefs in Gold, richly enamelled, which his Servants had, the next Day, fattened unto his Arm, with a crimfon Ribband; which my Lord of EJJex, as he patted through the Privy Chamber, cfpying with his Cloak caft under his Arm, the better to command it to the View, enquired what it was, and for what Caufe there fixed ; Sir Foulke Greville told him, it was the Queen'* Favour, which the Day before, and next after the Tilting, {he had fent him ; whereat my Lord of Ejftx, in a Kind of Emulation, and as though he would have limited her Favour, faid, Now I perceive, every Fool muft have a Fa- vour. This bitter and publick Affront came to Sir Charles Blount's Ear, at which he fent him a Challenge ; which was accepted by my Lord, and they met near Marybone Park, where my Lord was hurt in the Thigh, and difarmed ; the Queen, miffing of the Men, was very curious to learn the Truth, but at laft it was whifpered out ; fhe fware by God's Death, it was fit, that fome one or other Ihould take him down, and teach him better Manners, otherwife there would be no Rule with him ; and here I note the Immi- nution of my Lord's Friendlhip with Mountjoy, which the Queen herfelf did then conjure. Now for his Fame we need not go far, for my Lord of EJ/ex, having borne a Grudge to Ge- neral Norris, who had unwittingly offered to undertake the Action of Britanny, with fewer Men than my Lord had before demanded ; on his Return with Victory, and a glorious Report of his Valour, he was then thought the only Man for the Irijh Wars ; wherein my Lord of EJJex fo wrought, by defpifing the Number and Quality of the Rebels, that Norris was fent over with a fcanty Force, joined with the Relicks of the veteran Troops of Britain, of fet Purpofe, and as it fell out, to ruin Norris ; and the Lord Burrows, by my Lord's Procurement, fent at his Heels, and to command in Chief, and to conveigh Norris only to his Government at Munfter ; which aggravated the great Heart of the General, to fee himfelf undervalued and undermined, by my Lord and Burrows, which was, as the Proverb fpeaks, juvenes docerefenes. Now my Lord Burrows in the Beginning of his Profecution died, whereupon the Queen was fully bent to fend over my Lord Mountjoy ; which my Lord of EJJex utterly mifliked, and oppofed with many Reafons, and by Argu- ments of Contempt towards Mountjoy (his then profefled Friend, and Familiar) fo predominant was his Defire to reap the whole Honour of clofing up that War, and all others ; now the Way being paved, and opened, by his own Workmanfhip, and fo handled, that none durft appear to ftand in the Place : at laft, and with much ado, he obtained his own Ends, and there- with his fatal Deftru&ion, leaving the Queen and the Court, where he ftood impregnable, and firm. FRAGMENTA firm in her Grace, to Men that long had fought and waited their Times to give him a Trip, and could never find any Opportunity, but this of his Abfence, and of his own Creation j and thofe are true Obfervations of his Appetite and Inclinations, which were not of any true Pro- portion, but hurried, and tranfported, with an Over defire, and Thirftinefs after Fame, and that deceitful Fame of Popularity; and, to help on his Cataftrophe, I obferve likewife two Sorts of People, that had a Hand in his Fall ; The Firft was the Soldiery, which all flock unto him, as it were foretelling a Mortality, and are common- ly of blunt and too rough Counfels, and many Times diflbnant from the Time of the Court and State ; the other Sort were of his Family, his Servants and his own Creatures, fuch as were bound by Safety, and Obligations of Fide- lity, to have looked better to the Steering of that Boat, wherein they themfelves were car- ried, and not to have fuffered it to fleet, and run on Ground, with thofe empty Sails of Tu- mor of Popularity and Applaufe ; methinks one honeft Man or other, who had but the Brufh- ing of -his Cloaths, might have whifpered in his Ear, My Lord, look to it, this Multitude, that follows you, will either devour you, or undo you , do not ftrive to over-rule all, for REGALIA, &c. 91 it will coft hot Water, and it will procure Envy , and if needs your Genius muft have it fo, let the Court and the Queen's Prefence be your Station, for your Abfence muft undo you. But, as I have faid, they had fucked too much of their Lord's Milk, and inftead of withdrawing they drew * the Coals of his Ambition, and infufed into him too much of the Spirit of Glory, yea, and mixed the Goodntfs of his Nature, with a Touch of Revenge, which is evermore accom- panied with a Deftiny of the fame Fate. Of this Number; there were fome of infufferable Na- tures about him, that towards his laft gave defperate Advice, fuch as his Integrity abhorred, and his Fidelity forbad, amongft whom Sir Hen- ry Walton^ notes, without Injury, his Secretary Cuffey as, a vile Man, and of a perverfe Nature: I could alfo name others, that when he was in the right Courfe of Recovery, fettling to Mode- ration, would not fuffer a Recefs in him, but ftirred up the Dregs of thofe rude Humours, which, by Times and his AfFe&ions out of his own Judgment, he thought to repofe, and give them a Vomit. And thus I conclude this noble Lord, at as Mixture between Profperity and Adverfity, once a Child of his great Mif- trefs's Favour, but a Son QlBellona. * al. blew. BUCKHURST. MY Lord of Buckburft was of the noble Houfe of SaikvilleS) and of the Queen's Confanguinity, or as the People then called him Fill-facks^ by reafon of his great Wealth, and the vaft Patrimony left to his Son, whereof in his Youth he fpent the beft Part, un- til the Queen, by her frequent Admonitions, di- verted the Torrent of his Profufion ; he was a very fine Gentleman, of Perfon and Endow- ments, both of Art and Nature, but without Meafure magnificent, till on the Turn of his Honour, and the Alloy, that his yearly good Counfel had wrought upon thofe immoderate Courfes of his Youth, and that Height of Spirit inherent to his Houfe ; and then did the Queen, as a moft judicious, indulgent Prince, who when me faw the Man grown fettled and ftaid, gave him an Afliftance, and advanced him to the Treafurerlhip, where he made Amends to his Houfe, for his mif-fpent Time, both in the 'Increafement of his Eftate and Honour, which the Queen conferred upon him, together with the Opportunity to remake himfelf, ad there- by to mew that this was a Child, that mould have a Share in her Grace. They much commend his Elocution, but more the Excellency of his Pen, for he was a Scholar, and a Perfon of a quick Difpatch, Fa- culties that yet run in the Blood ; and they fay of him, that his Secretaries did little for him, by the Way of Indictment, wherein they could feldom pleafe him, he was fo facete and choice in his Phrafes, and Stile ; and for his Difpatches, and for the Content he gave to Suitors, he had a Decorum feldom put in Pra&ice, for he had of his Attendance that took into a Roll the Names of all Suitors, with the Date of their firft Addreflfes ; fo that a frelh Man could not M 3 leap 92 FRAGMENTA leap over his Head, that was of a more ancient Edition, excepting the urgent Affairs of the State. I find not, that he was any Way infnared in the Factions of the Court, which were all his Times ftrong, and in every Man's Note, the Howards and the Cecilh of the one Part, and my Lord of EJfix, sV. on the other, for he held the Staff of the Treafury faft in his Hand, which made them, once in a Year, to be beholden to him ; and the Truth is, as he was a wife Man, and a flout, he had no Reafon to be a Partaker, for he flood fure in Blood and in Grace, and was wholly intentive to fhe Queen's Service ; and fuch were his Abilities, that fhe might have more cunning Inftrument?, but none of a more ftrong Judgment, and Confidence in his Ways, which are Symptoms of Magnanimity, where- unto methinks this Motto hath fome Kind of Reference, Aut nunquam tentes, aut per fee. As though he would have charactered, in a Word, the Genius of his Houfe, or exprefs fomewhat of a higher Inclination, than lay within his Com- pafs ; that he was a Courtier is apparent, for he flood always in her Eye, and in her Favour. MOUNTJOY. MY Lord Mount joy was of the antient Nobility, but utterly decayed in the Support thereof, Patrimony, through his Grandfather's Excefs, his Father's Vanity in Search of the Pbilsfophen-Stone^ and his Brother's untimely Prodigality ; all which feemed, by a joint Confpiracy, to ruinate the Houfe, and alto- gether to annihilate it ; as he came from Oxford^ he took the inner Temple in the Way to Court, whither he no fooner came, but he had a pretty Kind of Admiflion, which I have heard from a difcreet Man of his own, and much more of the Secrets of thofe Times ; he was then much about twenty Years of Age, brown-haired, of a fweet Face, and of a moft neat Compofure, tall in his Perfon ; the Queen was then at White' hall, and at Dinner, whither he came to fee the Fafhion of the Court, and the Queen had foon found him out, and, with a Kind of an af- fected Favour, alked her Carver who he was ; he anfwered he knew him not, infomuch that an Enquiry was made, one from another, who he might be, till at length it was told the Queen, he was Brother to the Lord William Mount joy. Thus Enquiry, with the Eye of her Majefty fix- ed upon him, as fhe was wont to do, and to daunt Men fhe knew not, flirred the Blood of the young Gentleman, infomuch that his Colour went and came ; which the Queen obferving, called unto him, and gave him her Hand to kifs, encouraging him with gracious Words, and new Looks, and fo diverting her Speech to the Lords, and Ladies, me fai'd, that fhe no fooner obferved him, but fhe knew there was in him fome noble Blood, with fome other Expreflions of Pity towards his Houfe ; and then, again de- manding his Name, fhe faid. Fail you not to come to the Court, and I will bethink myfelf, how to do you Good j and this was his Inlet, and the Beginning of his Grace ; where it falls into Confideration, that, though he wanted not Wit nor Courage, for he had very fine Attractives, as being a good Piece of a Scholar, yet were thofe accompanied with the Retractivesof Bafhfulnefs, and natural Modefty, which, as the Wave of the Houfe of his Fortune then flood, might have hindered his Progreffion, had they not been re- inforced by the Infufion of Sovereign Favour, and the Queen's gracious Invitation j and that it may appear how he was, and how much that Heretick, Neceflity, will work in the Directi- ons of good Spirits, I can deliver it with Af- furance, that his Exhibition was very fcanty, un- til! his Brother died, which was fhortly after his Admiflion to the Court ; and then was it no more but a thoufand Marks per Annum> where- with he lived plentifully, and in a fine Garb, and without any great Suflentation of the Queen, during all her Times. And, as there was in Nature a Kind of Back- wardnefs, which did not befriend him, nor fuit with the Motion of the Court, fo there was in him an Inclination to Arms, with an Humour of Travelling, and Gadding Abroad, which had not fome wife Men about him laboured to re- move, and the Queen laid in her Command, he would, out of his own native Propenfion, maired his own Market ; for, as he was grown by Reading, whereunto he was much addicted, to the Theory of a Soldier, fo was he ftrongly invited, by his Genius, to the Acquaintance of the Practice of the War, which were the Caufes of his Excurfions, for he bad a Company in the Low-Countries, from whom he came over with a noble fRAGMENTA REGALIA,^. noble Acceptance of the Queen ; but, fomewhat reftlefs in honourable Thoughts, he expofed himfelf again, and again, and would prefs the Queen with Pretences of Vifiting his Company Co often, till at length he had a flat Denial j yet he {truck over with Sir John Norn's into the Action of Br'itanny^ which was then a hot and active War, whom ho would always call his Father, honouring him above all Men, and ever bewailing his End ; fo contrary he was in his Efteem, and Valuation of this great Com- mander, to that of his Friend, my Lord of Ef- fex ; till at laft the Queen began to take his Di- greflions for Contempt, and confined his Refi- dence to the Court *, and her own Prefence ; and, upon my Lord of EJ/ex's Fall, fo confi- dent fhe was of her own Princely Judgment, and the Opinion (he had conceived of his Worth and Conduct, that fhe would have this 93 noble Gentleman, and none other, to bring in the Irijh Wars to a propitious End j for it was a prophetical Speech of her own, That it would be his Fortune and his Honour, to cut the Thread of that fatal Rebellion, and to bring her in Peace to the Grave ; wherein fhe was not deceived : For he atchieved it, but with much Pains and Carefulnefs, and not without the Forces and many Jealoufies of the Court and Times, wherewith the Queen's Age and the Malignity of her fettling Times were replete. And fo I come to his dear Friend in Court, Secretary Cecill, whom, in his long Abfence, he adored as his Saint, and counted him his only Mecenat) both before, and after his Departure from Court, and during all the Time of his Command in Ireland j well knowing, that it lay in his Power, and by a Word of his Mouth, to make or mar him. * As related before, in the Account of Secretary William Cecill. ROBERT CECILL. SI R Robert Cecill, fmce Earl of Salijbury was the Son of the Lord Burleigb, and, by Degrees, Succeflbr of his Places and Favours, though not of his Lands j for he had Sir Tho- mas Cecill his elder Brother, fmce created Earl of Exeter ; he was firft Secretary of State, then Matter of the Court of Wards, and, in the laft of her Reign, came to be Lord Treafurer : All which were the Steps of his Father's Greatnefs, and of the Honour he left to his Houfe. For his Perfon, he was not much be- holden to Nature, though fomewhat for his Face, which was the beft Part of his Outfide : For his Infide, it may be faid, and without Offence, that he was his Father's own Son, and a pregnant Precedent in all his Difcipline of State; He was a Courtier from his Cradle, which might have made him betimes ; but he was at the Age of Twenty, and upwards, and was far fhort of his After-proof, but expofed, and by Change of Climate, he foon made Shew, what he was, and would be. He lived in thofe Times, wherein the Queen had moft Need and Ufe of Men of Weight ; and, amongft many able ones, this was Chief, as having taken his Sufficiency from his Inflruc- tion, who begat him the Tutorfhip of the Times and' Court, which were then Academies of Art and Cunning. For fuch was the Queen's Condition, from the Tenth, or Twelfth of her Reign, that (he had the Happinefs to ftand up, whereof there is a former Intimation, in- vironed with many and more Enemies, and af- faulted with more dangerous Practices, than any Prince of her Times, and of many Ages before : Where we muft not, in this her Pre- fervation, attribute it to human Power, for that, in his own omnipotent Providence, God or- dained thcfe fecondary Means, as Inftruments of the Work, by an evident Manifeftation of the fame Work, which fhe acted j and it was a well pie afing Work of his own, out of a pe- culiar Care he had decreed the Protection of the Work-miftrefs, and, thereunto, added his abundant Bleffing upon all and whatfoever fhe undertook : W T hich is an Obfervation of Satif- faction, to myfelf, that fhe was in the Right ; though to others, now breathing under the fame Form and Frame of her Government, it may not feem an Animadverfion of their Worth : But I leave them to the Peril of their own Folly, and fo come again to this great Mi- nifter of State and the Staff of the Queen's de- clining Age ; who, though his little, crooked Perfon could not promife any great Supporta- tion, yet it carried thereon a Head, and a Head-piece of a vaft Content ; and therein, it feems, Nature was fo diligent to compleat one and the belt Part about him, as the Per- fection of his Memory and Intellectuals : She took Care alfo of his Senfes, and to put him in lynctos ofuhs t or, to pleafure him the more, borrovr- M E N TA REGALIA, &c. borrowed of Argos, fo to give unto him a pro- fpe&ive Sight ; and, for the reft of his fenfitive Vertues, his Predeceflbr, Walfmgbam, had left him a Receipt to fmell out what was done in the Conclave. And his good old Father was fo well feen in Mathematicks, that he could tell you, through- out Spain, every Part, every Port, every Ship, with its Burden ; whither bound, what Prepa- rations, what Impediments for Diverfion of Enterprifes, Counfel, and Refolution ; and, that we may fee, as in a little Map, how do- cible this little Man was, I will prefent a Tafte of his Abilities. My Lord of Devonjhire, upon Certainty that the Spaniards would invade Ireland with a ftrong Army, had written very earneftly to the Queen, and to the Council, for fuch Supplies to be timely fent over, that might enable him both to march up to the Spaniard, if he did land, and follow on his Profecution without -diverting his Intentions againft the Rebels. Sir Robert Cecil/, befides the general Difpatch of the Council (as he often did) writ thus in private, for thefe two then began to love dearly : * My Lord, out of the Abundance of my Affection, and the Care I have of your Well- doing, I muft in private put you out of Doubt, or Fear, for I know you cannot be fenfible, otherwife than in the Way of Honour, that the Spaniards will not come unto you this Year ; for I have it from my own, what his Preparations are in all his Parts, and what he can do , for, be confident, he beareth up a Reputation, by feeming to embrace more than he can gripe j but, the next Year, be aflured, he will caft over to you fome for- lorn Troops, which, how they may be re- inforced beyond his prefent Ability, and his firft Intention, I cannot, as yet, make any certain Judgment ; but I believe, out of my Intelligence, that you may expect the Land- ing in Munfar, and, the more to diftrat you, in feveral Places, as, at Kinfale, Beer- haven, and Baltimore ; where, you may be fure, coming from Sea, they will firft fortify, and learn the Strength of the Rebels, before they dare take the Field. Howfoever, as I know you will not leflen your Care, neither your Defences, whatfoever lies in my Power to do you and the Publick Service, reft therefore afTured.' And to this I could add much more, but it may (as it is) fufHce to prefent much of his Abilities in the Pen, that he was his Craftf- mafter in foreign Intelligence, and for domeftick Affairs. As he was one of thofe that fat at the Helm to the laft of the Queen, fo was he none of the leaft in Skill, and in the true Ufe of the Compafs ; and fo I fhall only vindicate the Scandal of his Death, and conclude him j for he departed at St. Margaret's, near Marl- borough^ at his Return from Bath, as my Lord Vice-chamberlain, my Lord Clifford, and my- felf his Son, and Son-in-Law, and many more can wltnefs : But that, the Day before, he fwooned on the Way, and was taken out of his Litter, and laid into his Coach, was a Truth, out of which that Falfhood, concerning the Manner of his Death, had its Derivation, though nothing to the Purpofe, or to the Pre- judice of his Worth. V E R E. SIR Francis ^r*was of that ancient, and of the moft noble Extract of the Earls of Ox- ford; and it may be a Queftion whether the No- bility of his Houfe, or the Honour of his At- chievements, might moft commend him, but that we have an authentick Rule. Nam genus fcf proavos fcf qua nos nonfecimus ipft, Vix ea noJJra voco. For, though he was an honourable Slip of that ancient Tree of Nobility, which was no Dif- advantage to his Virtue, yt he brought more Glory to the Name of Vere, than lie tooJc of Blood from the Family. He was, amongft all the Queen's Swordfmen; inferior to none, but fuperior to many ; of whom it may be faid, To fpeak much of him were the Way to leave out fomewhat that might add to his Praife, and to forget more than would make to his Honour. I find not that he came much to the Court, for he. lived almoft perpetually in the Camp; but, when he died, no Man had more of the Queen's Favour, and none lefs envied, for he feldom troubled it with the Noife and Alarms of FRAG MEN7A of Supplications ; his Way was another Sort of Undermining. They report that the Queen, as {he loved Martial Men, would court this Gentleman, as foon as he appeared in her Prefence ; and furely he was a Soldier of great Worth and Com- Horatio. REGAL I A, &c. 95 mand, thirty Years in the Service of the States, and twenty Years over the Englifl) in Chief, as the Queen's General : And he, that had feeu the Battle of Newport, might there ,beft have taken him and his noble Brother *, the Lord of Tilbury, to the Life. - WORCESTER. MY Lord of IVorceJler I have here put laft, but not leaft in the Queen's Fa- vour ; he was of the ancient and noble Blood of the Beaufort*, and of her * Grand- father's Kin, by the Mother, which the Queen could never forget, efpecially where there was an Incurrence of old Blood, with Fidelity, a Mixture whichever forted with the Queen's Na- ture ; and tho' there might hap fomewhat in this Houfe, which might invert her Grace, though not to fpeak of my Lord himfelf, but in due Reverence and Honour, I mean Contrariety or Sufpicion in Religion ; yet the Queen ever re- fpedted his Houfe, and principally his noble Blood, whom fhe firft made M after of her Horfe, and then admitted him of her Council of State. In his Youth, Part whereof he fpent before he came to refide at Court, he was a very fine Gentleman, and the beft Horfeman and Tilter of the Times, which were then the manlike and noble Recreations of the Court, and fuch as took up the Applaufe of Men, as well as the Praife and Commendation of Ladies ; and when Years had abated thofe Exercifes of Honour, he grew then to be a faithful and profound Coun- fellor ; and as I have placed him laft, fo was he the laft Liver of all her Servants of her Fa- vour, and had the Honour to fee his renowned Miftrefs, and all of them, laid in the Places of their Refts ; and for himfelf, after a Life of very noble and remarkable Reputation, and in a peaceable old Age, a Fate that I make the laft, and none of my flighteft Obfervations, which befel not many of the reft, for they expired like unto a Light blown out with the Snuff (linking, not commendably extinguifhed, and with an Offence to the Standers-by. And thus I have delivered up my poor Eflay > or little Draught of this great Princefs and her Times* with the Servants of her State and Favour : I cannot fay I have finifhed it, for I know how defective and imperfect it is, as limbed only in the original Nature, not without the active Bleffings, and fo left it as aTafk fitter for re- moter Times, and the Sallies of fome bolder Pencil to correct that which is amifs, and draw the reft up to Life, than for me to have endea- voured it. I took it in Confideration, how I might have dafhed into it much of the Stain of Pollution, and thereby have defaced that little which is done ; for I profefs I have taken Care to mafter my Pen, that I might not err anlmo f, or of fet Purpofe difcolour each or any of the Parts thereof, otherwife than in Concealment : Haply there are fome who will not approve of this Modefty, but will cenfurs it for Pufillanimity, and with the cunning Artift attempt to draw their Line further out at Length, and upon this of mine, which Way (with fomewhat more Eafe) it may be effected j for that the Frame is ready made to their Hands, and then haply I could draw one in the midft of theirs, but that Modefty in me forbids the Defacements in Men departed, their Pofterity yet remaining, enjoying the Merit of their Vir- tues, and do ftill live in their Honour. And I had rather incur theCenfure of Abruption, than to be confcious and taken in the Manner, fin- ning by Eruption, or trampling on the Graves of Perfons at Reft, which living we durft not look in the Face, nor make our Addrefles unto them, otherwife than with due Regard to theis Honours, and Reverence to their f Willingly. The (96) The Nicker Nicked : The Third Edition. Or, the Cheats of Gaming difcovered. Felix quern faclunt alkna pericula cautum. Licenfed November 4, 1668. Printed in the Year 1669. containing nine Pages. v L E AT H E RMO R E's Advice concerning GAMING. GAMING is an inchanting Witche- ry *, begot betwixt Idlenefs and Avarice ; which has this ill Pro- perty above all other Vices, that it renders a Man incapable of pro- fecuting any ferious Action, and makes him unfatisfied with his own Condition ; he is either lifted up to the Top of mad Joy with Succefs, or plunged to the Bottom of Defpair by Mis- fortune ; always in Extreams, always in a Storm. Hannibal faid of Marcellus, that Nee bonam, nee malam ferre poteft, i. e. He could be quiet neither Conqueror nor Conquered. Thus (fuch is the Itch of Play) Gamefters neither winning,, nor lofing, can reft fatisfied ; if they win, they think to win more 5 if they lofe, they hope ^to recover. One propounded this Queftion, Whether Men, in Ships at Sea, were to be accounted a- mongft the Living or the Dead, becaufe there were but few Inches betwixt them and Drown- ing ? The fame Query may be made of great Gamefters, though their Eftates be never fo confiderable, Whether they are to be efteemed poor or rich, fmce there are but a few Cafts at Dice, betwixt a Perfon of Fortune (in that Circumftance) and a Beggar ? But Speculation in this Particular will not be convincing, unlefs we fhew fomewhat of the modern Practice ; we muft therefore lay our Scene at the Ordinary, and proceed to our dftion. Betwixt Twelve and One of the Clock, a good Dinner is prepared by Way of Ordinary, and fome Gentlemen of Civility and Con,- dition oftentimes eat there, and play a While for Recreation after Dinner, both moderately, and moft commonly without deferving Reproof. Towards Night, when ravenous Beafts u- fually feek their Prey, there come in Shoals of Hetlors, Trepanners, Gilts, Pads, Biters t Prigs, Divers, Lifters, Kidnappers, Vouchers, Mill- kens, Pyemen, Decoys, Shop-lifters, Foilers, Bulkers, Droppers, Gamblers, Donmakers, Croff- biters, &c. under the general Appellation of Rooks ; and in this Particular it ferves as a Nur- fery for Tyburn, for every Year fome of this Gang march thither ! One Millard was hanged in April 1664, for Burglary j and others fmce. When a young Gentleman or Apprentice comes into this School of Virtue, unfkilled in the Quibbles and Devices there praclifed, they call him a Lamb ; then a Rook (who is properly the Wolf) follows him clofe, and engages him in ad- vantageous Bets, and at length worries him, that is, gets all his Money, and then they fmile and fay, 77;* Lamb is bitten. Of thefe Rooks fome will be very importunate to borrow Money of you, without any Intention of repaying, or to 20 with you feven to twelve, half a Crown, and take it ill if they are re- fufed ; others watch, if, when you are ferious at Game, your Sword hang loofe behind, and lift that away ; others will not fcruple, if they efpy an Opportunity, directly to pick your Pocket ; yet, if all fail, fome will nim off" the Gold But- tons of your Cloke, or fteal the Cloke itfelf, if it See a Letter from a Minifter to his Friend, concerning the Game of Cbefs, p. 469. Vol. I. 'The Nicker It lie loofe ; others will throw at a Sum of Money with a dry Ft/}, as they call it, that is, if they nick you, it is theirs ; if they lofe, they owe you fo much, with many other Quillets ; or, if you chance to nick them, it is Odds they wait your coming out at Night, and beat you, as one Cock was ferved in June, 1664. Blafpheming, Drunkennefs, and Swearing are here fo familiar, that Civility is by the Rule of Contrarieties accounted a Vice. I do not mean Swearing, when there isOccafion toatteft a Truth, but upon no Occafion ; as, God damn me, how dojl ? What a Clock is it, by God?' &c. Then, before two Hours are at an End, fome one who has been heated with Wine, or made cho- lerick with Lofs of his Money, raifes a Quarrel, Swords are drawn, and perhaps the Boxes and Candlefticks thrown at one another ; and all the Houfe in a Garboil, forming a perfect Type of Hell. Would you imagine it to be true ? That a grave Gentleman, well ftricken in Years, infomuch as he cannot fee the Pips of the Dice, is fo in- fatuated with this Witchery, as to play here with others Eyes, of whom this Quibble was raifed, That Mr. fuch a one plays at Dice by the Ear. Another Gentleman, ftark blind, I have feen play at Hazard, and fure that muft be by the Ear too. Late at Night, when the Company grows thin, and your Eyes dim with Watching, falfe Dice are often put upon the Ignorant, or they are otherwife cofcned with Topping, or Slurring, &c. And, if you be not vigilant, the Box- keeper fhall fcore you up double or treble Boxes, and, though you have loft your Money, dun you as feverely for it, as if it were the jufteft Debt in the World. There are yet fome gent'eeler and more fubtle Rooks, whom you fhall not diftinguifh by their outward Demeanor from Perfons of Condition ; and who will fit by, a whole Evening, and ob- ferve who wins ; and then, if the Winner be bubbleable, they will infmuate themfelves into his Acquaintance, and civilly invite him to drink a Glafs of Wine ; wheedle him into Play, and win all his Money, either by falfe Dice, as, high Fullams, low Fullams, 5, 4, 2, r. &c. Or by Palming, Topping, Knapping, or Slurring; or, in cafe he be paft that Claflis of Ignoramufles, then by Crofsbiting, or fome other Dexterity, of which they have Variety unimaginable. Note by the Way, that when they have you at the Tavern, and think you a fure Bubble, they will many Times parpofely lofe fome fmall Sum to you the VOL, II. Nicked, &c. 97 firft Time, to engage you more freely to bleed (as they call it) at the fecond Meeting, to which they will be fure to invite you. A Gentleman, whom ill Fortune had hurried into Paffion, took a Box and Dice to a Side- table, and there fell to throwing by himfelf; at length fwears with an Emphafis, Damme, now 1 throw for nothing, I can win a thoufand Pounds j but, when I play for Money, I loft my Arfe. If the Houfe find you free to the Box, and a conftant Carter, you fhall be treated below with Suppers at Night, and Cawdle in the Morning, and have the Honour to be ftyled, A Lover of the Houfe, whilft your Money lafts, which cer- tainly will no't be long ; for, as the Lamia de- ftroyed Men, under Pretence of Kindnefs, fo it is here. In a Word, this Courfe of Life fhall afford you fo many Affronts, and fuch a Number of Vexa- tions, as fhall, in Time, convert both your Soul and Body into Anguijh j and Anguifh, in fome, has turned to Madnefs. Thus one Bull, a young Fellow, not many Years fince, had, by ftrange Fortune, run up a very fmall Sum to Fifteen- hundred Pounds, and put himfelf into a Garb accordingly j could not give over, plaid on, For- tune turned, loft it all, run mad, and fo died. If what has been faid, will not make you deteft this abominable Kind of Life, Will the almoft certain Lofs of your Money do it? I will undertake to demonftrate, that it is ten to one you fhall be a Lofer at the Year's End, with conftant Play upon the Square. If then twenty Perfons bring Two-hundred Pounds a- piece, which makesFour- thoufand Pounds, and refolve to play, for Ex- ample, three or four Hours a Day, for a Year ; I will wager the Box fhall have Fifteen-hundred Pounds of the Money, and that eighteen of the twenty Perfons fliall be Lofers. I have feen (in a lower Inftance) three Perfons fit down at Twelve- penny In and In, and each draw forty Shillings a- piece ; and, in little more than two Hours, the Box has had three Pounds of the Money, and all the three Gamefters have been Lofers, and laughed at for their Indif- cretion. At an Ordinary, you fhall fcarce have a Night pafs without a Quarrel, and you muft either tamely put up an Affront, or elfe be engaged in a Duel next Morning, upon fome trifling in- fignificant Occafion, pretended to be a Point of Honour. N Moft 98 A penitent Mc-ft Gamefters begin at fmall Game, and, by Degrees, if their Money, or Eftates, hold oat, they rife to great Sums ; fome have plaid firft all their Mcney, then their Rings, Coach and Hurfes, even their Wearing-Cloaths and Perukes, and then fuch a Farm, and at laft, perhaps, a Lordfhip. You may read in our Hiftories*, how Sir Miles Partridge plaid at Dice, with King Henry the Eighth, for Jefus Bells, fo called, which weie the greateft in England, and hung in a Tower of St. Paul's Church, and won them ; whereby he brought them to ring in his Pocket ; but the Ropes afterwards catched about his Neck, for, in Edward the Sixth's Days, he was hanged for fome criminal Offences. Confider how many Perfons have been ruined by Play. Sir Arthur Smithoufe is yet frefh in Memory : He had a fair Eftate, which, in a few Years, he fo loft at Play, that he died in great Want and Penury. Since that, Mr. Ba , who was a Clerk in the Six-Clerks Office, and well cliented, fell to Play, and won by extraordinary Fortune Two-thoufand Pieces in ready Gold ; was not content with that, plaid on, loft all he had won, and almoft all his own Eftate ; fold his Phce in the Office, and at laft marched off to a foreign Plantation, to begin a new World with the Sweat of his Brow : For, that is commonly the Deftiny of a decayed Gamefter, either to go to fome foreign Plan- tation, or to be preferred to the Dignity of a Box keeper. It is not denied, but moft Gamefiers have, at Sonnet, &c. one Time or other, a considerable Run of Win- ning, but (fuch is the Infatuation of Play) I could never hear of a Man that gave over a Winner (I mean, to give over fo as never to play again ;) I am fure it is rara avis : For, if you once break Bulk, as they phrafe it, you are in again for all. Sir Humphry Fojler had loft the greateft Part of his Eftate, and then, play- ing, as it is faid, for a dead Hoife, did, by happy Fortune, recover it again, then gave over, and wifely too. If a Man has a competent Eftate of his own, and plays whether himfelf, or another Man, fhall have it, it is extreme Folly : If his Eftate be fmall, then to hazard the Lofs even of that, and reduce himfelf to abfolute Beggary, is di- rect Madnefs. Befides, it has been generally obferved, that the Lofs of One-hundred Pounds fhall do you more Prejudice, in difquieting your Mind, than the Gain of Two-hundred Pounds fhall do you Good, were you fure to keep it. Confider alfo your Lofs of Time, which is invaluable, and remember what Seneca fays-" Nuila major tji juElura, quam temporis a- mijjio. f Laftly, canfider the great Damage the very Watching brings to your Health, and in par'- ticular to your Eyes (for Gamefters work moft by Night) confirmed by this Diftich : Allia, vina, Venus, fumus, faba, lumen & ignis, I/fa nocent oculis, fed vigilare magrs. * Stowis Survey, p. 357. f The greateft Lofs is the Lofs of Time. See Tht Improvement v/Timf, p. 376. A penitent SONNET, written by the Lord Fitz-Gerald (a great Game- fter) a little before his Death, which was in the Year 1580. B 1 Lofs in Play, Men oft forget The Duty, they do owe To him, that did beftow the fame, And Thoufand Millions moe. I loath to hear them fwear and flare. When they the Main have loft, Forgetting all the Byes, that wear With God and Holy Ghoft. By Wounds and Nails they think to win, But truly 'tis not fo j For all their Frets and Fumes in Sin, They moneylefs muft go. There is no Wight, that us'd it more, Than he that wrote this Verfe, Who cries Peccavi now therefore, His Oaths his Heart do pierce. Therefore Example take by me, That curfe the lucktefs Time, That ever Dice mine Eyes did fee; Which bred in me this Crime. Pardon me for that is paft, I will offend no more, In this moft vile and finful Caft, Which I will ftill abhor, ADia- (99) A Dialogue betwixt Sam. the Ferry man of Dochet, Will, a Wa- ter-man of London^ and Tom. a Barge-man of Oxford. Up- on the King's Calling a Parliament to meet at Oxford. London, printed in 1681. ^uarte, containing twenty-nine Pages. Tbts Pamphlet, feems to have been written by a Friend of the Duke of York'-f, and, in a merry Conversation, endeavours to defend his Right to the Crown, and burlefque the Proceedings of the Parliament, which had openly oppofed a Popilh Succeffor to the Crown of England , for which they were prorogued at firft ; and becaufe the City of London, three Days after, addreffed his Majejly for the Sitting of the Parliament, on the Day appointed, that they might effett the great Affairs begun therein, he diffolved them by Proclamation, on the Eighteenth of January, and, at the fame Time, fummoned another to meet at Oxford, the Twenty-firft of March, to Jhew his Anger the more againft the City of London. But, to the King's great Sorrow upon the Return of the Writs, he found that he mujt meet almojt all the fame Members at Oxford, as he had diffolved at Weftminfter, who now were encouraged to make a more noble Stand, againft all Invafions on the Proteftant Religion, and the Liberties of the People ; for, immediate- ly after this Parliament was new eleRed, they received proper Inftruftions from their Elehors, and AJfurance to be fupported in their juft Maintenance of the Proteftant Caufe, with their Lives and Fortunes. Yet the Calling the Parliament to fit at Oxford gave the Proteftant Party great Uneajinefs, fearing that the King intended, by his Soldiers, to force them to a Compliance to fucb Things, as would injure the Nation -, therefore the Earl of Efiex, attended by fifteen Lords, delivered his Majefty a Petition againft it -, declaring among ft other Reafons, that neither Lords nor Commons could be fate at Oxford, but would be daily expofed to the Swords of the Papifts, and their Adherents, too many of which .had crept into his Majefty's Guards. Ibe King returned no Anfwer, but frowned upon the Lords ; confequenily the Parliawni met, but the Members came with armed Retinues j and in particular, thofe for the City of London came with a numerous Body of well armed Horfe, with Ribbands in their Hats, bearing this Motto, No POPERY, no SLAVERY. The firft Pote of this Houfe, after Chufmg a Speaker, was for printing the Votes for the In- formation of the People ; then ordered the Exclufwn- Bill to be brought in ; but^ after it had been once read, and none but Sir Leoline Jenkins fpoke againft it , the King earn- ing on a fudden fent for the Commons to the Houfe of Lords, and diffclved them, when they had fat but feven Days -, and called no more> but ruled* not only without a Parlia- ment, but with an abfolute Power. SAM. A DIALOGUE,^. TOO SAM. How now Will^ how comes this Kindnefs betwixt thee and Tom, the Bargeman ; laft Time I faw you to- gether at Docket, you were for heaving Scones at one another's Heads. Will. O, that is long fince, and utterly for- got ; we are now good Friends. Tom. God-a-mercy Horfe, this Rogue Will. was tugging up Stream, whilft his Oars were ready to break at Way-bridge, and, fqeing us come up with three good Horfes towing our Punt, his Stomach came down, and he begged moft devoutly to give him a Tow at Wind/or; not a Word of the Bell- Wether, or any of his ufual Compliments. I took Mercy on the poor Rogue, and let him faften his Wherry to us, and I think in my Heart, the Whelp has eaten us Haifa Stone of Beef To-day. WM. Upon the honeft Word of a Water- man, Torn, I never eat daintier Beef in my Life, nor better Muftard, but not one Mouthful of Mutton was to be feen. lorn. Sirrah, one Word more of Mutton, and off you go i you cannot forbear your Ro- guery. Sam. But, prithee, Will, whither art thou making at this Time of the Year? Will. Why, Faith Sam, thou knoweft I fol- low the Court for the moft Part, and now I am going before it, and intend to get a good Birth at Oxford : Acquaintance is a main Mat- ter with a Water-man ; befides, here is honeft Tom, promifes me a Lodging at his Houfe ; and, when he goes for London, his Wife and I can make as merry, as if he were gone an Eajl-ln- dia Voyage. Tom. But, I hope, there will be another Voyage found out; they fay the King will make us a Way Weft-ward to Briftol, for our Barges, and has fent for Dutchmen that can make boats go by Land as well as by Water, and then Br'tf- lol will be London. The faucy Rogues, the o> ther Day at ^ueen-Hithe, were ready to brain us, and threatened to fire the Barges, becaufe we belonged to Oxford. If the King would take ray Counfel, he mould come no more amongft them, for one (even Years ; I would make the proud Rogues know themfelves better. Sam. I am not for that, Tom neither, for that would quite fpoil our Ferry j when all is done, London is London. Tom. And will be London, that is, a Neft of unthankful Rogues, that hate us Country Gen- tlemen, though they get all they have by us : What would Londfoi be worth, if it were not for the Country ? And Faith, fince all the Wealth of the Country is gotten thither, by the King's Living fo Jong amongft them, I hope his Majefty will even now live in the Country, till their Money be brought into the Country again. Sam. I could agree well enough to all thou fayeft, but only for this Ferry, and that would quite be ruined, if the King fhould leave London. Tom. For that, if the Dutchmen come, they will dig fo many Cuts to make the Thames run from our Town to Brijlol, I warrant thee, thou mayeft get a new Ferry, and better than this, upon fome of thofe new Cuts. Sam. But doft think the King will keep his Court at Oxford any long Time ? I heard our Parfon fay, for all this, the Parliament would not be held at Oxford, becaufe there was a Par* liament once held there, and it was called, The mad Parliament., Tom. Thou may'ft tell the Parfon from me, that there have been many Parliaments held at London, that have been worfe than mad ; and it is well, if this laft was not the maddeft that ever was yet. Sam. I muft confefs there was a ftrange Toufe, whilft they were fitting : Our Townf- men of Windfor would have talked fo, of the brave A&s they were a making, and what Good they would have done to the Commonalty, and how they would have handled the Courtiers, and abundance more than I can remember, thou wouldft have admired ; but to fay Truth, this Town of Windfor, though they be our Neighbours, is as roguifh a Place as any is in England. If 1 were worthy to advife the King, I would make a great Wall, betwixt the Caf- tle and the Town, that fhould reach down to the River on the one Side, and down to old Windfor on the other Side, and never a Gate through it, but for the King's Conveniency to go a Hunting into the great Park, or the Duke into the Foreft, and fhut at all other Times. Then would I build a new Town, to entertain the King's Court, fhould reach to the Ferry. Will. Still, ftill, this Ferry is the Burden of the Song. Sam. But, prithee Will, tell us what this Par- liament would have done for the Good of the Commonalty that is talked on fo much ; thou carriedft Parliament-men, in thy Boat every Day, and I know, thou haft heard all their Speeches 3 I have heard them make Speeches, A DIALOGUE, &c. as they have pafled over here at our Ferry- Boat. Will. Thou art in the Right of that, for there is not one Member (for fo we call them at London) of Forty, but they are" ftill making Speeches : I heard one of them make a Speech to deaf Hugh, an old Skuller, from IVeJimin- Jler Stairs to the Temple. Hugh nodded at him now and then, and he went on as politickly as if he had been in the Houfe all the While. When they landed at the Temple, where I alfo landed my Fair, he bid Hugh give him three Pence, but, wanting Change, he aflced me for three Pence ; but, I having never a three Pence, fays the Member to Hugh, I fee thou art a right Englijhman, a good Proteftant, and, I dare fay, hateft the Popifh SuccefTor with all thy Heart, and, therefore, I will give thee the whole Six-pence. Sam. It was well he had the Wit to nod at him, being he could not hear him. Will. So it was, and that was enough, for I dare fay, a Nod, now and then, would have continued the Speech to Grave/end. O, our Water- men have thoufands fuch Stories as thefe of their Worfhips j they were, for the moft Part, fo full of it, they could not hold it in. Sam. But, prithee Will, tell us what thou heardeft they did in the Houfe as well as out. mil. Well, in the firft Place, they kept a Rehearfal at the Sun-Tavern, on the Back of the Exchange, a long Time before they fat. Sam. A Rehearfal ! what is that ? Will Why, as the Players rehearfe or a& over the Play in the Morning, which they in- tend to play in the Afternoon : So did they make their Speeches, and fet all their Matters in Order in the Tavern, before they met in the Houfe. Sam. Methinks, if it were needful for a Par- liament to have fuch a Rehearfing, his Majefly {hould provide them a Place to rehearfe in : It is not very handfome in my Mind, that the Matters, which concern his Majefty and the Kingdom, mould be meddled with in a Tavern, Will. It is very true ; but the Mafter of the Houfe, he got well by them ; and the Drawers of that Houfe are become notable Boys, they can talk of State Affairs, it would do your Heart Good to hear them ; and for any Thing that I know, when thefe Boys come to fet up for themfelves, and keep Taverns in the City, JOI they may be the fitted Men they will have to ferve in Parliameut ; they will now, as young as they are, make fine Speeches to their Fellow Prentices, when any Rout of them meets to- gether, and have their,Lefibns full ready on any Occafion ; and will back a Petition of the Com- mon Hall to the Purpofe. Sam. A Pox on them, it is fuch Work as this, that makes the King leave London, and will undo us all at Dotchtt : But this is all (till out of the Houfe. Will. It is impofiible I {hould tell you a tenth Part of what they did in the Houfe j but the Remembrance of Men and Things, they fell upon, will put me in Mind beft ; and therefore the firft, I think on, is the King's Majefty, God blefshim, him they cryed Nochell. Sam. What, as Gaffer Block of our Town cryed his Wife ? Will. I do not know what he did, but they voted, that no Body mould either borrow or lend, nor fell or buy with him, under Pain of their Difpleafure. Sam. This is almoft as ill as the Parfon faid of the Gun-powder Treafon-day, that the Pope would have done with Queen Elifabeth, for he forbad any Body to borrow or lend with her, fell or buy, eat or drink ; nay, he forbad her to come in either Church or Market. Will. But then, to make him Amends, they took Care to kill him an old lean Lord at Chrift- mas ; and that is all I remember they have done for him fince they met. Sam. What did they then do ? Will. Next, they took the Duke into Hand- ling. Sam. And what would they do with him ? Will. They would have taken away his Birth' right j whatever he had done to them, I know not ; but they were refolved to have worried him. Sam. What was it provoked them fo much againft him ? Will. They faid he was a Papijl, and was for the Pope and the Plot * ; but the Truth on it is, I think the true Reafon of their Cruelty was, becaufe he put his Brother in Mind who were, and had been Rogues, and were fure to prove fo in the End : And for this they would never forgive him ; and, with Talk- ing with one another, they were got to ttut Pafs, they mattered not what they uid ; for, Oat tii Plot. (hey io2 A DI A L O they were permitted fo long, they thought no- body durft gainfay them. Sam. Why, I thought no Man living durft have meddled with any of the Blood Royal. Will Thou art a Fooi ; did not they behead the laft King, and keep this banifhed a long Time ? And all that was ftill a Houfe of Com- mons. Sam. What would they have done with the Duke, thinkeft thou ? Will. Hanged him if they could have catched him ; but, being he was out of their Reach, have taken away all his Means, and all he was ever like to have, if (which God forbid) he ihould have furvived the King. Sam. They were very bold. Will. Thou mayeft fwear that ; when the Fore- man of old Tow nfend's Shop, a blind Scri- vener, was fo bold as to fpeak a faucy Speech againft his Highnefs. Sam. What was he, a Prentice ? Will. No, he was out of his Time, and had fet up for himfelf. Sam. Why, I thought no fuch Handicrafts- men had ever been chofen Members. Will. Any Body that has Money to pay for Drink, gentle or fimple, that will fpend his Guineas upon fome Town in the Weft Country^ is good enough : For I will tell thee, as I heard Squire Kite's Huntfman fay, that he cared not for above three or four Couple of Hunting Dogs amongft twenty Couple, fo they would give their Tongues, and go along with thofe that were Hunters ; no more do they, in the Parlia- ment, care whether the greateft Part of their Members have any Wit, or none^ at all, fo that they will vote with the old ones. Tom. Well, though it was fore againft my Will, I was prcfled once into the Service when the Duke was our Admiral ; and, I dare fwear, never a Man in the Fleet had a better Heart than he. Will. Pox on you, Rogue, you ftaid but one Bout, and run away j but we that ftaid, and were in both the Holland's Wars, know the Duke well enough j and let them do what they will at Wfjiminfter y I am fure all the Seamen and Watermen in England will be for him, a- gainft any Body, but the King, God blefs him. Tom. And, I arn fure, he will never be a Rebel, as many of thofe, that are his Enemies, have been. G U E, &f. Will. Rebel ! they would like him better, if he would ftand in the King's Face, and do what he pleafed, whether the King pleafed or not ; doeft not fee how they loveD. M*- for coming Home, whether the King would or no. Tom. Well, I hope to fee the Duke at Ox- ford, and there he will be welcome, I dare fay, let London and the Devil fay what they will. Sam. For London, furely, it is not London that does all thefe ill Things you talk of. Tom. Thou art in the Right of that, for I nevL'r heard that the Houfes met together to pe- tition or raife Tumults j there is no Fault in the Place ; it is fome roguifh People that live in it, whom nothing will ever make better Sub- jecls than they have been : I have known them long enough. Sam. But, prithee Will^ go on with thy Story. Will. Now I think on it, I fhould have told you, that I am now going to fay, firft of all, that is, what they would have done about the Church ; for I have heard the Church fhould take Place of both the King and the Duke. Sam. Ay, but not of the Law, for I know a wife Man, as any in Buckingham/hire, an At- torney, that fays, That the Law was above both Church and King. Will Why then, according to that Rule, I {hould firft have begun with the Law. Tom. No Matter, amongft us we are not fo punctual ; go on, now thy Hand is in, with the Church. Will. As for the Church, I carried a Mem- ber up to Putney, and he told me, they had refolved to overhall all the Nine and Thirty Conditions of the Church ; and that they had already heaved away Three and a Half of them. Sam. Belike, if they had gone on, they would have hove away moft of them ; Three and a Half, in one Day, was a great Step. Will. No, I don't believe they would have hove them all away, but they would quite have new moulded them fo, that one fhould fcarce have known them. Have not I feen an old Ship, that has been a long Time at Sea, when fhe has been in the Dock, her Rigging over- hailed and tarred, new painted, carved and gilt, a Man, that has failed in her, could fcarce have known her. The Duke of Monmouth. A DIALO Sam, Thou art in the Right of that ; and, I do believe, that the Church was grown very old, and much decayed, and had Need of Repairing ; and it will neve; be done but by a Parliament. I was at Uxbridge laft Sabbath-day, and there, at the Meeting, the Minifter faid, That the beft Church in the World fhould be repaired once in a hundred Years ; and that the Church, we now have, was repaired (but he had another Word * for it) about an Hundred and Forty or Fifty Years fmce. Tom. Was it not reformed? The Scholars at Oxford talk much of that Reformation. Sam. Ay, ay, it was reformed, that he faid ; and that the Church (but more efpecially the Churchmen) fhould be reformed. Will. Befides, this Member told me, the Parfons muft ufe the Surplice no more. Sam. That was only for the Good of the Woollen Manufacture. I carried a Clothier over the Ferry, not long fince, that faid they were hereafter to wear flannel Surplices, and the Bi- (hops were to wear white Crape , inftead of lawn Sleeves. Will. And then for the BiJbops.Courts, that as we call the Bawdy Court, they would have mauled thofe Rogues to fome Purpofe. Tom. A Pox on them, they made me pay above five Pounds about a Baftard, a Whore laid to me, that a Scholar at Oxford got, I dare fay j for I kept Reckoning, and the Child was got when I was gone down with the Barge to Lon- don ; and, for Want of a Flajh f, we lay above ten Weeks before we came again. Will. It feems thou deferved'ft for it, how- ever. Tom. That which troubled me molt, was, that I muft have done Penance in a white Sheet, and then my Wife, and all my Friends, would have known it ; and fo, faith, I was forced to borrow the Monies, and make my Peace with them: And, after all, they would have had ten Shillings more, for a Piece of Parchment, no bigger than my Hand : I was even glad to pay them a Noble to get clear of them. Will. As far as I could underftand, they would have taken thefe Courts away, and have made the Bifliops poor Gentlemen : They would have clipped their Wings, if not quite ftarved them. O, this Member, as we palled CUE, &c. 103 by Lambeth- Houfe, fhaked his Head at it, and faid, There are Rags of Popery kept there ; and fo did he^ at Fulham, when I landed him at Putney. Sam. What did he mean by that ? Will. Why, the Archbifhop of Canterbury lives at Lambeth, and the Biftiop of London hath a Country-houfe at Fulham. Sam. Well, but, Will, thou faid'ft, they would alfo have had a Fling at the Law. Will. For any Thing of the Law itfelf, I heard not fo much of it ; but they were in Hand, to have reckoned with almoft all the Judges in Wejlminfter-ball, fome for one Fault, and fome for others. Sam. What had the Judges % done ? Will. Whether they had ftrained a Pin %, to do fomething extraordinary for the King and the Court, I know not j but the main Matter was, that moft of the talkative Men of the Houfe vfere Lawyers, and the only Way for them to get Preferment was, by turning out of the Judges, that they might get into their Places. Tom. I think, in my very Confcience, thefe Lawyers are the Bain of the Kingdom; for they are fo accuftomed to talk againft their Con- fcieaces for Monies, at Wejlminfter-ball, that, when they come to talk in the Houfe, it is the fame Thing : So that, whatever they think for their Advantage, they never want broad Con- fciences, and fmooth Tongues, to drive on to the utmoft. Sam. Pray thee, Will, tell me one Thing, Are not thele Lawyers the Men, that either do, or fhould underftand the Law ? Witt. No Doubt of it. Sam. Well then, when the Rebellion was begun and carried on in our King's Father's Time, and in his own, did not the Lawyers know, that the War was contrary to the Law ? Will. Certainly they did. Sam. Then do I fay, That as many Lawyers asfided with the Rebels, in thofe Days, deferve yet to be hanged for what they did then. Will. O ! but they were wife enough for that : For they got the Al of Olt'vion, to par- don, not only their Faults by- pafled, but thofe that were to .come ; and Abundance of thofe very Men, that talked the People into that Re- * Reformed. -f- A fufficient Depth of Water, J Amongft whom, was the chief Juf- iictScroggi, who endeavoured to ftifie the Belief of the Plot j difcouraged the Evidences, difmifod the Grand Jury, that fhould have prefented the Duke tfTork; and, unjuftly profecuted thofe that writ in Defence of their Religion, Laws, King, and Country. belli on, 104 A btllion, are yet living, and as willing to do .Mifchief, as ever they were. Sam. It goes beyond my Underftanding, how, and why they are admitted to abufe the People at this Rate ; for, if they can fet poor ignorant Men on a Mifchief, for which they may be hanged, and can talk themfelves off again, it is Time for poor Men to have a Care. Will I am of this Mind, that, had I been the King's Advifer, when he forgave all the Rebels, 1 would not have forgiven one Lawyer ; for they could not plead Ignorance. Sam. And that it was a Rebellion is clear ; for, if it had not been, what Need was there of an Aft of Oblivion ? Will. Thou art in the Right of that too. Sam. Nothing troubles me fo much, as that thefe Lawyers are not only Lawyers to follow and maintain the Law; but they can make what they will to be Law, and what they like not to be no Law : Nay, they will hang the honefteft Man in England, and find Law for it ; and fave the greateft Knave, and find Law for that too. Tom. Did not Judge Bradjhaw pronounce DIALOGUE, &c. feemed he had taken before from my Adver- fary ; but he faid, if I would give any Thing to his Wife, I might. Upon which, I fent a fat Wether, worth a Mark, in the Night-time to her Worfhip ; and, within two Days, both he and I were fent for, before Mr. Juftice ; and after he had talked a great deal of Law, and feemed angry with us both, he made us good Friends, and got both our Monies. Will. There may a thoufand Stories be told of them : I hope, at one Time, both the King, and the Kingdom, will fee what they are, and never let them have more to do, than with Matters of Law ; and then thofe that employ them may take the Mends in their own Hands, as I do, when I go to the Alehoufe \ for all Mifchief principally comes from them. Tom. A Pox and Plague light on them, they will never be quelled j for they have always either one or other great Lawyer in Power with the King, and that keeps them up : So let us talk no more of them. What did the Parlia- ment next fall upon, honeft Will, thou haft a pure Memory ? Will. They would have banifhed a plain Bundiuice of Courtiers and Privy-Counfellors ; Sentence againft King Charles, and Coke plead againft him ? And both thefe were great Law- yers ? Nay, and a bungling Lawyer, that is a Juftice of the Peace, at the Quarter Seffions, will take upon him to talk more than all the Bench, and be very angry at any Juftice that dares op- pofe any Thing he fays. Will. There is Reafon for that ; for there is not one Lawyer of twenty, but is certainly bribed (tho' they call it feed) of one Party in all Controverfies, at the Seffions, and frequently by both. O they 'make great Gains at a Seffions ; for there they are both Judge and Lawyer, and all goes as they will. Sdm. I'll tell thee, for that I had a wrangling Quanel once with a drunken Fellow at the Ferry ; and, upon fome Word, I up with the Boat-hook, and broke his Head. He went and fetched a Warrant for me : I was advifed to go myfelf to the fame Juftice, being a Lawyer, and bind myfelf over: Which I did, and would have given his Worfhip an Angel ; for fo my Friend advifed me. He faid, he would take no Monies upon that Account j for, indeed, it * This, I apprehend, refers to the Earl of Halifax, who was the Champion in the Houfe of Lords a- gainft the Bill for excluding the Duke of fork, from the Crown; for which, fays Burnet, p. 482. when the Bill was thrown out, the Commons voted an Addrefs to the King to remove Halifax from his Councils, and Prefence, for ever. they and, without any more ado, fent to the King, to defire him (they called it Humbly) to turn them out of his Service *. Sam. But did they tell any good Caufe, why they would have him turn them away ? Will. None at all, but becaufe they liked them not. Sam. That was an humble Trick indeed ; but fure they had feme Reafon for what they did. Will. For no Reafon, but becaufe they were in Favour with the King, and themfelves would have their Places: Nay, there be fome of thofe Men, they complained of, were as ready to com- plain of thofe were in Place before, fuch as the laft Treafurer, and the like, as thefe are now againft thofe they would have now turned off; for, in all thefe Parliament-Doings, and Peaching one another, it is not for Faults done againft the King, or the Government, but againft the Houfe of Commons. Sam. But, I hope, thefe Noblemen are not turned out of their Services ; are they ? No, they have efcaped this Bout , how A DIALOGUE, JO they will do at the next at Oxford, Time will fhew. Tom. If they efcape at London, I'll warrant them at Oxford ; no Man is condemned there, but he has (as the Scholars call it) pro and con for it : But, was that all their Faults, that they were in Favour with his Majefty ? Wi!l. God hehp thee, doft not thou know, that it is a fufficient Parliament-crime to be a Favourite. I have heard my Father fay, that he wore the old Duke of Buckingham's Cloth, and was Mafter of his Barge ; and that there was one Parliament, before I was born, would have hanged him ; but the Devil a Fault could they find, but his being in mighty Favour. So the King would riot let him fuffer. Sam. But they put away my Lord Sir afford ; I can remember that myfelf, and, they fay, be- caufe they could find no Law to condemn him, they made a Law. Tom. So then, he fuffered for breaking a Law before it was made. Will. So he did. Tom. That is as much as to fay, that, if the Parliament have a Mind to hang a Man, or un- do him, if they have not fufficient Law, or Mat- ter to do it, they will make fome : God blefs me, and mine, out of their Clutches. Will. But I have heard, they were fo civil, as when they made this Law againft the Earl of Strajfford, they then made it fo, that no more ftiould fuffer by the fame I/aw. Sam. That was very kindly done to him in- deed : I would rather, if I had been in his Cloaths, they would have faved me, and hanged who they would befide. Will. This (hews plainly they had a particu- lar Malice ; and then down ell muft go, right or wrong : There are fome of thofe old Dogs yet alive that hunted him to Death, and would as willingly give their Mouth for making away more Noblemen. Tern. I have heard many fay, the King* re- pented himfelf at Oxford, that he confented to the Earl's Death. Will. But thofe Rogues, that procured his Death, never repented at all, nor do not yet : Nay, they have taught fome young Whelps to be as good Blood-hounds as themfelves. A Man has a brave Time that fliould come to be tried for his Life in any Court, and have half a Do- zen of thefe to cHafe him out of the -World. Sa?n. It is ftrange the Noblemen do not ftand for one another againft thofe Lawyers, who, if they might have their Wills, would hang them all : Efpecially, being there is no Body of the Jury, when the Lords are to be tried, but Lords. Will. They had fuch a Power when my Lord Strafford was headed, that neither the King, nor the Lords, durft ftand againft them : They made Routs of Prentices to run down to Weji- minfter, and call out for Juftice, and threaten all thofe Lords that would have faved him; and, in the End, they had his Blood. Tom. I have heard many fay, that there were very few of thofe many that profecuted the Earl, but they were after Ring-leaders in the Rebellion againft the King, and continued fo to his Death, as violent againft him, as they were againft the Earl, and againft our King that now is (God blefs him) till the Soldiers and Seamen joined with Monk to bring him in again. Sam. And yet, I'll warrant thee, thefe were as ready to welcome Home his Majefty, and make Shew of their Duty and Affe6lion to him, as his beft Friends. Will. Ay, and pretended they had as much a Hand in his Reftoration, as the General f that brought him in ; and talked themfelves not only out of the Faults they had committed, but by Bribery, and Means of fome Lawyers that had been Abroad with the King, they got fuddenly into fuch Favour, that a Round-headed Law- yer had more Power than a Cavalier Colonel that fought for the King all through the War : And fo they have carried it ever fince ; and now thou mayft fee what they have brought it unto, at long Run : For nothing but the Ruin and Death of a great Number of the King's Cour- tiers and Counfellors will pleafe them. Tom. They will not ftay there, if they have Leave to go on : The old Game muft be played over again : but, I hope, the King's Calling them, at our Town of Oxford, will mend this Matter : For I have heard Hundreds fay, that, if his Father had called the Rump Parliament thi- ther, inft^d QtWeJlminfter, there had not been fo much Mifchief done as there was : But pray thee, Will, was this all they did? Will. This, no, not the' hundred Part: For any one Man's Fault or Sufpicion, that he was againft them, they would have ruined a whole Country. There was a Welch Nobleman, I VOL. II. * Charles the Fir/I. o j- Monk. know io6 A DIALOGUE,^. know not his Name, that they had a Spite to, that was Steward of a great Wapentake-Cowt in Wales ', and out of Malice to him, they would have taken that Court away, though it was a great Benefit to all that Quarter of the Country : Nay, there was one Day a Member fo angry at a Waterman, for afking an unuiiial Fare, for bringing him from fome Place in the Weft- Country, that he faid, he would have a Bill brought into the Houfe, for his Sake, to re- frrain the Numbers of Watermen ; and that all the Wherries that go upon the River, fhould be forced to take a Licenfe, and fhould be figured on the Back-board, as the Hackney- Coaches are. Upon which, the Waterman civilly re- plied, That, God blefs the King, he hoped, that being a Freeman of Water man's -Hall, they could never make him take a Licenfe : With that the Member faid, Sirrah, for your Sake, and fuch faucy Rogues as you are, we will have that Waterman* s-Hall pulled down, as well as we pulled down the Court of the Marjhes of Wales. That was the Court I was talking of. Tom. I hope, thou heardeft them fay nothing of the Weftern Barges, Will, didft thou ? Will, No, hang you, you are below their Con- federation ; but they talked much about Seamen, and the Fleet, and againft Soldiers : And then, for the Papijisy they would have utterly de- itroyed them : And no great Matter if they had; for thofe Rogues have been the Occafion of all this Poder has been, even fince the Be- ginning of thefe Times : And, they fay, they fired the City, and brought the Plague out of France, and fet it amongfi us at London. Sam. How fliould that be ? For when the Vifitation began at London, I heard of no Plague in France. Will. But I heard a Doctor, one of the Royal Society, fay, as I carried him once, There be Rogues, that will bring Bottles of infected Air with them, if it were out of Turkey, that, as foon as they are opened, will infect a whole Houfe - y then they take an Antilope *, that no Infection can touch themfelves : And that fome Papijh did this, I have heard a JufHce in the City took Examinations upon it, and it was proved. Tom. But what would they have done againft the Prejbyterians, Independants, Anabaptijis, and Quakers : The Scholars at Oxford fay, thofe aie as great Enemies to the Church and the Univerfity, as the Papijls. Will. They would have made them as good Proteftants as any is in Oxford. Tom. Which Way mufl this have been ? 'Will. Why, they would have made the Church-men have left out fome of their Pray- ers, and given over the Surplice, and fome other Popifh Tricks ; and then they would have come to Church, and been all one. Tom. That is, the Church-men muft have become Prejbyterians, and then all would have been right. Will. Indeed, I think they would not have yielded much to the Bifhops, for they were bloody mad at them ; and I think, if they had fitten till now, they would have fent them to the Church from the Houfe, to pray to God, but not to have letten them prate any more to the Houfe of Lords. Tom. It will be good for them to talk no fuch Talk at Oxford, the Biftiops are in great Power amongft the Scholars. Will. Then, as to their own Members, they turned them out, and took others in, at their Will and Pleafure, and, if they made any Fault, they expelled them ; and, where-ever any ftood in Competition for any Town, him they knew would give his Vote along with them was admitted, right or wrong. And then they terrified all the Sheriffs, Mayors, and Bailiffs in the Kingdom, befules Abundance of Gentlemen, and other honeft Country-men : For, on the leaft Complaint of any Man's Mifdemeanour, or Information from any Mem- ber, immediately a Serjeant at Arms was fent for them, and fo much a Mile and Hour paid, and down on their Marrow-bones to their Wor- fhips, and a found Scolding from Mr. Speaker j or elfe to the Tower, or the Gatehoufe, they went : The King, God blefs him, never took a Quarter of that State on him, they did. Sam. It feems, they would have all the World to afk them Forgivenefs, whether they made them any Fault, or not ; and they them- felves would afk no Body Pardon for what they had done. Will. It was brought to that Pafs, that, two Foot-boys boxing one Day in the Palace-yard, he that was beaten proved to belong to a Mem- ber, and told the other Boy, If he knew his Mafter, he would caufe him to be fent for in Cuftody, for keeping fuch a Rogue as he was r * Jgnorantly, for an Antidalc. that A DIALOGUE, 6V. toy that had committed a Breach of Privilege, in beating a Member's Servant. The Boy re- plied, If it would do him any Kindnefs, he would beat him again, and tell him his Mafter's Name into the Bargain ; and would lay him a Crown, that, though his Mailer fhould bid the Speaker, and -all the Houfe of Commons, kifs his -, they durft not fend a Serjeant at Arms for him. The, beaten Boy, much nettled at his Speech, laid down his Money, as the other did : Now, faid the Boy, my Mafter is the King of France, and I am corns over, with fome of his Servants, to fetch Horfes out of England\ go bid thy Mafter and the Houfe of Commons fend a Serjeant at Arms to fetch him over. Sam. Before my Heart, it was a good An- fwer ; I hope he won his Monies. Will. So he did ; but it was put into a Wa- terman's Hands, and, when it was demanded, fays the beaten Boy, Sirrah, give it him, if you dare ; if his Mafter be the King of France, I'll make you anfwer it before the Houfe of Commons. The Waterman durft do no other but give either their own Monies : There is no Contending with Parliament-men, or Parlia- ment-men's Men, nor Boys. Tom. And yet I know a Bailiff has nabbed feveral of them, and matters not a Straw to arreft any Member of the laft Parliament. Will. That's nothing, they are now no Par- liament-men ; but let's fee, if that flout Fellow dare nab any of them, when they are new chofen. Tom. That I don't know. Will. O, thofe that are in any Danger of Bai- liffs are mighty cunning at their Times, and know their Hits to a Minute ; they appear A- broad at London, a certain Number of Days be- fore the Sitting of the Houfe, as fure as Swallows againft warm Weather ; and, after the Seflions, they are Prejio, begone, not one to be feen, except it be, that we chance to carry them by Water from the Temple, or White- Friars, toScstland- Tard; they have a ftrong Garrifon in either of thofe Places out of Privilege-time, as they call it. Sam. Well, but pray thee, Will^ let us have it all out, what they did. . Will. It is impoflible, as I told thee, for me to tell a Quarter what they did ; they flopped Irijh, Scotch, and Welch Cattle from coming to the City; and Pork, Mutton, Veal, and Lamb from any of thofe Places ; and it was faid, if they had fat long enough, they would have flopped EJjex Calves, and Hampshire Hogs* Tom. And yet the City ftill doats upon thefe Parliaments. Will. Nay, they would have made fuch Laws about Wearing of Cloth and Woollen Stuffs, as would have beggared an Hundred- thoufand Souls, that are Silk-weavers, Silk- dyers, and fuch like. Will. What matter they? If they can but find a Way to make Ac~ls to fet their Grounds dearer, and rack their poor Tenants, they care not if Half of the Kingdom ftarve. Sam. And yet they talk fo much for the general Good, and againft the abfolute Power of the King and the Court : How can they make this out ? Will. They call that Power, which they themfelves both do a<5l by, and would govern all by, the Liberty of the Subject; though no Subje6l, but a few Members, have any Liberty at all : But, if his Majefty, God blefs him, fhould a6t by the fame Power, and do the fame Things, which they do, then they call the fame Power fiat, downright Tyranny. Tom. Doft not thee remember, Will, one Day the laft Summer, when our Barge lay againft IV / flairs, there was a great Noife about the Head Bailiff of Weflminjler\ Break- ing into an Embajjender's Houfe, to fcize upon fome Goods, which belonged to a Man that was condemned to be hanged at Tyburn ; and, upon Complaint of the Embaffender to the King, " the faid Bailiff was taken and clapped into the Tower j and every Body faid he would be hang- ed, at the leaft, for breaking the common Law of all Nations: But the next News we heard was, that he had got fome Sort of a Warrant, was made by the Long Parliament, that fet him at Liberty within three Hours after he was committed. Will. I remember the Time very well ; they call thofe Warrants Habeas Corpufes, and they will fetch a Prilbner, 'committed by the King, out of any [ail in England ; but not one com* mitted by the Houfe of Commons ; and this they call Privilege of Parliament. Tom. All thefe Gentlemen, that were fetched up by Meffengers and Serjeants, they might, by the Common Law, have chofen whether they would have come, or not. There was a Knight in our Country, at Oxford, that was fent for by a MTefTenger, and he told the Meflenger, he had fomething elfe to do, and would not come, and faid he would juftify it. Will. Surely, this was juft about the Time O 2 they jo8 A DIALOGUE, they were dUIblved, otherwife he durft not have been fo bold. Tom. He faid he had been a Member himfelf many Years, and knew no Law to compel any Man to come before the Houfe of Commons, unlefs he had a Mind himfelf; and therefore they fent to the King, to get his Majefty's Proclamation to fetch him before them. Will. So then his Majeffy's Proclamation, iffued out at the Defire of the Commons, is of Force ; but, when fent out by himfelf, is worth nothing at all. Sam. Why fo ? Will. Becaufe, I remember, there were fe- veral fent for in Cuftody, for obeying the King's Proclamation againft Petitions, and brought to their Knees : If, therefore, that had been a good Proclamation, why fhould any Body have fuffered for it ? And, for any Thing I know, if his Majefty fhould have made a Pro- clamation to fetch up that Knight, or any Body that difobeyed their Mefienger, it had deferved as much to have been difobeyed, as that againft Petitions, unlefs the Houfe of Commons can make a Proclamation contrary to Law a good one, as this would have been : For, what Need had they of the King's Proclamation, if there had been Law to have fetched thofe Men be- fore them ? Tom. Now, if thofe Men, that were fetched up, did dare to fue, and the Lawyers did dare to do their Office, and the Judges did dare to give Judgment, I am of Opinion, they might bring Actions of falfe Imprisonment againft the Meflengers that fetched them up : For, if they had not full Power to punim thofe, who did not obey them, then furely thofe, who were fetched, had Wrong done them. Sam. But, I dare aflure thee, neither Law- yer, nor Judge, dare meddle with any fuch Matter : If any of thefe Gentlemen would be fo venturefome, they will find no Law to ftand againft the Votes of the Commons, till they find they are as much brought under, as, they fay, Henry the Eighth brought them j they durft not prate in his Days, as now they do. Will. What did he do ? Tom. I have heard a Fellow of Maudlin Col- lege fay, he tumbled* them, and made them do what he would himfelf, and not what they had a Mind to ; and not a Word of Tyranny, or arbitrary Power. Sam. But, pray thee, Will^ fome more of their Doings. Will. I have told thee, it is without End j and therefore I will tell thee the laft Thing they did ; which was this : They voted, that, if any Man advifed his Majefty to prorogue them upon any Account, but to difmherit the Duke, he was an Enemy to the King and Kingdom ; nay, he was a Penfioner to the French King, Tom. What, whether he ever received any Money from the French King or no ? Will. Ay, though he never received a Penny of Money from him, or any Body elfe, by his Means, or Order. Sam. For any Thing I know, they might as well have faid, that he had been iny Lord Mayor's Bull-rider: I have often heard fay, that a Parliament can make a Man into a Wo- man ; and now, I fee, they can make a Man into a Penfioner of France^ though he be none. Tom. What, then, was done ? Will. That very Day, notwithftanding all this, they were prorogued. Tom. Then, furely, they will fay, either they were prorogued by trie Advice of Some- body, who, for that Advice, is a Penfioner ; or, if his Majefty prorogued them on his own Head, then they will think, though they dare not fay, thar he himfelf is a Penfioner. Will. And, within a few Days after, they were diflolved, and another ordered to be called at your Town of Oxford. Tom. Well, for all that Sam's Parfon faid, there was a Parliament called at Oxford^ that was called the mad Parliament, yet will I be hanged, if ever that was half fo mad, as this thou haft told us of; for, according to thy Tale, this Parliament let nothing efcape them : To his Majefty they would have given nothing, nor let any Body lend him any Thing, but would get from him what they could : From the Duke they would have taken his Birth- right : the Church and Religion they would have caft in a new Mould ; the Bifhops and Clerks they would have new-fafhioned, if not utterly laid afide ; banifhed many of the No- bles j taught the Judges of Weft minjter -hall new Laws, and made them pay for pradlifirig the old ; terrified moft of the loyal Gentry of the Kingdom with Serjeants, MefTengers, and expenfive Journies ; the fame with Mayors, Sheriffs, and Bailiffs j Fault or no Fault, taken Jgnorantly, for bumbtt and could not poflefs, in fuch AiTemblies, the Right of their former Liberties, Divifion and Power having maftered them, and none of their own Nobi- lity and Heads being left, either of Credit or Fortunes. What he retained not in Providence (as the Demefnes of the Crown) or referved in Piety (as the Maintenance of the Church) he parted to thofe Strangers that failed along with him, in that Bark of his Adventure ; leaving the Natives for the moft Part (as appeareth in his Survey) in no better Condition than Vil- lanage: He moulded their Cuftoms to the Nature of his own Country, and forbare to grant the Laws of Holy Edward, fo often cal- led for *. To fupply his Occafions of Men, Money, and Provifioa, he ordered f, that all thole, that en- joyed any Fruit of his Conquejl^ fhould hold their Lands proportionable by fo many Knights Fees of the Crown, admitting them to enfeoff their Followers, with fuch Parts as they p leafed of their own Portions ; which, to eafe their Charge, they did in his and his Son's Times J, by two Enfeoffments, the one de Novo, the other de Feteri. This Courfe provided him the Body of the War ; the Money and ProvJfion was by Head age aflefled on the common People, at the Con- fent of the Lords |[, who held in all their Seig- niories fuch Right of Regality, that to their Vaf- fals, as Paris faith, >uot Domini^ Tot Tyranniy and proved to the King fo great a Curb, and Reftraint of Power, that nothing fell into the Care of his Majefty after, more than to retrench the Force of his Arijlocoited^ that was in Time like to ftrangle the Monarchy **. Though others forefaw the Mifchiefs betimes, yet none attempted the Remedy, until Kingjchn, whofe over-hafty Undertaking brought in thefe Broils of the Barons Wars. There needed not before this Care, to advife with the Commons in any publick Aflembly, when every Man in England^ by Tenure, held himfelf to his great Lord's Will,, whofe Prefence was ever recognifed in thofe great Councils, and in whofe Aflent his dependant Tenant's Confent was ever included. Before this King's Time then, we feek in vain for any Commons called ; they were evec called for Making of Law 5, but not to confult touching War or Peace : He firft, as may be gathered (though darkly by the Records) ufed their Counfels and Aflents, in the fixth Year of his Reign f f, > Here is the firft Summons on Record to the Peejs or Barons : TraElatus de magnis & arduis n^gotiis : It was about a War of Defence againft the French, and at that Time the Commons were admitted. At this Time that may fitly be gathered by this Ordinance, Provifum ejl communi affenfu Archiepifcoporum Communium^ Baronium^ & omnium fidelium nojlrorum Angliee quod novem Milites per Angliam inveniend. de corn* muni Re JJ. And this was directed to ail the Sheriffs in England, the antient Ufe ifl publick Laws. * Doomfda.y Book. Admerus, Huntlngton t tat. K Ex libra Rubro Scaccio. KtaHen.ll. j- Ex lilro Feeder is in Scaccio. J Hen. IV.Sta- Chronicon de Dunftable. ** Benedifl. Manor d, in %\ Pads 6.Ro.2. inDorfo. From, The Antiquity and Dignity of Parliaments. 115 From this there is a Break, until 18 Hen. III. where the next Summons extant is in a Plea- Roll of that Year, but the Ordinances are loft j from thence the Record affords no Light, until the 49th of the fame King *, where then the Summons to Bijhops* Lords, Knights and BurgeJJes are much in Manner, tho' not in Matter, alike to the Ufe of our Times. This Parliament was called to advife with the King, pro pace a/fever anda & firmanda^ they are the Words ; and where Advice is required, Conful- tation muft be admitted. To this King fucceeds Edward I, his Son, a wife, a juft, and a fortunate Prince : In his Reign we have no Light of any publick Counfel in this Kind, and fo along to the fourth of his Grandchild's Reign, but what we borrow in the Rolls of Summons, wherein the Form flood various according to the Occafions f , until that grew conftant in the Form that is now about the Entering of Rich. II ; the Journal- Rolli being fpoiled by the Injury of Time, or private Ends. The King, in the Fifth of his Reign, called a Parliament, and therein advifed with his Lords and Commons, for the Suppreffing Lluel- liitj Prince of Wales J $ and, hearing that the French King intended to fome Pieces of his In- heritance in France^ fummoned a Parliament, ad traffandum, ordinandum, 3 favendum cum Prtslatis^ProceribuS)& aliislncolis Regn'i qualibet hujufmodi PericuliSj & Excogitatis militis Jic ab- jurand. ||, inferting in the Writ, that that was Lex juftijjima provida Circumfpeftione Jlabilita ; that that which omnes tangit ab omnibus appro- betur, in the thirty-fourth of his Reign, fuper ordinatione & JlabilimentQ Regni Scotits t he made the like Convention .. His Son, the fecond Edward, pro Jolemnitate fponfalium & coronationis, confulted with his Peo- ple in his firft Year ; in his fixth Year, fuper di- verjis^ negotiis Statum Regni & expeditions Guer- ram Scotits fpecialiter tangent ibus, he' afTembled the State to advife i the like he did in his eighth Year **. The French King having invaded Gafcoigne, in the thirteenth Year, the Parliament was cal- led, fuper ordinis negotiis Jlatum Ducafus Gafco- nitstangcntibui ; and in the Sixteenth to confuk, adrefreenandum Sector urn objlinantiam & malt- tiam ff . Before Edward the Third would refolve in his firft Year, whether Peace or War fhould be with the Scots King, he fummoned the Peers and Commons, fuper pramijjis traftare & con- filium impendere JJ. The Chancellor, Anno 5, declareth from the King the Caufe of that Aflembly, and that was to confult and refolve, whether the King fhould proceed with France, for the Recovery of his Seigniories, by Alliance of Marriage or by War ; and whether, to redrefs the Difobe- dience of the Irijh t he mould go thither in Perfon or no || |! . The Year following he re-aflembled his Lords and Commons, and required their Advice, whe- ther he fhould undertake the Holy Expedition with the French King or no ; the Bifhops and Protectors of the Clergy would not be prefent, as forbidden by the Commons fuch Counfels ; the Peers and Commons'confult, applauding the religious and princely Forwardnefs of their Sovereign to this hard Enterprife ; but humbly advife Forbearance this Year, for urgent Rea- fons***. The fame Year (though another Sefllons) the King demanded the Advice of his People, whe- ther he fhould pafs into France, to an Interview, as was defired, for the Expediting the Treaty of Marriage. The Prelates by themfelves, and the Earls and Barons by themfelves, and the Knights of the Shires by themfelves, confult a-part (for fo is the Records ftt) and in the End refolved, that, to prevent fome Dangers likely to arife from the North, it would pleafe the King to forbear his Journey, and to draw to- wards thofe Parts where the Perils were feared, his Prefence being the bejl Prevention ; which Ad- vice he followed. In the following Parliament at York> the King fheweth, how, by their former Advice, he had drawn himfelf towards the North-parts, and .now again he had aflembled them, to advife further for his Proceedings. To which the Lords and Commons, having confulted a-part, pray further Time to refolve, until a full Af- * Clauf. 49. Hen. Ill.'in Dorfo. f Ex Rot. Parl. in Archivis London: % Clauf. 5. /. I. inDorfo. || Clauf: 7. Ed--w. I. m. 3. in Dorfo. Clauf. 34. Ed d recover thetf<7# Land. ** Pail. $. Edw. III. -ftf Rot. Parl. 6. E Parl. 4 JJicA. II. m. 2, 3. 4ff Parl. 5 Rich. II. Seff. a. a. %%% Parl. 6 ^VA. II. SeiT. i . 1 Parl, 6 AV^ II. Sfff.i.a. ii8 of War did aptly belong to the King and his Lords, yet, fince the Commons were com- manded to give their Advice, they humbly wifli a Voyage Royal by the King j if not, that the Bifhop of Norwich might, with the Advantage of the Pope's Crcycery, be ufed in that Service, who accepted the Charge with ill Succefs. Here further the Commons pray, that the King's Uncle fhould not be fpared out of the Realm, before fome Peace was fettled with the Scots, and that the Loid Delafpar, fent with Pro- vifions of Peace from Spain, might firft be heard. The Chancellor, in the feventh Year, in the Name of the King, willeth the Lords a part ; and fo the Commons do confult, whether Peace or War with Scotland, or whether to refift or to aiTail the King's Adverfaries of Spain, France, or Flanders *. Their Opinions are not entered in the Rolls, (an Omiflion ufually by the Clerk's Neglect) only their Petition is recorded, that the Bifhop of Norwich may account in Parliament the Ex- pence of the Money, and be punifhed for his Faults, in the Service he undertook, both which are granted. At the next Seflions, the fame Year, the Com- mons are willed to advife, upon View of the Articles of Peace with the French, whether War, or fuch Amity, mould be accepted. They modeftly excufe themfelves, as too weak to counfel in fo weighty Caufes : But, charged again, as they did tender the Honour and Right of the King, they make this Anfwer, Tils 'in- trudont que ajlimis fervices terres y mefne lour lelge anecoit ore per teJlarior'mGuyen, [if err ant tenus del Roy Francois per trilfernior la villa de Caliis & outer terres acquife & conquife des Francois, per les fore neue verro'tt la Commen y aniufe Alujl fait Ji autrement preroit been faire, giving their Opinions rather for Peace than War. Peace with France not fucceeding, thd eighth Year, the Body of the State was called to advife, whether the King in his own Perfon, or the Sending of Forces againft the French, Spaniards, Fl.mders, and Scotland mould proceed. The King having aflembled at Oxon his great Council f, to advife whether he mould pafs the Seas or no with an Army Royal ; and, they not daring to aflent without a greater Council, a Parliament, the tenth Year, was called to have je Antiquity and Dignity of Parliaments. the Advice of the Commons as well as the Lords, how the Realm fhould be governed in their So- vereign's Abfence J. The Truce with France now near expired, the Parliament |] was called in the thirteenth Year, to advife upon what Conditions it fhould be renewed, othcrwife how the Charge of War fhould-be fuflained. At this Aflembly, and by Con fent of all, the Duke of Lancqjhr is created Duke of Aquitatn ; the St3tutes of Provifions are now paiTcd ; the Commons are named partly in the Letter to the Pope **. The Year fucceeding, a Parliament is called, for that the King would have the Advice of his Lords and Commons for the War with Scotland, and would not, without their Counfel, conclude a final Peace with France f f . The like Aflembly, for the like Caufes, was the Year enfuing. The Commons humbly defire the King, to ufe a Moderation in the Law of Provifion, fo that the Statutes upon their Diflike ma;, again be exempted ; and that, to negotiate the Peace with France, the Duke of dquitain may rather than another be employed. To confult of the Treaty with France for Peace, the King in the feventeenth Year calleth a Parliament J ; the Anfwer of the Lords is left unentered in the Rolls. The Commons, upon their Faith and Alle- giance charged, advife, that, with good Mode- ration, Provifion may be made for Cayenne, an Appendage of the French Crown, fo it intrench not to involve the other Pieces of the Englijh Conqueft. Their Anfwer is large, modeft, and worthy to mark. Now fucceeded a Man that firft ftudied a Po- pularity, as needing all to fupport his Titles : He in the fifth Year calleth a Parliament j|||, to reprefs the Malice of the Duke of Orleans, and to advife for the Wars in Ireland and Scotland ; neither Counfels nor Supplies are entered into Roll; and, to refift an Invafion intended by France and Britain, he aflembleth the State again . The like was the two Years following for France ***. In this the Commons confer with the Lords for Guard of the Sea, and make many Ordinances, to which the King aflented : The Peace with the Merchants of Prujfta, and Parl. 7. Rich. II. Seff.4. t Clauf. 9. Rich II. J Clauf. 10. Rich. II. Parl. 13. Rich. II. Rot. Clauf. 13. Rich. II. ** Boniface IX. ff Parl. 14. Rich. II. I Parl. 17. Rich. II. HI Hen. IV. Parl. 5. $$ Parl. VI. Hen. IV. _*** Parl. 7. Hen. IV. . 1 9, 20. 2 the Antiquity and Dignity of Parliaments. the HanfeTowns, is debated, and a Proclamation mons, though in the Roll omitted, as they refolved by the Speaker. The publifh'ed. Commons * complain of ninety fix Pieces of Ordnance loft in Guyemte the Year before j the Need of the Defence of the Borders, and Guard of the Sea-coafts, to fupprefs the Rebellion in Wales, and Difloyalty to the Earl of Northumber- land : They humby cefire, that the Prince may be difpatched into thofe Parts with Speed, and that the Caftle of , the Key of three Realms, might be left to the Care of the EngUJh, not to Charles Navarre, a Stranger, and to have a diligent Eye of the Scottijb Prifoners. In the tenth Year a Parliament is called, and the Commons commanded to give their Advice about the Truce of Scotland, and Preparation a- gainft the Malice of the French f . His Son J, the wife and happy Undertaker, confulteth with the Parliament in his firft Year, how to cherifh his Allies, and to reftrain his Ene- mies. For this there was a feledt Committee of the Commons, appointed to -confer with the Lords ; the Matter being entered into Schedule touching Ireland, Wales, Scotland, Calais, GUI- enne, Shipping, Guard of the Seas, and wary Provifionto repulfe the Enemy. In the Second he openeth to the Parliament || his Title to France, a Quarrel he would prefent to Death, if they allowed and aided ; Death in this Aflembly enacted to all, that either break the Truce, or the King's fafe Conduct. The Year following, Peace being offered by the French King, and the King of the Romans, armed to effect the Work ; the King refufed any Conclufion, until he had had thereunto the Advice and Aflent of his Lords and Commons ; for which Occafion the Chancellor declareth it to that Aflembly . In the fourth and fifth Years, no Peace con- cluded with France, he calleth the State together to confult about the War, concluding a Treaty of Amity with Sigifmond, King of the Romans, by the Allowance of the three Eftates, and entereth the Articles in the Journal-roll **. The fame Year, by the Duke of Bedford, in the King's Abfence, a Parliament ff was called to the former Purpofe, as appeareth by the Sum- The like in the feventh Year }. The Treaty with France is by the Prelates, Nobles, and Commons of the Kingdom perufcd and ratified, in the Tenth of this King ||||. This Son , more holy than happy, fucceed- ed ; aclvifed in the fecond Year with the Lords and Commons, for the well Keeping of the Peace with France ; confulteth with them about the Delivery of the Scotifi King, and the Con- clufion of it is confirmed by common Aflent. And in the third Year they are called to ad- vife and confent to a new Article in the League with Scotland for Charge of Hoftages ***, And in the ninth Year conclude by Name certain Perfons to treat a Peace with the Dau- phin of France fff. The Treaty of Arras (whither the Pope JJJ had fent as Mediators, two Cardinals) not fuc- ceeding, the King-in Parliament (in Anno 1640) ftieweth, that he muft either lofe his Title and Kingdom of France, or elfe defend it by Force ; the beft Means for Prevention thereof, he wil- leth them to advife him. He fummoneth again the next Year ||||| the Council, how the Realm might be beft defend- ed and the Sea kept fafe again ft the Enemies. In the Twentieth, the Commons _ exhibit Bill for Guard of the Sea ; a certain Number of Ships aflefs Wages, and difpofe of Prizes, if any Fortune ; to which the King accordeth. And that the Gronoivayes may be declared E- nemies, for affifting the Turk in the Spoil of the Rhodes Knights ; and that the Privilege of the Prince and Hance-towns may be fufpended, till Compofition be made to the EngUJh for Wrongs they have done them ; to which in Part the King accordeth. The King by the Chancellor declareth in Par- liament * # , that the Marriage with Margaret, the King of Sicily's Daughter, was contracted for inducing the Peace made with the French, to which the Lords (not by their Advice effected) make Proteftation, and enter it upon the Roll. The King intending f4-to pafs in Perfon into JFranrs, then to treat of Peace with the King, advifes with his Lords and Commons in Par- * Clauf. 7. Hat. IV. n. 33. i Parl. 10. Hen. IV. % Her. V. $ Parl. 3 Hen. V. ** Par!. 4 & 5 Hen. V. -f-f Parl. 5 Hen. V. HI) Rot. Par). ^oHen.V. ttf 9 Hen. VI. % Ann* 2 7 .Hen. VI. Hen. VI. Rot. Parl. 2 Hen. VI. Eugenius IV. |UH| Pail, 1 5 Hen. VI ft Anno 25 Hen. VI. || Parl ..2 Hen.V. j^ Parl. 7 Hen. V. *** Rpt. Parl. 3 Hen-. VI. $$$ Parl. 20 Hen. VI. liamenr ; 120 liament ; and Letters of Mart are granted a- gainft the Britons for Spoils done to the Englijh Merchants. The Lord Hajlings and the Abbot of Glou- cejler declared in Parliament * the Preparation of the French, the Breach b^ them of the Peace, the weak Defence of Normandy, and Expiration fhortly of the Truce > requiring fpeedy Advice and Remedy. It was injoined the Parliament f to provide for the Defence of the Sea and Land againft the French. It was commanded by the King to the States aflembled J, to advife for the well Ordering of his Houfe, Payment of his Soldiers at Calais, Guard of the Seas, Raifing of the Siege at Ber- wick made by the Scots againft the Truce, Dif- pofing of the Thirteen-thoufand Soldiers arrayed the Jaft Parliament, According of Differences a- mongft the Lords, Reftraining Tranfportation of Gold and Silver, and Acquittipg the Diforders in Wales; of all which Committees are ap- pointed to frame Bills. Edward the Fourth, by the Chancellor, de- clareth to the Lords and Commons ||, that hav- ing Peace with the Scots, entered League with Spain and Denmark, contracted with Burgundy and Britain for their Aid, in Recovery of his Right in France ; he had now aflembled them to give their Advice and Counfel therein proceed- ing, with a Charge in a fecond Seflion again prefled them. The like was at another Parliament . After this Time the Journals of Parliaments have been either not well prefer ved, or not care- fully entered : For I can find of this Nature no Record, until the Firft of Henry the Seventh, wherein the Commons, by Thomas Lovel, their Speaker, petitioned the King to take to Wife Elifabeth, the Daughter of Edward the Fourth, to which at their Requeft he agreeth. The next is the Third of Henry the Eighth**, in which, from the King, the Chancellor de- li vereth to the three Eftutes the Caufe of their Aflembly. The firft to advife a Courfe for Re- fifting the Invafion of the Scots ', next how to acquit the Quarrel between the King and the Cajliles, and the Duke of Guilders. Lajlly, For Affifting the Pope ff againft Lewis of France, whofe Bull exprefling the Injuries done Antiquity and Dignity of Parliaments. to the Apoftolick See, was read by the Matter of the Rolls in open Parliament ; the Chancellor, Treafurer, and other Lords fent down unto the Commons to confer thereof. The laft in the Thirty-fecond, where the Chancellor, remembring the many Troubles the State had undergone in doubtful Titles of Succeffion, declareth that the Convocation had judged void the Marriage with Anne of Cleves ; yet the King would not proceed without the Counfel of the three Eftates $. The two Archbifhops are fent to the Com- mons with the Sentence fealed, which being read, and there difcufled, they pafs a Bill a- gainft the Marriage |||. In all thefe PalTages of publick Counfel, wherein I have been much aflifted by the painful Labours of Mr. Elfing, Clerk of the' Parliament, I ftill obferve that the fovereign Lord, either in beft Advice, or moft Neceflities, would enter- tain the Commons with the weightieft Caufes, cither Foreign or Domeftick, to adapt and bind them fo to Readinefs of Charge ; and they as warily avoiding to fhun Expence; their modeflf Anfwers may be a Rule for ignorant Liberty to form their Duties, and humbly to entertain fuch weighty Counfels at their Sovereign's Pleafure ; and not out of the wild Sin of any factious Spirits. I will only add one foreign Example, to ihew what Ufe hath been formerly made of pretended Marriages, and of Parliaments to diflblve them, their firft Ends ferved. Maximilian the Emperor, and Ferdinand of Spdin, the one to fecure his Pofleflions in Italy, the other to fecure the Kingdom of Navarre : To both which the French King flood in the Way, projecting a Marriage of Charles the Grand-child with Mary, the King of England's Sifter : It was embraced, a Contrail:, per verba deprxfenti, palled, and a Book publifhed, of the Benefits and Liberty to enfue the Chriftian World by this Match. Upon this Ground Ferdinand begins to incite King Henry the Eighth to War in France ; pre- fents him with Succour, and defigns him Guienne to be the Mark ; Dorfet is fent with Men and Ammunition to join with the Spanijh Forces. Then on the Borders of Navrrre the Noife is, they come to aflift Ferdinand in Conqueft of that Amo 27 Hen. VI. f Anno 29 Hen. VI. t Anno ZQ Hen. VI. fl ^ EJw. IV. 12 Ed- tors and Fofterers of their Treafons ; xvii December, 1583. Imprinted at London, icfi%,$uarto, containing 5 Sheets, black Letter, the firft Edition ; though, as it appears from fome Ma- nufcript Additions and Alterations on the Title, and in other Parts of the Book, prepared a fecond Time for the Prefs, by the Author, on the 1 4th of January, 1583. Jtfter the Pope and his Party had triec{ all Means to /often Queen Elifabeth, and draw her Council into their Snare ', to fubmit the Church of England as in fames pajt to the Church of Rome, and had even condefcended fo far as to offer to reverfe the Sentence pronounced againft the Legality of her Mother's Marriage ; to ccnfent to the Common- Prayer-Rook's being ufed in Englifh ; and that the Laity might receive the Communion in both* Kinds \ for the treating about which y Pope Pius bad fent a Nuncio as far as Flanders : But perceiving that thefe were injujpcient Baits to allure a ^ueen^ who in her Minority had pojlponed her Liberty to her Religion^ and was too well hijlrutted in the Chriftian Faith> to yield up the Efientials for a few Externals cf Religion ; rcfofoed at all Adventures to crujh her, and consequently not only raij'ed her up Ene- mies Slbroadi but exerted his Power among his deceived Zealots in England and Ire- land, to try //, under the Form of Religious Obedience, he could pcrjuade the Sec the Letter to Don Btrnardin Memtoza, on Pag. 1 36. Vol. I. of tins MifccllAiy. Subjcfls 7^' Execution tf htjliw in England, Sitbjffls to take up Arms againft their lawful Sovereign, and deprive fa'>' of and Life. Thus, in the Tear 1570. Pope Pius engaged one Feltort, to fix a Bull on the Bifiop of London* J Palace, declaring her Sub. efts abfohcd from their" Alle$: and commanding them to take Arms, and dethrone her. on Pain of Damna ion. Vbtn he fent many Priefts both Secular, Regular, and Jefuits, from Ti;ne to 'lime out of their Seminaries, to corrupt the People and propagate the Dctfrine of his P.uH \ and, therefore, the Queen, in juft Regard to our holy Religion, the Laws and Liber- ties of the People, and to her own Welfare, looked no longer upon thofe that ufttrped the Name Catholic!^ to be only diftinft Members of the Chrillian Church, but, in her Dominions, as fo many Rebels \ and, confequently, provided Laws for her own and the Nation's Security, in Church and State, againft fuch Tractors, as under the Form or Name of Religion maintained the rebellious Doftrinc of the forementioned Bull, would take away her Crown and Life, and fubjeft the Nation to a foreign Toke. This brought on thofe Penal Laws, which the Papifts complained of, and would perfuade the World were enabled againft them as Papifts, and not as Rebels, and in Defence of which this Treatife is written. T hath bene, in all Ages and in all Coun- a common Vfage of all Offenders tries, I for the moft Part, both great and fmall, to make Defence of their lewd and un- lawful Fads by Vntruthes and by colour- ing and couering their Deedes (were they neuer Ib vile) with Pretences of fome other Caufes of contrarie Operations or EfFecles ; to the In- tent not onely to auoid Punifliment or Shame, but to continue, vphold, and profecute their wicked Attempts, to the full Satisfaction of their difordered and malicious Appetites, And though fuch hath bene the Vfe of all Offen- ders, yet of none with more Danger than > of Rebels and Traitours to their lawfull Prin- - ces, Kinges, and Countries. Of which Sort, of late Yeeres, are fpecially to be noted cer- teine Perfons naturally born Subie&es in the Realmes of England and Ireland, who, hauing for fome good Time * profefled outwardly their Obedience to their fouereigne Lady, Queene Elizabeth, haue neuerthelefle, afterward been ftirred vp and feduced by wicked Spiritesf, firft in England, fundry Yeeres part, and fe- condly and of later Times in Ireland, to enter into open Rebellion, taking Armes and coming into the Field, againft her Maieftie and her Lieutenants, with their Forces vnder Banners difplayed, inducing by notable Vntruthes many v fimple People to followe and aflift them in their traiterous Actions. And, though it is very well knowen, that both their Intentions and mani- fecl: Actions were bent, to haue depofed the Queenes Majeftie from her Crowrie, and to haue traiteroufly fet m her Place fome other whom they liked, whereby, if they had not been fpeedily refifted, they would haue com- mitted great Bloodfheddes and Slaughters of her Majefties faithful Subieftes, and ruined their native Countrey :. Yet, by Gods Power gitten vnto her Majeftie, they were fo fpeedily- vanquifhed, as fome few of them fuffered by Order of Lawe, according to their Deferts ; many and the greateft Part, vpon Confeffion of their Faultes, were pardoned ; the reft (but they not many) of the Principal!, efcaped into for- reigne Countries, and there, becaufe in none or few places, Rebels and Traitours to their na- turall Princes and Countries dare, for their Treafons, chalenge, at their firft Mufter, open Comfort or Succour, thefe notable Traitours and Rebels haue falfely informed many Kinges, Princes and States, and efpecially the Bifjhoppe, of Rome, commonly called the Pope (frorn whom they all had fecretely their firft Comfort to rebell) that the Caufe of their Fleeing from their Countries was for the Religion of Rome, and for the Maintenaunce of the faid Popes Au- thoritie. Whereas divers of them, before then* Rebellion, liued fo notorioufly, the moft Part * For the Space of ten Years, after Queen Elifabeth had eftablifhed the Reformed Church, thofe, that yet adhered to the Supremacy of the Church of Rome, continued to communicate with the Church of Eng- land as by Law eftabliihed. . . f Authorifed by the Pope's Bull to take up Arms againft their lawful Sovereign. f 0.2 T 124 The Execution of luflice in England, i of their Liues, out of all good Rule, either for h on eft Manors, or for any Senfe in Religion, as they might have been rather familiar with 41 . Catalyn, or Fauourers of Sardanapalus, then accompted good Subie&es vnder any Chriftian Princes. As for fome Examples of the Heads of thefe Rebellions, out of England fled Charles Neuill, Earl of Weftmerland^ a Perfon vtterly / wafted by Loofenefs of Life, and by God's Punifhment, euen in the Time of his Rebel- lion, bereaued of his Children, that fhould haue fucceeded him in the Earldome, and his Bodie nowe eaten with Vlcers of lewde Cau- fes, as his Companions do faye, that no Enemie he hath can wifh him a viler Punifhment ; a pitiful LolTe to the Realme of fo noble a Houfe, never before in any Age attained for Difloyaltie ; and out of Ireland ranne away one Tbo. Stukely *, ^ a defamed Perfon almoft through all Chriften- dome, and a faithlefle Beaft rather than a Man, fleeing firft out of England, for notable Pira- cies, and out of Ireland, for Trecheries not pardonable, which two were *the firft Ring- leaders of the reft of the Rebelles ; the one for England, the other for Ireland. But not- withftanding the notorious euill and wicked Liues of thefe and others their Confederates, voide of all Chriftian Religion ; it liked the Bifhop of Rome, as in Fauour of their Trea- fons, not to colour their Offences, as them- felves openly pretend to do, for auoyding of common Shame of the World, but. flatly to animate them to continue their former wick- ed Purpofes, that is, to take Arms againft their lawful Queene, to inuade their Realm with for- reine Forces, to purfue all her good Subietes and their natiue Countries with Fire and Sworde : For Maintenance whereof there had fome Yeres before, at fundrie Times, pro- ceeded, in a thundring Sort, Bulles, Excommu- nications, and other publique Writings, denoun- cing her Majeftie, being the lawfull Queene, N and Gods anoynted Servant, not to be the Queene of the Realm, charging, and vpon Paines of Excommunication, commanding all her Subiecr.es, to depart from their natural AI- leageances, whereto by Birth and by Othe they were bounde. Prouoking alfo and authorifing all Perfons of al Degrees within both the Realmes to rebell, and upon this antichriftian Warrant, being contrarie to all the Lawes of God and Man, and nothing agreeable to a pafturall Officer, not oriely all the Rabble of the forcfaid Traitors that were before fled, but alfo all other Perfons that had forfaken their natiue Countries, being of diuers Conditions and Qualities, fome not able to Hue at Home \ but in Beggerie, fome difcontented for Lacke of Preferments, which they gaped for vn- worthily in Vniuerfities and other Places ; fome banckerupt Marchants, fome in a Sort learned to Contentions, being not contented to learne to obey the Lawes of the Lande, haue many Yeres running up and downe, from Countrey to Countrey, practifed fome in one Corner, fome in an other, fome with Seeking to gather Forces and Money for Forces, fome with In- ftigation of Princes, by Vntruethes, to make Warre upon their natural Countrey, fome with inwarde Pradices to murder the GREATEST, fome with feditious Writings, and very many of late with publique infamous Libels, ful of defpiteful vile Termes and poifoned Lyes, al- together to vpholde the forefaide antichriftian and tyrannous Warrant of the Popes Bull. And yet alfo by fome other Meanes, to furder thefe Intentions, becaufe they could not readi- ly preuayle by Way of Force, finding forreine Princes of better Confideration and not readily inclined to their wicked Purpofes, it was de- uifed to erecl: vp certeine Schooles which they called Seminaries f, to nourifh and bring vp Perfons difpofed naturally to Sedition, to con- tinue their Race and Trade, and to become Seedemen in their Tillage of Sedition, and them to fend fecretly into thefe the Queene Majefties Realmes of England and Ireland, vn- der fecret Mafkes, fome of Priefthood, fome of other inferior Orders, with Titles of Semi- naries j fdr fome of the meaner Sort, and of * This Man, having fpent his Eftate profufely in England, fled into Ireland; and, becaufe the Queen would not truft him with the Stewardfhip of Wexford, he firft vented feveral fcurrilous Things againit her Majefty, and then fled to Italy ; where,' after fome Time, Gregory the Thirteenth, allured with the Hopes of obtaining the Crown of Ireland for his Baftard Son, gave him the Command of feveral Ships and eight-hundred Italian Soldiers, and ennobled him with the Titles of Marquis De Lemfter, Earl of Wexford and Caterlaugh, Vifcount Morough, and Baron of Rofs, in the Kingdom of Ireland, as if he, the Pope, had been the Sovereign thereof. wfr See an Account of thefe Seminaries on Page 425, Vol. L Execution of lujlice in England, &c. yefuites, for the Stagers and ranker Sort, and fuch like, but yet fo warely they crept into the Land, as none brought the Marks of their Priefthoode with them ; but in diuers Cor- ners of her Majefties Dominions thefe Semi- naries^ or Seedemen, and Jefuites, bringing with them certeine Romijh Trafh, as of their hallowed Waxe, their Agnus Dei * , many Kinde of Beades, and fuch like, have as Til- lage-men laboured fecretly to perfwade the People to allowe of the Popes forefaid Bulles and Warrantes, and of his abfolute Authori- tie ouer all Princes and Countries, and ftrik- ing many with Prickes of Confcience to obey the fame, whereby in Proces of fmall Time, if this wicked and dangerous, traiterous and craftie Courfe had not bene by God's Goodnes efpied and ftaied, there had followed imminent Danger of horrible Vprores in the Realmes, and a manifeft blooddy Deftru6tion of great Multitudes of ChrilKans. For it cannot be denied but that fo many as fhoulde haue bene induced and thorougly perfwaded to have obey- ed that wicked Warrant of the Popes, and the Contents thereof, fhould have bene forthwith in their Heartes and Confciences lecret Traitours ; and, for to be in Deede errant and open Trai- tours, there fliould have wanted nothing but Opportunitie to feele their Strength, and to af- femble themfelves in fuch Nombers with Ar- mour and Weapons, as they might haue pre- fumed to haue bene the greater Part, and fo by *open civill Warre, to haue come to their wicked 'Purpofes. BuLjGojdls Goodnefs, by whom Kinges doe rule, and by whofe Blaft Traitours are commonly wafted and confounded, hath otherwife giuen to her Majeftie, as to his Handmayde and deare Seruant, ruling vnder him, the Spirit of Wifdome and Power, where- by fhe hath caufed fome of thefe fedicious Seede- men and Sowers of Rebellion, to be difcouer- ed for all their fecret Lurkings, and to be taken and charged with thefe former Poyntes of 125 High-treafon, not being dealt withall vpo 1 * Queftions of Religion, but juftly, by order of Lawes, openly condemned as Traitours. At which Times, notwithftanding al Maner of gentle Ways of Perfuafions vfed, to moue them to defift from fuch manifeft traiterous Courfes and Opinions, with Offer of Mercy j yet was the Canker of their rebellious Humors fo deepe- ly entred and grauen into the Hearts of many of them, as they wouHe not be remooued from their traiterous Determinations. And, there- fore, as manifeft Traitours in maintayning and adhearing to the f capitall Enemy of her Maieftie and her Crowne, who hath not only bene the Caufe of two Rebellions alreadie parted in England and Ireland, but in that of Ireland did manifeftly wage and maintains his owne People, Captaines^nd Soldiours, under the Banner of Rome, againft her Maieftie, fo as no Enemy could doe more : Thefe, I fay, have iuftly fuffered Death, not by Force or Forme of any new Lawes eftablifhed, either for Religion or againft the Popes Supremacie, as the flaunderous Libellers would have it feeme to be, but by the auncient terhporall Lawes of the Realme, and namely by the Lawes of Parliament made in J King Edward the Thirds Time, about the Yere of our Lord, 1330, which is about two-hundred Yeres and more paft, when the Bifhops of Rome and Popes were fuffered to haue their Authoritie ecclefiaftical in this Realme, as they had in many other Countries. But yet of this Kind of Offenders, as many of them, as after their Condemnations were contented to renounce their former trai- terous Affertions, fo many were fpared from Execution || , and doe Hue ftill at this Day, fuch was the VnwilJingnes in her Maieftie to haue any Blood fpilt, without this verie vr- gent iuft and neceffary Caufe, preceding from themfelves . And yet, neuerthelefle, fuch of the reft of the Traitours as remayne in forreyne Pertes, continuing ftill their rebellious Myndes, * The Agnm Dei is a Compofition of white Wax and the Powder of human Bones, dug out of the Cata- tombs, or antient Burial Places of the Chriftians at Rome, It is of the Form of an oval Medal with the Representation of the Holy Lamb and Jefus Chrift, who is ftiled Agnus Dei, or the Lamb of God, on the one Side, and-the Pope's Effigy, who confecrated it, on the Reverfe. The Church of Rome afcribes many Vertues to this Sort of Relique, and confines the Touch of it to Perfons in Orders. f Pope of Rome and King of Spain. J 25 Edward III. II There were only four put to Death, p. 476. $ See Page 144. Vol.1, and than 126 Tbe Execution of hjllce in England, &<:. and craftily keeping themfelves aloofe oft' from of the Realme (which God hath giucn, Dangers, ccafe net to. prouoke fundry other Time, to continue longer inferiour fcdiiious Pcrfons newly * to fteale Timo r,f V.PI- PiwT*.m-nrQl fecretlv into the Realme, to reuiue the former ieditious Pradlifes, to the Execution of the Popes forefaid Bulks againft her Majeflie and the Realme, pretending, when they are appre- hended, that they came onely into the Realme by the Commandement of their Superiours, the Heads of the Jefultes^ to whom they are bound (as they fay) by Othe againft either King or Countrie, and here to informe or re- forme Mens Confciences from Errors, in fome Poynts of Religion, as they fhal think meet ; but yet, in very Trueth, the whole Scope of their fecret Labours is manifeftly proued, to be fecretly to winne all People, with whom they dare deale, fo to allow of the Popes faid Bulles, and of his Authoritie without Excep- tion, as, in obeying thereof, they take themfelves fully discharged of their Alleageance, and Obe- dience to their lawful Prince and Country ; yea, and to be well warranted to take Armes to rebell againft her Majeftie when they fhall be thereunto called, and to be ready fecretly to ioyne with any forreine Force that can be procured to inuade the Realme, whereof alfo they haue a long Time giuen, and yet do for their Aduantage, no fmall Comfort of Suc- celTe ; and fo confequently the Effect of their Labours Is to bring the Realme not oncly into a daungerous Warre againft the Forces of Stran- gers (from which it hath bene free aboue twen- ty-three or twenty-four Yeres, a Cafe very me- morable and hard to be matched with an Example of the like :) But into a Warre do- v mefticall and civill, wherein no Blood is vfu- ally fpared, nor Mercy yeelded, and wherein neither the Vanqueror nor the vanquijQied can have juft Caufe of Triumph. And, forafmuch as thefe are the mod eui- dent Perils that neceffanly fhould follow, if thefe Kind of Vermin were fuffered to creepe by Stealth into the Realme, and to fpreade their Poyfon within the fame ; howfoeuer, when they are taken, like Hipocrites, they her euer HI any of Duetie to Time of her Progenitors) ought almightie God, the Author of Peace, and ac- cording to the natural Loue and Charge due to their Countrie, and for auoiding of the Floods of Blood, which, in CiuijI Warres, are fcene to runne and fiowe, by all lawful Meanes poflible, afwell by the Sword as by Lawe, in their feuerall Seafons, to impcachc and repell thefe fo manifeft, and daungerous colourable PracStifes, and Workes of Sedition and Rebellion. And though there are ma- ^ ny Subie&es knowen in the Realme, that dif- fer in fome Opinions Q.f Religion, from the -> Church of England? and that doe alfo not for- beare to profeffe the fame ; yet, in that they -, doe alfo profefle Loyaltie and Obedience to -v her Maieftie, and offer readily iQ. her Ma- ieftjes defence, to impugne and refill any for- reine Force, though it fhould come, or be procured, from the Pope himfelf : Npn.e of thefe Sort are, for their contrarie Opinions in Religion, profecuted, or charged with any Crymes or Paines of Treafon, nor yet willing- ly fearched in their Confciences for their con- trarie Opinions, that fauour not of Treafon. And, of thefe Sorts, there haue been, and are, a Number of Perfons, not of fuch bale and vulgare Note as thofe were, which of late haue bene executed, as, in particular, fome by Name are well knowen, and not vnfit to bee remembered. The firft and chiefeft, by Office, was D. Heth, that was Archbimop of * Tor ke> and Lord Chaunceler of England in Queene Maries Time, who at the firft Com- ming of her Maieftie to the Crowne, fhewing himfelf a faithfull and quiet Subiedr, continu- ed in both the fay de Offices, though in Reli- gion then manifeftly differing ; and yet was he not reftrayned of his Liberty, -nor depriued of his proper Lands and Goods, but, leauing will- ingly both his Offices, liued in his owne Houfe very difcretely, and inioyed all his purchafed Lands during all his naturall Life, vntill, by ve- rie Age, he departed this World, and then left couloure and counterfeit the fame, with Pro- his Houfe and Liuing to his Friends : An Ex- r_ nr c T"\ *_! Ti l* T-_ r 11 _ 1 c f^ .1 . ,.! T ! f~\.. . feffion of Devotion in Religion : It is of all Perfons to be yeelded in Reafon, that her Maie- ample of Gentlenes, neuer matched in Queene, Maries Time. The like did one D. Poole^ ftie, and all her Gouernours and Magiftrates of that had bene Bilhop of Peterborough^ an aun- luftice, hauing Care to maintaine the Peace cient graue Perfon, and a very quiet Subiedt. '* This refers us to Father Par/am and Edm. Campian, the two firft Jefuits employed in England, to preach' Rebellion againft the Queen.- (*amlden. There *The Execution of lujlice in England, There were alfo others that had bene Bi- fhoppes, and in great Eftimation, as D.Tun- ftalli Biihop of Durefme *, a Perfon of great Reputation, and alfo, whileft he liued, of verie quiet Behaviour. There were alfo others, D. White and D. Oglethorpe, one of Winchejler^ the other of CarliJJe^ Bifhoppes, Perfons of a courteous Nature ; and he of Carlijle, fo inclined to Dutifulnes to the Quenes Maieftie, as he did the Office at the Confecration and Coro- nation of hir Maieftie, in the Church of Weft- minfler ; and D. Thurkby, and D. JVatfon^ yet liuing, one of Ely^ the other of Lincolne, Bifhoppes, not prefled with any capitall Payne, though they maintayned the Popes Authoritie againft the Lawes of the Realme : And fome Abbots, as M. Feckman^ yet liuing, a Perfon alfo of quiet and courteous Behaviour for a great Time. Some alfo were Deanes, as D. Boxall) Deane of Windfore, a Perfon of great Modeftie, Lerning, and Knowledge ; D. Cole^ Deane of Paules, a Perfon more earneft then difcrete } D. Reinolds, Dean of Exceter, and not vnlerned ; and many fuch others, hauing borne Office and Dignities in the Church, and that made Profeffion againft the Pope, which they only began in Queen Ma^- ries Time to change ; yet were thefe never, to this Day, burdened with capitall Peanes, nor yet depriued of any of their Goods, or proper Liueloods, but only remoued from their Ec- clefiafticall Offices, which they would not ex- ercile according to the Lawes. And moft of them, and many other of their Sort, for a great Time, were retayned in Bifhoppes Houfes in very ciuill and courteous Manner, without Charge to themfelves or their Friends, vntill the Time that the Pope began, by his Bulles and Meflages, to offer Trouble to the Realme, by ftirring of Rebellion : About which Time onely, fome of thefe aforenamed, being found bufier in Matters of State, tending to ftirre Troubles, then was meete for the common Quiet of the Realme, were remoued to other more priuate Places, where fuch other Wan- derers, as were Men knowen to moue Sedi- tion, might be reftrained from common Re- forting to them to increafe Trouble, as the Popes Bull gaue manifeft Occafion to doubt ; and yet, without charging them in their Con- fciences, or otherwiie, by any Inquifition, to bring them into Danger of any capital Law, fo as no one was called to any capital or bloody Queftion, vpon Matters of Religi- on, but have all inioyed their Life, as the Courfe of Nature would : And fuch of them as yet remayne, may, if they will not be Authors or Inftruments of Rebellion or Sedi- tion, inioye the Time that GOD and Nature fnall yeelde them, without Danger of Life, or Member. And yet it is worthy to be well marked, that the chiefeft of all thefe, and the moft of them, had, in the Time of King Hen- rle the Eight , and King Edward the Sixt, ei- ther by Preaching, Writing, Reading, or Argu- ing, taught all People to condemne, yea, to ab- horre the Authoritie of the Pope : For which Purpofe, they had many Times giuen their Othes publiquely, v againft the Popes Authori- tie, and had alfo yelded to both the faid King'es the Title of fupreame Head of the Church of England, next vnder CHRIST ; which Title, the Aduerfaries do moft falfly write and af- firm, tEaFthe Queenes MaTeTlle* doeth nowe life-: A manifeft Lie and Vntrueth, to be fenc by the verie Acts of Parliament ; and, at the Beginning of her Raigne, omitted in her Style. And for Prpofe that thefe forefaide Bifhoppes and lerned Men had fo long Time difauowed the Pope's Authoritie, many of their Bo9kes and Sermons, againft the Popes Authoritie, remanyne printed, both in Englifo and Latine 9 to be feene in thefe Times, to their great Shame and Reproofe, to change fo often, but fpecially in perfecuting fuch as themfelves had taught and ftablifhed to hold the Contrary, a Sinne nere to the Sinne againft the Holy Ghoft. There were alfo, and yet be, a great Nom- ber of others, being Laymen of good Pofleffi- ons and Lands, Men of good Credite in their Countries, manifeftly of late Time, feduced, to hold contrary Opinions in Religion, for the Popes Authoritie j and yet none of them haue bene fought hitherto, to be impeached in any Poynt, or Quarrel of Trealbn, or of LofTe of Life, Member, or Inheritance ; fo as it may plainely appear, that it is not, nor hath bene, for contrarious Opinions in Religion, or for the Popes Authoritie alone, as the Aduerfaries doe boldely and falfly publifh, that any Perfons haue fuffered Death fince her Maiefties Reigne > e/ Durham. and I7>e Execution of Juftice in England, 128 and yet fome of thefe Sort are well knowen to holds Opinion, that the Pope ought, by Au- thoiitie of Gods Worde, to be fupreame and onely Head of the Catholique Church, through the whole World, and onely to rule in al "Caufes Ecclefiafticall ; and that the Queenes Maieftie ought not to be the Governour ouer any of her Subie&es in her Realme, being Per- fons Ecclefiafticall : Which Opinions are, neuerthelefle, in fome Part, by the Lawes of the Realme, punifhable in thefe Degrees ; and yet, for none of thefe Poyntes, haue any Per- ions bene profecuted with the Charge of Trea- fon, or in Danger of Life. And if then it be inquired, for what Caufe thefe others haue of late fuffered Death, it is truely to be anfwered,. as afore is often remembered, tha-t none at all were impeached for Treafon, to the Danger of their Life, but fuch as did obftinately main- taine the Contents * of the Popfs Bull, afore- mentioned, which do import, 1. That her Majeftie is not the lawfull Queene of England, the firft and higheft Poynt of Treafon : And, 2. That al her Subie&cs are difcharged of their Othes and Obedience, another high Poynt of Treafon : And, 3. All warranted to difobey her and her Lawes, a third and a very large Poynt of Trea- fon. And thereto is to be added, 4. A fourth Poynt moft manifeft, in that they would not difallow the Popes hoftile pro- ceedings in open Warres againft her Maieftie in her Realme of Ireland ; where one of their Company, D. Sanders, a lewde Scholler, and Subieft of England, a Fugitiue, and a princi- pall Companion and Confpirator with the Trai- tours and Rebels at Rome, was, by the Popes fpeciall Commiffion, a Commaunder as in Forme of a Legate, and fometime a Treafurer or Paymafter for thofe Warres ; which D. Sanders, in his Book of his Church Monarchic, did, afore his Faffing into Ireland, openly, by Writing, glorioufly avowe the forefaid Bull of Pius htintus, againft her Maieftie, to be lawfull ; and affirmeth, that, by Vertue there- of, one D. Mooreton, an olde Englijh Fugitiue and Confpirator, was fent from Rome into the North Parts of England, to ftirre vp the firft Rebellion there, whereof Charles Neuill, the late Earle of Wejlmerland, was a head Captaine. And thereby it may manifeftly appeare to all Men, howe this Bull was the Grounde of Rebellions both in England and Ireland \ and howe, for Maintenaunce thereof, and for Sow- ing of Sedition by Warrant, and Allowance of the fame, thefe Perfons were iuftly condemned of Treafon, and lav/fully executed by the aun- cient Lawes temporal! of the Realme, with- out charging them for any other Matter, than for their PracYizes and Confpiracies, both A- broad and at Home, againft the Queen and the Realme, and for Maintaining of the Popes forefaid Authoritie and Bull, publifhed to de- priue her Maieftie of her Crowne, and for withdrawing and reconciling of her Subie&es from their natural Allegeaunce due to her Ma- ieftie and their Countrie, and for mouing them to Sedition : And for no other Caufes, or Queftions of Religion, were thefe Perfons condemned ; although true it is, that, when they were charged and conuinced of thefe Poynts of Confpiracies and Treafons, they woulde ftill, in their Anfweres, colourably pretend their Actions to haue bene for Religi- on : But, in Deede and Trueth, they were manifefted to be for the Procurement and Maintenaunce of the Rebellions and Warres againft her Maieftie and her Realme. And herein is nowe the manifeft Diuerfitie to be feene, and well confidered, betwixt the Trueth of her Majefties Actions, and the Falfhood of the blajfpjhernous Aduerfaries : That where the factious Partie of the Pope, the prin- cipall Author of the Inuafions of her Maief- ties Dominions, do falfely alleadge, that a Nomber of Perfons, whome they terme as Mar- tyrs, haue dyed for Defence of the Catholique Religion, the fame in very Trueth may mani- feftly appeare to have died (if they fo wil haue it) as Martyrs for the Pope, but yet as Traitours to their Soueraigne and Queene, in adhearing to him, being the notable, and one- ly open, hoftile Enemie in all Actions of Warre againft her Maieftie, her Kingdomes, and People : And that this is the Meaning of all thefe that haue fo obftinately mantayned the Authoritie and Contents of this Bull, the very Wordes of the Bull do declare in this Sort, as Dr. Sanders reporteth them. Pius ^uintus Pontifex Maximus, de licts potejlatis plenituditne, dtclarauit Elizabe- th am prcetenjo Regni lure, necnon omni & quo Four Points of Treafoiu *Tbe Execution of Jujlice in England, &c. dignitate, priuilegioq\ priuatam : Jtemq; Proceres, fubditos cff populos dicli reg- nl, ac cateros omnes qui illi quomodocunque iu- rauerunt, a iuramento huiufmodi ac omni fide- litati* debito, perpetuo abfolutos. That is to fay, Pius <*>uintus, the greateft Bifhop, of " the Fulnefle of the Apoftolique Power, de- " clared Elizabeth to be bereued or depriued cc of her pretended Right of her Kingdome, " and alfo of all and whatfoeuer Dominion, " Dignitie and Priviledge ; and alfo the Nobles, "'Subje&es, and People of the faide Kingdome, and all others, which had fworn to her *' any Maner of Wayes, to be abfolued for ua denunciatione multi nobiles viri adducli funt, vt de fratribus liberandis cogitare aude- rent, ac fpcrabant iili quidtm Catholicos omnes fummis viribus affuturos effe : verum etfe alittr quam illi expeclabant res euenit, quia Catholici omnes nondum probe cognouerunt, Elizabethan! bareticam effe declaratant, tamen laudanda il/o- rum Nobilium confilla erant : That is, " By 4< which Denunciation, many Noblemen were " induced or ledde, that they were boldened c< to thinke of the Freeing of their Brethren, " and they hoped certainly that all "the Catbo- ct liques would haue aflifted them in all their ** Strength : But although the Matter hap- *' -pened otherwife than they hoped for, be- " caufe all the Cathcliques knewe not that " Elizabeth was declared to be an Heretike, yet the Counfels and Intentes of thofe *' Noblemen were to be prayfed." A Rebel^ lion and a Vanquifhing of Rebels very fmooth- ly defcribed; This noble Fact here mentioned was the R- bellion in the North : The Noblemen were the Earles of Northumberland and Weftrtterland : The Lacke of the Euent or Succefs was that the Traitours were vanquifhed, and the Queenes Maieftie and her Subjectes had by Gods Ordinance the Victorie : And the Caufe, why the Rebels preuayled not, was, becaufe all the Catholiques had not bene duely informed that the Queenes Majeftie was declared to be (as they Term it) an Heretike : Which Want of Information, to the Intent to make the Re- bels mightier in Nomber and Power, was di- ligently and cunningly fupplyed, by the Sending into the Realme of a great Multitude of the Seminaries f and Jefuits, whofe fpedal Charge was to informe the People thereof, as by their Actions hath manifeftly appeared. And though D. Sanders hath thus written, yet it may be faid by fuch as fauoured the two notable Jefuites, one named Robert Pcrfons (who yet hideth himfelf in Corners to con- tinue his traiterous Practife) x the other named Edmond Campion ( that was found out, being * Or Heathen. f When put with Jefwtt, properly fignifies Setu/ar Priefts, in Oppolition to Jefuiti. *rhe 'Execution of Jufllce in England, fayned or imagined, but are verie Writings taken about one of their Complyces, immedi- atly after Campions Death, although Cam- pion, before his Death *, would not be knowen of any fuch Matter j whereby it may appeare what Truft is to be given to the Wordes of fuch Pfeudo- martyrs* 130 difguifed like a Roifter, and fuffered for his Treafons) that D. Sanders's Treafon is his proper Treafon in allowing of the fayde Bull, and not to -be imputed to Perfons and Campion. Therefore, to make it plaine that thefe two, by fpeciall Authoritie, had Charge to execute the Sentence of this Bull, fhefe Adres in Writing following fhall make manifeft, which are not * He was tried upon the Treafon- At, 25 Edming with a full Intent to^ have killed her Maieftie (whofe Life God always haue in his Cu- ftodie.) The Attempt not denied by the Traitour himfelfe, but confeffed, and that \\Q was moued thereto in his wicked Spirit, by Inticements of certaine feditious and tiaiterous Perfons his Kinfmen and Allyes, and alfo by often reading of fundrie feditious vile Books lately publifhed againft her Maieftie, and _ his End was in De- fperation to ftrangle himfelf to Death ; an Ex- ^rnple of Gods Severitie againft fuch as prefume ' to offer Violencp to his Anoynted ! But as God of his Goodnes hath of long Time hitherto preferued her Maieftie from thefe and the like Trecheries ; fo hath fhe no Caufe to feare being vnder his Protection, (he faying with King Da- vid in the Pfalme, * My God is my Helper, and * I will truft in him ; he is my Protection, and ' the Strength, or the Power of my Saluation.' And for the more Comfort of al good Subiectes againft the Shadowes of the Popes Bulles, it is manifeft to the World, that, from the Begin- ning of her Maiefties Reign, by Gods fingular Goodnes, her Kingdome hath enioyed more vniverfall Peace, her People increafed in more Nombers, in more Strength, and with greater Riches, the Earth of her Kingdomes hath yeelded more Fruits, and generally all Kind of worldly Felicitie hath more abounded fmce and during the Time of the Popes Thunders, Bulles, Curfes, and Maledictions, then in any other .long Times before, when the Popes Pardons and Bleflings came yerely into the Realme; fo as his Curfes and Maledictions haue turned backe to himfelfe and his Fautors, that it may be faid to the blefled Queene of England, Elizabeth, and her People, as was (aid in Deuteronomy of Balaam. The Lord thy God would not heare Balaam, but did turn his Maledictions or- Curfes into Benedictions or Bleflings j the Reafon is, for becaufe thy God loved_thee* Although thefe former Rcafons are fufficient to perfwade all Kind of reafonable Perfons to, allow of her Maiefties Actions to be good, reafonable, lawfull, and neceflarie j yet becauft it may be, that fuch as have by frequent read- ing of falfe artificiall Libels, and by giuing Cre- dite to them,, vpon a Prejudice or Foreiudge- ment afore grounded, by their rooted Opinions in Favour of the Pope, will reft vnfatisfied : Therefore, as much as may be, to fatisfie al Perfons as far foorth as common Reafon may warrant, that her Majeftie's late Aclion, in executing of certain feditious Traitours, hath not proceeded for the holding of Opinions, either for the Popes Supremacie, or againft her Maiefties Regalitie, but for the vexyJCrjunes of Sedition and Treafon, it fhall fuffice briefly, in a Manner of a Repetition of the former Rea- fons, to remember thefe Things following : Firjl, It cannot be denied, but that her Ma- ieftie did, for many Yeres, fuffer quietly the Popes Bulls and Excommunications without Punifhment of the Fautors thereof, accompt- ing of them but as Words or Winde, or cf Writings in Parchment wayed downe with Leade, or as of Water-bubbles, commonly called in Latine, Bulles, and fuch like ; but yet after fome Proofe, that Courage was taken thereof by fome bolde and bad Subiectes, fhe coulde not but then efteeme them to be verie Preambles, or as Forerunners of greater Dan- ger ; and therefore, with what Reafon coulde any miflike, that her Maieftie did, for a bare Defence againft them, without other Action or Force, vfe the Helpe of reuivinj of former Lawes, to prohibit the Publication or Execu- tion of fuch Kinde of Bulles within her Realme. Secondly, When notwithstanding the Prohi- bition by her Lawes, the fame Bulles were plen- tifully (but in fecret Sort) brought into the Realme, and at length arrogantly fet upon the Gates of the Bimop of Londons Pallace, neere to the Cathedrall Church of Pauls, the principal Citie of the Realme, by a lewd Per- fon, vfing the fame like a Herald fent from the Pope; who can in any common Reafon miflike, that her Maieftie, finding this Kinde of Denunciation of Warre, as a Defiance to be made in her principal Citie by one of her Subiectes, auowing and obftinately maintaining the fame, fhould, according to Juftice, caufe the Offender to haue the Reward due to fuch T'/je Execution of Jujlice in England, cjj a Fact ? And this was the firft Action of any nifhed with Treafure, capitall Punifhment inflicted for Matter fent from Rome to moue Rebellion, which was af- ter her Majeftie had reigned about the Space of twelue Yeres or more ; a Time fufficient to prove her Maiefties Patience. Thirdly , When the Pope had rifen vp out of his Chaire in his Wrath, from Words and Writings to Actions, and had contrary to the Aduife giuen by St. Barnard, to one of his Predeceflbrs, that is, when by his Meflages he left Verbum, and took Ferrum, that is, left to feede by the Word, which was his Office ; and began tojlrike with the Sword, which was for- ~ bidden him, and ftirred her Noblemen and People directly to Difobedience and to open Re- bellion, which was the Office of Dathan and Abyron ; and that her lewde Subje Fifthly, Whether the fayd trai- terous Prieft, D. Sanders, or one Brijlowe, a rebellious Fugitiue, did, in their Bookes, '39 in approuing the fayd Bull of Pius ghuntui, and the Contentes there- of? Lajlly, What were to be done, if the Pope, or any other afligned by hrm, would inuade the Realme of England } and what Part they would take, or what Part any faithfull Subject of her Majefties ought to take ? To thefe few Queftions, very apt to trie the Trueth, or Falfhoode, of any fuch feditious Perfons, being iuftly before condemned for their Difloyaltie ; thefe lewde, vnarmed Trai- tours, I fay, would no wife anfwere directly hereto, as all other faithfull Subjectes to any Prince Chriftian ought to doe. And, as they, upon Refufall to anfwere directly to thefe Queftions onely, might have been iuftly con- umced, as guiltie of Treafon ; fo yet were they not thereupon condemned, but vpon all their other former Actions, committed both Abroade, and in the Realme, which were no lefle traiterous then the Actions of all other the Spyes and Traitours, and of ludas aim- felfe afore remembred, which had no Armour nor Weapon, and yet at all Times ought to be adjudged Traitours. For thefe aifguifed Perfons (called Schollars, or Prieftes) hauing bene firft conuerfant of long Time with the Traitours beyonde the Sea in all their Confpi- racies, caroe hither by Stealth in Time of Warre and Rebellion, by Commandement of the capitall Enemie, the Pope, or his Legates, to be fecret Efpialles and Explorers in the Realme for the Pope, to deliver, by fecret Romijh Tokens, as it were an Earneft, or Preft, to them that (houlde be in Readines to ioyne with Rebelles, or open Enemies, and in like Sort, with their hallowed Baggages from Rome, to poyfon the Sences of the Subjectes, powring into their Heartes malicious and pefti- lent Opinions againft her Majeftie and the Lawes of the Realme ; and alfo to kindle and fet on Fire the Heartes of difcontented Subjectes with the Flames of Rebellion, and to fearch and found the Depthes and Secretes of all Mens inwarde Intentions, either againft her Majeftie, or for her : And, finally, to bring into a Beadroll, or, as it were, into a Mufter-roll, the Names and Powers, with the Dwellings, of all thofe that (houlde be readie to rebelle, and to ayd the forrein Inuafion. Thefe Kinds of feditious Actions for the Ser-^ uice of the Pope, and the Traitours and Re- belles Abroade, haue made them Traitours ; not their Bookes, nor their Beades, no not S 2 their I4 o "the Execution of luftice in England, their Cakes of Waxe, which they call Agnus Dei) nor other their Reliques, nor yet their Opinions for the Ceremonies or Rites of the Church of Rome ; and therefore it is to be cer- tainly concluded, that thefe did juftly deferue . , , to ~ their capitall Punifhments, as Traitours, though and Libellings, altogether contrary to Chrif- Vfage of their Schooles, and content them- felues with their Profeffion and Deuotion ; and that the Remnant of the wicked Flocke of the Seedemen of Sedition would ceafe from their rebellious, falfe, and infamous Railings they were not apprehended with open Armour or Weapon. Nowe if this latter Repetition, as it were, of all the former Caufes and Reafons afore re- cited may not ferve to flop the boifterous Mouthes, and the peftiferous Tongues, and ve- nimous Breathes of thefe, that are infected with fo grofle Errors, as to defende feditious tian Charitie ; there is no Doubt, by Gods Grace (her Maiefty being fo much giuen to Mercie, and deuoted to Peace) but al Colour and Occafion of (bedding the Blood of any more of her naturall Subje&es of this Land, yea, all fuid_er bodely Punifhments fhould vt- terly ceafe. Againft whofe Malices, if they fhould not defifte, Almighty God continue Subie&es, Stirrers of Rebellion againft their her Maieilie, with his Spirit and Power, long naturall Prince and Country ; then are they to be left, without any further Argument, to the Judgement of the Almightie God, as Per- fons that haue couered their Eyes againft the Sunnes Light, flopped their Eares againft the to reigne, and liue in his Feare, and to be able to vanquifh all God's Enemies, and efpeci- ally her Rebelles and Traitours, both at Home and Abroade, and to maintaine and preferue al her naturall good louing Subjectes, to the true Sound of luftice, and opprefled their Heartes Seruice of the fame Almightie God, according n . 1 T? _ _ ** T _ _/" J _ -_! .. 1 * I- 1 _ T7 J _ 1 TIT* II againft the Force of Reafon; and, as the Pfabnijl faith, < They fpeake Lyes, they are to his holy Worde and Will. Many other Thinges might be remembred as venemous as the Poifon of a Serpent, euen for Defence of other her Maiefties princely, - Tl ,1 1 _ ^ f_ A J J it- -A. /L -.1. t-*TT* > 1 -_L!_ J - _ II A O / i * . * like the deafe Adder that ftoppeth his Eares.' Wherefore, with Chriftian Charitie to con- clude, If thefe Rebels and Traitours, and their Fautors, woulde yet take fome Remorfe and Compaffion of their natural Countrey, and would confider, how vaine their Attempts haue bene fo many Yeres, and how many of their Confederates are wafted by Miferies and Calamities, and how none of all their At- tempts, or Plotts, haue profpered j and there- fore would defift from thefe vnnatural Prac- tices Abroade : And, if their Seminaries, fecret Wanderers, and Explorators in the Darke woulde imploy their Traueiles in the Workes of Light and Doftrine, according to the honourable, and godly Actions in fundrie other Thinges, wherein alfo thefe and the like fedi- tious Railors haue of late Time, without all Shame, by fained and falfe Libels, fought to difcredit her Maieftie and her Gouernement ; but, at this Time, thefe former Caufes and Reafons, alledged by Way of Aduertife- ments, onely for Mayntenance of Trueth, are fufficient to iuftifie her Maiefties Actions to the whole Worlde. 2 Efdr. iv. Magna eft Veritas, & prauaht. Great is the Truth, and fhe ouercometh. A Dif. A Difcourfe of Marriage and Wiving, and of the greateft Myf- tery therein contained : How to chufe a good Wife from a bad. An Argument of the deareft Ufe, but the deepeft Cunning, that Man may err in; which is, to cut by a Thread, between the greateft Good or Evil in the World. Pertinent to both Sexes, and Conditions, as well thofe al- ready gone before, as (hortly to enter this honeft Society. Amare & fapere vix Diis conceditur. By Alex. Nicchoks, Batchelor in the Art he never yet put in Practice. He that ft and s by, and doth the Game furvey^ Sees more of times, than thofe that at it play. London, printed by N. 0. for Leonard Eecket, in the InHer- lemple, 1615. Quarto, containing fixty-one Pages, includ- ing the Dedication and Preface. 70 the virtuous young Gentleman , and his 'worthily refpetted Friend, Mr. Tho- mas Edg worth, under Treasurer of Windfor, Health and Content ', in his own Per/on, and in the happy Fruition of his virtuous Wife. SIR, your Felicity, the higheft Top of yours, to make you a Father of happy and Enjoyment in this Kind, is become undoubted Children ; Sons for the Earth, and the Aim, that the practick Art, in Saints for Heaven; multiplying upon your this School of Direction, levelleth at Head all the Comforts in that Covenant : you being already inflated ( with En- And for this Treatife, which, by your Direc- vy and Admiration) in that Blifs, which o- tion, comes forth to direct others to that Model thers may thus toil after in* moft befeeming of Happinefs, wherein you fland eminent, Circumftances (by many Degrees) to come may it have that Succefs with all, that it hath fhort of: When I enter this Courfe of Life had Approbation with you, and as kind Enter- (as, for aught I know, I may one Day marry) tainment with the World, as thofe beft Crea- be it my higheft Ambition, with all my Di- tures, the Subject thereof, in their Perfection de- fections, to have one to be a near Imitator ferve ; which are the Seed and Seminary thereof, of her fo many religious and moral Virtues, and which (by this Means) have maintained that for whofe happy Continuance my beft Wifhes lading, and yet un-ended, War againft thofe ihall be Jpent, that fhe may long continue two arch and unwearied Adverfaries of Man- kind* J42 kind, 77tfJ with the Conference and Ufe thereof. TH E Excellency thereof doth the more manifeft itfelf in this, in that it was an Addition of Beatitude and Bleflednefs, to that happy and abfolute Eftate that Adam had in his firft Creation and Innocency \ that it was fo precious a Flower, that it would not thrive but in fo pure a Soil ; that God himfelf was the Author to inftitute it, and the Prieft to celebrate it, before ever Sin and Impurity had tainted the Earth, or blemifhed the angelical Beauty of either the Bride or Bridegroom; ^and, though the Confequence in that Place brought Sorrow and Death, yet hath it a Re- lation to as full, nay more ample Joy and Life in the Extent and Determinaxion thereof, than it could otherwife have had in that firft Perfeverance and Fruition, from which, tho' nt>w by Sin, our beft Faculties, Privileges and Prerogatives, in all Kinds, are fo clouded, eclipfed, and fallen away, that we difcern not aright the Excellencies, true Ufes and Ends of fo divine a Myftery in itfelf, notwithftand- ing we do yet in this Twilight perceive fuch Glimpfes and Sparkles of original Purity and Felicity unextinguiftied therein, that we are wedded by our own Wills, and induced by To natural a Coaftion to the Embracement thereof, for the mutual Society and Comfort of Life, without which it could neither fubfift nor continue, more than to any other Duty or Action therein commanded or required what- foever. From the Excellency of the Inftitution, come we to the Excellency of the true Ufe, the Danger of the contrary, and therefore the deep Regard to be had before-hand, as in the Enterprife itfelf, being of fuch weighty Mo- ment and Import, of which one, thus farther difplaying it, writeth: Marriage, of all the human Actions of a Man's Life, is one of the greateft Weight and Confequence, as thereon depending the future Good, or Evil, of a Man's whole After-time and Days ; that Gordian Knot, once faftened, not to be unloofened but by Death ; the Means either to exalt on high to Preferment, or caft down headlong to DeftrudHon, and the piefent Difpofer of a Man's whole Eftate and For- tune to his greateft Joy or Mifery, and there- fore with his tale pondus (as before) not be dan- ced into lightly or unadvifedly, with the firft that comes to Hand, as a blind Man lays his Hold, but foberly entered upon with mature Advice, Years, and Deliberation, Confent, and Counfel of Parents and Friends; for it is in this A&ion as in a Stratagem of War : Wherein he that errs can err but once, perijheth unrecoverably to all after Advice and Relief. And therefore A Difcourfe of Marriage and Wwing. therefore that merry Proverb is not amifs, that thus implieth : That in Wiving and Thriving a Man {hould afk Counfel of all the World, it being a Matter of fuch Difficulty, Doubt, and Danger to be refolved in ; fuch a continual Storm and Tempeft to thofe that launch not forth in a profperous Gale, having perverted their Felicity therein, by running from the Rule of God in their Choice, that (with Jonas) fuch, to be delivered, were better be cart alive into the Sea, to the Belly of the Whale, and Mercy of the mercilefs bottomlefs Deep (though with him they never came to Shore again) than en- dure fuch a perpetual Vexation it is the Har- binger unto, with fuch a Leviathan gf'tKe' Land as. ia-ajurious Woman ;Tor^as a virtu- ous Woman iTsTHay erfof JSeautVj^ fo a wick- ed Womaft-is-a Sea of Evils^and in herHTIde more full than that Element of Monfters; worle far to live with than a fmoaky Houfe, for that, for the moft Part, offends only the Eyes in the Head, but this all the Senfes in the Body ; nay, he, that hath fuch a Familiar, hath a worfe Neighbour of his own than Horfam (hould have had, if her fabulous Dragon had been true ; yet, though in the Curfe it be fub- jecT: to thefe Evils, blefs it in the true Ufe, and it is, of all human Comforts, the greateft ; for, if the mutual Society between Friend and Friend be fo great, that in Affliction it admi- niftereth Comfort, and in Joy it heapeth the Meafure to the Brim, by detracting from the Sowre, and adding to the Sweet, by a fenfible Participation of cither's Quality, how much more then fhall it be enlarged by fuch a Friend, \vho is to us a fecond Self, or Treafurer of our own Thoughts, and therefore more nearly in- terefted in either the one or the other. Befides this, in thy Marriage, the very Name whereof (hould portend unto thee Merry -age, thou not only uniteft unto thyfelf a Friend, and Comfort for Society, but alfo a CompajiiojjjQr Pleafure, and in fomg.Sp-Ct.a^Sexyant for Pro- '45 and otherwife without Remembrance, unlefs by fome ruinous Stone, or ragged Epitaph, and fo (in fome Sort) makeft thy Body immortal, like thy Soul, and not only by this doft thou add to the Sons of the Earth, but to the Saints of Heaven ; befides, by this, fo excellent, fo ho- nourably accounted of amongft all Men, are thy wild and unbridled Affections reduced to Humanity and Civility, to Mercy and Cle- mency, and thou thyfelf called back to look into thyfelf, and to underlland the Subftance and Truth of Things ; and therefore he that hath no Wife is faid to be a Man unbuilt that wanteth one of his Ribs, afleep as Adam was till his Wife was made, for Marriage awaketh the Underftanding as out of a Dream,; arid he that hath no Wife is faid to be a Man in the Midft of the Sea, perifhing for Want of this Ship to waft him to Shore ; is faid to be parched in the Heat of the Sun, that hath not this Vine to reft him under her Shadow ; if Sicknefs come, it brings thee a Phyfician ; it" Health continue, it is partly a Preferver. But to go further, to equal it with the beft com- mended Virginity, where is the Man this Day living, whofe Virginity may be compared with Abraham's Marriage, in whom all the Nations of the Earth were bleffed ? St. Auji'm oppofeth it to the Virginity of St. John \ but the greateft Authority we have, in Praife of Marriage, is the Union of Chrift with his Church compar- ed unto it ; the Bond whereof is the Holy Ghoft, the Contract the Gofpel, the Apoflles the Regifters, all married Men except St. John. and St. Paul ; and Jtfas Chrijl fealed it with his Blood, the Betrothing whereof is here be- low in the Church, but the Wedding itfelf (hall be folemnifed in Heaven. It is likewifc the Original of all Pairs, of all Couples, Pri- mum par, fundamenium parium, faith one, Fa- ther and Child, Mailer and Servant, Hufband and Wife, all grow out of this firft Union and Conjunction ; all Kindred and Affinity in the fit tcojjor .a WjfMS_aU thefe ; befides, by the World take their Birth from this Root, Excellency and Bleflfng of this Inftitution, thou - L: - L n/r continued thy Name, thy Likenefs, and thy Generation walks upon Earth, and fo liveft in thy Similitude, in Defpight of Death, when .thou thyfelf art dead, and raked up in Dufr, ith- out which Men would live difperfed like favage Beafts, and irrational Creatures, without Dif- tindtion or Separation of Tribe or Family, which arc the firft Parts of a Commonwealth. V O I. II. H A 146 A Difcourfe of Marriage and Wiving. CHAP. III. Worldly Choice what it is, or low, for the moft Part, Men chufe their Wives. IT is a Fafhion much in Ufe in thefe Times tc chufe Wives as Chapmen fell their Wares, with Quantum dabitis ? i. e. IVhat is the moft you will give ? And, if their Parents or Guardians (hall reply, Their Virtues are their Portions, and others have they none, let them be as dutiful as Sarah, as virtuous as Anna, as obedient as the Virgin Mary ; thefe, to the wife Man, every one a rich Portion, and more precious than the Gold of Ophir, {hall be no- thing valued, or make up where Wealth is wanting ; thefe may be Adjuncts or good Ad- ditions, but Money muft be the Principal of all that marry, and (that Scope is large) there are but few that undergo it for the right End and Ufe, whereby it comes to pafs that many at- tain not to the BlefTednefs therein. Some un- dergo this Curfe inftead of Blefiing, merely for Luft chuiing their Wives moft unfitly, as A- dulterefles ; and fuch are faid to marry by the Eye, looking no further than a carnal Beauty is diftinguifhed, which confifts in the outward Shape and Lineaments of the Body, as in Gate, Gefture, Countenance, Behaviour, &c. And for fuch a one, fo (he be fair, and can kifs, (he hath Portion enough for fuch a Pirate ; but when this Flower withers, as it is of no Con- tinuance, for Difeafes blaft it, Age devours it, Difcontent doth wither it (only Virtue is not foiled by thefe Adverfaries) what (hall continue Love as then to the End ? Their Winter fure (hall be full of Want, full of Difcontent, that thus, Grafshopper-like, refpecled their Sjm- mer. There are others that marry to join Wealth to Wealth, and thofe are faid to mar- ry by the Fingers Ends ; fome others there are that take their Wives from the Report or good Liking of others, and thofe are faid to take their Wives upon Truft, and fuch, I hope, are not feldom deceived in their Venture. There are fome that marry for Continuance of Pofteri- ty, and thofe come neareft to the true Intent, for the End of Marriage is proles, i. e. JJJiic ; it was the primal Blefling, Increafe and multi- ply. God hath given and bequeathed many Pre- cepts and Commandments to Mankind, yet, of all that ever he delivered, never was there any better obferved (for the Letter) than this ; nay, the moft Part are fo ready to accomplim his Will herein, that, for Hafte, many Times, they overflip the true Circumftances thereof, doing it, propter intentionem, prater viam, for God requires Liberi, not Spurii, i. e. Chil- dren, not Baftards ; and thofe that thus increafe it, do it more for the Manner than the End, more for Luft than for Love. CHAP. IV. How to chufe a good Wife from a bad. THIS Undertaking is a Matter of fome Difficulty, for good Wives are many Times, fo like unto bad, that they are hardly difcerned betwixt, they could not other- wife deceive fo man\ as they do ; for the Devil fan transform himfelf into an Angel of Light, the better to draw others into the Chains of Dark- nefs ; fo thefe, his Creatures, themfelves into the Shape of Honefty, the better to intangle others in the Bonds of Repentance ; if, therefore, the Yoke of Marriage be of fuch Perpetuity, and lading even, tifque ad necem, i. e. until Death, and the Joys or Grievance thereon depending of equal Continuance therewith, either to make a fhort Heuven or Hell in this World, it is not therefore to be undergone but upon the dueft Regard, and moft advifed Confideration that may be; and, becaufe it is fuch a Sea, wherein fo many mipwreck for Want of better Knowledge and Advice, upon a Rock, that took not better Counfel in the Haven, I have, therefore, in fome Sort, to prevent this Danger, erected (as it were) certain Land-marks and Directions in the Way, to give Aim to fuch PafTengers as {hall hereafter expofe themfelves to the A'lercy of this Fury ; and the rather, be- caufe our Age is fo adventurous, whether Bold- nefs or Blindnefs be their Guide, that mere Children dare undertake with Vefiels fcarce capable to hoift up Sail, and adventure thofe PaiTages, A Difcourfe of Marriage Paflages, that former Times, which, in their Nonage, never precedent us in the like, would have thought fcarce navigable ; but many Times this Calm, that leads them forth in a Sun-fhine with Pleafure, brings them Home in a Tem- peft, with Sorrow ; and, therefore (as I faid) he that would not repent him afterwards, let him be advifed before ; for, wife Forejight, for the moft Part, is crowned with happy Succefs ; therefore, fay not hereafter (for it is a weak Remedy) Utinam faperem, i. e. Would Gcd I had been better advifed, but be it fo. The firft Aim that I would give to him, 4hat would adventure this Voyage (for Mar- triage is an Adventure, for whofoever marries, (adventures ; he adventures his Peace, his ';Freedom, his Liberty, his Body ; yea, and fometimes his Soul too) is, that in his Elec- tion, after he hath made Choice of his Wife, which ever I would have grounded upon fome of thefe promifing Likelihoods, viz. That fhe be of a fiber and mild Afpect, courteous Beha- viour, decent Carriage, of a fixed Eye^ conflant Look, and unaffefted Gate, the Contrary being oftentimes Signs of ill Portent and Confequence ; for as the common Saying is, An hcneji Woman dwells at the Sign of an hone ft Countenance ; and wild Looks (for the moft Part) accompany wild Conditions ; a rolling Eye is not fixed, but would fix upon Objects it likes, it looks for, and affected Nicety is ever a Sign of lafcivious Petulancy. Next, regard, according as thine Eftate and Condition fhall beft inftruct thee, the Educa- tion and Duality of her thou haft fo elected, her Perfonage not being unrefpected ; for Love looks fometimes as well with the Eye of the Body, as with the Mind, and Beauty, in fome, begets Affection, and Affection augmenteth Love ; whereas the Contrary would decreafe and diminifh it, and fo bring thee to a loathed Bed,which muft be utterly taken Heed of, for the dangerous Confequences that follow; therefore let thy Wjfdom fo govern thine Af- fection, that, as it feize not up Deformity to '47 thine own proper Ufe, for fome fmifter Re- fpecttobe fhortly after repented of ; fo, like- wife (for the Mean is ever beft) that it level not at fo high and abfolute Endowment and Perfection, that every carnal Eye fhall be- think thee Injury, that every goatifh Difpofi- tion fhall level to throw open thy Inclofures, that thy Wife fhall be harder to be kept, than the Garden of the Hefperides ; for, as the Italian Proverb is, JVhofe Horfe is white, and Wife is fair, flis Head is never -Vjld of Care. Next, after thou haft thus elected thy Choice, and confidered her in herfelf, with the aforefaid Circumftances, and this one more (not being of his Mind, that merrily faid, fpeaking of his Wife, Since he was to make Choice out of Things that were evil, he thought it moft Wifdom to chufe the leaft ;) to regard, that fhe be not of too , dwarfifh a Size and Kindred, to ftore thee / with a Generation of Pigmies, Dwarfs, Hair-., 1 men, that want the Majefty and Power ofj Height and Strength, and the Comelincfs :i good Stature is, for the moft Part, wedded! unto. After this, a little look back to tK' Stock, from whence fhe fprung, for, as Ez : '- kiel faith, Like Mother, like Daughter ; and Experience and Nature approve it, that the Fruit will relifh of the Tree, from whence it fprung, as the Rofe is not gathered from tho Hawthorn : And, as his Majefty v/cll oh- ferved, If Men be fo careful to have their Horfes and Dogs of a good Breed and Race v which are only for external and fuporikkil Ufes and Pleasures, how much more fhouid they their Wives of their own Bofoms, from whom they expect to raife and continue their own Generations and Posterities upon Earth, to reprefent and preferve alive their own Image and Virtues behind them, from Generation to \ Generation, ufque ad knginquum^ &c. ? CHAP. V. What Tears are moft- convenient for Marriage, 1*^H E forward Virgins of our dge are of Opinion, that this Commodity can never be taken up too foon, and there- fore, howfoever they neglect in other Things, they are fure to catch Time by theForebck in this j if you afk this Queftion, they will refolvc you, Fourteen is the beft Time of their Age, if Thirteen b not better than that j and they have T 2 ^ r A Difrourfe of Marriage and Wiving.. for the mod Part the Example of thsir Mo- theis before them, to confirm and approve their Ability; and this withal they hold for a certain Ground, that, be they never fo little, they are fure thereby to become no lefs ; the Effects that, for the moft Part, enfue thereafter, are dingero'js Births, Diminution of Stature, Bre- vity of Life, and fuch like ; yet all thefe Pains will they adventure for this Pleafure : Now as thefe will not ftay till their Youth, but marry in th.sir Childhood, before either Blood or Af- fections ripen them thereto by their early For- wardnefs, fb are there others that as much of- fend in the Contrary, by pafiing over their Youth for certain cautionary worldly Refpects, to falutcthis Society with their Age, like to him that hath fuffered "his Houfe to burn down to tiie Bottom, before he would feek to extinguifa the Flame, when the other as needlefsly for- ward, as he foolifhly flow, throws on Water e're any Fire come near it ; the Extremity in both is utterly diftafteful,. and, as I have alrea- dy {hewed briefly the Indifcretion in either, fo I might thus continue it further along in the iirft : That fuch fhould take upon them to go- vern others, that (which, as may well appear in this,) know not yet how to govern themfelves ; the latter, that they utterly abandon the right Ufe of Marriage ; for, if the chief End thereof be Propagation and Increafe, both for the Kingdom of Earth and Heaven, why then do they defer fo long till their Blood be frofty, and their Bones be empty, their Lamps be wafted, and their Spirits confumed, hiding in the Earth their Talents from Ufe, which might have been otherwife multiplied, by a lawful Ufury, to a happy Increafe and excel- lent End, and therefore worthy fuch of their juft Reward, which is (for the moft Part) to perifh in themfelves as the laft of their Name and Pofterity upon Earth. Diogenes being afked, what Time of a Man's /Life was beft to marry, anfwered, in Youth it was too foon, and in Age it was too late, cynically infmuating thereby, that it was beft never : Indeed, fome of our unfortunate Con- junctions might have been happy, in embra- cing his Counfel, when Planets of malevolent Afpect and Influence are unfortunately houfed, like two oppofite Poifons in a Stomach, one ever fick of another, fearfully portending their own Deftruction and Ruin ; yet, not to dif- comfort any that are to enter herein, the beflr Good and moft abfolute Perfection that ever was in the World, and moft general, never did all participate in the Fruition thereof, al- though the greateft Number did ; God gave Sight to all, yet all partake not the Benefit thereof; Health to all, yet fome are daily incumbered with Sicknefs ; Limbs to all, yet fome we, fee are decrepid and lame, although the moft enjoy them, thefe Infirmities having in their Being rather deficient than efficient:. Caufes ; for God created not Blindnefs, Lame- nefs, Sicknefs, or fuch like, but the Depriva- ?tion of their better Oppofites is the Caufeof \ their Producement and Effect: So likewife in Marriage God gave a general Bleffing to the- firftlnftitution and Ufe thereof ; he bleffcd'ti by his Word, he honoured it by his Prefence, he confirmed it by his Miracles, where he turned Water into Wine, to (hew that thofe that celebrate it in the right Manner, to the lawful and true End, fhall have their Sorrow turned into Joy, their Water into Wine; but the contrary, their Joy into Sorrow, that is, their Wine into Water. I One faith, Wives are young Men's Miftrefles, Companions for Middle-age, and old Men's ] Nurfes, fo that a Man may have a Quarrel to marry when he will : But the Apoftle faith here, Rejoice in the IVife of thy Youth : As thereby he would point out the fittejl Time; in thy Youth, whilft thou haft Blood in thy Veins, and Marrow in thy Bones ; Health in. thy Loins, and Security in thy Sufficiency j. when thou mayeft beget an Off fpring, and by Courfe of Time be fo bleffed, as to fee thy Childrens Children ingrafted into the Church, and Common- wealth, in honourable Offices and Functions, to thy Peace of Confciencc > and Quietnefs in thy laft Dimittii : Late Re- pentance, they fay, is feldom true Repentance ; and it is obfervable, that in thefe late Mar- riages is feldom found that true Comfort and Happinefs, which it is crowned withal in due Seafon ; therefore begin not the World, di- vide not thyfelf, thy Love, when thou art going out of the World. CHAP. A Difcourfe of Marriage and Wiving. '49 CHAP. VI. That Conveniency and Fitnefs, in Choice, is more to be regarded, than either Beauty, Riches, or any other Addition of Mind, or Fortune. IN this one and abfolutely greateft A&ion of a Man's whole Life, Men, for the moft Part, are either fo carelefs in their Will, or fo blinded in their Judgment, or fo carried away by Affe&ion, that 'they regard not that which moft materially concerneth the Peace, the Welfare, and Felicity of their whole Life and Confervation therein ; for their Eye, for the moft Part, either feizcth upon Beauty,, and thofe are fuch that chufe an Apple for the red Side, as the Serpent deceived Eve, which afterwards in the Tafte fets the Teeth on Edge ; or the Heart upon Riches, and they are rather married to the Subftance, than the Owner : Some again marry for Gentility, not refpeding their own Ignobility and Bafe- nefs, which, for the moft Part, it upbraideth them with all their Life long ; and though all of thefe are joined by the Ring (the Emblem of Wedlock) yet few underftand the Moral thereof, which is a reprefentary Fitnefs to be refpe&ed : I mean not Equality or Fitnefs of Stature, for the more equal Conjunction and Action, but a Fitnefs in 1 Affection ; for as that being either too big, or too little, pinch- eth the Finger, or ftayeth not on ; fo, where this Equality doth not fympathife in Affe&ion, there is either a Falling off from the Bond of this Duty, or a Shrinking up of the Joy and Felicity therein : The cholerick Man, who, for fome outward Refpedt, maketh this his expected Heaven a Hell, by unaptly enjoining unto himfelf Provocation and Impatience, ever to kindle that Fire a-frefli, which of itfelf con- fumes, without farther Addition, the very Peace and Tranquillity, Life and Spirit of Soul and Body, whenas he {hould rather have elect- ed, as an Allayer to this Fury, Meeknefs, and Endurance; fuch a Lenitive as this (hould ra- ther have wafted the Malady, than augmented the Mifery ; for what Concord, or Society, can be expected to be enjoyed, when Natures more repugnant than the Elements are joined in one : Free Spirits with wifer Difpoiitions, where they grapple and tug without Eafe and Releafement, for Breath and Liberty : Heroes Thoughts with dull Affections, where there is no Correfpcndence to their Height or Eleva- tion : Knowledge with Ignorance, where there is no Zeal to communicate ; old Age with Youth, where there is no Dcfire of Enjoyment,' preventing the Good by fome blind Induce- ment, which either might have claimed by their Likelihood, in mere fuitable Fitnefs, bear- ing the Yoke with Repining and Difplea- fure, as prefling too heavily^ which otherv/ife might have been fupported with Eafe and De- light, as fcarce tafied or felt : Therefore, who- ever thou art, know this in thy Choice, that wouldeft for Bondarc adventure thy Freedom, that every good Woman makts not fcr every Man a good Wife, no otherwife than fome one good Difii cii^'is with every Stomach : Therefore, cs for thy Trade, thou wilt ch-Jc a fit Servant, for thy Stomach a fit Diet, ior thy Body fit Cloathing, fo, for thy infeparable, daily, nightly Society, chufe a fit Companion, according to the Poet's Rule in alefier Senfe : Etigat equalem prudent Jibi quifq\ fcdalem. Let every wife and difcreei M.irr Chufe him a fit Companion. The Thief for his Burglaries takes his fittcft" Opportunity and Society : The HufbandrrKUi his Seafons for his Seed- time and Harveft : The Lawyer the Advantage of Affizes and Teims : The Merchant for Adventure the Tide and the Winds, and all thefe the Fitnefs bcfriend- eth the Endeavour ; and (hall the Hufoan-J then think to eftablith his Purpofe, his Peace, fo great, and fo greatly thereon depending, without this Vigilancy and Obfervance ? The old Rule will teach him new Wit, in his Apt^ nefs, which faith, He, that a fit Wife to himfelf doth wed, In Mind, Birth, Age, keeps lor.g a quiet Bed. \ Art thou a Remnant of the Age of fome mifpent Youth, fallen from the Badge of one Bafenefs to another, as frowned out of fome c;nvenient Mafter's Favour, for not gleafing. A Dtfcourfe of Marriage and Wiving. 150 pleafmg thy Miftrefs, that now, to fupport thy Creature, would fmoak thee out a Living in fome blind and confcious Corner, fmell thee then a Wife out a little tainted, the fweet- er for thy Pufpofe, and as apt to fall down as thy Vapour to fly up, taking Care'(unlefs thou wilt difrank thy (elf, or fingle out from the too common Shame and Abufe in this Kind) that (lie be fuch a one as can take it y and being light can light it. Art thou a Merchant, a Mariner, a Termer, chufe thee a Wife of fome phlegma- tick Humour, that, like a rich Creditor, with her large Stock of Virtue, without Breaking out, can forbear thee, upon Occafion, a Month or two, a Year or two, a Term or Voyage, left other wife, thou Abroad, (he prove an A&or with thy Faclor at Home, or for thee, whilil thou laboured for this Right in this Cafe, do againft thee that Wrong in another, which no Law can help, nor Prevention hinder, nor Pa- tience bear ; if otherwife, though thou efcape the Perils of the Sea, thou art in Danger of the Pirates of the Land ; or thou, though thou get a Judgment at the Flail, (halt be fure to liave Execution againft thee at Home : And from whence elfe proceed thefe lamentable Jars of Houfholds, worfe than the open \Vars of Kingdoms, that devour and eat up whole Families ? Whence proceed thefe Sepa- rations, Exclamations, Disjunctions ? Whence arife they, but exhaled and drawn up with the Heat of this paraborical Sun (the Muck and "Mammon of the World) the Beams whereof blind the Eye fometimes of Confcience, as well of Underftanding and Judgment ; whofe Con- joining of Hands may refemble the League be- tween the Low-Countries and Spain, where Hearts can no more be brought to Unity and -Affe&ion one with another, than thofe ever vowed Enemies thus taken Truce? Thefe Kefpecls, I fay, like that Refpeft of State, and no other, have proflituted, under one Cover- ing, many a frofty January, and youthful May \ many a green Defire, and gray Perfor- mance ; which could no more cohabit than thefe different Seafons, otherwife aforehand meant, and afterwards fatisfied, though with a lhameful Breaking out, to the Ruin and De- ftru&ion of both the one and the other ; meer Groans, and many of my late Remembrance, iip bearded, as Witches, with their warted An- tiquity and Age, have angled into (heir Beds with this baited Golden Hook (for Lucre of Defire and LuftJ on their Parties, Youth whofe Chins have never yet fallen under the Razor, lefsthat Way, by their Heat and Hair, expref- fing Man than their Wives (Wives) nay, rather Matrons, and Mothers to their Children proflituted, the Shame and Unevennefs where- of hath even cracked this fore -mentioned Wreath in the Ring, broke Prifdan's Head, in the unequal Conjugations, the Deftrudion whereof hath not (lowly followed, but thus quickly, like a Gangrene, crept on by a carelefs Neglecl in the one, and earneii Deure in the other, and a timely Repentance in both : The one thus (to his precedent Aim) the bet- ter fupported to his wild Pleafures Abroad, whilft the other, with her fruftrated Inten- tion and Hope, all tame and penitentiary, left deftitute to bewail her Grievance at Home. But go further, admit Impoffibilities, that dge and Youth, Summer and Winter, could be one, yet how would the Autumn with her Tempefts blaft the Summer, and her tender Buds of that Seafon, and Summer, again, contradicting her contrary Melting, her Snows and Frofts into nothing, what Pangs and Travels, and Throbs and Throws, would they fuftain one with the other, till they brought an End and Ccnfufioa to both ? Even fo admit, that Youth could af- fume fuch a Habit of Gravity that might like an Age, and Age again fo {hake off her Un- neceftaries, that (he could look amiable in the frefh and green Eye of Youth ; yet muft this Mixture of unequal Heats be more pernicious to either, than thofe blafting contrary Seafons one to another : From thefe unequal Con- junctions break forth thofe matter ful Jealou- fies, thofe infupportable Difcontents, that have not fet but even in Blood and Death, ruined their Owners, afflicted and wrung into La- mentations their Friends, Allies, and Af- fociates, and drawn Blood from the Heart of any one that had but a Hand or Finger in the Carriage : Many Inftances of thefe we know of late Times, which we may remem- ber, whilft I overpafs them, to recite one of more Antiquity, as it is delivered by Tra- dition. An Alderman's Wife*, fometimes of Lon- don, her Hufband deceafed, and (he a rich Widow left, but as old in Years, as rich in Surve/. Subftance A Difcourfe of Marriage and Wiping. j j i Subftance fmore for Defire of Portion than from a like fatal Accident, and there endtd Perfon, was follicited to an unequal Banes and her Days and Sorrows by Drowning; which Marriage, by a young and courtly Gentle- Font to this Day is chriftened by her man , and which afterwards ended her Bane) Name, a Remembrance of her Mifery, and whofe Defire being obtained, and he Mafter Warning to After-times, and called by her of her Subfrance, moft lewdly lavifhed it away Name Dame Annis a Clare *. And therefore upon riotous and evil Company, grew carelefs whoever fhou art, entering into this common of her Regard, and utterly abandoned her So- ciety, both Bed and Board, which when with Sorrow fhe perceived ; with her too late Re- pentance, herfelf thus rifled of her Goods, upbraided of her Friends, forfaken of her Huf- band, deftitute of all Comfort, {he took the Evening to her Mourning, went into a Spring near Shoreditcb, a Place that takes the Name Garden of Humanity, refpecl, for thy better Bleffing and Profperity therein, more than Beauty, Birth, or Riches, this Harmony and Fitnejs, wherein is no Jar, no Strife, no Dif content, nor JVcarinefs, and which fhall land thee profperoufly at the Haven of thy Red, when this other, either Tackling^ Fraught^ or Sail, may endanger to perifli thee in the Flood. * Where now is kept the Cold- Bath at Hoxton, near Sboreditcb* CHAP. VII. What is that chief Moth, and Canker, that efpecially undermineth and frettcth the Marriage-Bed. PRide, Ambition, Equality with others, the Example of others, Variety of Appe- tite, the Unreliflinefs -of that which is lawful, Defire of that which is retrained, is .unlawful ; and then the Oratory of the Devil of Darknefs, in the Shape of an Angel of Light, working upon thefe Advantages, hath over- thrown, and betrayed to this Vulture, and his mercilefs Talent, that Fort and Citadel, with as eafy Refinance as a Bower of Glafs, that fhould be fo unfpotted, but more impregnable than a Bulwark of Stone; admitted Xreafon to the Heart of the City, coped with the moft dangerous Enemy in the World, opened thofe Gates with Weaknefs, and this Stratagem, that an Engine mould not afTail with Strength and Might ; broke down the Door that ftruck dead the Owner, laid open thefe Ihclofures, that have bondaged the Lord of the Soil per- petually till Death, to inclofe his own fuppofcd Jntereft and Ufe. Ambition and Pride, you twin-born Sifters, you, you it is, and the Dependency of your Eftate (you true and in- dulcitate Ifliies of Ltfcifer) that have broken down this Hedge of the greatcft Confequcnce and Site that ever was erected, and which elfe had kept out the aflailing and feducing Enemies that batter and undermine the very Supportance, Root, and Life-blood of Chafti- ty itfelf, letting 'in, at thefe Cafements, evil- Conceits, and Motives more blafting thereto, than the Breath of Lightning, and made th? Vows of Marriage of Jefs Stability than the Oaths of drunken Men. Ambition, Equality Example, you forementioned Evils, you Fool- ball Players, which fliort-heeled Creatures, it is you that are arraigned and found guilty in this Try al. The Country Damfel under the thatched Roof of her natural Habitation, where fhe fcarce ever thought of fo much Pride as Hand- fomenefs, never beheld her Hue othcrwiil: pre- fented than in a Bowl of Water, that dreamed more devoutly under that innocent Cover- ing, being afleep, 'than others pray in their lofty Palaces, being ay/ake ; v.'ho can fcarcc there remember Marriage, but fhe bu:fhcs to think what a Shame it is to lie with a Man : Yet afterwards bring her to the City, enter her into that School of Vanity, fet but Ex- ample before her Eyes, (he fhall in Time be- come a new Creature, and fuch a flrcng Mu- tation fhall fo fh-ar.gely pofll-fo her, that fhe fhall have new Thoughts, new Purpofes ami Refolutions, and, in the End, fo fhcuider out her Modcfty, that fire [hall not hlufh to do that unlawfully, which before fhe was b?.fhful to think on lawfully. Come to the City, there you fhall have fome good amcr.gft many bad, but fhould have many more, were it not for this Si-:kih:f: of this ill Example ; therefore, well were it with the World, if what were moft rs* rfio/I done ivet\ Content (for any Defire of Novelty or. Change, or for any Heat in her Blood, more than might be lawfully allayed) to be honeft, but that fhe knows fuch a Friend, and fuch a Gentlewo- man, hcrGoilip, have their Variety of Gowns, of Gifts, of Favours, and Variety of Pleafures t.oo, interchanging with Variety of Perfons, and in this Regard fhe will be no longer her own Foe, to keep herfelf longer without fuch a Friend ; me fees the World takes Notice of no vnsre than it fees, and they are accounted moji \cbaftt, that can bcft feem fo. In this Refo- liition flic pulls up the Floodgates, where her Tide of Vanity is fvvelled to the Brim, which immediately overflows, and drowns her there- in, extinguifhing all former Sparks of Virtue and Refpecl:, which before this Conqueft fhe debated with, and bears her along with the psrifhing Multitude, for thefe brittle Refpecls, that here fhe is infnared with. The Court, the very Element and Center of thefe Sins, the ne plus ultra, for any Example beyond that, being the Pattern to itfelf, and to others, the Refpecls, that join there, are the Ref peels of Pleafure, not of Profit ; the higheft Ambition of theirs is to be moft allured, moft defired, to have moft Servants, moft Friends, moft Favours ; and thefe fhould prefage moft Falls, whofe open Outfidcs, Bofoms, were their Infidcs fo difplayed, it would be found a a poor and idle Sin, had not there been har- boured, whofe Sattin Outfides, and filken In- fides, {"oft Raiment, and fweet Feeding, fo ilroke the Skin, and perfuade the Blood that it will not be perfuaded. There is a Text in Woman, that I would fain have Woman to expound, or Man either ; To what End is the Laying out of the embroi- dered Flair, embarcd Breafts, vermilioned * Cheeks, alluring Looks, Fafhion Gates, and artful Countenances, effeminate, intangling, A Difcourfe. of Marriage and Wiving. : Such a one could be up Man from his Slovenry, fo to delight Man (or rather his Enemy) hath the Woman thus increafed in Pride. Doth the World wax bar- ren through Decreafe of Generations, and be- come, like the Earth, lefs fruitful than hereto- fore ? Doth the Blood lofe his Heat, or do the Sun-beams become more waterifh, and lefs fervent, than formerly they have been, that Men fhould be thus inflamed and perfuaded on to Luft ? Or hath this Age of Sin ufurp- ed fuch a feeming Purity, or Thought, that the moft licenfed Luft hath the Original from Concupifcence, or fome Taint of Sin, and therefore muft be thus dragged up to this Anchor, like a Pitcher by the Ears, by thefe Blood near-touching Witcheries, and Induce- ments ? No, rather the Contrary, witnefs the Superfluity and Increafe of thefe our Times, of this our Kingdom, that hath more People than Pafture, more bringing forth than breed- ing, for that is compelled to empty itfelf into far diftant Regions and Kingdoms: Is it not rather die Contrary, when the Youth of both Sexes are daily cropped in the Bloflbm by this forward Motion, or rather headftrong Devil, and un ripely prefled to that Action, foreftall- ing Maturity and Fitnefs, where a Veflal fhould be more pointed at in aCloyfter, than a Comet in the Air ? Is it not rather the Contra- ry, when Luft is grown fo unbounded, fo headftrong, that it will not be hemmed, nor incircled within any Laws, or Limits, of God, or Man j when it will garbadge without all Re- fpe6r, or Controul, upon Adultery, Fornication, Poflefled, theUnpoffeffed, the Bond, the Free; where Care mall more poflefs a Man to keep his fair Wife from foul Play, when he hath her, than Jealoufy did to lofe her, when hefirft rivaled for her ; where Virtue fhall not fo dif- guife itfelf, in any Habit, but Vice will trace it out, and betray it. The ignorant Papifts, or other Sectaries of Herefies, moft commonly and infnaring Geftures, their Curls and Purls give no other Reafon for their feduced Errors, of proclaiming Petulancies, boulftered and laid out with fuch Example and Authority in tbefe our Days, as with Allowance and befeeming Conveniency ? Such apifh Faftiions and Follies, that the more feverer out-worn Ages of the W"orld, deccafed and gone, fhould they have but lifted up their Head, in their Times, would have hided out of Countenance to Death : But .us, to pleafe, Wpnion hath much ftarchsd than Example of Multitude, of Parents, Pro- genitors, or Friends, that went before them ; fo the Example of this Evil, fo common, fo much made of, fo cockered, fo thriving, fo bedecked, fo admired, fo dandled on the Lap of Great- nefs, of Authority, draws Millions to Perdition after it, for the greateft Part never look fur- ther, than the Example of the greateft Num- ber ; the Coach eafily runs, that is drawn with Puinted. Jinny A bijcourfe of Marriage and Wiving. bers, the Ufe of all the Women in the World, and likewife fo of Man . Why mould not De- fire then, being fo linked in the moft fufficient and wifeft Allowance, that God and Man thought meet, couch and fubmit itfelf to thefe Ordinances, but that Concupifcence and Luft inkindle Defire, and itfindeth not Delight in that it hath, but in that it would have, ac- cording as the Poet verified! : many Horfes, foon follows One where Thou- fands lead the Way : Thefe have disjoined in Chambers, by the Devil, that were conjoined in the Church by God j and yet it muft be in- genuoufly confefled, it is but a cold Comfort to go to hot Hell for Company. Luft, that boil- ing, damned Putrefaction of the Blood, that raging, ruling, headftrong Sin of this Age, that is too apt to break out, though it went cloathed in Sackcloth and Hair-Cloth, and fed only (as faith an Author) with the Capu- chin f Diet of Grafs and Herbs, and fuch like, and fupprefled with all the Subjection can be impofed to fubdue it, that yet, like Lime, it would flafh and fly out through all thefe Impofitions : But, on the Contrary, we are fo far from fubduing that Paflion, and keeping it under, by any fuch Means, that it is attired and fet out in the moft artful, bewitching, and inticing Temptation that may be devifed, whole Days and Nights, and Thoughts and Studies, and Cofts and Cares, caft away there- on, for the better Succefs therein, though the worfe 111 thereby, for the End thereof is but Repentance and Sorrow. Another main Enemy, to open this Breach, is Impatience of Reftraint and Limitation, for that, which is moft forbidden, is moft defired : He is the old Devil that ftill tempts in that Likenefs, that came to Eve in Paradife, and perfuaded her to eat the forbidden Fruit of the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil, upon whom he obtained fuch a Victory and Con- queft, in that firft Battle that ever was fought, .that never fmce hath he diftrufted the Force of that Stratagem : Every Woman is an Abridge- ment of all Woman-kind, contains the Shape, the Proportion, the Lineaments, the Mem- * A Capu bin is a Friar of the mod ftridt Obfervance of St. Fraxa's^s Order in the Church of Rome. CHAP. VIII. Advice for Choice, and whether it be be ft to mdrry a Widow 3 or a Maid. Luft never takes Delight in what But Jlill leaves known Delights to feek out new. It looks out of the Window, where Fuel is adminiftered where Temptation entereth in: Edgeth itfelf upon one for Rcfpects that it can conceive, but not utter; upon another for fomething it likes, but knows not what ; it makes Choice of a third, for Modefty baits his Luft in that Flame, to think with what Looks it could look in Conclufion, that is fo fired with Blufhes in but proffered, concerning Cir- cumftances, though far diftant and remote from either Time or Action : Upon a fourth, for her quaint Conceit, and difcovers by debating how Ihe could ufe it, being put to her Non- plus^ in the bare Point of Trial ; with the Beauty of a fifth, to conceive what a large Fruition it were to be inflamed on the Pro- montory of the Hill, when the Demeans, and adjacent Vallies, to that fuller Surfeit, re- ftrained not their Shades nor Mountains : And indeed, to conclude, there is none fo ugly, none fo deformed, but Luft will find Argu- ment to make Ufe of it, may it but have Means to enjoy it. HE, that marrieth a Widow, hath but a Reverfion in Tail ; and, if me prove good, may thank Death for his Aim ; if evil, upbraid him, and not unjufily for his Occafion : He, that takes her thus half worn, makes Account (he hath that will pay for new Dreffing ; {he feems to promife Security in her Peace, yet invites many Times to a troublefome Eflate, when the Conqueft atchieved fcarce VOL. II. countervails the Wars ; the Principal of her Love is perifhed with the Uie, fur what is once firmly fet on, can never be cleanly taken off, and he muft never look to be inriched that hath her. The End of her Marriage is Lnjl and Ea/e, more than Affccilon or Love ; and, deferve what thou canft, the Dead (hall up- braid thee by the Help of her Tongue, flat- tered behind his Back, the more to vex thee U t A Difcourfe of Marriage and Wiving. The befl is, though the worft for More Wrong you'll fay they did him, to de- 154. to thy Face thee, they are navigable without Difficulty, jnore paflable than Virginia, and lie at an ea- fier Road, as unfatiate as the Sea, or rather the Grave, which many Times the fooner prefents them thither : At the Deceafe of their firft Hufbands, they learn commonly the Tricks to turn over the fecond or third, and they are in League with Death, and Coadjutors with him, for they can harden their own Hearts like. Iron to break others that are but Earth ; and I like them the worfe, that they will mar- jy j diflike them utterly, they marry fo foon ; for (he that fo foon forgets the Flower and Bridegroom of her Youth, her firft Love and Prime of Affeaion, which, like a Colour Mid on in Oil, or dyed in Grain, fhould cleave faft and wear long, will hardly think of a Second in the Neglect, and Decay of her Age. Many Precedents we have againft thefe fudden, nay againft thefe fecond Marriages, derived from former Times, the Ages of more Conftancy, and Shame of thefe latter. The Daughter of M. Cato, bewailing a long Time the Death of her Hulband, being afked, which Day fhould have her laft Tear, anfwered, the Day of her Death (not the End of a Month or Year) for, faith fhe, fhould I meet with a good Hufband, as I had before, I mould ever be in Fear to lofe him ; if with a bad one, I had better be without him. In like Man- ner, Poniff, a young and honourable Lady, having loft her Hufband, anfwered, fullicited by another, A happy and chajle Matron never marries but once. Valeria , having left her Hufband, importuned by another, anfwered : My Husband ever lives in my Thoughts. Ar- temifia, the Wife of Maufolus t King of Co- rinth, could not be brought to any fuch Ac- tion, but ftill anfwered, being mindful of her Hufband deceafed, Upon thy Pillow Jhall never Second re/I bis Head. She died a Widow, and, in Memory of her Hufband, erected that Monument, or Tomb, the Coft and Fame whereof hath overfpread the World ; which Wife and Monument Lucinius thus farther commendeth : Rex dudum erat, &c. There was a King, of whom it may be read In ancient Stories, fepulchred e're dead. pnve Him of his Kingdom thus, he being alive. No, he had all his Rights, more than Kings have, That rul'd a Kingdom, and reign'd in his Grave j A Kingdom, nay a little * World and more, A great World, and refpe&ed as before. Nay, even a Regimen that hath difturb'd, The ableft Health and Policy to curb. A Woman's Heart and Mind, and, which more ft range : Free from Variety of Thought or Change : So willingly fubje&ed to his Blood, Ne'er to depofe him, whilft her Empire flood. Of whom all Loves and Laws did firm re- main, In Force, till one Stone did inclofe them twain. Of whom it may be faid, now fhe is gone, There's few fuch Tombs ere&ed, Women none. Such a Widow couldft thou marry, fhe were worthy thy Choice ; but fuch a one fhe could not be, becaufe fhe would not then marry. Compare the Loyalty of our Times with thofe of more ancient, and fee how they equal thy Confcience and Carcafe breaking ; how, with thy piled up Chefts, they build up Monu- ments of Remembrances to thy Name and Memory after Death ; nay, rather obferve, but how their Ambition, thus heated, makes them, forgecful of themfelves, as well as thee : Know- ing this, who would not, with thefe diftract- ed Times, to leave thePurchafe of a Ladyfhip to his Wife, glide like a Shadow in his Life upon Earth, with a fhrinking Infide, and penu- rious Outfide, and fleep with broken Thoughts and diftra&ed Dreams, together with Pain, and forbear, with Want, that which his living Enemy may afterwards fpend with Pleafure, and furfeit with Fulnefs ? Who can love thofe living that he knows will fo foon forget him, being dead ; that are but Summer Swallows for the Time of Felicity, that will hang about one's Neck, as if they had never Arms for others Embraces, or as though extreme Affection, without Controul, could not but thus mani- feft itfelf, and break out ; yet Deceafe and fuch a Lethe of Forgetfulnefs fhall fo foon over- * If a Man be a little World, Woman is a great World, for the Greater contains the Lefs, and not the I_efs the Greater. take A Difcourfe of Marriage and Wfoing. take thee, as if thou hadft never been ; nay, fo little a Quantity of Time (hall confine it, that (he (hall not lie-in her Month but (he {hall be churched again, and open to another all thy Fruitions, with as fre(h and plenteous an Appetite, as the Harlot to her next Sinner. Younger Brothers, and poor Knights, may fometimes to thefe Monfters make Ufeof their Births and Tides, making them pay dear (as it coft) for their Dubbing, and ReJeafe of Pur- gatory they are in with old Rank and Fafhion to their new Elyfeum and Inftalment ; and it muft be confefled, unwife they were, but with good Boot and Addition, to refufe a Virgini- ty to accept a Widowhood ; and yet many Times, with a Turkijh Fate, we pay dear for our Credo quad habemus, that Article of Belief we fo fondly build upon, when we pay for the Jewel that another hath ftolen, and in Hope of Treafure embrace the ranfacked Cafket ; yet they are to blame that have thus been to blame, and for their eafy Puntfhment their firft Night (hall difcover them. Be not fudden then there- fore upon thy Refolution in this Point, becaufe Deceit, many Times, lurks in a modeft Face, but let long Acquaintance, or Inquiry, the more fecure thee. The Country deceives the City, and the City again returns it with Intereft, and Luft fo reigns in both, that there is fcarce the Quantity of Virgins to be found in either to match the Parable in the Scripture ; they have Faces fairer than Men, but Hearts more deformed than Devils : It is ill Building upon a broken Foundation j Amendment may '55 (kin the Sore, but the Scar will long after retain a Blemifli, yet no Doubt fiee Thought, which is free, and Dreams and Wimes, which are hut Shadows, though the rifling Ruffians that break thiough all Bofoms, and fuperfi- cially ravilh all Women Kind, from Eight to Eighty ; and no Doubt from actual Tranfgref- fions many may be found free, for there was never Infection fo general, but it fpared fome ; never Battle fo great, that all. were wounded ; fome of Evis Offspring have withftocd the Temptaticn, all have not tafted the forbidden Tree ; and fuch a one, if thou canft pray, to prey upon, (he hath Portion enough, without other Portion, if fhe thus continue it, for (he (hall make thee a Father of undoubted Chil- dren; (he (hall not wrinkle thy Thoughts with diftradting Jealoufies, nor upbraid with a for- mer Hufband thy Unkindnefs ; her Maiden Thoughts (hall receive from thee a more per- fect Impreflion of Love and Duty, and re- turn it back more legibly indorfed and written, free from all former Character, Infcriptton, or Soil ; her Affection (hall be ftrong, not al- layed by former Wearing ; (he fhall be fuch a one, as it is a Heaven to live withal, a Mifery to mourn without ; (he (hall live to thy Senfts and Delight, as the budding Rofe in the Youth of the Spring ; nay, (hall be fuch a one, that, He, that walketh by thy Door,Jkall point at tyr ; and he, that dwells by ksr, Jhall envy him that btfb her, and every Man (hall admire his Hap, bbt-, he moft fully rejoice and be glad that hath her,! and all Generations (hall call fuch blelTed. CHAP. IX. Since the End of Marriage is Iffue y whether it be lawful for old Couples to mar- ry that are paft Hope of Children-, or whether it be lawful for an old Man to marry a young Maid, or the Contrary. THE chief End of Marriage is Proles, i.e. Ijjue ; yet there are other Refpects in that Covenant, that, no Doubt, may tolerate the moft" ancient in this Kind : God iaw that it was not good for Adam to be alone, therefore he made him a Helper ; and St. Paul faith, Rather marry than burn : And, as ic is in another Place, Ptefelis : Wo to him that is alone, for, if he fall, he hath none to help him up : Now thofe in Age, to come neareft to a common and fubcorredtive Underftanding, are moft defective in their Members, and, therefore, moft fubject to fall, and fo, by Con- fequence, have moft Need of this Help, to raife them up, of this Staff for their Stay ; and, be- fides, for aught that ever I could hear, or ob- ferve, that Age is moft prone to fcorch itfelf in the Flames of that Fire, and therefore may lawfully partake the Remedy againft it ; and, for the latter Propofition, for aught I fee, the Law forbids not the Act, but the Circumftan- ces may breed fome Danger, for, if the Wife be young enough, though the Hufband be ne- ver fo decrepid, he (hall not be out of all U 2 A Dlfcourfe of Marriage and Wiving. Likelihood to fee Increafe of her Body ; but he that thus undertakes to manage, in his Age, what hath fhaked the Heart of Youth, may be commended for his Valour, but (hall never be crowned for his Wifdom : And for fuch a one (I truft) he fhall not need to be jealous, in Earth commends them j Man and Wife fhould be two in one : But can Heat and Cold, Youth and Age, be in one, and not be repug- nant ? He, that adventures fo for Sweet-meats, fhall find them relifhed with much bitter Sauce. They fay, the Oak would longer laft, for that his Doubt fhall be apparently enough were it not for the entwining and embracing ref.olved. One afked Diogenes, upon a Time, for fome Direction how to chufe a Wife, be- Ivy ; but, in this Cafe, I intend the Contra- ry, for the aged Oak here blafteth the younger caufe he was a Philofopher ; faith he unto Ivy, which the Heat of Youth muft again re- him, Fellow, chufe one without a Head (if thou canft) without a Body, and without Limbs, fo her Hands fhall not offend in Stri- king, nor her Tongue in Railing, nor her Body in Lufting. Another Time, feeing a Man in his old Age going to Church, to make up his fecond Marriage, he faid, O Fool, hajt thou fo lately been flnpwrecked, and wilt needs to Sea again ? The Law of God, nor Man, doth not forbid fuch Marriages, but no Policy new, according to our Poet : No /harper Corr'Jive to our blooming Years, Than the cold Badge of Winter blajied Heirs. Many worldly Refpe&s may conjoin thefe Marriages, but this Solder will crack in the Wearing ; and he, that fo old feeks for a Nurfe fo young, fhall have Pap, with a Hatchet, for his Comfort. CHAP. X. The Difference between Love and Luft. LUST, the Deftroyer of Love, the Sup- planter and Underminer ofChaftity, the Spring- froft of Beauty, the Tyrant of the Night, the Enemy of the Day, the moft po- tent Match-maker in all Marriages under Thirty, and the chief Breaker of all, from Eighteen to Eight j that protefts that in a hot Blood, that it never performs in a cold j a Regarder only of the prefent, and to that Ef- fect will, with Efau, fell a Birth-right for a Mefs of Pottage, no longer efteeming the Object than the Ufe ; which, in like Exam- ple, is thus further followed, according to the more common Obfervance : Friends, Soldiers, Women, in their Prime, Are like to Dogs in Hunting-time : Occafion, Wars, and Beauty gone, Friends, Soldiers, Women, there are none. More dangerous, when it roves without Limits, than the Lion without the Verge of his Grate \ for he but only would deprive the Body of Life, but this both of Life and Soul, and Fame, fubje& to more oppofite immedi- ate Paffions and Contradictions in itfelf, than any Senfe or Humour in the Nature of Man : As now, well treated, fairly fpoken, lodg- ed where it beft likes ; anon, hated without Enduring, curfed out of Charity, thruft out of Doors, and yet not only, though all this more immediately oppofite, then prepofterouf- ly fondly headlong, that, for a Minute's Joy, will incur a Month's Sorrow ; that for one Drop of Water, will mud the whole Foun- tain that gave it j for one fweet Fruit, will blaft the whole Tree that bare it : Whereas the Effect and Force of Love is contrary, op- preffing Folly, fuppreffing Fury, aiming to preferve, not to deftroy ; and, to that End, regards the End, by fubduing Paffions and Mo- tives, that would feem to oppofe the Tran- quillity thereof; and, in Conclufion, rejoiceth in the true Fruition, without Difcontent, without Satiety, having captivated and fub- dued, though with fome Difficulty, thofe Paffions, that Senfe, for a Time, would have been bell pleafed with, to triumph, at laft, in more full Fruition, to that Purpofe that one thus writeth : Love comforteth, like Sun-Jhine after Rain ; But Lvjrs Effe5l is Tempejt after Sun. Love's golden Spring doth everfrefi remain ; Lu/i's Winter comes, 'ere Summer half be done. In In Love, there is no Envy, no Jealoufy, no Difcontent, no Wearinefs, for it digefteth and maketh fweet the hardeft Labour ; and, of all Things, doth the neareft refemble the Divine Nature, for God is Love ; it hath in it Unity without Divifion, for true Love hath not ma- ny Obje&s ; it is a Fire much Water cannot quench : Now Luft contradið all thefe ; for, whereas Love is bounded with eafy Limits, Luft is more fpacious, hath no Mean, no Bound, but not to be at all ; more deep, more dangerous than the Sea, and lefs reftrained ; for the Sea hath Bounds, but it hath none j not Woman, but all Woman-kind is the A Difcourfe of Marriage and Wiving. an old Goat, in the Shape of an incontinent Man. In Love, there is no Lack ; in Lujl, there is the greateft Penury ; for, though it be cloyed with too much, it pines for Want : Ambit;- ous it is, for, where it treads, it puffs up, and leaves a Swelling after it ; turns low Flats into little Mountains, down which precipitate Fol- ly tumbles headlong to Confufion ; a hafty Breeder of difmheritable Sinners it is, fuch as have more Pleafure in the Begetting, than Comfort in the Bringing forth ; beft content- ed, when it lofeth moft Labour. To con- . .. , .. _ _ elude, though Love and Lujt, in a half Brother- Range thereof, and all that whole Seel:, not hood, dwell both under one Roof, yet fo op- able to quench it neither: Full of Envy it is, pofite they are, that the one, moft commonly, for it envies all without his Reach, and envies burns down the Koufe, that the other would its own Nature, that it cannot be fatisfied : build up. Walking, for the moft Part, in Similitude of CHAP. XI. The beft Way to continue a Woman cbajle. IS not the Magicians Ring, nor the Italians Lock, nor a continual Jealoufy ever watch- ing over her, nor to humour her Will in idle Fancies, adorn her with new Fangles (as the well appayed Folly of the World, in this Kind, can witnefs) but for him that would not be bafely mad with the Multitude ; would not befpeak Folly to crown him ; would not fet to Sale that he would not have fold ; for who fets out his Ware to be cheapened, and not bought ? That would not for his Shop have his Wife, for a relative Sign, is to adorn her decently, not dotingly ; thriftily, not lafcivi- oufly j to love her ferioufly, not ceremoniouf- ly ; to walk before her in good Example (for, otherwife, how canft thou require that of thy Wife, that thou art not, wilt not be thyfelf ; Vis tu uxorem tuam viflriccm ejfe, & tu vlflus jaces ? i.e. Wouldjl thou expetf thy Wife a Con- queror, when thou thyfelf liejl foiled at the fame Weapon ?) to acquaint her with, and place a- bout her good and chafte Society ; to bufy and apply her Mind and Body, in fome domeftick, convenient, and profitable Exercifes, accord- ing to her Education and Calling, for Exam- ple, to the Frailty of that whole Sex, hath a powerful Hand, as it (hall induce either to Good or Evil. There are of Opinion, that there is, in Marriage, an inevitable Deftiny, not to be a- voided, which is either to be Atfec-med *, or not to be ; if it be not, as is the Opinion of fome damned in the Error of Predejlination, then let him take a Houfe in flcet-jirect, di- vide it like an Inn, into as many fevcral Lodg- ings as Rooms j make his Wife Chamberlain to them all, attire her like a Sacrifice, paint her out like a Mayor's Pod, or May-eatb takes other , and be Nurfe to none. Therefore, Teeing ft is fo, whofoevef thdti art .in this Difafter, fcek to plant an Affection arid Love, at leaftvvife a Patience to that which muft of Ncceffity be endured ; for there is no- thing fo eafy, that the Want of this may not make hard ; nor fd harfh, that this may not bet- ter temper : There are many Occafions, that this Age adminiftereth, more than former hive done, of the Ufe of this Armour (though all other ruft by the Walls of Peace) introduced by the o- ver-curious Refpects of fecondary Caufes, by fecondary Perfons, that for thefe Ufes perifh the principal, by joining Hands, where Hearts are more disjunctive than different Sectaries ; and what is the Iffue of this, but a weary Pa- tience, or fudden Deftrudtion ? Others con- join themfelves by untimely Folly, and thefe, many Times, have a timely Repentance when Pleafurcs ebb, and Sorrows begin to flow. As, for Inftance, a Youth of able Means, hope- ful Expectation, equal Carriage, regardfully befriended, carefully watched over, purpofed to better Deftiny, pricked on by fome rebel- lious Blood, and guilty Opportunity, ftrikes down all thefe Hopes in the Heat of his Luft with a greafy Kitchin-wench in a Corner, and feizeth her to his proper Ufe for unlucky Confequences ; this being done, oppreffed in Mind, forfaken of his Friends, fhall he the more augment his Mifery, by Thought of this his perverted Felicity, with Rage, and evil Suffering ? No, rather let him love her, fince it was his Fortune to have her, and his Fault to take her, and endeavour fo to work and huf- band that crofs Beginning, to a more happy Continuance and Ending, taking St. Paul's Counfel to his Practice, which thus advifeth, tiujbands^ love your Wives^ and be not bitter tints them : Love them for your own Peace, for your own Profit ; dwell with them accord- ing to your Wifdoms, as with the weaker Vefiels ; for there is no Offence where Love is, for Love covereth the Multitude of Of- fences^ of Diilikes, and becaufe, the rather, that God inftituted it, who himfelf is Love ; fetting afide Contention, domeftick, civil, un- civil Strife, the Forerunner of Ruin, and the Purgatory upon Earth ; remembering whoever they be, that fall into this Predicament, they have, before God and Man, by joining of Hands, taken an everlafting Peace one of ano- ther, more inviolably to be kept, than the Leagues of Nations ; for, as nothing is more odious in the Sight of God or Man, than Self- violence againft a Main's own Perfon, and there was never any inraged that Way, but wanted either Reafon, or Faith, in the deep* eft Difcontent ; fo then, by this Confequence, he muft either be mad or defperate, that (ball, to that End, lay Hands on his Wife, being Part of himfelf, for they are no more two, but one. As Adam and his Rib at firft were but one Side, till fevered and divided from him ; fo after by Marriage it was joined again to as abfolute Unity as before, after which he pro- ncunceth and thus witnefleth of himfelf : She is Flejb of my Flejh^ and Bone of my Bone ; he the Head, and fhe as Part of the Members ; which fo being, to be divided and at Odds were as the Hand to lift up, or the Foot to kick againft the Head, the King and Gover- nor, A Difcwrfe of Marriage and Wiving. nor, or the Head againft thefe his Inftruments, Supporters, and Minifters, the Harmony where- of, in this little World of Man, may inftrucl:, in Example, all houmold Commonwealths in the World, to Unity. Commonwealths I fay ; for every married Man, for the moft Part, hath three Commonwealths under him ; he is a Hu(band of a Wife, a Father of Chil- dren, and a Mafter of Servants ; and therefore had Need of Government in himfelf, that muft govern all thefe, and, to that Purpofe, cannot take unto himfelf a better Practice or Prece- dent, th?n from this Uniformity of the Body, where the Head ftands aloft like a King in his Throne, giving Direction and Command to all his Subjects ; biddeth the Foot go, and it goeth, the Hand fight and it fighteth, the Members affift, and they affift it 5 and this Harmony preferves the whole Man, which o- therwife would deftroy it ; fo muft it be between Man and Wife, that myftical Head and Mem- ber, or both perifti ; and, for that Reafon, fhall a Man for fa kt Father and Mother (the neareft that elfe could be) and cleave to his Wife, being then no more two, but one ; and whcm he taketh from her Parents and Friends, not to offer her Violence, but to tender that Love with In- creafe, which, for his Sake in thefe fhe parteth with, and fhe likewife to him, which, befides the Profit, hath the Applaufe both of God and Man, according to the Allufton of the Pfalm cxxxiii. Ecce qi'.am bonum & jucundum fratres habitare in Unum, i. e. Behold how gsed and pkafant a Thing it is for Brethren to dwell together in Unity. Therefore, avoid Difcord, thou that wouldeft fee the Fruit of thy Labours, for Unity gathereth what Difcord difperfeth ; avoid Jealoufy, that unrefolved Vexation, that labours to feek out what it hopes it fhall not find ; that many Times foreruns that Evil, which it caufeth to follow after, being the Au- thor of DifTenfion, Diftafte, Mifery, and fome- times of Murder too, as many Examples tef- tify ; of which I have here inferted one of moft ancient Truth, and lamentable Action, of a King that h?.d a Son, by whofe Sword it was prophcfied his own Father and Mother fhould perifh, who, therefore to prevent that fatal Deftiny, forfjo-k his Inheritance, and went into a far diftant Country to inhabit, where, Fortune yet favouring, he increafcd to great Honour and Riches, and, to augment his greater Felicity, was efpoufed to a Wife, right no- ble, rich, and exceeding beautiful} of whofe Welfare and happy Succefs, his Father and Mother afterwards hearing (being depofed of their Kingdom, and in extreme Mifery) tra- velled to vifit, for Relief and Succour ; and happening to his Houfe in his Abfence, where making themfelves known unto his Wife, to be her Hufband's Father and Mother, (he kindly entertained them, and having well reple- nifhed their Bodies by Food and Suftenance, to reft them the eafier after their Travel, (he laid them both in her Hufband's Bed ; after which he, fuddenly entering in, pofiefled with this deadly Jealouf/, and miffing his Wife, goes into the Chamber, where perceiving two rn his Bed afleep, he fo inra^ed with Paffion (taking it to be his Wife and" feme Adulterer with her) drew forth his Sword, and flew them both thereon at once ; who, when he perceived his Father and Mother, heavily repented, with Sorrow and Woe, and fhorfly after died with Grief and Penfivenefs. And, befides all this, becaufe it is thought (for the moft Part) to call a Man's own Guiltincfs into Queftion, as Petrarch , to that Purpofe, well obferveth, who thus noteth : e's no Man jealous^ I durft pafs my Word, Nor fears the Scabbard^ but hath Jiriick who th'Sword. If Children, which are the very Pledges of Love, make you Parents, relifh their Years with Learning and Piety, let God's Law be the Seafoning of their firft Thoughts, for we know by Experience, green Vefiels long relifn of the firft Liquor they receive, and by Ir.fi ruc- tion they may be as foon taught to fur //;- fanna to C6r//?, as Bald-pate to EUjha ; "s foon a good Word as a bad Scoff : Afreet net one more than another, love them all, but dote upon none, with the Folly of the inoft ; let them be Children, not Wai: tons ; walk be- fore them, efpecially their riper Years, with the more obiervant Example, which will be better to them, than many good Lefibns. Repine not with the wicked Wordling, who had rather fee his Counting-houfe invironed with upbraiding Bags, than his Table with this blelfed Garland of Children, but be thank- ful for them, whatever thy Poverty, for, as they are Pignora, Pledges, fo are they Bfnc- diftiom 9 Bleffings ; and it (hall be more plca- fing to thy Conference, upon thy Death-bed, to feal them as Treafure for the Kingdom of Heaven, to yield up thy Spirit in the midft of X 2 their 164 A Difcourfe of Marriage and Wiving, their Invironing, than to unfeal fo many Bags of evil heaped Treafure, too near after per- formed Legacies, every Piece wherein fliall rend thy Heart in Pieces at that Hour, to think of the guilty Atchieving thereof: Be- fides, he, that hath much Riches, is fubjeft to many Cares, many Fears, Dread of Oppref- ilon of Violence ; but he, that hath many Chil- dren, hath even a Peace in War, a Security even in greateft Danger, for he mail fpeak boldly with his Enemies in the Gate ; they are as fo many Swords in thy Defence, fo many Arrows in thy Quiver ; Arrows (as faith one Means look back, for then the Allurement of other Beauties will breed a Diflike of thine own, in which that thou mayeft be the better contented, have fome Part in thine own Por- tion, for as the Saying is : Who takes a Woman foul unto his Wife^ Doth Penance daily , yet fins all his Life. The Charges of Children, the Unfaithful- nefs of Servants, the Difquietnefs of Neigh- bours, would wilh for a former Liberty and Releafement, and nothing digefteth this becaufe they may be fo levelled, by good Edu- Courfe of Life more than Conflancy and Per- cation and Example, to fhoot at thine Ene- mies, as by the contrary againft thyfelf. I do not fee but that natural Reafon and meer carnal Man maybe gravelled, incumbered, and difquieted, in many Circumftances of Carriage in this Bufinefs; but thofe muft be debated and forethought, before the Entering therein, not repented of afterwards : If thou haft laid thy Hand to this Plough, become a Hufband- man in this Exercife ; thou muft not by any feverance ; and, becaufe it is a Trade of fuch Myftery and Art, therefore (as a famous Man of our Time writeth) thofe, that have but fe- ven Years to learn any other, have three Times feven to acquaint themfelves in the La- byrinth of this, and the Management thereof, before they undertake it ; therefore having this Notion make Ufe thereof, either difcharge it willingly and contentedly, or undertake it not at all CHAP. XIV. Certain Precepts to be obferved either in Wiving or Marriage. J i. T TOO not by Ambaflador. W J 2- Make not thy Friend too fa- miliar with thy Wife. 3. Conceive not an idle Jealoufy, being a Fire, once kindled, not eafily put out. 4. Affect him not, that would ill poflefs thee. 4. Blaze not her Beauty with thine own Tongue. ^6. If thy Eftate be weak and poor, marry far off and quickly ; if otherwife firm and rich, at Home, and with Deliberation. 7. Be advifed, before thou conclude, for, though thy Error may teach thee Wit, it is uncertain in this, whether thou malt ever have the like Occafion to pra&ife it. 8. Marry not for Gentility, without her Support, becaufe it can buy nothing in the Market without Money. 9. Make thy Choice rather of a virtuous than a U-arned Wife. 10. Efteem rather what (he is of herfelf, than whit (he mould be by Inheritance. II. IntaRam quteris^ intattus e/to. Be that Example to thy Wife, thou wouldeft have her to imitate. For he, that ftrikes with the Point, muft be content to be beaten with the Pommel. ,->i2. She whofe Youth hath pleafed thee de- fpife not her Age. 13. That thou mayeft be loved, be amia- ble. 14. Sail not on this Sea without a good Compafs, for a wicked Woman brings a Man to Repentance, fooner than a Surfeit, fooner than Suretimip. j 5. It is the greater Difpraife to Children to be like to wicked Parents. 1 6. It is more Torment to be jealous of a Man's Wife, than refolved of her Difhonefty. And the more Mifery, that a Man may be allured of her Vice that Way, but cannot be of her Virtue. 17. True Chaftity doth not only confift in keeping the Body from Uncleannefs, but in with-holding the Mind from Luft j and ihe may A Difcourfe of Marriage and Wiving. 165- may be more Maid that hath been unwillingly forced thereto in Body, than fhe that hath barely confented in Heart. 1 8. A true Wife fhould be like a Turquoife :one, clear in Heart in her Hufband's Health, and cloudy in his Sicknefs. And like a Tortoife, under her Shell ever bearing her Houfe upon her Back. 19. Defer not thy Marriage to thy Age, for a Woman, out of her own jChoice, feldom plucks a Man (as aRofe) full blown. 20. Marry fo thy Body, that thou mayeft marry thy Mind ; which, that thou mayeft the better do, thus meditate : 1. That,, if thou had'ft, in Variety of Wo- men, out-paralleled Solomon, thou fhouldeft, in the End, give up thy Verdict with his ; That all is but Vanity, and Vexation of Spirit. 2. That it is in Luft, as in Riches, where to defire Nothing, and to enjoy all Things, is but one : To uncover more feveral NakednefTes than the Turk from his Decimary Seraglio hath Authority for, with an unfatiate illimited Ap- petite, and to defire none, at leaftwife, no Variety, is the fame, ay with Advantage. 3. That, if thou fhouldeft, thus fecking ^to pleafe thine Appetite in a Thoufand, but want one thou defireft, thou moulded more grieve for that little Want, than rejoice in all thy former Plenty. 4. Then, fince what thou can'ft enjoy, confume thy Oil to the Socket, and thy Sub- ftance to a Morfel, will not be One to thy Pleafure for Ten-thoufand that efcape it, the Variety is fo large, never to be gathered into one Bundle of thy Fruition, to fet up thy Reft, but, the more thou purfueft it, the more thou art dift racked : Content thyfelf within thy law- ful Limits, and deftroy not thyfelf to run af- ter that thou can'ft never overtake ; which, the fafter thou followed it, the fwifter it flies from thee. 5. That it were a Grief to die for the full Pleafure of any Senfe, but a Torment for a Tafte to a greater Diftempcr ; like to him that mould purchafe, at a dear Rate, fait Wa- ter to quench his Tbjrft, which, the more he fhould drink, fhould but the more increafe it. 6. That, if Beauty, or Wifdom, or any other Portion of the Body or Mind affail thcc, refel them with this Thought, That they are but Shadows of that Subftance, which mould the more allure thce : But Pictures, which, if they pleafe, are but that the Pattern fhould be the more defired. Think, that as each Day is an Abridgment of all Time, prefents the fame Light, the fame Ufe, the fame Sun and Firmament, and the Ending of this renews but the fame To- morrow : So each Woman, an Abridgment of that whole Sex, and Infirmity, how mean foever, exprefTeth the fame Subftance, the fame Mould and Metal, Proportion, Quality, and Ufe, of all other in the World : Who then would be fo mad againft Senfe, though they would perfuade otherwife by Title, by Trap- ping, by copious Adulterating all Parts, to be- lieve (as they would be thought) that they are other than what they are, other than the fame, unlefs worfe than other : The fame Way, and the fame Fafhion, leading to the Harborough of the fame Site, of the fame Condition and Quality, though a little more Circumftances (in fome than other) beats the Bum, and ufhers it on. Know this, that the End of all fuch Variety is no more than one Difh, drefTed and prefented by a feveral Cook ; and Fafhion the fome, in all one, but in Cir- cumftance and Carriage : Who would be thus mad, without Reafon, to toil after the whole Alphabet of Women, when the Icaft Letter in the Row expoundeth all that Text and Co- verture ? And, for Title, or Tomb-like Bra- very, well may they work upon the Eye of Folly, but never befiege the Heart of Under- ftanding : And, as it was lately well obferved by one, who, to that Effect, thus further no- ted their Vanity : Things iffre firjl made y tLm calTd, Woman the fame, With, or ii-ithcut, falfc Title, or proud Nc?ne. And, if this be not yet enough, take with thee, befices, for a Conclufion, and Bar to all the reft, this Motto, or Sentence, to lead thce Home : That, , Since all Earth's Pkafures are fo fliort aui fall, Tlie Way 3 to er>joy rnift, is to abjure them all. C H A P. 1 66 A Difcourft of Marriage and Wiving. CHAP. XV. Difcontents m all Ages, Sexes, States, and Conditions. IT 1 Nmeddled Joys here to no Man befall, \J V/ho leaft, hath fome ; who moft, hath never all : I have examin'd, from the King on's Throne, To him that at his chained Oar doth groan, Every Eftate, Condition, and Degree, Situate between this large Extremity : Yet, wherefoever that I caft mine Eye, I never was fo fortunate to 'fpy That Man that had fo great a Blefling lent him, That had not Ibmewhat in't to difcontent him. The rich Man, with his Cares and Fears op- preft, In all he hath, can find but little Reft : 111 Creditors, unthrifty Heirs, and Lofles, Or elfe the Gout, or fomething worfe, all crofles. The Poor, in Want, forfaken of his Friends, Thinks, that, where Wealth is, there all Sor- ro\v ends : But yet, as here, immediately I (how, The Rich, that hath it, doth not find it fo. One Tradefman, hediflikeshis own Vocation, And on a worfe he fets his Admiration. The fingle Man commends the married Life, That hath the fweet Fruition of a Wife : That opens all her Beauties, and her Treafure, In Hills and Dales, that he o'er- walks at Plea- fure : That may unftarted, and unfear'd, partake, Whole Nights together, that which he doth quake To fnatch in Corners, when he muft away, Sometimes difturb'd, when he would longer ftay: Banifh'd like Tantalus , in his forced Hafte, To touch the Sweetnefs that he may not tafte. The married Man, whom all thefe Dainties cloy, Thinks that the Sauce the Sweetnefs doth de- ftroy : And that to purchafe is fo wond'rous dear, That he had rather faft, than find the Chear. Then Children come, and they augment his Charges, And Jealoufy, fometimes, all thefe enlarges : That what th' other thinks doth Heaven excell, He, that enjoys it, finds it but a Hell : And wifheth now, but that it is too late, That with the Batchelor he might change his State. Therefore, melhinks, his Application fit, That to a pubibk Feaft compared it ; Where thofe that long have fat, and cloy'd with Meat, Would fain rife up, as others fain would eat. Th'ambitious Youth, left Folly over-fway. him, Hath Tutors, Rod, and Parents Eye to ftay. him : Noting the Liberty of riper Years, With more Impatience his Reftrainings hears When elder Times again (the more 'tis ftrange) Would fain creep back again, and with him change. The bufy Lawyer beating of his Brain, To make Tough Points by Precedencies plain ; Who, from a Judgment wrongfully gone out, Doth fometimes bring another's Right in Doubt, By judging by it, let the firft but ftray, And all go Wrong, that are adjudg'd that Way: Noting the Merchant, how, from foreign Shores, The Winds and Waves land Wealth unto his Doors : That where he fleep, or wake, or reft, or play, So Airs be profperous, he grows rich that Way: Diflikes his Choice. The Merchant he in Dan- ger* T'whom Rocks, and Shelves, and Pirates are no Stranger : That tries the Wonders of the unknown Deeps, Whom, but a three-inch'd Board, from Dan- ger keeps : Trafficks with unknown Airs, and unknown Friends, Leaving his Wife at Home to doubtful Ends' : Who, in his wat'ry Pilgrimage is faid To be with neither Living nor the Dead : Commends the Lawyer that hath Power and Skill, Either to make or mar, to fave or fpill A Man's dnatomy cf a Woman's Tongue. 16- A Man's whole Revenue, and therefore need, Either for Speech or Silence, to be feed. The Empirick uncredited that tugs, With forcelefs Herbs, and with effeaiefs Drugs, Commends the Church-man for his happy Share, Securely free x;o The Anatomy of a Woman' 3 Tongue. How a Woman's Tongue may be faid to be a Poifon. A Man that had a nimble-tongued Wife, It feems his Heart poor Man with Grief was With whom he liv'd a difcontented thruft, Life : Which' made his Buttons from his Doublet For {he would tell all that her Hufband did, burft. And from her Goffips nothing fhould be He fwell'cl, as if he poifoned had been, hid. Which caufed them to call their Neighbours If he fometimes did come Home drunk to in j Bed, Which when the People faw, quoth they, the About the Town it fhould be publifhed. Man If he a Woman do falute or kifs, Is furely poifon'd ; fo away they ran, Why all the Town forfooth muft know of Some for ftrong Waters, fome for Sallet Oil ; this. Which when he faw, he could no lefs but This made the poor Man weary of his fmile : Life, Quoth he, 'tis true, it was a Woman's Tongue, Becaufe he had fuch an unnat'ral Wife. That hath, like Poifon, done me fo much Upon a Time to his Neighbour's Houfe he Wrong. went, No Poifon worfe than this, for certainly Much vex'd in Mind, and wond'rous difcon- It made my Buttons from my Doublet fly. tent. O Women, be not cruel unto Men, He fits him down, but not a Word he fpake, 111 Words are worfe than Poifon now and Until his Buttons from his Doublet brake j then. How a Womm's Tongue may be faid to le a Serpent. THere was a Man was by a Serpent flung, And afked Counfel both of Old and Young, What Med'cin? to apply unto his Sore, Which every Day did vex him more and more; At laft a Woman, old, and lame, and blind, Told him that if that Serpent he could find, Bid him pull out the Sting, and not in vain, For he fhould mend, and foon be well again. It is impoffible for me, quoth he, So many Serpents in that Place there be, To find the felf-fame Serpent out again, That puts me now unto fuch Grief and Pain. Another Man flood by that had a Wife, That was a Shrew, that raifed wond'rous Strife : Quoth he, I have a Serpent every Night, That lieth in my Bofom, and can bite ; And fure I think the beft Way it will be, To cut that Sting out that fo troubleth me. , And by Experience I do know her Tongue To be that Sting that does me fo much Wrong. So Home he goes, and doth her kindly greet, And takes his Wife and binds her Hands and Feet. With that the Tempeft did begin to rife, She fwore that fhe would claw out both his Eyes. Ay, quoth the Man, I'll give you leave to claw, Your Hands being bound, fo he his Knife did draw j What will you murder me, you Knave, quoth fhe? No, I will only cut thy Tongue from thee, Reply'd the Man : When fhe heard him fay fo, My Gentlewoman knew not what to do. But fhe in treated him to fpare her Tongue, And promis'd fhe would never do him Wrong, But that fhe would be loving, kind, and mild, And even as harmlefs as the new-born Child ; Bid him do what he will, if bafe he found her; So upon this Condition he unbound her, And, having tamed her by Policy, They ever after lived quietly. Men have enough to do f hat marry Shrews, Better tame them by Policy than Blows. How *tbe dnatomy of a Woman's Tongue'. How a Womaris Tongue may be faid td be a fire. A Simple Countryman a Wife had mar- ried, So good, that he wifh'd longer he had tarried. To Plough and Cart he ufed for to go, But the poor Man was troubled with a Shrew : And, being one Day vexed in his Mind, He went abro?.J fome Comfort for to find. He overtook two Men in Difcontent, That had Shrews to their Wives, to whom he went. Well overtaken, honeft Men, quoth he, Let not my Company offenfwe be, Nor me reject, 'caufe I am fomething rude, And do into your Company intrude ; For I walk here, only to eafe my Mind, Becaufe fmall Comfort I at Home can find. 'Tis true, when any Storm is on the Sea, Men feek for Harbour, 'caufe they fafe would be; And, when a Storm upon the Land doth rife, He that makes little hade Home is unwife. But when a Storm is in the Houfe, O then, The Field and Sea are beft for fuch poor Men. Faith, Friend, faid they, we know your Mean- ing well, Our Cafes are alike, the Truth to tell : And here we walk like Pilgrims, as you fee, And right glad of your Company we be. Then one of them out of his Pocket rook Some Notes out of an old decayed Book, And 'caufe the reft mould not his Words defpife, He took fome Notes from Scripture too like- wife ; Thefe were the Words, as I remember well, The Tongue is fet upon the Fire of Hell. O, quoth the Plough-man, if thefe Things be true, It will be ne'er the worfe for me nor you : For we, that have our Hell upon the Earth, Shall have, I hope, our Heaven after Death. So Home he goes unto his Wife with Speed, And, though that he could neither write nor read, Yet he had learn'd enough to fchool his Wife, Hoping hereby to make her mend her Life ; So in he comes, and with his Wife is bold, Thinking 'twould not be long 'ere fhe would fcold : Which to prevent, becaufe he did mifdoubt her, He told her that (he carried Hell about her ; And that one told him, being a Scholar great, That a Woman's Tongue it is the Devil's Seat ; And that it is a moft pernicious Lyar, A Backbiter and a confuming Fire. The Woman, hearing this, did hide her Face, It was a certain Sign fhe had fome Grace. When he faw this, he kifs'd her lovingly, And after that they lived quietly : And fome report her Eyes in Tear* flic drench'd, And, with thofe Tears, Hell-Fire itfclf was quench'd. How a Woman's Tongue may be faid to be a Thunder, THere was a Huntfman did a Wife en- joy* Whofe Tongue did breed him much Annoy j But when fhe fcoldcd, he his Horn would found, Purpofely her clamorous Tongue he'd drown'd. But, on a Time, her Voice fo high me rears. She drowns the Horn, and the poor Huntf- man's Fears. Away he goes unto a Neighbour's Houfe, To drink away his Grief, and to caroufe : Neighbour, quoth he, pray take it not in Scorn, Refolve me what is louder than a Horn ? Thunder, quoth he, is louder, my good Friend. Now Heaven quoth the Huntfman, me defend Frcm fuch like Thunder as I heard cv'n now, That drowned my fhrill Horn, and fear'd me too. Thunder brings Rain, quoth he, O Heavens fav'e you, Take in your Clothes, and fay, I Warning gave you. Quoth the other Man, you know not what you fay, For there hath been no Thunder all this Dav. Y 2 Yes, Yes, quoth the Huntfman, I dare boldly fwear, Such a like Thunder I did never hear, Not in the Element, but here below, Unto my Terror, yet unknown to you. The Thunder is in my Wife's Tongue too common, No Thunder like the Thund'ring of a Woman. He takes his Leave, and homewards 'he makes Hafte, Hoping, that now the Tempeft is quite paft ; But, all the Way he goes, he cries a-main, Women, take in your Sheets, 'tis like to rain ; For, fmce it thunder'd, 'tis not yet an Hour, And, after Thunder, is ufually a Show'r : But, when his Wife did come to know of this, Her Tongue did never after do amifs j Nor was (he after known to be fo bold, To thunder with her Tongue, to rail, or fcold. Thus Policy, by wife Men, ftill is ufed To tame a Shrew, by whom they are abufed. Thus in five Parts I do divide the Tongue, And yet no civil Woman do I wrong ; Nor yet uncivil Women can deny, But that, of them, I fpeak but fparingly j For, I proteft, I wifh fo well to all, That I will never dip my Pen in Gall. The SONG. To the Tune of We Old Bride. WHE N the World was made, as I under/load, All that was made, God faw it was good. Then God made Adam, and gave him Life, And) of his Rib, he made him a Wife ; So mild) fo wond'rous mild, Was Mzm'sfweet Wife, That it was ne'er known Her Tongue raifed Strife. But, when the World received a Curfe, Then Women, like Men, grew worfe and worfe. Among thefe Weeds, to fupply Men's Wants, There grow fame medicinary Plants, So good, fo wond'rous goody That Man may procure A Wife, as a Medicine To heal th$ Impure. But do not to that Woman fue, That hath a Tongue as long as two j . T>EG, What's the Reafon you fo crab- ' JL bed are? Anf. Becaufe, to live, you have no better Care. Why do you to the Ale-houfe follow me ? Becaufe I you at Home had rather fee. Why do you fcold, when I at Home do come ? Would you be drunk, and have me to be dumb ? And why fpeak you not of it on the Morrow ? Becaufe my Heart is then too full of Sorrow. Alas, poor Heart, 'tis Time for me to mend j Pity to break the Heart of fuch a Friend. Epigram V. I Had a Bird, which, with great Care anJ Pains, I taught to fmg ; my Pleafure was my Gains : But, O ! I had a Parrot at the laft, That, without Teaching, learn'd to fpeak too fafh Epigram VI. A Scolding Woman vex'd her Husband fo, That out of Doors he difcontent did go 5 And, as he fadly went along the Street, A difcotented Man this Man did meet, Weeping and wailing, wringing of his Hands : Of whom the other Man of him demands, What was the Caufe, that he lamented fo. Friend, quoth he, the Caufe of this my Woe Is this : My Wife is dead, and I am left Comfortlefs, and of Comfort quite bereft ; As good a Creature as e'er liv'd on Earth, This Morning did fhe lofe her vital Breath. W^as fhe fo good ? quoth he ; fo is not mine : 1 would my Wfe had then excufed thine. Epigram VII. TWO Men did walk together in the Street ; Neighbours they were, and both of them difcreet : Friend, quoth the one, the Death of mv good Wife Doth grieve me fo, I think 'twill end my Life. jf/jf Anatomy of a And truly, quoth the other* Neighbour John^ I may rejoice, that -mine is dead and gone ; For, whilft flie liv'd, I ne'er liv'd merry Day, And,nowfhe's dead, 1 may both fport and play, Follow my Work, and never be controuFd : No Grief like his, that's troubled with a Scold. No fooner had he fpoke, but two ftout Dames Were fcolding, and forgot each other's Names ; ffflore, S/ut, and Z>;v, between thefe two, were common, The ordinary Language of bad Women. Tie, that was troubled with the fcolding Wife,. D d run, as he had run ev'n for his Life ; And would not be perfuaded otherwife, But that his Wife then from her Grave did rife, And that fhe follow'd him, and kept a Stir, Becaufe fhe beard him talk fo much of her : A t come again, quoth he, for to torment me? Now I do wonder who the Devil fent thee. O, if the Remembrance of a Scold do fo, What will the living Prefence of them do? Epigram VIII. THere was a Woman known to be fo bold, That fhe was noted for a common Scold ; And on a Time, it feems, fhe wrong'd her Betters, Who fent her unto Prifon, bound in Fetters : The Day of her Arraignment being come, Before grave Elders, this then was her Doom : She mould be ducked over Head and Ears, In a deep Pond, before her Overfeers. Xnrice was fhe under Water, yet not fainted, Nor yet, for aught that I could fee, was daunted ; For, when with Water fhe was covered, She clapp'd her Hands together o'er her Head, To fignify, that then fhe could not talk, But yet fhe would be fure her Hands fhould walk: She had no Power, but yet fhe had a Will, That, if fhe could, fhe would have fcolded ftill : For, after that, when they did her up-hale, Fiercely againft them all then did fhe rail. This proves fome Women void of reafonable Wit ; Which if they had, then would they focn fubmit. Epigram IX. Countryman, being troubled with A Shrew, Sold all his Living, and to Spain would A Worn art* ^Tongue. His Wife went with him j though fhe were unkind, None could perfuade her for to flay behind. They Shipping took ; and, as they fail'd along. The Billows rofe, the Wind grew wond'rous ftrong, So that there was a mighty Tempeft then, Which caus'd the Captain to command the Men To caft their greateft Burdens over-board ; The which was done according to his Word. The Countryman, obfervmg what they did, Took up his Wife upon his Back, unbid, And wentto caft her o'er into the Sea, Crying aloud, This is a happy Day, This is the greateft Burden that I have, 'Tis beft for me to make the Sea her Grave : But fhe intreated him to fpare her Life, And fhe would prove a kind and loving Wife. And fome report, this Fear with her fo wrought, That flie became good, that before was naught. Epigram X. TWO young Men for a Maid of late did. ftrive, 'Ere either of them knew the May to thrive : One challenged the other for to fight ; But this fame Challenge did him fo affright, That he, on even Terms, gave o'er the Sute, Without an Arbitrator to difpute ; And, 'caufe that Fighting he did fo abhor, He faid, fhe was not worth the Fighting for : Nevertheless, becaufe he lov'd her, though, At Crofs and Pile he was content to throw. Now, Reader, do not think the Wench mif- took him, The Wench was crofs enough, for fhe ipr- fook him ; Upon the other Fellow did fhe fmile, So Crofs to one, and to the other Pile. Epigram XT. HArry was marry'd to a Guildhall Wife, And he that Parchment Wench did often curfe : Though fhe, poor Wench, was ftiji, and void of Strife, Yet he burn'd her, and took on ten times worfe. Well, Harry, if this die, fhake cff thy Fetter ; Marry no more, for feldom comes the better. Epig Anatomy of a Woman 's Tongue. Porter (quoth he) now fpeak your Mind tome, N Epigram XII. being troubled with a AN honeft Man, Scold, Told her, if (he continued fo bold, That he would have a Cafe made out of hand> To keep her Tongue in, under his Command. Well, fhe had Need to have a fpecial Care, Left (he, with Scolding, wear her Tongue threadbare ; Which if (he do, 'twill be fo poor and bafe, That, fure, her Tongue will not be worth a Cafe. Epigram XIII. AN honeft Waterman, that kept a Ferry, Did take Delight to fee his Children merry ; And on the Tongs fometimes he'd play a Fit, And the poor Children would dance after it ; And always, when his Wife did fcold, they fay, The good Man he upon the Tongs would play -, Methought'it was a ftrange Sight to behold Man play, Children dance, and Woman fcold. Epigram XIV. the A Wretched Woman ftrove to wear Breeches, And, to her Hufband, us'd uncivil Speeches : Nay, (he was not content ill- Words to fend him, But (he a Box o'th'Ear at laft did lend him : The Man did for her Valour praife her much-, Becaufe (he gave him fuch a gentle Touch. Come, Faith, quoth he, the firft three Hits for Six-pence, Here, take this Cudgel, try how thou canft fence ; I hope I am not fuch a filly Elf, But I am able to defend myfelf. Together by the Ears, at laft, they fell, And cudgel'd one another very well. A Porter, loaden with Neat's Tongues, and Sowce, Enquired for the Mafter of the Houfe. Faith, Friend, quoth he, I'll tell you pre- fently, For we are ftriving for the Maftery : At length ihe Woman did begin to yield, The Alan, with much ado, did win the Field. For I am Mafter of the Houfe you fee. Sir, quoth the Porter, your Wife's Friends have fent Neat's Tongues and Sowce, to feed upon this Lent. How Tongues, quoth he? Take them away again, For an ill Tongue hath almoft been my Bain ; Go tell my Wife's Friends, of all Meats that be,. The Tongue agreeth worft of all with me. And, as for Sowce, I Sowcing have enough : She cannot oniy fcold, but (he can cuff. Epigram XV. A Woman, that did love a Cup of Ale, Would oft be drunk, and would often rail, And fcold at every one (he met withal, And being drunk upon a Time did fall Scolding at every one that parted by, And being drunk the People let her lie ; At length a certain Parrot heard her talk, And talk'd as faft as fhe, and cried, //Y.^*, walk. Ay, quoth the Woman, fend me now your Hand, And I'll walk Home, and yet (lie could not (land. Betwixt thefe two there is a Difference, I fain would know who fpoke the better Senfr. Epigram XVL JOhn Barret had a Parrot for to fell, And went about where Gentlemen did dwell, To fell his Parrot ; at the length he met A Friend of his, that inwardly did fret, For he, it feems, had marry'd with a Shrew, That vex'd his Mind wherever he did go. Quoth Barret, Friend, will you my Parrot buy, Which can both talk and prate moft daintily ? No, quoth the Man, I thank you, good "Jdw. Barret : Faith, I am too much troubled with a Parrot ; Yet, in Regard you are a Friend of mine, I am content to change my Bird for thine. O quoth, John Barret, are you grown fa- wife ? Your Bird I fear will claw out both mine Eyes, , 7 6 The Anatomy of a Womaris Tongue. Epigram XVII. AFellovr, that was troubled with a Wife, With whom, he liv'd a difcontented Life, Set up a Bill, and colour'd it with Green: Within this Place, quoth he, is to be feen A Monfter like a Wonnn, more uncivil, In Form a Woman, but in Speech a Devil. Epigram XVIII. A Woman did demand of me of late, Why 1 condemn'd her for her idle Prate : Since that her Tongue, although a Member bad, Was all the 'fenfive Weapon that (he had, I cannot tell, how it did her defend, But I am fure, that it did me offend : For a fharp-weapon'd Woman I will praife her, For why her Tongue is (harper than a Razor. Epigram XIX. TW O Men complained forely of their Wives, And faid they lived very unnat'ral Lives, My Wife, quoth one, my very Heart will break, For (he is fullen, and me will not fpeak. O, quoth the other, it is a fweet Diftrefs, For of two Evils always chufe the lefs. Thy Wife wants Tongue, and mine (he hath too much. Unhappy are thofe Men, whofe Wives are fuch. Epigram XX. THere was a Woman a notorious Scold, That ufed to be fo audacious bold, That, when her Hufband to the Ale- houfe went, Would follow him, although fmall Coin he fpent; And (he would fcold fo wond'rous loud and fierce, It is paft my Skill the fame for to rehearfe : But, when (he was rebuk'd, (he would reply, It was her Nature to talk haflily. If it be fo, pray tell me, good John Gelding^ What Difference is 'twixt hafty Talk and Scolding. . Epigram XXI. THere was a certain Man a Wife did wed, That was but meanly taught, but bet- ter fed, For always, when he was difpos'd to play, This Woman would be fullen all the Day ; Which vexed him, who thought he had great Wrong, Complaining that his Wife had ne'er a Tongue: But I think no, for I have heard it told, That he was blefs'd, becaufe (he would not fcold. But he did vex her fo, that, at the laft, She that had loft her Tongue did prate too faft. An Epitaph. HEre lies my Wife in earthly Mould, Who, when (he liv'd, did nought but fcold. Peace, wake her not ; for how (he's ftill : She had, but now I have my Will. , A Dream. IWander'd forth a while agone, And went I knew not whither, But there were Beauties many a one Appeared all together. In a pleafant Field of Mirth, I walked all about ; In the Garden of the Earth A Spirit found me out. Jealoufy her Heart did wound, She was made the People's Wonder; Like a Temped was her Sound, And her Speech like Claps of Thunder. Homewards then I went with Speed, Reafon good, and why ? Becaufe J perceiv'd that Jove decreed, Sweet Meat fhould have fowre Sauce. Vinegar was mix'd with Cream, But all this was but a Dream. The The dnatomy of a Woman's Tongue. But what my mournful Words contains faithful Shepherd's dying Sang. Is rightly underftood of none. '77 To the Tune of Madam, be covered, why ft and you bare? COme, Shepherds, caft your Pipes away, No Time for Mirth when Grief is near If that you pleafe a While to ftay, My Sorrow to you I'll declare. Unhappy I that plac'd my Love, On her that did inconftant prove. As I fat by my Flocks of Sheep, Upon a merry Holiday, Although my Flocks I fafe did keep, Yet Beauty ftole my Heart away. A heavenly Beauty came to me, And did falute me with a Smile. From Cupid's Snares I lived free, Until her Looks did me beguile. I wedded her, made her my own, She was as Neighbour to my Heart ; My Fortunes I have overthrown, For me from me did quickly ftart. Her Company I could not have, Neither by Night, nor yet by Day. I was no better than her Slave, For I did work, when me did play. Then was I forc'd the Sea to crofs, And leave my wedded Wife behind j But I was happy in my Lofs, Becaufe to me flie prov'ci unkind. In three Years after I was gone, She chofe herfelf another Mate ; I found her with another Man, And then fhe faid I came too late. Then I was fhipp'd away again, I was betray 'd I know not how, And landed on the Coaft of Spain, And now again return'd to you. You Woods, you Hills, you Dales, you Groves, You Ikooks, and every pleafant Spring, You Creatures, come, whom nothing moves, And hear a woful Shepherd fmg. For, to my fellow Sheperd Swains, I oftentimes have made my Mone, VOL. 'II. O facred Heavens, why do I fpend My juft Endeavours *tus in vain, Since what the Fates do fore-intend, They never after change again ? Nor Faith, nor Love, nor true Defert, Nor all that woful Man can do, Can win him Place within her Heart, That finds he was not born thereto. And fo farewel, kind Shepherds all, Adieu, adieu, falfe Shepherclefs, Thou art the Caufe of this my Call, For thou haft brought me to Diftrefs. He fent his Groans up to the Skies, And yielded up his vital Breath ; The Shepherds clofed up his Eyes, And laid him in his Bed of Death. They fung a mournful Elegy, Over his Grave, where, as he lay, All Flefh, quoth they, is born to die, And this fhall be his Epitaph : Lo, here lies he that plac'd his Love, On her that did inconjlant prove. A Pojikript. Since firft my Book was printed, I do hear, Some Women no Good-will to me do bear: But I muft needs conf^s, that they v/ere fuch, Even of the vulgar Sort that I did touch. And fuch, whofe Carriage with their Breeding mown, Unto the World their Weakncfs have made known ; Prov'd themfelvcs guilty of the Things I writ, Shewing but little Manners, am? lefs Wit. But, fmce I find my Book hath done fomc- Good, I will go forward, though by them withftood : It hath converted two, and made them civil, That were almoft as bad as is the Devil ; They did confefs, they did difgrace their Mar- riage, And wrong their Hu{bands by thuir evil Car- riage j They did confefs, that I wns in no Fault, By (hewing them how poorly they did halt ; ~ Z Thev 178 A Defcription of a wonderful Breach . They do confefs, how they indebted are And glad was I when this I underftood, For my good Will to them and honeft Care, That I was born to do a Woman Good. Had to their Credit and their Reputation, Henceforth I promife, and I do not flatter,. And glad was I of this their Recantation : To reft their Servant in a greater Matter, A brief Relation of a wonderful Accident, a Diffolution of the Earth, in the Foreft of Charrwoood^ about two Miles from Loughborougb in Leicefterjhire ; lately done, and dif- covered, and reforted to, by many People, both old, and young. Published by two Lovers of Art, /. C. and /. >uarto y containing fix Pages, MDCLXXIX. To the Reader. 70 your ingenuous Acceptation, we communicate tbefe our Obfervations ; not for filthy Lucre* s Sake, but for publick SatisfaRion, and Truth- fake, being f revoked thereto by fame Perfons of Duality : Conftdering the evil Cuft cm of erroneous Reports, and the fearful Rumours of ignorant People. Read, and judge charitably, without critical, or incredulous Cenfure ; here is no wander* ing Prolixity, nor fuperfluous Embellifhment of Eloquence, but a Scrutiny into the fro- per Antithefis, apparelled with necejjary Language. Be candid, not cunning. TH E Figure is almoft circular, po- fited in a declining Condition to the Horizon, it being the End or Fragment of a hilly Body, and contains about two Acres of Ground. In its upper Divifion, or primary Breach, the lower, or fallen Part of it, lies a Yard (in fome Places) beneath the unmo- ved Body: About three Parts of this circu- lar Wonder fhews Symptoms of the effi- cient Caufe j and the reft fhews little, or no Defea. About three Paces from the upper Breach, or prime Divifion, is a fecond Trench all down one Curve of the Circle, arorefaid, and fome fecond Fractures be on the other Side thefe ; over the prime Trench, or Breach lieth, a nar- row Path-way i the fallen Part, whofe Hypo- Vale. tenufal fhould fall upon the true angular Point (if it, had a perpendicular Fall) is fubverted, and turned afide one Foot and more. Between the prime Breach, and fecond Cur- very Fracture, the Earth fliews a perpendicular Defcent, or down-right Falling, becaufe it doth thruft itfelf within its former Bounds ; on the other Side of the Curve, which is higher Ground, the Parts of the Earth fallen, and unfallen, {hew the Diftance of a Foot ; which, if it fhould be raifed to a Parallel, with its former Bounds, would differ half a Yard. The Sine for thefe Curves is the Radius, or total Sine. The lower Part of the Periphery (or Arch oppofite to the primary Breach) is rolled in, with an Overfhooting of its Bounds ; as if it were driven, being light in Subftance, and Stones A Defcription of a wonderful Breach. Stones (in fomc Places thereof) thruft forth then fhould not another Breach confiderable ap- themfelves. This lower Curve contains about pear from its Production, and the Earth would half the Radius for its verfed Sine. have been overfhot or carried that Way as the The unbreached Part of the Periphery lies Current of Water paft ; but the Earth is ear- on the lower Side of the Hill, in RefpecTt to ried that Way where no fuch Falling in ap- the Hill's Ridge. pears. Some Perfom judge Water to be the Caufe of the Breach ; others fay Wind, The latter we account proper, and confider, both in Method and Manner following : 1. That it was not Water. 2. That it was occajioned by Wind. Reafons negative, and affirmative, That it was not Water. 1. Water doth naturally run in a Channel hafling forward, yea, and that whre the Ground is level : But, where the Ground de- fcendeth through which it is to pafs, there it forceth with a more direct Courfe, and fpee- dy Stream ; not dilating itfelf, but rather drawing its Body more clofe into narrow Bounds. 2. If Water had been the Cattfe, then it fliould not have run in a round Figure, where the Hill is fo much defcending ; unlefs fome artificial Pipes had been laid, which by the attractive Power of the Air fhould draw the Water up again ; which if Fancy, or any Per- fon's Suppofition, fliould incline to, yet never- thelefs it would have more powerful Force in its Defcent, than Afcent. 3. Had Water (by its violent Billows J cau- Fed this Accident, it would either have done it by an Eruption outward, or a Diflolution of the Earth within, whereby the upper Superfi- cies fhould have fallen in, or funk within its counterminal Sides. Indeed, fome Part of the Ground we allow to be depreffed, but another Part is not, but rather heightened, by Rolling up. And, how any Thing fhould produce contrary Effects to its Nature, is marvel- lous ! 4. Had Water been the Caufe by demolifh- ing the Intrails of the Earth, then (running in a Channel) the Breach mould be oppofite to its Current ; and mould, from hence, the Current of Water be gueffed to fall where the Ground is fallen in -all down one Curve of the Circle, That it was Wind. 1. Becaufe it is fo improbable to be Water j but we judge Wind might be the Caufe, for- afmuch as it is its Property to produce fuch Ef- fects : 2. For Wind being gathered, and ftreigh- tened within the Bowels of the Earth, in Or- der to an Earthquake, doth at laft (by a vola- tile Motion) break or burft forth in fome Place or other, with great Violence, rending, twitt- ing in, and burying the Earth within its own Bowels ; and in its Motion, arching, flying, and fearching about, might (very naturally) caufe this Breach. 3. Becaufe the lower Part of the Periphery, which is overfhot, lies rolled in, huft, or blown, darting, from its fwoln (or enlarged) Pores, Stones of a confiderable Weight ; as alfo the Root of a Tree, which is turned up in the primary Breach. 4. This being at the Front of a hilly Range, the Earthquake might come running along, and there disburden itfelf; and that moreover as it is free from Rocks, the Ground folvi- ble, and confequently the Pores more eafily extended. Arguments corresponding with the former Rea~ fans. 1. If Water had been the Caufe, then from a flant Defcent, or Afcent, the Breach would have fhewed itfelf in a right-lined, or ferpen- tine Figure, and more efpecially in a right- lined Figure, its Surface having Declinati- on. But this Breach is circular, and declining, contrary to a right-lined, or feipentine Fi- gure. Therefore the Caufe coulJ not be Water. 2. Water was not the Caufe, but rather Wind ; for Wind is volatile, light, and for- cible, and known to be of circular Motion ; where it is ftreitrhtened, and wants Liberty Z ?. ' to i8o Hiftory of Mons. to disburden, or difpeife, itfelf into its own Element, it Marches a Paflage, and, by Ope- ration, is (by Philoibphers) accounted the Caufe of Earthquakes ; it vents, and turns up the Earth in its Delivery thence. But, in this Breach, the Figure is circular, diverfly fractured, blown, orhuftup, and writh- ed, which are the Symptoms of an Earth- quake. Ergo Wind was the proper and true Caufe. Now It remains^ that we anfwer three Objecti- ons^ and conclude. 1. May fome fay, had there been an Earth- quake, why was it not difcerned, felt, or dif- covered by one or other ? 2. Though Towns be not very high, yet there be fome Inhabitants on the Foreft nigh refident, and would not they have been fenfible of fome Motion or Noife which accompany Earthquakes ? 3. There be many Trees, not far off, would not fome of them have received Preju- dice by Overturning, or Rocks where you fuppofe the, windy Commotion ran along ? An]weri to the Objections, 1 . Had there been any Inhabitants dwelling on the faid Hill, they might then have felt it. 2. As for them that dwell nigh, they might very well be infenfible of Noife, or Motion, which might happen in the Night ; and becaufe Earthquakes (more general ones) have been experienced to operate in one Part of the Town, and not in another Part of the fame j or in a various Manner, in a little Diftance j no Wonder then, if fuch Inhabitants perceive it not. 3. As for Trees, how fhould they be pre- judiced, where the Earthquake came not ? But, had Trees flood where the Breach was made, they would probably than have been overthrown, as the Root of a Tree aforefaid j and, as for Rocks being not removed over the windy Paflage, they might be fpared for the fame Reafon that the Ground in thofe Places was ; and both fpared, becaufe the Difturbance haftens along to the Front, as a Stone to its Center. The Geography and Hiftory of Mons. Firft written in French for the Service of an Imperial Officer, in the Army about Mons ; and now done, a fecond Time, in Englifh, for the Satisfaction of our Britijb Officers. By John Mack Grego- ry ', L L. L. Profeffor of Geography and Hiftory. Printed at Edinburgh, in the Year MDCCIX, guarto y containing Forty-four Pages. MO N S is a great Town, the Ca- pital City of all Hainault, and the principal Place of Refidence of the Governor, and the other Officers, who compofe both the particular Courts, and the General Coun- cils, of that whole Province. It is- fituated on the Banks of the River Trouille, in the Middle of a large Plain, that reigns all around it, for feveral Leagues, on both Sides the River Haine : But, juft where the Town (lands, there is a fmall Eminence, included within it ; the Bank of the Trouille^ on the one Side there, being a little rifing Ground, or Hill ; that on the other Side, a great Level, or Plain : And, immediately with- out the Town, the Ground is a great Marfh, caufed principally by an Abundance of Waters proceeding proceeding from the Confluence of thofe two Rivers, of a great many Rivulets, of fome Brooks, and of feveral Canals, all Rendezvou - fing thereabouts, and partly by the Continu- ance of the Plain, which favours that of the Marfh, making it to run out for half a League from the Walls, for three Quarters, and for a whole League in fome Places ; fo that it reigns about the Town, for a great Way off, and with fuch a great Deal of Water, that it cannot be well drained, except on the Eaft- fide towards Namur, where the Ground rifes too high for it, and on the Weft towards Va- lenciennes, where there is likewife a little Ri- ling- The chief of thofe Waters, that render the Country about Mons fo marfhy, are thefe two Rivers, the Trouille and the Ha'tne. The Trouille is but a fmall River, taking its Rife near the Village of Merieux, in the fame Province of Hainault, three Leagues and a Half froai the Town of Mons, on the South- fide. It has at firft its Courfe from South to North, then makes a Turn within Mons, runs afterwards from Eaft to Weft, and, at length, falls into the River Haine, a League above the Fortrefs of St. Guiflain, likewife in the fame Province, three Quarters of a League from Mans, on the Weft-fide. Upon both the Sides of this River, jufl where it makes the Turn from the North to the Weft, or rather from the North-Eaft to the North-Weft, ftands Mons, feated upon the two Banks, the Bank there, on the Eaft-fide, being an Eminence, or Hill ; that on the Weft-fide, a flat Ground, or Plain; and the River running through the Town, North-Eaft when it gees in, and North-Weft when it goes out, divides it into two very unequal Parts, the Part on the Eaft-fide, upon the Hill, be- ing by far the greater ; that on the Weft-fide, in the Plain, much the lefler; juft three Leagues and a Half below where it rifes, near Merieux, and about three Quarters of a League, above where it falls into the Haine, not far from St. Guijlain : That Part of the River, which is above Mons, is called the upper Trouille ; and below, it is named the Low- er. The Haine is alfo but a fmall River, though fomewhat greater than the Trouille, having its Source near the Town of 'Fontaine FEveque, in the fame Province of Hainault, four Leagues and a Half- from the Town of Mom, on the The TtiJIory of Mons. j 8 j Eaft-fide. At firft it runs North, then turns Weft, afterwards North- weft, then South weft, and again Weft \ fo, making a great many Turnings and Windings, as it goes through the Country, but having the Main of its Courfe from Eaft to Weft, efpecially it is fo as it paf- fes by Mom j it at length falls into the River Beheld* a little above the Fortrefs of Conde, likewife in the fame Province, four Leagues and a Quarter from Mons, on the Weft- fide. Upon the South-fide of this River, at a Place where it runs from Eaft to Weft, or rather from North-Eaft to South-weft, ftands Mons, feated on an Eminence, upon the Banks of the Trou- ille, in the Middle of the Plain on that Side the Haine, and at the Diftance of betwixt a Quarter and Half a League from the River, where it pafTes by the Town ; juft four Leagues and a Half below where it rifes, near Fontaine I'Eveque, and about four Leagues and a Quar- ter above where it falls into the Scheld, hard by Conde: That Part of the River, which is above Mons, is called, the upper Haine ; and below, it is named, the Lower. Befides thofe two Rivers, there are Abun- dance of other Waters, that contribute to ren- der the Ground thereabouts a Marfh, a great many Rivulets, of lefler Note, fome Brooks, and feveral Canals, detached from thofe Rivers both above and below Mom, that are all made to run, turning and winding throuah the Country, about the Town, into the Lakes and Ponds, to fupply them with Water ; thro* the Town, into the Ditches and Kennels, for the Conveniency of the People ; and out of the Town, away into the Channels of the low- er Trouille and Haine, with Defign to render them navigable. . In this Manner, it happens, that the Coun- try about Mons is fo marfhy : The Town is fo furrounded, and the Territory adjoining fo planted, with fuch an Abundance and Plenty of Waters, proceeding from a Confluence anil Complication of fo many Rivers, Rivulets, Brooks, and Canals, all rendezvoufing there on Purpofe, as it were, to make a Marfh, and the Ground thereabouts is fo continued a Level and Plain, that it cannot well be otherwife ; and, for the Conveniency and Advantages of Water, one may fay, there is not, perhap.-, fuch another inland Situation of a Town, as that of Mons is, in Europe, if it be not that of Ghent. As for what Inconveniences may artfc 182 The WJlory arilb there, from the Superabundance of thefe Waters, they are wifely provided againft, as much as may be, >by the Induftry and Care of the Inhabitants, who, by the Multiplying of Canals and Ditches, by the Keeping clean and neat their Channels, by the Variety of Ponds, and little Lakes, but efpecially by the Num- ber and good Government of Sluices, have them fo under Command, that they can let them out, or keep them in, or make of them what they plcafe : And confequently, by fuch Means in the Cafe of a Siege, the People within Mom can egregioufly incommode an Enemy with- out, by Inunding the whole. Country that is immediately about the Town ; which they do effectually, to the Diftance of a Quarter of a League from the Wall?, of Half a League, and of three Quarters in fome Places ; fo as to make the Inundation reign around, for a good Way off, and with fuch a Deepnefs of Water, as to render the Town inacceflible, except on the Eaft-ftde towards Namur, where the Ground rifes too high for it, and where an Enemy might incamp, and intrench, and from thence approach, and batter the Place, in Spite of the Inundation ; the fame might be done on the Weft-fide towards Valenciennes, where there is likewife a little Rifing ; but not fo well, becaufe the Ground there does not rife to fuch a Height. This Town was at firft founded by Alberon, a Prince of France, Son to Clodion the .Hairy, King of France, and Grandfon to Pharamond the Great, firft King thereof; who, in the Year of our Lord 449, being left, by his Fa- ther's Death, to the Guardianfhip of his Kinf- jnan Merovee, and his Guardian having de- prived him of his Inheritance, and ufurped his Crown to himfelf, went thereupon into Ger- many, to follicit Affiftance to recover his Right, and was affifted by the Germans fo pow- erfully, as that, in Progrefs of Time, he re- covered all the lower Auftrafia, and a good Part of Belgium, as far as Tournay and Cambray ; and, in the Year 481, he came hither into that Country, where now Mom is, which was then all covered with Wood as well as with Water, being a Part of the Saltus Carbonarius, which was a Skirt of the Foreft of Ardenna, and built a high Tower there, on the Top of a fmall Eminence, upon the Bank of the Ri- ver frouille, towards the Eaft, hard by the Water- fide, juft where it, running from the South, makes a Turn from the Nsrth to the Weft, in the Middle of a large Plain, covered then with a great Deal both of Wood and Water, though now with the laft more than with the firft, on the Bank of the River Halne towards the South, not far from the Water- fide, juflr where it runs from Eaft to Weft, towardsthe North: Which Tower ferved him, as a Houfe, or Palace, where he lodged ; as an Obfervatory, or Watching- Place, from whence he difcovered the Country about ; and as a For- trefs, or Place of Security, by the Means of which he maintained himfelf there, notwith- flanding the Efforts of his Enemies, the Mtro- vignians, to turn him out. He likewife cut down all the Trees, which covered the Emi- nence where the Tower flood, and by fuch Means difcovered it all around, fo as to make an Explanade, or empty Space, immediately about the Tower, in the Middle of the Wood that reigned, from the Top, where the Tower was, to the Bottom, where it was bordered with Trees, all about the Eminence: And this Explanade ferved him, as a Camp-Poft, or Place of Arms, where he was wont to ren- dezvous his Soldiers, and to draw them up in Order of Battle. The fame Prince Alberon continuing, fo long- as he lived, to have (harp War with the Mero- vignians, upon the Account of the Ufurpation of his Dominions, and confequently, having frequent Occafion to have his Troops lodged nigh to him, firft pitched Tents for them in the Explanade about his Tower; then built Huts and Houfes, which, by Degrees and thro* Time, grew out into a confiderable Village all around the Tower, under the Defence of which it was fecure; and afterwards, to fecure it fur- ther from the fudden Attempts of his Enemies, he inclofed it with a Hedge, of Bufbes and Branches joined and interlaced, which, from a Village, made it become a Town. This was done, in the Year of our Lord 490, and it is the firft Inclofure of Mow: The Town was called d/beron's Camp-Poft, which Name it retained for a long Time after ; and the Tow- er, Alberon's Tower, which Name it retains to this Day. What Sort of Town this Camp-Poft of Prince Alberorfs has been, we cannot well tell, for now there are no Veftiges of it to be found : But I have feen a Plan of it, in Miniature, in an old Latin Manufcript, preferved by the Ladies The Hi/lory 0/~Mons. Ladies * of St. Waltrud's at Mow, and to be to Prince Aileron, read in their Library ; by which it appears, that it has been of a round Figure, lying on the Eajl-fide the Trouille, hard by the River- Side, where it, running from the South to the North t makes a Turnaway to the Weft, and on the South -fide the Haine, not far from the River-fide, where it runs from Eajl to Weft, towards the North, including juft the Emi- nence, where the Tower flood, and occupy- ing juft the Explanade, that reigned about, between the Top, where the Tower was, and the Bottom, where it was inclofed with a Hedge, and no more. As for Alberoris Tow- er, we can give fome Account of it, it being ftill on Foot and intire, though, by this Time, beginning to look pretty ancient, and engaged with another Edifice that was afterwards adjoin- ed to it, (landing juft on the Top of that Emi- nence, which was once occupied by Alberoris Camp-Poft, and is now in a Place within Mans, that makes exactly the Middle of the Town, at the Diftance of near Five-hundred Paces from the Side of the Trouille, towards the Eaft, and about Two-thoufand and Five-hundred Paces from the /&/*- Side, towards the South: It is a Tower round, having in Diameter fixty Feet, built of hewn Stone, to the Height of a Hundred and twenty Feet, the Wall being five Feet thick, confifting of fix Stories, adorn- ed at the Bottom with a Bafe, and a Gate ar- ched, towards the South, accompanied with its Pilafters, with Borders at the Divifion of Sto- ries, and Windows round, towards all Points, accompanied with their Chanbranles, and at the Top with a Cornifti ; above, which there is an Attick, terminated in a Platform, guard- ed with a Baluftrade, and furmounted with a Globe, of Timber covered with Lead, bearing up a Flag-ftaff and Flag, having blazoned the Arms of the Sovereign : The Whole a Piece of Gothick Work, engaged -with another Edifice, adjoined afterwards to it, that becaufe of its Age, and its being feated upon a Height, where it is expofed a great Deal to the Injuries of Weather, as well as of Time, has now, at this Day, very much the Face and Air of an Antiquity. This was the Condition of Mons, as Prince Alberon, of France, founded it : And, it conti- nued in the fame State, till the Year of our Lord 520, when, Walbtrt> Son and Succeflbr and the firft Earl of Hal- nault, having continued the War his Father had begun againft the Merovignians, upon the Account of the Ufurpation of their Inheritance, and being married to the Lady Lucilla, Sifter to Zeno, Emperor of the Eafl, the Emperor thereupon took Part with his Brother-in-Law, in his Quarrel againft Clovis the Great, King of France, whom he forced to enter into a Treaty with him, and to reftore to him the County of Hainault ; which was accordingly done at Cambray, that Year, when King Clo- vis refigned fo much Territory to Prince Wal- bert, and the Emperor Zeno erected it into an Earldom in his Favour, giving him this- for a Coat of Arms : Or, a Lion rampant Sable, armed and langued Gules : For a Creft, an Earl's Coronet Or, adorned with eight Flowers of the fame. From that Time, Earl Walbert, and his Succeflbrs, being at Peace with the Merovignians, and having no War with any other of their Neighbours, had but little Occafion to fear any Thing, and be obli- ged to be much upon their Guard, to live in, the Midft of a Wood, and have their Troops lodged always nigh to them, as their Prede- ceflbr, Prince Alberon, had done ; but they chofe rather to dwell elfewhere, in more con- venient Places, and neglected the Dwelling- place of Prince Alberon ; fo that Alberon's Tower thereupon became a Wafte, and Al- beron's Camp-poft returned to be a Defort, as it had been formerly. It continued fo, till the Days of the Lady Waltrud, otherwife, St. Waltrud, Countefs and Heirefs of Hainault, Daughter to Earl Wal- bert the Fourth, and Wife to MrJdegair y otherwife, St. Vincent, a Prince of Ireland, who, by Vertue of his Marriage, was like- wife Earl of Hainault. This religious Prin- cefs, being inclined to renounce the World, and looking out for a convenient Retiring- place, was perfuaded by St. GuiJJain, and o- thers, her fpiritual Directors, to make Choice of the Dwelling-place of Prince Alberon, in the Wood, which, by that Time was become wafte, turned quite a Defart, and covered with Trees as much as ever ; where fir ft (he built a Cell and a Chapel, for herfelf, in At- beron's Camp-poft, hard by Alberon's Tower ; and afterwards founded a Church, and a Cloi- fter, for others, in the fame Place, in which See thefe Ladies defcribed below. fllQ The Hiftory of Mans. .ihe begun and inftituted that famous College, or Congregation, of religious Ladies, or noble Women, CanonefTss Secular, without any Rule, which continues there, and fiourifhes to this Day. Saint IValtrud went thither to live, about the Year of our Lord 603, and {he made that Institution of Ladies in the Year 609 ; which gave Occafion to a great many 6- ther People, Gentlemen as well as Ladies, Poor as well as Rich, and Laicks as well as Religious, to refort to the fame Place, and build Houfes for themfelves there, in Albe- rou's Camp-pott, under the Shadow of Aile- rons Tower, and in the Neighbourhood of S. IValtrud's Church ; fo that Aileron's Camp- poft, by Degrees, came again to be very well inhabited ; and, through Time, grew out in- to a confiderable Town, being inclofed with a new Hedge of Bufhes and Branches rebuilt, including the Eminence, and occupying theEx- planade all around, between the Tower, which defended it at Top, and the Hedge which in- clofed it at the Bottom, as it was before. And they changed the Name of yf //Draw's Camp-poft, and called it by that of Bergen, fignifying, in Teutonick, or old High Dutch, the ancient Language of that Country, as much, as if one would fay, by Way of Diftinftion, The Hill : Which Name they defignedly gave it, both becaufe it was built upon a little Hill, the on- ly Hill in the Country thereabouts, and be- caufe of the Refpecl: and Veneration they had for the Dwelling-place of fo many Religious Perfons, as lived there a pious and devout Life ; which Refpet they thought they ex- prefled a little, by calling it with a Diftin&i- on, The Hill. At the fame Rate of Speaking, and, for the fame Reafons, in Latin, it was called Mons : And both thefe Names it re- tains to this Day ; the one, Mons, is ufed com- monly by Foreigners ; the other, Bergen, is only known among the Natives. What Sort of Town this Hill of St. Wai- Irud's has been, we cannot at all tell ; becaufe now there are no Veftiges of it to be found j and as for Plans of it I have never feen any. However, we may prefume, that, being built upon the fame Ground with Prince Alberons Camp-poft, it has been much of the fame Fi- gure, and lituate the fame Way ; has included the fame Eminence, and occupied the fame Ex- planade, that reigned about, between the Top, where Aileron's Tower was, and the Bottom, where it was inclofed with a new Hedge, as before. This was the Condition of Mom, as St. Wul- trud, and her Ladies, and their Followers, re- founded it. It continued in the fame State, till the Year of our Lord 680, in the Days of Alberick, Earl of Hainault, Son to Earl Bru- nulph, a Prince of a publick Spirit, and a great Lover of Building, who did a great Deal of that Kind for Mons, and made it, indeed, look like a Town. Firjl, becaufe it was the Place", where his Predeceflbr St. Waltrud, and feveral other Saints, had lived, out of the Refpecl: and Veneration he had to their Name and Memory, he loved mightily to dwell in it ; and, becaufe he found that the Lodgings in Prince Aileron's Tower were both too little for him, and become ruinous, he not only repaired them, but slfo built a Caftle of his own, a great and noble Edifice, upon the Top of the fame Eminence, where Alberorfs Tower flood, and adjoining to it on the South- fide, the Tower being en- gaged with it on the North ; which Caftle and Tower, together, made fuch a large and capacious Dwell ing- place for him, that it ferved him conveniently as a Houfe where he lodged ; as an Obfervatory, from whence he difcovered the Country about ; and as a Fortrefe, by the Means of which, he not only maintained him- felf, but likewife defended the Town, and, up- on an Occafion, could command the fame. He alfo cut down all the Wood, which cover- ed the Ground, both within and without the Town, efpecially without, and by fuch Means difcovered it all around, fo as to make a grand Explanade, immediate^ without the Inclofure, that reigned for a great Way of, all about the Town ; and this Explanade ferved him as a large Camp-poft, where he rendezvoufed his Troops when he had Occafion, and drew them up in Order of Battle. Then, for the further Defence of the Town, which, till his Time, never had any better In- clofure than Hedges, he was the firft who con- ceived the Defign of Inclofing it with a Wall, and took Care to have his Defign put in Exe- cution ; in order to which, he cut down the Hedge- inclofure, that had been begun by Prince Alberon, and continued by his Succeflbis till then ; extended the Pomoerium, or Explanade, on it, a good Way beyond it, further intathe Country, and there built another of his ovyn, being The Hijlory being a Wall of Stone, making it go quite round the Town with a larger Compafs ; fo as to take in not only the Eminence, upon which the Town flood, with the Caftle and Tower at the Top, but likewife a good deal of more Ground at the Bottom of it, which he defigned fhould ferve as an empty Space, for the Inhabitants to build Houfes farther upon. This was done in the Year of our Lord 687, and it is the fecond Inclofure o'f Mom, which made it, indeed, look like a Town; where- as, till that Time, having never any Thing but a Hedge about it, it looked no better than like a Village ; of which and of all the other publick Works of Earl Alkefidfs about Mans, an Account may be gathered from the In- fcriptions, that are to be feen in and about his Caftle ; it being {till on Foot and intire, whereas of his Wall there is not the leaft Veftige to be found, it having been fo com- pleatly overthrown and ruined, that one can- not know now where it has been ; but the ancient Hiltory of Mom is to be read more at large, in a Book intituled, The Annah of Hai- nault, a Walloon Manufcript, written in the Year 1360, by Jacques de Guyfe, a Native of Mons 9 and a Licentiate in Divinity, of the Or- der of St. Francis* preferved- by the Ladies of St. Waltrud there, and to be feen in their Li- brary, by any one that calls for it. What Kind of Inclofure this Wall of Earl AlberlcKs has been, we cannot well tell j for now there are no Veftiges of it to be found ; but I have feen a Profile on it, in Oil, in a Profpedt of old Mons, hanging in the Clofet of the Lady Margaret of Cray, a Princefs of the Family of Rceulx, and one of the Ladies of St. Waltrud's there, by which it appears, that it has been built of hewn Stone, in the Roman Fafhion, and fortified with fquare Towers, at equal Distances, and a third Part higher, having three Gates, but no Ditch, and that it has run about the Town in an ob- long Figure, flretching itfelf from Eaft to Weft, fo as to approach nearer to the Trouille Side, the River running from South to North, and to take in the Eminence, upon which the Town flood, with a good Deal more. As for Earl Alberick's Caftle, we can give fome Ac- count of it, it being on Foot and intire to this Day, though beginning now to look pret- ty ancient, {landing on the fame Eminence with Prince Alberorfs Tower, where they to- gether occupy all the Top of it, the Tower VOL. II. of Mons. being engaged with the Caftle on the North- fide, and the Caftle adjoined to the Tower on the South, the Eminence ftretching itfelf Eaft and Weft ; it is four Pavilions round, joined together with four Sides oblong, making up a Court fquare, the Root of the interior Square being eighty Feet, that of the exte- rior an hundred and fixty, built of hewn Stone, the Sides to the Breadth of forty Feet, the Pavillions to the Solidity of fixty, and both to a Height equal to their refpe&ive Breadth and Solidity, the Walls to the Thicknefs of five Feet, and to a Height different as the Parts of the Edifice require, the Sides confifting of two Stories, the Pavilions of three, adorned without and within, with a Bafe continued at the Bottom, and a Gate arched, on the South-fide, accompanied with its Pilafters, with Borders likewiie continued at the Divifion of Stories, and Windows cornered on all Sides, accompanied with their Chanbranles, and with a Cornifh at the Top difcontinued, the Parts of the Edifice differing in Height ; above which there is an Attick, terminated in a Platform, guarded with a Baluftrade, all difcontinued and furmounted, the Sides with a Roof Pavi- lion-wife, of Timber, covered with Lead, the Pavilion with a Dome and Cupola, bearing up a Fane. ftaff and Fane; and, is Alberoris round Tower is on the North-fide engaged in the Body of the Edifice, fo correfponding to it on the South-fide, juft over the Gate, there is another Tower fquare, the Root of the Square being fixty Feet, built as the reft of the Edifice, to the Height of an hundred and twenty Feet, confifting of fix Stories, a- dorned at the Bottom with a Bafe and a Por- tal arched, accompanied with its Pilafters, with Borders at the Divifion of Stories, and Windows cornered, accompanied with their Chanbranles, and with a Cornifh at the Top, having above it an Attick, terminated in a Platform, guarded with a Balufvrade, and fur- mounted with a Spire of Timber, covered with Lead, bearing up a Flag-ftaff and Flag, having blazoned the Arms of the Sovereign ; the whole a Mais of Gotbick Work, adjoined to Aileron's Tower, that, becaufe of its Situation as well as of its Age, upon, the Top of a rif- ing Ground, or Height, where, confequently, it is expofed very much to the Injuries both of Time and Weather, begins now, at this Day, to look like an Antiquity j and as, by Reafon of its being feated upon an Eminence, A a the 1 86 VheHijlory the only Eminence in the Country thereabouts, it is feen a great Way off all around, by thofe who come towards the Town, fo the beft Pro- fpect that one can have of Mons, and of the Ground about it, is from the Platforms of the Caftle within it, efpecially from thofe of the two Towers, and particularly that of Albe- ron's, which ftands juft upon the Top of the Eminence, on the very higheft Spot of it all, and where the curious Traveller mould not negledt to go up to the Platform of it, becaufe from thence he can difcover and view all at once, the Town, its Situation, and Fortifica- tion, the Ground, its Rifmg, and Falling, the Waters, their Courfe, and Quantity, the Ri- vers, Canals, Lakes, the Marmes, and all that is of it. This was the Condition of Mons, as it was built by Earl Alberick : And it continued fo, in the fame State, without any further Alteration or Change, either for its Increafe, or for its better Defence, till a long Time after. In the Year of our Lord 812, in the Days of the Lady Renny, Countefs and Heirefs of Hainault, Daughter to Earl Walter the Third, and Wife to Albo, a Prince of Lorrain, who, by his Marriage, was likewife Earl of Hai- nault, Charles the Great, King of France, and Emperor of the Weft, had fo much good Will for Mons, partly for the Sake of Earl Walter the Third, who was killed in his Service a- gainft the Saxons, in the Year 800, but prin- cipally upon the Account it had been the Dwelling-place of St. Waltrud, and feveral other great Saints, that, as a Mark of the Re- fpe& and Veneration he had for the Name and Memory of thofe Worthies, he not only de- clared it a noble Town, and gaye it all the Privileges of a free City, but, befides, made it the Capital of all Hainault ; and, what was more, ere&ed it, and the Territory about it, into a particular Earldom by itfelf, diftinft from the Earldom of Hainault, in Favour of the Countefs Renny, and of Earl Albo, to whom he had beforehand married her, giving it this for a Coat of Arms : Argent, a Caftle triple-towered Gules ; for a Creft, an Earl's Coronet Or, adorned with eight Flowers of the fame. From that Time, the Earls of Hainault were likewife Earls cf Mons, and nfed both Titles together, quartering the ar- morial Enfiens of both Earldoms, fo as to make up an Efcutcheon in th'sMrnner : Quarterly, in the firft and fourth, Or, a Lion rampant of MonsJ Sable, armed and langued Gules, for Hainault ; in the fecond and third Argent, a Caftle triple- towered Gules, for Mons ; for a Creft, an Earl's Coronet Or, adorned with eight Flowers of the fame. And it continued to be fo till the Days of Earl John. Rainier the Firft, Earl of Hainault and Mons, Coufm to Earl ManaJ/y, having fharp War in his Time with Otho the Great, Em- peror of Germany, and Bruno, Archbifhop of Cologn, two Brothers, in the Year of our Lord 959, went out to meet the Archbifhop, who, in the Emperor's Name, was come a- gainft him with. a great Army into Hainault, and met him near Valenciennes, where they fought ; but the Archbifhop, being much fu- perior to him, in Quality, as well as in Num- ber of Troops, not only defeated his Army, but likewife took himfelf Prifoner, and carried him in Chains to Cologn, where he kept him till he died : He, alfo, the fame Year, took Pofleflion of both the Earldoms of Hainault and Mons, for the Emperor, and difpofed of them by his Authority, by giving them to Go- vernors, who held them in his Name, ex- cluding both Earl Rainier, whom he kept Pri- foner, and his Children, whom he banifhed the Country. In this Manner, the Town of Mons, and the Territory about it, came into the Hands of the Emperor Otho, and his Go- vernors ; and it continued to be fo for the Space of nineteen Years ; that is, till the Year 97 8, when Rainier the Second, Son and Succeflor to the other, after having made ma- ny Efforts, during the Time of his Banifh- ment, to revenge his Father's Quarrel, and recover his own Inheritance, and all to no Purpofe, being then a Refugee at the Court of 'France, and married there to a French Prin- cefs, the Lady Havidea, Daughter to Hugh Capet, Earl of Paris, and a Peace being, that Year, concluded between Otho the Second, Emperor of Germany, and Lothair, King of France, by an Article of that Treaty, it was provided for his Reftoration ; fo, by Means of his foreign Alliance, he, at length, reco- vered his own Country, after having been ba- nifhed it nineteen Years. In the Year of our Lord 1113, in the Days of Baldwin the Second, Earl of Hainault and Mons, Earl Baldwin the Fir/t's Son, a terrible Fire broke out in Mor.s, which re- duced almoft the whole Town to Afties. It lay in Ruins till the Year 1145, that Bald- The Hi/lory of Mons. i8 7 win the Third, Son and SuccefTor to the for- mer, begun to rebuild it, and continued to do fo as long as he lived, that is, till the Year 1-171 ; but, having fharp and violent War in his Time, with Thierry of Alface, Earl of Flanders, upon the Account of the Succeffion to that Earldom, by Reafon of his Affairs A- broad, his Buildings at Home did not advance, and were not perfected in his Life-time ; ex- cept the Wall about Mons, which, for the Security of his Houfe and Family, as well as for the Defence of the Town and Burghers, he took Care to have advanced, and perfected very quickly ; fo that, in a fhort Time, it came to be in as good a Cafe as before. What Kind of Inclofure this Wall of Earl Baldwin the Third's has been, we cannot at all tell, there being now no Veftiges of it to be found ; and, as for Plans or Profiles of it, I have never feen any : However, we may prefume, that, being built upon th'e fame Bounds, and on the fame Foundation, with the former, it has likewife been in the fame Fafhion, of the fame Figure, and the fame e- very other Way. This was the Condition of Mons, as it was rebuilt by Earl Baldwin the Tlrird .- And it continued in that State, only till -the Year of our Lord 1 186 ; for then, Baldwin the Fourth, firnamed the Builder, becaufe of the great In- clination he had that Way, Son and SuccefTor to the other, a publick-fpirited Prince, who, alone, did more for Mons, than all thofe who were before him, having perfected the Build- ings his Father had begun, and added a great many other Edifices of his o\Vh, fo as to take up all the Ground that was included within the Town, and be obliged to go without, if he had a Mind to build any more, fell there- upon into a Diflike of the Inclofure, as being of too narrow Bounds, conceived the Defign of another, larger, and immediately put his Defign in Execution, throwing down the Wall that had been built by Earl Alberick, and late- ly rebuilt by his Father, extending the Pomce- rium on it a good Way beyond it, further into the Country, and there building another of his own, likewife of Stone, together with a Ditch, making both go cuke round, with a greater Circumference, fo as to take in, not only the Town, but a good Deal of Ground more, which hp dcfigned fhould ferve as an empty Space, for himfelf, and his Succeffors, as well as for the Inhabitants, to builJ further upon : This was done, that fame Year ; and it is the third Inclofure of Mons, which did, indeed, render it a great Deal larger than what it was formerly, as it was in this Prince's Time, that the Town arrived at a Pitch of Splendor and Magnificence, beyond what it had ever been at before. Of which, and of all the other publick Works of Earl Baldwin, the Builder, about Mons, an Account may be gathered from the Infcriptions, that are to be feen in and about the Town-houfe, and the other Edifices which he built there, being mod of them ftill on Foot, and intire ; though of his Wall and Ditch there is not the leaft Vef- tige to be found, they having been fo com- pleatly deftroyed, the one filled up, the other pulled down, and both levelled to the Ground, fo that one cannot know now where they have been ; but the Hiftory of Earl Baldwin, tlx: Builder, and of his Works, is to be read more at large, in a Book, intituled, The Annals of Mons, a Walloon Manufcript, written in dif- ferent Times, by the Town-Clerks there, preferved in the Town-Houfe, among the Ar- chives, and to be feen by thofe who have Ac- quaintance enough among the Masillrates. . What Kind of Inclofure this Wall of Eral Baldwin the Builder has been, we cannou well tell ; for now there are no Veftiges of it to be found : But I have feen a Profile of it, in Deftrampature, in a Profpeil: of Old Msns, upon the Wall of the Council-Chamber, in the Town-Houfe there, by which it appears ; that it has been built of hewn Stone, in the Roman Fafhion, and fortified with round Towers, at equal Diftances, and a third Part higher, having five Gates, with a large Ditch, and that it has run about the Town in an ob- long Figure, ftretching itfelf from Eaft to Weft, fo as to touch upon the TrotiiHc-k&e, the River running from South to North, and to take in the Town, with a good Deal more. This was r the Condition of Mons, as it was rebuilt by Earl Baldwin, the Builder : And it continued fo, in the fame State, without any further Addition or Change, either in its Buildings or Government, for a long Time after. In the Year of our Lord 1252, in the Days of the Lady Margaret, Countefs and Heirefs of JrLiinault and Mons, Daughter to Earl Bald- win of CcnjlantinopJc, and Widow to Burchard firnamed cf Avefnnes, a Nobleman of the fame Country, who, by Virtue of his Marriage, A a 2 had i88 had been likewife Adminiftrator of Halnault and Mans, an unnatural War^ broke out in Halnault, between the Countefs Margaret, and her own Son, Prince John of Avefnnes, who, immediately upon his Father the Admi- niftrator's Death, would not wait the Succef- iion, till his Mother the Heirefs died alfo, but conceived the Defign of turning her out, and by the Affiftance of William the Second, Earl of Holland, and King of the Romans, whofe Sifter, the Lady Alice, he had married, and who, for that Reafon, was a flout Friend to the Son, and a bitter Enemy to the Mother, did almoft put his Defign in Execution ; for partly by King William's Affiftance, and part- ly by the Means of a ftrong Party, which he made among the Nobility of Hainault, he ve- ry foon pofleffed himfelf of Mans, and of moft of the other Towns in that Province, meaning no lefs than to take the Whole, and drive his Mother quite out of it, as in effecl: he did at length, and obliged her to retire into France : But, in the Year 1254, the Countefs Marga- *The Hiftory of Mons, armed and langued Gules, for Hainault ; in the fecond and third, Or, a Lion rampant Gules, for Holland ; for a Creft, an Earl's Coronet, Or, adorned with eight Flowers of the fame. And it continues to be fo to this Day. He alfo neglected, among his Titles, to ufe that of Earl of Mons \ fo from that Time it went into Defuetude. In the Year of our Lord 1339, in the Days of William the Second, Earl of Hainault and Holland, Son to Earl William the Good, Ed- ward the Third, King of England, being con- ftituted by Lewis of Bavaria, Emperor of Germany, great Vicar of the Holy Empire, and having Occafion to go from England into Germany, about the Affairs that belonged to his Charge, pafied the Way of Mons, and ftaid two Days in the Town, where he was fplendidly and magnificently received and en- tertained, by Earl William, and his Nobility. In the Year of our Lord 1424, in the Days of the Lady Jaquelin, Countefs and Heirefs of Hainault and Holland, Daughter to Earl ret, being affifted with Troops by Lewis the William of Bavaria, and Wife to John Duke Jfinth, otherwife, St. Lewis, King of France, ~ f --* L - * ^ **- ^returned into Hainault, where me recovered jMons, and the other Towns, and reduced the whole Province to her Obedience ; upon which, her Son, not having the Patience to wait the Succeffion till her Death, broke his Heart, and died in the Year 1255, after having jQiewn himfelf to be a Son unworthy to have lived fo long, by his having fo unworthily treated a Lady, who was both his own Mo- ther, and his Father's Widow, and whofe Do- minions he was to have all, without Difpute, immediately upon her Demife, which happen- ed in the Year 1280. John, firnamed, of Avefnnes, Earl of Hai- nault and Mons, Prince John of Avefnnes' 's Son, in the Year of our Lord 1299, ^7 tne JRight of his Mother, the Lady Alice of Hol- land, Earl William the Second, otherwife King William's Sifter, fucceeded likewife in the Earldoms of Holla nd and Zealand; by which Means, four Earldoms came then to be joined in the Perfon of this Earl, who thereupon changed the Efcutcheon of the Earls of Hai- nault, by putting out the Arms of Mons, and putting in thofe of Holland in their Room, quartering the original Efutcheons of Hai- nault and Holland, fo as to make up a Coat of Arms in this Manner : Quarterly ; in the firft and fourth, Or, a Lion rampant Sable, who, by his Marriage, was like- wife Adminiftrator of Hainault and Holland, a terrible War broke out in Hainault, upon the following Occafion : The Countefs 'Ja- quelin was lawfully married to Duke John of Brabant, as we have faid, but afterwards dif- liked him, and, he being ftill alive, married again Adulteroufly to Humphry Duke of Glo- cejler, King Henry the Fifth of England's Bro- ther ; upon which Duke "John the Adminiftra- tor, being afljfted by Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, came into Hainault, in the Year 1424, and, either by Force of Arms, or a voluntary Submiffion, reduced into his Power all the Towns in the Province, except Mons, in a very fhort Time. The next Year 1425, the two Dukes, John and Philip, came toge- ther before Mons, befieged it, and took it up- on Terms. It continued in the Hands of the Brabancons, fo long as Duke John the Admi- niftrator lived, that is, till the Year 1426, when Duke Philip, as next Heir to the Coun- tefs Jaquelin, who was banimed the Country, fucceeded in the Adminiftratormip of Hainault, and the Burgundians took Pofleffion of Mons and kept it, till at length, in the Year 1436, the Countefs Jaquelin died, and Duke Philip then fucceeded to her as Heir* General. About this Prince's Time, that is, after the Year of our Lord 1436, a great many Fo- reigners, The Hijlory of Mons. reigners, efpecially Dutch and Burgundians, came thronging thither to Mons, and made the Town increafe fo much in the Number, both of its Inhabitants and Houfes, that there was not Rcm enough for them within Earl Baldwin the Builder's Wall ; for all the Ground, included with it, was intirely taken up : So that, afterwards, they were obliged to begin to build without the Ditch, along the Sides of the High- Ways, that run out from the tjates ; which Buildings, at length, grew out into Suburbs, having each of them the fame Name, with the Gate they run out from. Duke Philip, having firft had Mons as Ad- miniftrator for another, and afterwards got it in Sovereignty to himfelf, being at (harp and violent War, in his Time, with Charles the Seventh^ King of France, upon . the Account of the Death of his Father, who was killed upon the Bridge at Montreau, in Champagne, by the French King's Order, and confidering the Importance of the Town of Mons, being a Frontier to him oa the Side towards France, how weakly it was fortified, having nothing but Earl Baldwin the Builder's Wall and Ditch to defend it, and that then, after the Invention of Powder and Guns, Towns want- ed to be fortified at a better Rate, than ever they had been before, was thereupon the firft who conceived the Defign of throwing up a Rampart about it ; and, becaufe the Town, by Reafon of its Excrefcence into Suburbs, that was likewife grown confiderable, required a new Inclofure- he defigned alfo, that the Rampart fhould in- clofe, and go quite round it, with fuch a large Compafs, by the outer Ends of all the Suburbs, as to take in Town, Suburbs, River, and all that was on it : Which Defign he begun to put in Execution, in the Year of our Lord 1460, when, in Order to it, he firft deftroy- cd Earl Baldwin's Inclofure, by throwing down the Wall, filling up the Ditch, and le- velling both to the Ground ; then extended the Pomcerium of the Town, into the Coun- try, beyond the Far-Ends of all the Suburbs, and the River, and there built an Inclofure of his own, by cutting out a Ditch, throwing up a Rampart, and making both go clear round, with fuch a large Circumference, as to fur- round and fhut up all : It was compleated in the Year 1467, the laft Year of Duke Philip's Life ; and it is the fourth and laft Inclofare of Mons, which, among all thofe that the Town has had, is the only one that continues 189 on Foot, and intire to this Day ; and, though it be now above two-hundred Years old, yet it is all that Mons has about it. What Kind of Inclofure this Rampart of Duke Philip the Good's is, we can very well tell j for it is ftill on Foot and intire, and I have feen and obferved it very exa&ly. It is not a fimple Wall of S tone, as the other In- clofures were, but a thick Rampart of Earth ; built in the ancient Fafhion, not after the mo- dern ; altogether irregular, not according to Art ; and fortified with Towers and Bulwarks intermixed, not Baftions , being a confufed Mafs of Roman and Gothick Work together, that difcovers, by its Mixture, the Age it was done in, as well as the Hands who did it. It is hard to tell its Dimenfions, becaufe of its Irregularity ; for we could not take them, otherwife than meafuring them by common Paces ; which we did, walking it on Foot, both within and without the Town : So, ac- cording to what we found, 1 mall endeavour to give a Defcription of it as full and cxacl ^ is poffible. And, to begin with its Plan : It is built in Form of a Polygon, or Fi- gure having many Sides, of an oblong, round, or parabolick Kind ; coniifting of two une- qual Parts upon the two Sides of the Trouille ; of feveral irregular Sides on both Sides the River, and having feven Gates in it, two Sluices, and a great many Towers and Bul- warks intermixed, at unequal and irregular Diftances. The great Semidiameter of the interior Polygon is juft a Thoufand common Pace?, Five-hundred Geometrical Paces, or a third Part of a Britijh Mile j which, doubled, makes the Length of the Ground, within this Polygon, Two-thoufand common Paces, or a thoufand Geometrical Paces, or two Thirds of a Britijh Mile. The great Semi diameter of the exterior Polygon is a Thoufand and forty- two common Paces, that is, Five-hundred and twenty-one Geometrical Paces, or fomewhat more than a Third of a Britijh Mile ; which, doubled, makes the Length of the Ground within this Polygon, or the greateft Length of the Place. Take it which Way you will, Two-thoufand and eighty-four common Paces, or a Thoufand and forty-two Geometrical Paces, or fomewhat more than two Thirds of a Britijh Mile. The little Semidiameter of the interior Polygon is juft Seven-hundred and fifty common Paces, -that is. Three-hundred and feventy-five ?he Hijlory rfeventy-five Geometrical Paces, or a Quarter ofzBritifi Mile; which, doubled, makes the Breadth of the Ground, within this Polygon, Fifteen-hundred common Paces, or Seven- hundred and fifty Geometrical Paces, or Half a Britijh Mile. The little Semidiameter of the exterior Polygon is Seven-hundred and ninety- two common Paces, that is, Three-hundred and ninety-fix Geometrical Paces, or fomewhat more than a Quarter of a Britijh Mile ; which, doubled, makes the Breadth of the Ground within this Polygon, or the greateft Breadth of the Place, take it which Way you will, Fifteen -hundred and eighty- four common Paces, or Seven-hundred and ninety-two Geo- metrical Paces, or fomewhat more than Half a Britijh Mile, The Sides of both the Polygons being of an unequal Length, and the Towers and Bul- warks of an irregular Situation, at unequal .and irregular Diftances, we could not well take the Dimenfions of them all feparately, but, jointly all together, we found the Circum- ference of the interior Polygon to be juft Six- thoufand common Paces, that is, Three-thou- fand Geometrical Paces, or two Britift) Miles ; and the Circumference of the exterior Poly- gon, Six-thoufand two-hundred and fifty-two common Paces, or Three- thoufand a hundred and twenty-fix Geometrical Paces, or fcmewhat more than two Britifo Miles. But the Circum- ference, meafuring it upon the Top of the Ram- part, going along the Corridor, or Gallery, and around the Platforms, or Terrafles of the Towers and Bulwarks by the Foot in the Battlement, or Breaft-work, and reckoning all the Sides and Angles, or Turnings in and out of the Ramparts, Towers, and Bulwarks, or the greateft Circumference of the Place, .take it which Way you will, is exactly Seven- thoufand two-hundred and forty. common Paces, that is, Three-thoufand fix-hundred and twenty Geometrical Paces, or two Britijb Miles, and fomewhat more than a Third of a Mile. There are feven Gates in this Rampart ; five in that Pant of it which furrounds the greater .Part of the Town, on the Eaft-fide .the River, commonly called the Great Toiun, being by far the greater Part of it ; and t\vo in that Part \yhich furrounds the lefler Part of the Town, on the Weft-fide the River, nariied the Little 7kv, being much the leffer Part. The Gates on the Eaft -fide, in die .Rampart about the Great Town, beginning of Mons. at the River, at the lower End towards the North, from thence going Eaftwards, and fo round, are reckoned in this Order, and thus named : The /^r-Gate, the Gj/?/*-Gate, the Ptfn-Gate, the A7zy-Gat, and the Havre-Gate. Thofe on the Weft-fide, in the Rampart about the Little Town, beginning at the River, at the upper End towards the South, from thence going Weftwards, round, are reckoned and named fo : The Hayon- Gate, and the Bartemont-Q-ate. And tipon. the River, at each End of the Town, where- as, originally, there was nothing but a Pannel or Piece of Wall, with a little Gate in it, for the Water to pafs through, built by the Bur- gundians^ to join the Rampart on the one Side, and that on the other Side' together, and fo to compleat the Inclofure ; inftead of thofe Pan- nels of Wall, there arc now two Sluices, lately made by the Spaniards^ which ferve the Turn of Joining the two Ramparts, and Compleat- ing the Inclofure to better Purpofe ; for, be- fides the Joining of the Ramparts, by thefe Sluices, the People of the Town have the Command of the River-water, fo as to be able to let it out, or keep it in, or make of it what they pleafe ; whereas, by thofe Pannels of Wall, they could do nothing with it. It is fortified all about with round Towers, and Bulwarks, likewife round, intermixed, at unequal and irregular Diftances ; and every one of thofe Gates and Sluices is fo placed in the Middle between two Towers, one on each Side of it, and fo nigh to one another, that it flands equally defended and hid between them. As to its Profile ; the Rampart, the Gates, the Towers, the Bulwarks, and all that is on. it, is built of Earth thrown up, revefted on the Outfide, and incrufted on the Infide, with Facades of hewn Stone ; the Rampart and Gates being to the Thicknefs of feventy Feet, that is, reckoning the Mafs of Earth, with the Revefture and Incrufture of Stone, and to the Height of eight and twenty ; the Towers to the Solidity of five and thirty Feet, and to the Height of two and forty, that is, a third Part higher than the Rampart, after the Manner practifed in the Towers of the Aurelian Wall about P.ome ; and the Bulwarks to both a Solidity and a Height equal to thofe of the Rampart, according to the common Prairie,-. The Ramparts and Gates are ter- minated with a grand Corridor, or Gallery, being a Kind of Terra-plain, running along the ?be Hijlory the Top of it; the Towers and Bulwarks with grand Platforms, or Terrafles, fome of which are covered, and fome difcovered ; and both Terra-plain and Platforms are guarded on the Outfide with a grand Battlement, or Breaft- work, being a Kind of Parapet, likewife of Earth caft up, revefted, and incrufted with hewn Stone, to the Thicknefs of one and twenty Feet, and to the Height of feven ; founded upon the Top of the Rampart and Gates, the Towers and Bulwarks, and reign- ing along the Terra-plain, and around the Platforms, all about the Town : By which Means, though the Rampart and Gates be feventy Feet .thick, yet the Terra-plain, in the Top of them, comes to be only forty-nine Feet broad, by Reafon fchat one and twenty. Feet, the Thicknefs of the Parapet, are taken from it ; and, the Parapet going round the Towers and Bulwarks, as well as along the Rampart and Gates, the Breadth of their Plat- forms comes alfo to be diminiihed in Propor- tion. Without the Rampart is the Ditch, being a Moat, or wet Ditch, a Hundred and forty Feet broad, and twelve Feet deep : It is cut out of the Earth, has its Scarp and Counter- fcarp incrufted with hewn Stone, and is always full of Water from the River, and the other neighbouring Waters that are made to run into it. Over it, before the Gates, are feven Bridges, that is, one before each Gate, giving Paflage into, and out from the Town ; and having, at the outer Ends of them, as many High-ways, that, from thence, run out into the adjacent Country, and have each the fame Name with the Gate it runs out from : They were originally fixed Bridges of Stone, built by the Burgundians, but now they are Draw ones of Timber, lately made by the Spani- ards ; that is, before each Gate there is now a Draw-bridge, or rather a Concatenation of fuch Bridges, one beyond another, placed upon Mounts, or Pillars, founded in the Ditch to fuch a Length, as to crofs it over, and to the ordinary Breadth of Bridges. The River Trouille, whether within or with- out the Town, is but very fmall and inconfi- derable ; however, it is navigable for Boats, as much as is of it below Mans , and bordered all along with a Quay, or Landing-place, revefted with Stone, its Channel being incrufted with the fame. As for the Bridges, that are over it, joining, the two Parts of the Town toge- of Mons. I9l ther, the one Part on the Eaft-fide, being by far the greater, the other on the Weft-fide much the lefler, there are a great many of them, one in every Street that touches upon it, but none of them confiderable, the River being but fmall. They are all fixed Bridges of Stone, as they have always been, built originally by the Burgicndians^ and rebuilt lately by die Spaniards, terminated in the Top with a Caufe-way, or Street, guarded on both Sides with a Baluftrade, or Rail; the Whole of hewn Stone. That was the Condition of MOMS, as Duke Philip the Good fortified it, and this is all the Length its Fortifications came, in his Life- time ; for, according to the Knowledge the Burgundians had of the Art of Military Ar- chitecture, in thofe Days, being furrounded with a Rampart and a Ditch, they reckoned it a Town compleatly fortified. Charles the Warrior, Duke Philip's Son and SuccelTbr, having; likewife {harp and vio- lent War, in his Time, againft Lewis tic E- leventh, King of France , upon the Account of his Grand-father's Death, and the Knowledge of the Art of Military Architecture being come a greater Length in his Days, than it was in his Father's, confidered further of forti- fying Mons, being a principal Frontier-town to him on the Side towards France, by the Addition of Outworks to its Strength ; and, in order to it, he firil cut down all the Wood, which covered the Country about the Town,, and, by fuch Means, difcovered it all around, fo as to make a grand Explanadc, immediately without the Ditch, that reigned, for a great Way off", all about the Place ; then he cut out another Ditch, likewife a Moat, making it go quite round, a little without the Former, and difpofed of .the other Waters ahout the Town, fo as, by the Means of Canals, to make them run into the Ditches, to fill them : And laft of all, for the better Defence of the Rampart, on the South and Weft Sides of the Town, being the Sides towards France and Flanders, he erected two Forts, being a Kind of Ravelin, upon the Ground included between the two Ditches, the one before the //tfyow-Gate, to- wards the South, the other before the Eartc- mont-Gate, towards the Weft : This was done in the Year of our Lord 1470 ; and he would, perhaps, have done more towards the Fortifying of Mons 3 if his Death, which hap- pened, 192 pcned at the Battle of Nancy, in the Year 1477, had not prevented him. What Kind of Works thefe Outworks of Duke Charles the Warrior's were then, we cannot precifely teil ; for now they are either taken in, and embodied with the Spanifi and French Works that have been fince made, or levelled. However, I have feen a Draught of them in the Hall of the Caftle at Mons, by which it appears, that the Forts have been good large W"orkj, built of Earth, revefted and incrufted with Stone, to a Solidity double of the Thicknefs of the Rampart, and to a Height equal to the Depth of the Ditches, be- tween which they were creeled, terminated in the Top with Platforms, guarded on the Outfide with Battlements, fortified with round Turrets, and having Bridges of Stone over the two Ditches, both before and behind them, the whole being fuitable to the reft of the For- tification ; that the Ditch has been a Moat, half as broad as the other, and whole as deep, going round, fometimes at a greater, and fome- times at a lefler Diftance ; and that the Wood has been difcovered, for a great Way off, all about the Town. That was the Condition of Mans, as Duke Charles the Warrior further fortified it, and this is the Length its Fortifications came in his Life-time ; when, according to the Rate of reckoning the Strength of Towns in thofe Days, it was indeed become pretty ftrong ; being inclofed with a Rampart, fortified with Towers and Bulwarks, further fortified with fome Outworks, and furrounded with a double Ditch ; all which did indeed make it ftrong at that Time, though now it would fignify no- thing. However, it continued fo in the fame State, without any further Alteration or Change be- falling it, either in its Edifices or Government, till the Days of Philip the Second, King of Spain, Duke of Burgundy, and Earl of Hai- nault, Son to the Emperor Charles the Fifth. This Prince had no War in his Time with the French, but cruel and bloody War with the Dutch, the States- General of the United Provinces, who naturally were his Subjects, but had made a general Defection from him, be- caufe of his Tyranny and Oppreflion towards them, upon the Account of their differing in Religion from him, they being Proteftants, and he a Papift, and eftablifhed a Republick The Hi/lory of Mons. of their own, which was headed by William the Fir/}, Prince of Orange, and Lewis, Earl of Najjau, his Brother, who, in the Year of our Lord 1572, being aflifted with the Proteftants of France, came into Hainault, drew near to Mons in the Night time, and took it by a Stra- tagem. But it was retaken, by Force, the fame Year, by Don Ferdinand, Duke of Aha, ' Governor for King Philip in the Low Coun- tries, and Don Frederick of Toledo, his Son, who befieged it clofely for two Months, and then forced it tofurrender upon Terms. King Philip having recovered it into his Hands, and the bloody War, betwixt him and the States-General, becoming more violent, confidering the Weaknefs of the Rampart a- .bout it, by Reafon. of the Slendernefs of its Fortification, and the Spaniards being come a greater Length, in the Knowledge of the Art of Military Architeclure, than the Burgundians ever were, refolved to provide for the further Se- curity of the Town, by amending the Defects in its Strength. So accordingly, in the Year of our Lord 1576, for the better Defence of the Rampart, he fell a fortifying it with Baftions, fuch as the Spaniards in his Time could con- ftrucl:; and begun on the Eaft-fide at the Gate of Nimy, where, the Ground being a rifing Ground, or Hill, he thought it was nuoft at- tackable, from thence going Southwards, round ; but he only perfected two of them during all the reft of his Life-time; the one at the faillant Angle, on the Right of the Gate of Nimy, towards the Eaft ; the other at the faillant Angle in the Middle of the Diftance between that and the Gate of Havre, to- wards the South-Eaft. What Kind of Works thefe Baftions of Philip the Second's were, we can very well tell, they being ftill on Foot and intire, and free from any other Edifice; they are Baftions flat, not royal ; built of Earth, revefted with Stone to a Solidity triple of the Thicknefs of the Rampart, and to a Height equal to that of the fame ; terminated in the Top with Plat- forms, or Terrafles, guarded on the Outfide with Parapets, or Battlements and Banquets, or Footfteps, fuitable to the reft of the Forti- fication. That was the Condition of Mons, as King Philip the Second amended it, and this is a]l the Length its Fortifications came in his Time; he would perhaps have done more towards the Strengthen- 72tf Kiflory Strengthening of the Town, if the cruel and bloody religious War, which happened in his Reign, had not hindered him. Albert, Arch-duke of Aujlria, King Philip the Second's Son-in-Law, by marrying his Daughter Donna Ifabella, and SuccefTor in the Dominion of the Low-Countries, though he had little or no War during his Government, with the Dutch, or any other of his Neigh- bours, yet continued the Defign his Father had bea;un, of amending the Defects in the Strength of Mom, and fortifying the Rampart with Baftions ; and accordingly, in the Year of our Lord 1603, added one on the South- weft Side, near the Gate of Bartemont, where there being likevvife a little rifmg Ground, he thought it was fomewhat attackable j it is at the faillant Angle on the Left of the Gate of Bartemont towards the South- weft. What Kind of Work this Baftion of Arch- duke Albert was, we can likewife very well tell ; it being ftill on Foot and intire. It is of the fame Figure, has the fame Dimenfions, and is every Way the fame with the other two, that are already defcribed. That was the Condition of Mons, as Arch- duke Albert further amended it, and this is the Length its Fortifications came in his Go- vernment. It continued fo in the fame State, without any further Addition to its Strength, till the Days of Philip the Fourth, King of Spain, and Earl of Hainault, King Philip the 'Third's Son ; who having (harp War in his Time with the French, during the Minority of Lewis the Fourteenth, the prefent King of France, and the Spaniards being come a greater Length, in the Knowledge of the Art of military Ar- chitedture than formerly, confidered further of ftrengthening the Defence of Mons, by com- pleating its Fortification with Outworks ; in order to which, in the Year of our Lord 1660, he firft enlarged Duke Philip the Good's Ditch, in fuch and fuch Places, fo as to render it ca- pable of the Works he defigned in it j and then, beginning on the Eaft-fide, at the Gate of Nimy, where, the Ground being high, he thought the Town was moft attackable, from thence going Southwards round, he planted and raifed the following Outworks : A large Ravelin, juft before the Nimy Gate, towards the Eaft ; a Half- moon in the Middle of the Diftance, between King Philip the Second's two Baftions, lijcewife towards the Eaft ; another Half- moon before the Hayon Gate, towards V O L. II. of Mons. J9 ~ the South ; a third Half- moon in the Middle of the Diftance, between that and Arch-duke Albert's Baftion, likewife towards the South ; a fourth and large Half- moon, juft before the Bartcmsnt Gate, towards the Weft ; and a Horn- work before the Water-gate, towards the North- weft. What Kind of Works thefe Outworks of King Philip the Fourth's were, we can well enough tell ; they being ftill on Foot and in- tire, and free from other Edifices. They are built of Earth re veiled and incruftcd with Stone, to a Solidity and Height in Propor- tion to the Rampart j terminated with Plat- forms, guarded with Parapets and Banquets, fuitable to the reft of the Fortification ; plant- ed in the Ditch, at the Diftance of its ordi- nary Breadth from the Rampart, that is, be- yond the general Ditch, which accompanies the Rampart all along ; furrounded with Wa- ter, that is, their particular Ditches, which only accompany them, and are commonly half the Breadth of the other, both being but one Ditch enlarged, originally cut out by Duke Philip the Good ; and joined to the Scarp or Slope, on the Infide, and to the Counter- fcarp, or contrary Slope, on the Outfide, with Draw- Bridges. That was the Condition of Mons, as King Philip the Fourth compleated it, and this is all the Length its Fortification cams in his Reign. Perhaps, he would have done more, but his Death, which happened in the Year of our Lord 1665, prevented him. Charles the Second, late King of Spain, King Philip the Fourth's Son, and Succellbr to the Earldom of Hainault, having likewife (harp and violent War in his Time, with the pre- fent King Lewis the Fourteenth of France, con- tinued the Defign his Father had begun, of ftrengthening the Defence of Mons, by com- pleating its Fortification with Outworks, and partly by the Means of the Knowledge that the Spaniards were then come to in Military Architecture, partly by the Help of the Skill of fome ftraggling French Pretenders to that Art, who, either by Chance, or out of De- fign, were got into his Service, did more of this Kind for that Town than all thofe who were before- him, though to no great Pur- pofe. Fir/}, In the Year of our Lord 1670, in Duke Philip the Good's Ditch, beginning on the Eaft-fide, where the Town, becaufe of the ri- B b fins ,94 VbeWJlory fmg Ground, is moft attackable, at the Gate of the Park, from thence going Southwards, round, he added thefe following Outworks to thofe that were in ic before : A Half- moon, juft before the P^-Gate, towards the North- eaft ; another Half- moon, in the Middle of the Diftance, between that and King Philip the Fourth's Ravelin, before the AVwy-Gate, like- wife towards the North-eaft; an irregular Horn-work, with a fmall Ravelin before it, covering King Philip the Second's Baftion, on the Right of the Nirny-Gate, towards the Eaft ; and a third Half-moon in the Middle of the Diftance, between the Havre-Gate and the Hayon-Gate, towards the South. Then he converted the Ground, included between Duke Philip the Good's Ditch, and Duke Charles the Warrior's, into a grand covered Way, with a Glacis, or Parapet, on the Outlide ; reigning quite round the Town, and being tenailed or angled all along ; divided in fome Places, becaufe of its too great Breadth, and Intercut in others, for the Sake of a Com- munication of Water between the Ditches. Afterwards, without Duke Charles the War- rior's Ditch, for the further Fortification of the Place, he added thefe Outworks : A fmall Swallow-tail, with a Moat, or wet Ditch, feparated at fome Diftance from the other, in the Middle of the Diftance, between the Ca/fle-Gate and the Park-Gate, towards the North-eaft j a fmall Half-moon, with a Moat, at a good Diftance from the other, before the Nimy-Gate, towards the Eaft ; two Ravelins, and a Half-moon, confecu- tively, in a Lake, confiderably both broad and deep (that reigns, inftead of Duke Charles's Ditch, immediately without the Glacis, and Duke Philip's Ditch, all along, from the Nimy-Gate, on the Eaft Side the Town, to the Hayon-Gate, on the South, fo as to fur- round it on thefe two Sides ; the Part of it on the Eaft being called the Apojtles Lake, that on the Weft, Priejis Lake) at fome Diftance from the Glacis, without the Horn-work and Ravelin, that covers Duke Philip the Second's Baftion, on the Right of the Nimy-Gate, to- wards the Eaft j a triple Fortification, of a Horn-work, a fmgle Tenaille, and a double Tenaille, one without another, with Moats accompanying them, at the Diftance of the Breadth of the Lake from the Glacis, and Duke Philip's Ditch, they being all on the other Side of it, before the Havre-Gate, to- wards the South ; three Ravelins, confecu- tively, in the Lake, at fome Diftance from the Glacis, on the Right of the Hayon-Gatc y likewife towards the South ; an odd unac- countable Fortification, of an irregular Horn- work, with a counter Swallow-tail, at fome Diftance from it, towards the Left, and two fmall Ravelins and a Quarter-moon lying fcat- tered between them, all in Duke Charles's Ditch enlarged, without the Glacis, before the Bartemont-Gate, towards the Weil ; and a grand fmgle Tenaille, with a Ravelin before the Angle of the Right, in Duke Charles's Ditch, covering King Philip the Fourth's Horn-work, before the Water-Gate, towards the North-weft. Laft of all, for the further Security of his Outworks, he cut out a third Ditch, likewife a Moat, making it go round the Town on two Sides, that is, the Weft and North, a little without Duke Charles's Ditch ; whereas, on the other two, the Eaft and South Sides, it was before-hand furround- ed, and abundantly fecured, with the Lake, that is, the Apojtles Lake on the Eaft, and Priejis Lake on the South ; both being but one Lake, though, by the Works before the Havre- Gate, divided into two, and of a fufficient both Breadth and Deepnefs to fecure the Town on thofe Sides. He alfo difpofed of the other Waters about the Town, fo as, by the Means of Canals, to make them run into the Ditches, into the Lakes, or into the Marines, as he had a Mind ; and, by the Means of Sluices, to make them run, or not run, as he had a Mind, whatever Way he would. What Kind of Works thefe Outworks of King Charles the Second's were, we cannot precifely tell, as to them all ; fome of them being ftill on Foot, and intire, and free from other Edifices ; others, either taken in, and embodied with the French Works that have been fmce made, or levelled ; but, by an Ac- count of thofe that are on Foot, and free, one may guefs at what the others have been : They are built of Earth, revefted and incrufted with Stone, having their Dimenfions fomeVhat, but not altogether, in Proportion to the Ram- part ; terminated with Platforms, guarded with Parapets and Banquets fuitable to the reft of the Fortification j planted in the Ditches, at the Diftance of their ordinary Breadth from the interior Works towards the Town ; fur- rounded with Water, or their particular Ditches, and joined to the Scarps and Coun- ter-fcarps, The ter-fcarps, as well as to one another, with Draw-bridges, That was the Condition of Mons, as King Charles the Second further compleated it ; and this is the Length its Fortifications came, in the Time that he had it ; for, after he had brought them fo far, his Engineers, both Spaniards and French, told him it was a Town both compleatly and right fortified ; but it afterwards appeared, how much they were wrong. In the Year of our Lord 1678, the War continuing, between King Charles the Second of Spain and King Lewis the Fourteenth of France, King Lewis marched an Army into Hainault, under the Command of Julius, late Duke of Luxemburg, who came before Mons, and befieged it, but afterwards found it con- venient, becaufe of the watery Situation of the Place, to convert the Siege into a Blockade ; which he continued fo long, that thofe within the Town were reduced to very grear Straits ; when the Army cf Great-Britain and Hol- land, and of the other Powers in Alliance with King Charles, under the Command of William the Third, late Prince of Orange, and afterwards King of Great-Britain, came fea- fonably to their Relief, attacked the Duke of Luxemburg with the French Army, fought them, and gained a compleat Victory over them, at the memorable Battle of St. Dennis, where the Scotch and EngliJJ) Troops did Wonders ; and where the Prince of Orange, engaging too far among the Enemy, would certainly have been either taken, or killed, by a French Officer, if Mynheer Over kirk had not come Time enough, and {hot that Officer through the Head : So, by the Means of the good Succefs of that Day, on the Side of King Charles and his Allies, the Town of Mons, for that Time, narrowly efcaped Falling into the Hands of the French, and continued ftill to be under the Dominion of the Spaniards. This Action was immediately followed by a feparate Peace, betwixt France and Holland, which, afterwards, drew on a general one. In the Year of our Lord 1691, the War being again broke out, between King Charles of Spain and King Lewis of France, King Lewis came, himfelf in' Perfon, with a great Army, into Hainault, fat down before Mons, and, by the Means of that odd, unaccount- able Fortification, of an irregular Horn- work, 3. 195 a Counter Swallow-tail, with two little Rave- lins and a Quarter-moon lying between, before the Bartemont-Gate, towards~the Weft, which the French took, Sword in Hand, forced the Town to furrender upon Terms, after a Siege of three and twenty Days. The Prince of Orange, then King of Great-Britain, had gathered an Army to endeavour its Relief, but could not come up to it in Time : So the Spaniards \o n the Town of Mons, with all its fine Fortifications, to the French, who kept it during all the reft of that War, and have had it ever fincc, except for a very little While. No fooner King Lewis had got Mcns into his Hands, but, knowing the Importance of the Place, he refolved well to keep it, if he could ; and, confidering the Faults of its For- tification, immediately begun, that fame Year, to amend them : And, the French being one c; the Nations of Europe that underftand the Art. of Military Architecture bcft, they never r;;r.v over the Fortifying of Mons, till, by makir.'j Alterations and Additions, fuitable to it Weaknefs and Wants, they rendered it .; Town compleatly and rightly fortified, \\:'r! all the Art and Skill they were Malters or", the principal Direction of the Work beinj; committed to the particular Care of the famous Monfieur De Vauban, Lieutenant-General and Chief Engineer of France, who has indeed given it the finiftiing Stroke, and acquitted himfelf very handfomcly in it, both as to Dc- fign and Execution. Firft, he repaired the Breaches that had been made, during; the Siege, in the Rampart, and thofe in the Outworks, which he had a Mind to prefcrve as they were ; then, beginning at the River, where it goes out of the Town, at the North-weft Corner, on the Left of the Water-G&te, from thence, going Eaftwards round, he made the following Alterations ant! Additions. In the Rampart : A fmall Baftion, flat, at the faillant Angle, where the Parh- Gate is, towards the North-cart; another, irregular, of the fame Kind, in the Middle or the Diftance between King Philip the Second' <> Baft ions, towards the Eaft ; and a Demi- baftion, likewife flat, at the faillant Angle, on the Left of the Water-Gate, towards the North-weft. In Duke Philip the GcctTs Ditch : A fmall Ravelin, before King Philip the Fourth's Horn-work, covering the IPater- Gate, towards the North-eaft j the Tenaille B b 2 of 196 Me Hiflcry of King Charles the Second, there, being con- verted Tnto a Part of his covered Way and Glacis : A fecond Rampart, taken oft from the too great Breadth of King Charles's grand covered Way, beginning near the Water-- Gate, having two Baftions flat in it, and ending upon a large Half-moon before the CyJlk-Gzte ; which, with King Charles's two Half-moons without the Park - Gate, and King Philip's Ravelin before the Nimy-Gnte, are joined together, confecutively, with Tra- verfes, or Galleries ; the Whole being at the Diftance of the ordinary Breadth of the Ditch from the firft Rampart, towards the North and North-eaft ; a fmall Tcnaille before the Courtine, and behind the Ra- velin, of King Charles's irregular Horn- Work, covering King Philip the Second's Baf- tion, on the Right of the Nimy-Gate, towards the Eaft ; a Half-moon, covering the Point of King Philip's other Baftion (King Philip the Fourth's Half-moon being between the two) towards the South-eaft ; two fmall Traverfes, one without another, a Half-Moon, and an- other Traverfe, confecutively, or one after another, in- the Way from thence to the Ha- vre-Gate, likewife towards the South-eaft; after King Charles's next Half-moon, there, the River, where, it enters the Town, on the South Side, on: the Left of the Hayon-Gzte, King Philip the Fourth's two Half-moons, Arch-duke Albert's Baftion, and King Philip's other Half-moon, before the Bartemont-Gzte, a Cut-work, on the Right of the Half-moon, with a double Counter-guard, before the two, all three without the Bartemont-Gate, towards the Weft ; a Half-moon, a Traverfe, another Half-moon, and another Traverfe, confecu- tively, joined. together, and ending upon the River, where it goes out of the Town, on the Left of the Water-Gate, towards the North- weft, from whence he began his Courfe. In King Charles the Second's covered Way and Glacis: The covered Way reformed to an ordinary Breadth ; the Glacis double-tenailled, or double- angled all around ; both cut in fome Places* on the Left of the Water-Gate, towards the North-weft, at the Point of King Philip the Seconds fecond Baftion, towards the South- eaft, on the Left of the Hayon-Gzte, towards the South, on the Right of Arch-duke Albert's Baftion, towards the South-weft, and intirely deftroyed in one Place, on the Right and Left of the Hwre-Gate, towards the South and of Mons. South-eaft, for the Sake of the Paflige of the River, into and out of the Town, and of a Communication of Water, between the Ditches and Lakes about the Town. In Duke Charles the Warrior's Ditch : Three Half-moons, con- fecutively, in the Diftance between the Water- Gate, and the CaJlle-Gzte, to wards the North ; a large voluminous Horn- work, with a Te- naille, and a Ravelin, before it, in the Room of King Charles's Swallow-tail, in the Middle of the Diftance between the CaJtle-Gatc and the Park-Gate, towards the North-Eaft, where a Canal from the North enters the Ditch, and where the Grounds begins to rife, and, confe- quently, the Town to be more attackable ; a grand complex Fortification, of three large Horn-works, with their Accompaniments, one without another, the firft having a Tenaille be- fore it, the fecond a Tenaille, a Ravelin, a Cut- work, and a Quarter-moon, the third a Tenaille, and aRavelin, the Whole running out, from be- tween the P<7r^-Gate and the Nimy-Gate, a good Way into the Country, towards the Eaft, where a Canal from the Eaft enters the Ditch, and where the "Ground rifes moft, and, con* fequently, the Town is moft attackable; Duke Charles's Ditch ending, and the Lake beginning, immediately after the three Horn- Works, in the Apoftles Lake, a Cut-work, and a Quarter-moon, confecutively, in the Room of King Charles's two Ravelins and Half-moon, before the Nitny-Gate, likewife towards the Eaft, where the Ground falls low again, and, confequently, is lefs attackable ; a Half-moon, on the Left of the Havre-Gate, towards the South-eaft ; Duke Charles's Fort,- as well as King Charles's Horn-work, re- maining before the Havre-Gate, the firft ferving as a Work of Communication tho- rough the Lake to the laft, and confequently, dividing the Lake into two ; a fmall Ravelin, before the Horn-work, on the other Side the Lake, before the Havre-Gate, towards the South, the fmgle Tenaille and double Tenaille of King Charles, there, being converted into a covered Way and Glacis* tenailled, and fur- rounded with a Moat ; in Priefts-Lake a Ra- velin in the Middle of the Diftance, between the Havre-Gate and the Hayon-Gate, like- wife towards the South ; the Lake ending on the one Side, the River from the South enter- ing the Town, and Duke Charles's Ditch be- ginning again, on- the other Side,, another Fortification, of a large Horn-work, aRa- tte Hijlory a Ravelin, a double Tenaille, and another Horn-work, one without another, run- ning out, from the Right of the Hayon- Gate, into the Country, towards the South- weft, where the Ground rifes a little along the River-fide, and, confequently, is fome- what attackable ; a Ravelin on the Right of the //flyand Succef- for, by Vertue of that Claim to the Monarchy of Spain, King Lewis feized upon the Town of Meat, among others, for Duke Philip, and keeps it now a fecond Time, for him, to this Day. But, the War breaking immediately out again, upon that Ground of the Spanijh Suc- ceffion, and being juft now on Foot, between Charles the Third, prcfent King of Spain, Cou- fin and Succeflor to the Former, and King Lewis of France, with Duke Philip of An- jou, who pretends likewife to be King of Spain, and King Charles being powerfully af- of fifted by his Allies, the Emperor, the Queen of Great-Britain, and the States-General of the United Provinces, in the Purfuit and Reco- very of his Right, they are like to drive his Enemies, King Lewis, and Duke Philip, out of his Territories, by a fliarp and victorious War, and oblige them to quit their Pretenfions, byafure and lafting Peace. Laft Year, they luck- ily got Lijk from them ; this Year, they eafily took Tournay , very lately, they bravely fought them at the Battle of Arquennes ; and juft now, they are clofely befieging Mom: But, whe- ther or not they will have it, at this Time, is doubtful. In Fine, this is the Condition of Mons, as King Lewis of France now has it, and that the compleat and right Length its Buildings and Fortifications are come, at this Time, as it was founded by Prince Alberon of France, refounded by St. Wali'rud, Countefs of Hai- nault, built by Earl Alberick of Hainault, re- built by Earl Balwin the Third, further re- built by Earl Baldwin the Builder, and has been fortified by Duke Philip the Good of Bur- gundy, further fortified by Duke Charles the JFarricr, amended by King Philip the Second of Spain, further amended by Arch-Duke Al- bert of Aujlria, compleatcd by King Philip the Fourth of Spain, further compleated by King Charles the Second, and finifhed by King Lnvis the Fourteenth of France. It is of an oblong, round, or parabolick Fi- gure, lying crofs the River, on both Sides, and ftretching itfelf from Eaft to Weft, the River running from South to North. It has in Length, taking it, from the M/wy-Gate on the EaftlSide, to the Bartemont-Gzte on the Weft, juft two Thoufand common Paces, that is, a Thoufand Geometrical Paces, or two third Parts of a Britijh Mile ; in Breadth, reckoning, from the CaJlle-Gzte on the North Side, to the Hayon-Gzte on the South, it is fifteen Hundred common Paces, or Seven-hundred and fifty Geometrical Paces, or Half a Bri- tijh Mile ; and in Circumference, going round within, on the Infide the Rampart, there are exactly Six-thoufand common Paces, that is, Three-thoufand geometrical Paces, or two Bri- tijh Miles j but meafuring it without, on the Outfide the outer Ditch and Lake, we found it to be as good as Fifteen -thoufand common Paces, or Seven-thoufand and Five-hundred Geometrical Paces, or five Britijh Miles. * forged. Sec the Succeflion of the Houfc of Awfria to the CWzv of fyairt, in p. 198, Vol I. St. Hilary's ( '99 ) St. Hilarys Tears. Shed upon all ProfeffionSj from the Judge to the Pettifogger. From the fpruce Dames of the Ex- change^ to the dirty walking Fifhmongers. From the Co- venf-Garden Lady of Iniquity, to the Turnfral-faeet Trull, and indeed, from the 70ze^r-ftairs, to Weftminfter-ferry. For Want of a ftirring Midfummer Term, this Year of Dif- afters, 1642. Written by one of his Secretaries that had? nothing elfe to do. London, printed Anno Dom* 164.2.. containing fix Pages, w HAT? Midfummer! How comes it then, the Sun and Moon, of Gold and Silver, which had wont to difperfe their radiant Luftre with greater Brightnefs and Con- folation than thofe that fhine in the Zodiack, have now withdrawn their Splendor, and left us in this Cimmerian Night of fmall Takings ? A Term fo like a Vacation ? You would take them to be the Gemini, which Conftellation never appears but out of Darknefs ; there is no Plague to fright away the Termers, unlefs it be that Plague of Plagues, Want of Trading, which their Money would eafily cure. At ffie/hninftfr-hsXl, where in priftine Ages you might without Offence fhoulder a Lord to get through the Prefs, now you may walk in the fame Pofture a Juftice of Peace doth in his own great Hall at the Examination of a Delinquent, play with your Band-firings, and twift your Beard with the fame Gravity, and not an Elbow-rub to difturb you ; the Benches are better half empty, and thofe few Judges left have Time enough to get a Nap, and no Noife to awake them ; the Bars, that had wont to fvvell with a five-fold Row of lifted Gowns, where the Favourites in the Front imburfed more Fees than would fupply an Army, and the reft (by Lady) had good Doings, a Motion or a fhort Caufe to open, are now fo empty that Boys may peep over them ; the furly TipftafF and Meflenger, whom your beft Oratory, and Money to boot, >vould hardly perfuade to admit you within the Bench-room, ftands looking over the Door as it were through a Pillory, to afk you, Sir lhall I open ; and for the Teafter you give him kifTes his Hand and fcrapes you a Leg, as fawningly, as a hungry Spaniel takes a Bone from his Mafter, the Lawyers, inftcad of peru- fing the Breviates, and reducing the Matter in Queftion to Cafes, now buying up all the Pamphlets, and difperfing themfelves into Cor- ners to read them, thereby to keep their Tongues in Ufe, left the Faculties of Brawling mould be dried up with unwilling Silence. The prime Court, the Chancery (wherein the Clerks had wont to dafh their Clients cut of Countenance with long Dames ; the Exami- ners to take the Depofitions in Hyperboles, and round about Robinbood Circumftances, with Saids and Aforefaia's, to Lnlargc the Num- ber of Sheets ; the Regifters, to whom you ufed to come, in the fame Equipage as if you had a Suit to the Council-board, and had this, ready Anfwer, Well you muft wait till the lat- ter End of the Term) now as filent as a Puri- tan Conventicle when the Lights are out ; no. Waiting, no Hyperboles, no Dn{hes, nor any Employment, to wards Maintenance of Taffata, Sack, Wenches, and other the ufual Prodiga- lities, and Luxuries, whereunto the Gentle- men that praclife there are addicted. That Court, that hath been known to decree Pro, review, and decree Con, hath the Bar now empty of Pro's, and Con's, no Wrangling, no Noife, but the Lamentation of my Lord's Ef- capc. The 200 St. Hilary The Court of Requejls^ to whom fo many Thoufands of loyal, faithful, and obedient Subjects have come humbly complaining, and mewing, can fhew you at this prefent no Sub- ject, but its own humble Complaint ; you that knew it, when the Neceffity of over great Employment caufed it to double the Num- ber of its Clerks, and they to treble theirs, when it was follicited by Petitions as number- lefs as Hops, or Ants, which all her Welch Kindred had brought two-hundred and twelve and twenty Miles, to get admitted in Forma pauperls^ and thereby enabled to do more Mifchief than the beft purfed Clients in Eng- land^ would wonder how it mould tumble from fuch a Throng, to fuch a Vacation of Employment ; that that Court, that hath made two-hundred Orders in one Caufe, mould be in Danger not to have one Caufe to order ; it is methinks a lamentable Change. The Minifters of the Court of Wards do all wear mourning Liveries in their Faces, as if Fate had granted out Writs in the Nature of a Diem claufet extremum, after the Death of Feoda multa^ to find their Offices for Vacua plurima ; and of all Courts elfe the Chequers muft needs come within the Limitation of this Calamity, becaufe they ftand fo much for the King, and in that Predicament is the King's- Bench ; marry, if any thrive, it muft needs be the Common-Picas^ for, as the Times go, no- thing ftands ftifF, but what pertains to the Commons, and yet they meet with Revolts too as well as the reft. On both Sides of the Hall they complain : At Heaven they fay there is not a Lawyer nor a Clerk comes near them. And at Hell, where they were wont to flock like Swallows to a Reed-bufli, they come dropping in but now and then one, as Opportunity of Bufinefs makes them able; the Coaches, which had wont to rumble up and down as they would challenge Heaven to thunder for a Wager, and did ufeto lie in the Palace-yard, and before the Inns of Court Gates, like fo many BafTes, or Fleets of Fimer- boats in Harbour, pearing over the Haven-Keys, now feem like Weftern Barges on the Thames at a high Tide, here and there one. And you are no fooneroutof the Hall-yard but, entering into King-flreet^ you find the Cooks leaning againft Door-pofts, ruminating upon thofe Halcyon Terms, when whole Herds of Clerks, Sollicitors, and their Clients, had wont to come with their (harp-fet Nofes and turiachs from the Hall, and devour the Pud- s Tears. dings and minced Pyes by Dozens, as fwift- ly as a Kennel of Hounds would worry up a dead Horfe, and now the Courts are rifen be- fore they are hungry ; the Taverns, where an Iron Mill would hardly have drowned the Noife of the yawling Boys, the Bar-bell, the Fiddling and Roaring above Stairs, are now fo filent you may rock a Child afleep : The fpruce Miftrefs, that had wont to fit in the Bar. domineering over the Drawers, and not to be fpoken withal, if you would kifs her Arfe to fpeak with her, now fo familiar, bids you fo heartily welcome, and will come and join her half Pint with you, and let you falute her, and thank you, and think it very well, if all that Courtefy will invite you to mount the Reckoning to a Pottle; the Alehoufes and Tobacco-Chops are grown fweet for Want of Takings, you may walk by them without Danger of being choaked. All along the Strand (Lodgings being emp- ty) you mall find the Houfe-keepers generally- projecting where to borrow, and what to pawn towards Payment of their Quarter's Rents, thereby to preferve their Leafes from Forfeiture, and themfelves from the Tyranny of their ftern Landlords, who are very Infidels in truft- ing, and will not forbear a Minute ; nay, the Mifchief yon it is, there are no Courtiers nor bad Paymafters to curfe and rail at for Want of Money, and that is the heavieft Torment of all. If you ftep afide into Covent-Garden, Long- Acre , and Drury-Lane, where thofe Doves of Fenus> thofe Birds of Youth and Beauty (the wanton Ladies) do build their Nefts, you mail find them in fuch a Dump of Amazement, to fee the Hopes of their Trad ing fruftrate, their Beauties decayed for Want of Means to pro- cure Pomatum and Fucus : Their Eyes, which like gliftering Comets had wont to dazzle their Idolaters, now fhadowed with Clouds of Grief; their golden TrefTes, which had wont to flag about their Shoulders, like fo many En- figns in Cupid's Regiment, and every Hair thereof had a Servant or Vifitant, which did fuperftitioufly dote on it, now for Want of curling and ordering, grown to the Fafhion of an Irj/h Rug; and what a Mifery it is to fee the Velvets, Sattins, and Taffaties, nay the curious Smocks fent to the Brokers, and the whole Wardrobe, that was purchafed with fo large a Proportion of free Favours and Com- munities, now reduced to one poor tufted Holland Suit? Is it not Pity to fee them, poor Souls, who had wont to mine like fo St. Hilary's Tears. (b many Conftellations In the Firmament of the Suburbs, and be hurried in Coaches to the Taverns, and Afparagus- Gardens, where ten or twenty Pounds Suppers were but Trifles with them, mould now go to the Chandlers and Herb- wives in Slip- (hoes, for Cheefe and Onions to Dinner ? Well, content yourfelves fyou attractive Loadftones, of delicious and fmooth Damnation) and doubtlefs the Arch- Angel, my Succeflbr, will bring your An- gels to redeem all ; and your Champions and Cavaliers will return with Pockets doubly furnimed, for you are as fure of them, as they are of your Difeafes ; they are now but only purchafmg, and laying up for you againft their coming Home ; this Dearth of Traffick is but a Preparation to a large Mart to follow, and this devouring Winter of Penury doth but prefage a lively Spring in the hot Blood of the young Gallantry, which when it comes, you (hall again enjoy thofe Bleffings of Wine, Mufk, good Cioaths, Money and dainty Fare ; be enabled to pay your railing Landladies, and defy the Beadle with as much Impudence, as ever you did. Well, from you, I muft follow the Steps of many an old leacherous Cirizen, and walk into London^ where, at the Exchange, the only Q^ieftion that is afked is, What News ? Not from dleppo, Conftantinople, the Streights, or In- dies, but from York, Ireland^ and the Parlia- ment** the An f we r is, Why the King is ftill obftinate, we mail have all our Throats cur, thofe Epicurean Throats of ours are doomed to be cut, for fwallowing fo many luxurious Cates ; we had need to prick up our Ears, and elevate our broad overgrown Horns for the Safety of ourfelves, Eftates, and Children ; marry ; as for our Wives, they know well enough already the Dangers of Courtiers and Cavaliers, and therefore dare meet the rougheft Gameftsr of them all in any Pofture whatfo- ^ever. From hence I travel to Guildhall, where I find the Lawyers complaining of infinite Numbers of Bankrupts, Men fo far decayed in Eftate, that they will compound to pay more than Ha^f, confefs Judgments, render their Bo- dies to Prifon, proititute their Wives, or any Thing rather than ftand out the Profecution of a Suit at Law. Then a: the Halts of every feveral Company, where, in former Ages, all the Elements would fcarce afford Variety, to plaafe the ingenious Glattony of one fingle Feafl, now you (hall V O L. II. 201 hear the meaner Sort of Tradefmen curfsng thofe devouring Foxes, the Mailers and War- dens, for the infinite Charge their infatiate Sto- machs do put them to ; from hence go to their particular Shops, where there is nothing amongft the Tradefmen, but Condoling the Want of the Courtiers Money, and their Wives and Daughters almoft diftra<5led for of their Company ; there are no up- ftart Gallants to draw into their Books, no young Heirs to exchange Shop-ware for Lord- fhips withal, nor any Trading one with an- other, in which they are fo familiarly ac- quainted with each others Knaveries, that, alas ! their Gaines are as good as nothing : And amongft them all that QuinteiTence of unquc- ftionabie Simplicity, the very Spirit of Vilh- ny, extracted out of all compounded Viiia- nies ; that Mafter-piece or Idea of Diffimula- tion. which Nature made her Example to por- traiture a Rogue by, the Roundhead, who had wont to eat and pray, for the Propagation of the Brethren and Sifters of the fcditious Faclion, now is invoking of Curfes upon the malig- nant Party (the Ahitotbels, as he calls them, of the King's Council] he fneaks into the Cor- ners of the City, and, after a Licking of his Lips, a Spitting, and a Cafting up his ugly Eyes towards the Place he is not worthy to look at, he whifpers a Tale through his rotten Nofe, of a a great Danger that is fallen upon the Kingdom ; and ftrange Difcoveries of imminent Mifchicfe, which had happened, if by fome Providence towards the Brethren of the fele&ed Sedition, and for their Sakcs only, it had not b.en prevented ; and then at length he tells you, that, if the Prince were but at St. James's, there would be fomething done that St. Hilary dares not repeat after him : This thin jawed, ill-looking, hungry Rafcal ; this beetle-browed, hollow-eyed, long-nofed, wide- mouthed Cur : This Carrion that flinks worfe than the corrupted River of Egypt ; this Cockatrice that hath hatched more Serpentine Diftempers, than all the grave Wifuom of a pregnant Kingdom can pacify, hath been the fole Caufe of poor St. Hilary's 'fears ; ivho would think this Ideot, this fathomlefs- bellied, thin -gutted Snake fhould begin lo hifs, and (hew his Sting, before the glorious Splendor of thofe excellent Worthies of our hopeful Parlia- ment could have Lei fure todifperfe itfelf upon this ftarved Kingdom; that this Owl, this Buzzard, mould bs the Inftrument to bring Clouds upon all their Proceedings, and yet, C.c -without 202 Inftrv&ions for the Increafog and without Doubt, will be the firft that will op- pofe, and curfe them, when they (hall pleafe to declare, that, in the Title of 'Puritan, they never intended blue-apron Preachers, Erownijl or Anabapti/i : And yet this fecure, confident, impudent, malignant, twenty Times damned Heretick dares attribute all their Favour to hunfelf; well may St. Hilary's Curfe purfue him : Nay the unquenchable Zeal of his next Prayer prolong the Nonfenfe and Foolery thereof to fo large a Meafure of Time, that all the Roaft-meat be burnt off the Spit, before he has done ; the White-broth boiled dry, and the ftewed and baked Meat fcorched to Cin- ders (which in his Opinion is one of thegreateft earthly Curfes that can befall him. May his Wife be catched in the fpiritual A& of her next carnal Copulation, that all the World may difcover what yet they carry fo clofely ; may the Fervency of his hot Zeal to the younger Sifters burn his Reins and Kidnies to Afhes; and, inftead of an Hofpital, let him be caft into the Saw-pit he fo often defiled under Pretence Planting of Mulberrie Trees, &c. of Edification ; let him be buried amoncft the Dunghills, as not worthy to come near the Church he fo abufed, where none may find his Grave but Dogs to pifs againft it ; may the Afhes of his loathed Carcafe be collected from the peftiferous Urn, by Murderers and Mountebanks, to mix with their killing Po- tions ; and may no Poifon ever hereafter be operative, but what is compounded with that infernal Duft, that, as he lived to the Confu- fion of all Goodnefs, and Virtue, fo he may after Death be known or mentioned by no other Notion, than fome Fate boading Character, that brings with it the dreadful Summons of a woeful Horrour to enfue, till which End be fallen upon him we fhall never fee Day of good Trading again ; but, when it is accomplifhed, St. Hilary will make Ho- liday, and, inftead of his Tears, will fend you Hymns and Madrigals for Joy of the Round- heads Confufion, and your more full Employ- ment. Inftrvdtions for the Increafing and Planting of Mulberrie Trees y and the Breeding of Silke-wormes, for the making of Silke in this Kingdome. Whereunto is annexed his Maiefties Let- ters to the Lords Lieftenants of the feuerall Shiers of Eng- land tending to that Purpofe. Newly printed, MDCIX. containing two Sheets. // is more than probable, that the fine Mulberry Trees, which abound in fome Parts of England, and grow as high and extenftve as any in France or Italy, are the Monu- ments of this laudable Scheme, and Royal Encouragement to promote the Growth and Making o/Silk, within our f elves : But how fo advantageous and profitable an Under- taking Jhould le now dwindled to Nothing, in a Nation , of all others, the moft indu- ftrious, and able to improve every Branch of 'Trade, is a Matter of the greateft Spe- culation and Ainazemtnt ; for by Experience both the Animal and its Food propagate and thrive in our Soil and Climate, and both the Rich -and Poor muft have found their Advantage in conducing fo large a Manufacture : Beftdes the National Interejl, which muft have not only faved immenfe Sums of Money fent Abroad to purchafe Silks, but have been able to draw the Riches of more Northern Nations into its own Bank, by this new Mart of filken Goods. This certainly was the Intention of thofe Times, Inftrvtfiom for tie Increafing and Planting 0/*Mulberrie Trees, &c. 203 in which tbofe Inftruftions were written, and was fo explained in his Majeftfs Let- ters-Patents hereunto annexed. To the Reader. As one defirous of Nothing more then the publike Good, I here mod willingly impart vnto thee (gentle Reader) that which by my owne Experience I finde, in Regard of the Benefit it affoards, worthy thy Paines and Obferuation. It- hath pleafed his Maieftie, out of his deepe difcerning Judgement, to giue my Purpofe a fpeciall Approbation, and withall to exprefle a Willingneffe in him- felfe to further fo good a Bufmefle, as by his gratious Letters hereunto annexed moft manifeftly appeares. Accept therefore of thefe my briefe Directions, and approoue of them as they prooue : I could haue extended them to a farther Length, but Oratorie needes not where the Thing itfelfe perfwades : Yet fome peraduenture, that haue laboured in the like before, will take Occafion to coun- tenance themfelues, and make my Breuitie an Argument of Vnfufficiencie, ai- though I hope, they will confider that a King's Picture may be as perfect in a Pennie, as in the largefl Coine. And whatfoeuer hath beene by them publifhed, interpreting other Mens Workes, according to the Pradlife thereof in forraigne Parts, where the fame as yet is generally better vnderftood, I doubt not but future Triall will verifie this my Booke to be euery Way here more correfpondent to the Creature whereof it treates : And for fuch I commend it to each vnpartial Vnderftanding, Re- maining alwaies Thine for the publike Wcalf, JAMES Rex. Right truftie and Welbeloued, we greete you well. /T is a principal! Part of that Chriftian Care "The Confideraticn whereof hwir.g of late occupied which appertainetb to Souereigntie, to endea- our Minde, who always efleerm our Peoples Good uour, by all Meaner pojftble, as well to beget our necejfary Contemplations, we haue conceiued as to increafe, among their People, the Knowledge as well by the Difcsurfe of our owne Reajon, as and PracJife of all Artes and Trades, whereby by Information gathered from others, that the they may be both warned from Idlenejfe and the Making of Si Ike might as well be effecled here, Enormities thereof, ivhith are infinite, and exer- as it is in the Kingdoms of France, where the fame cifed in fuch Indujlries and Labours, as are ac- hath of late Years been put in PraElife : For companied with euident Hopes, not only of prefer- neither is the Clymate of this IJle fo far difiintt or uing People from the Shame and Griefs of Penu- different in Condition from that Countrey, efpeci- ry, but alfo of rayjing and encreajing them in ally from the hither Parts therof, but that it is Wealth and Abundance, the Scope which euery to be hoped that tbofe Things, which by Indujtru free-home Spirit aimeth at, not in Regard of him- profper there, may, by like Indujlrie ufcd here, felfe onely and the Eafe which a plentifull Eftate have like Succefle; and many private Per Jons, who, bringeth to euery one in his Particular, but alfo for their Pleafure, haue bred of thofe Worms* in Regard of the Honour of their natiue Conn- haue found no Experience to the Contrarie, but trey, whoje Commendation is no way more jet that they may be nourifoed 'and maintained here, forth then in the Peoples Aftiuenes and Indujlry. if Prouifion were mad: for planting Mulberrie C c 2 Trea 204 Inftrv&ions for the Increapig and Planting of Mul her rie Trees, Gfc. Trees, wbofe Leaues, are the Food of the Wormes. creafmg ef the faid Mulberrie Trees, the Breeding And, therefore, we haue thought good hereby to let of the Silk wormes, and ell other Things; needfull you vnderjiand, that alihugh, in frffering this In- to be vderjhod, for the Perfecting of a Warke uenlhv to take Place, we doe jhew our fclues euery Way "fe commendable and profitable, as well rfa r: to our ro ofit, the Matter of our Ci'Jlcmes for Silke brought the Stas, will recciue Diminution : to the Planter as to thofe that Jkall vfe the Trade. Hailing now made knowne vnio you the Motiues frcm beyond the Stas, will recciue Diminuton : as they jiand, with the publique Good, wherein ' Neuartbdejje, when there is Quefehn of fo great eutry Man is intereJJ'ed, becaufe, we knoiv. how and pub!i'-]ue Vcilitie to come to our King- much the Example of our owne Depuiie- Liefte- dome and Subiecles in general!, and whereby nants and lujiices will further this Caitfe, if you, (b-'fiflts Multitudes of People of both Sexes and and other your Neighbours, will be content to take --' all Ages) fiich, as in Regard of Impotencie are viifii for other Labour, may be fet on Worke, comforted, and releeued, we are content that our priuate Benefit (hall guie Way to our publique: feme good Quantities hereof, to diftribute vpan your own Lands ; we are content to acknowledge thus much more in this DirccJin of ours, that all Things of this Nature tending to Plantations, In- and therefore 'beeing perfwaded that no well-af- creafe of Science, and Workes of Indu/Jrie, are feSlid Subieft ivill refuje to put his helping Hand Things fo naturally phafing to our owne Difpo to fuch a Worke, as can haue no other priuate fition, as we Jhall take it for an Argument of Ende in vs, but the Defire of the Wei fare of extraordinarie djfcftion towards our Perfon ; be- our People, we haue thought good in this Forme fides, the Judgment we Jhall make of the good Dif- onely to require you * (as a Perfen of greatejt An- portions in all thofe that Jlmll exprej/e in any Kinde thoritie within that Countie) and 'from ivhome the Generalise may receiue Notice of our Pleasure (with more Conueniencie then otbtrwife) to take Qccafan either at the Qiiarter-fejflion;, or at fame ether publique Place of Meeting, to perfwade and require fuch as are of /ibilitie (without defcend- thtir readie Minds, to further the Jame, and Ji hall ejteeme that, in furthering the fame, they feeke to further our Honour and Contentment, who hauing few Teares Space pa ft, that cur Brother, ing to trouble the Pcore, for whom we feeke to provide) to buie and diftribute, in that Countie, the Number of ten thoufand Mulberrie Plants, which Jhall be deliuered vnto them at our Citie of, &c. at the Rate of three Farthings the Plant, or at fix Shillings the Hundred, containing five Score Plants. And becaufe the Buying of the faid Plants, at this Rate, may at fir/1 feem charge- the French King, hath, fence his Coming to that Crowns, both begunne and brought to Perfection the Making of Silkes in his Country, whereby he hath wonne to birnfelf Honour, and to his SubiecJes a meruailous Incrcaje of Wealth, would account it no little Happinejfe to vs, if the fame Worke, which we begun among our People with no lejje Zeale to their Good (than any Prince can haue to the Good of theirs) might, in our Time, produce the Fruits ivbich there it hath done ; whereof we able to our faid Subieftes (whom we would be loath nothing doubt, if ours will be found as traftable to burthen) we have taken Order, that, in March and apt to further their own Good, now the Way er April next, there Jhall be deliuered at the faid ' " Place a good ghiantitie of Mulberrie Seedes, there to be fold to fuch as will buie them, by Meanes whereof the faid Plants will be deliuered at a fmaller Rate then they can be afforded beeing car isjhewed them by vs their Souereigne, as thefe of France haue beene to conforms themfelucs to the Directions of their King. Giuen vnder our Signet at our Pa/lace of Weftminfter, the Nineteenth gf January, in the ried from hence ; hauing refolued alfo in the meane fixth Yeare of England, France, and Ireland, Time, that there Jhall be publijhed, in Print, a and of Scotland the two and fortieth, plaine InJlruRion and Direclion, both for the In- * The Lord I ieutenant of the County. fVhat Inftrvtfions for the Increafing and Planting C/" Mulberrie Trees, &c. 205 What Ground is ft for the Mulberrie Seedes, bow the fame is to be ordered, in 'what Sort the Seedes are to be f owed therein. H E Ground which ought to be ap- pointed for this Purpofe, befides the natural! Goodneffe of it, muft be reafonably well dunged, and withall fo fcituated, as that the Heate of the Sunne may cherifh it, and the nip- ping Blafts of either the North Winde, or the Eajl, may not annoy it : The Choife thereof thus made, that the Seedes may the better prof- per, and come vp after they be fowne, you ftiall digge it two Feete deepe, breaking the Clods as fmall as may be, and afterward you {hall deuide the fame into feuerall Beds of not aboue fiue Feete in Breadth ; fo that you fhall not neede to indanger the Plants by tread- ing vpon them, when either you water or weede them. The Mulberrie Seedes you (hall lay in Wa- ter for the Space of twentytwo Hours, and after that you fhall drie them "againe halfe drie, or fomewhat more, that when you fowe them they may not cleaue together : Thus done, you muft caft them vpon the forefaid Beds, not altogether fo thicke as you vfe to doe other Garden Seedes, and then couer them with fome fine Earth (part through a Sieue) about halfe an Inch thicke : tn dry Weather you fhall water them euery two Daves at the fartheft, as like- wife the Plants that fhall come of them ; and keepe them as cleane from W cedes as poffibly you can. The Time, in which you ought to fowe them for your beft Aduantage, is either in March, jfprill, or May, when Froftes are either alto- gether pad, or at the leaft not fo fharpe, or of fo long Continuance, as to indanger their Vp- fpring. There is yet another Way to fowe them, and that is as followeth : You fhall (beeing di- rected by a flraite Lir.e) makecertaine Furrowes in the Beds aboue mentioned of fome fotire Fin- gers deepe, and about a Foote in Diflance the one from the other : After this, you fhall open the Earth with your Hands, on either Sk!e .of the aforefaid Furrowes, fome two Fingers from the Bottome, and, where you hai:e fo o- pened it, fhall you fowe your Seedes ; and then couer them halfe a Finger thicks with the Earth which before you opened. When the Plant 'j, that are fprung vp of the Seedes, are to be remooued, and how they are to be planted the fir ft Time. I N the Moneths of September, Oftober, No- uember, December, March, or A^rill, the next Yeare after the Seedes are fowne, you mav remooue their Plants (or in the Moneth of Januarie, if it be not in froftie Weather) and fet them in the like Beds as before, but firft you muft cut off their Rootes, leauing them about eight Inches in Length, and their Tops about halfe a Foote aboue their Rootes, more or leffe, according to the Strength of the faid Plants, for, the weaker they be, the leffe Tops you fhall leaue them. In this Sort you may fuffer them to remaine (weeding and watering them as Neede fhall require) till they be grown fixe Feete ivi Length aboue their Rootes, whereunto when once they haue attained, you may cut their Tops, and fuffer them to fyread, alwaies hauing a Care to take away the many Branches or Succours, that may any Way hinder their Growth, vntill they be come to their full Length of fixe Feete, as afore- faid. 206 Injlrvftiom for the lucre afing and Planting 0/* Mulberrie Trees, &c. When, and bow the Plants are to be remooued the fecond Time, and in what Manner they are to be planted where they fhall remaine. IN the Moneths aforefaide (according as your Plants are waxen ftrongj you may remooue them either into the Hedges of your Fields, or into any other Grounds. If in Hedges, you muft fet them fixteene Feete the one from the other ; if in other Ground, intending to make a Wood of them, eighteene Feete at the leaft. But, a Moneth before you doe remooue them, you muft make the Holes (wherein you purpofe to fet them) about foure Feete, in Breadth, and fo deepe as that their Rootes may be well couered, and fome halfe a Foote of loofe Earth left vnder them, hauing alwaies a fpeciall Care fo to place them, that they may receiue the Benefit of the Sunne, and not to be fhadowed or ouerfpread by any neighbouring Trees. When, and how the Egges of the Silke-wormes are to be hatched^ and how to order theWormes that Jhall come of them. WHen the Leaues of Mulberrie Trees begin a little to bud forth, take the Egges of your Silke-wormes, and lay them, in a Peece of Say, or fuch like StufFe, and in the Day-time carrie them in fome warme Place a- bout you, in a little fafe Boxe, but, in the Night, either lay them in your Bed, or be- tweene two warme Pillowes, vntill fuch Time as the Wormes begin to come forth : Then, take a Peece of Paper of the WidenelTe of the faid Boxe, and hauing cut it full of fmall Holes lay it within the fame vpon the Egges, and vpon that againe fome fewe Mulberrie Leaves, to which the Wormes, as they are hatched, will continually come. Thefe Leaues, with the Wormes vpon them, you muft ftill remooue into other Boxes, laying frefh Leaues as well on thofe that are remooued, as on the Paper where the Egges are ; and this is the Courfe, which muft be duly kept and obferued, vntill fuch Times as all the Wormes be come forth of their Shells, ftill keeping their Boxes warme as aforefaid, but no longer about you, but vn- till the Wormes begin to come forth ; out of which Boxes, you may fafely take them, when once they haue paft their fecond Sickneffe, and feede them vpon Shelues of two Feete in Breadth, and eighteene Inches one aboue the ether. The faid Shelues are not to be placed in any Ground Roome, nor yet next vnto the Tylcs, but in fome middle Roome of your Houfe, which openeth vpon the North and South, that you may the more conueniently giue them ei- ther Heatc or Alre,. according as the Time and Seafon (hall require. Befides you muft not make them clofe vnto the Walles, but fo as you may pafle about them, the better to looke vnto the Wormes, and keep them from Rats and Mice, which otherwife might deuoure them. You muft obferue the Times of their comming foorth, and keepe euerye one or two Daies hatching by themfelues, that you may the better vnderftand their feuerall Sick- nefles or Sleepings, which are foure in the Time of their Feeding. The firft commonly fome twelue Daies after they are hatched, and from that Time at the End of euery eight Daies, according to the Weather, and their good or ill Vfage: During which Time of euery Sickenefie, which lafteth two or three Daies, you rnuft feede them but verie little, as onely to releeue fuch of them, as (hall haue paft their Sicknefle before the reft, and thofe that fhall not fall into their Sicknefle fo foone. The whole Time, that the Wormes doe feede, is about nine Weekes, whereof, vntill they come vnto their firft Sickenes, giue them young Mulberrie Leaues twice euery Day, but fewe at a Time j from thence vntill their fe- cond Sicknefle, twice euery Day in greater Quantitie ; and fo from their fecond to their third Sickenefie, increafing the Quantitie of the Leaues, according as you perceiue the Wormes to growe in Strength, and cleare of Sickenefle: From the third vntill their fourth Sickenefie, you may giue them Leaues thrice euery Day, and, the fourth becing paft, you may let them haue fo many as they will eate, alwaies hauing a Care Inftrvtfionsfor the Increafing 6nd Planting of Mulberrie Trees, &c. 207 a Care that you giue them none, but fuch as are drie, and well ayred vpon a Table or Cloath befbre they be laid vpon them, and withall gathered fo neere as may be, at fuch Times as either the Sunne or Wind hath cleared them of the Deawe that falleth vpon them. For the Feeding of Wormes you neede ob- ferve no other Order than this, Lay the Mul- berrie Leaves vpon them, and euery two or three Dayes remooue them, and make clean their Boxes, or Shelues, unlefle in Times of their Sicknefle, for then they are not to be touch- ed : The Leaves which you take from them, when you giue them frefh to feede vpon, you muft lay in fome conuenient Place, and vpon them, a fewe newe Leaues, to which the Wormes, that lay hidden in the olde, will come, and then you may pafle them with the faid new Leaues to the reft of the Wormes : And now, leaft any Thing fhould be omitted, which ferues to perfect the Difcouerie of fo excellent a Benefit, I will aduife you to be ue- ry diligent in keeping cleane their Boxes, or Shelues, as beeing a fpeciall Meanes whereby to preferue them ; wherefore, when you intend to doe it, you (hall remooue them together with the vppermofte Leaues whereon they lie, vnto dther Boxes or Shelues, for with your Hands you may not touch them, till they haue -tho- roughly vndergone their third Sicknefle, and then you may pafle them gently with cleane Hands, without doing them any Harme : Pro- uided that the Partie that commeth neere them fmell not of Garlick, Onyons, or the like. The firft nue Weekes of their Age, you muft be very carefull to keepe them warme, and, in Time of Raine or cold Weather, to fet, in the Roome where they remaine, a Pan with Coales, burning in it now and then fome Juniper, Ben" jamin, and fuch like, that yeeldeth fweete Smells. But afterwards, vnlefle in Time of extraordinarie Cold, giue them Ay re, and take Heede of keeping them too hot, being alwaies mindefull to ftore the Roome with Hearbes and Flowers which are delightfull and pleafing to the Smeil. As the Wormes increafe in Bignefle, you fhall difperfe them Abroad vpon more Boards, or Shelves, and not fuffer them to lie too thicke together ; and if you findeany of them broken, or of a yellowe gliftering Co- lour inclining to Sicknefle, caft them away, leaft they infect the reft, and fort fuch as are not ficke, the greateft and ftrongeft by them- felues, for fo the iefler will profper the better. When, and htKQ to make ft Roome s for the Wormes fo worke their Bottomes of Silke in, and in what Sort the faid Bottomes are to. be *ufed. AS foone as, by the cleare amber- coloured Bodies of your Wormes, you fhall per- ceiue them ready to giue their Silk, you muft (with Heath made uery cleane, or with the Branches of Rofemarie, (he Stalkes of La- uender, or fuch like) make Arches betweene the forefaid Shelues. Vpon the Branches and Sprigs whereof, the Wormes will faften themfelues, and make their Bottomes, which, in foureteene Daies after the Worme beginneth to worke them, you may take away ; and thofe, which you are minded to vfe for the beft Silke, you muft either pre- fently winde, or kill the Wormes which are within them, by laying the faid Bottomes two or three Dayes in the Sunne, or in fome Ouen after the Bread baked therein is taken out, and the Fiercenefie of the Heat is alaide. The o- ther Bottomes, which you intend to keep for Seede, you muft lay in ibme conuenient warme Place, vntill the Wormes come forth, which is ccmmonly ferns fixteene or t\ven:y Daie?, from the Beginning of their Worke : And, as they doe come forth, you muft put them toge- ther vpon fome Peece of old Sey, Grogeran, the Backfide of old Veluet, or the like, made faft againft fome Wall or Hangings in your Houfe. There they will ingender, and the Male, hauing fpent himfelfe, falleth downe, and in (hort Time after dieth, as alfo doth the Fe- male, when (he hath laide her Egges ; which Egges, when you perceiue them vpon the Sey, or Grogeran, c3V. to be of a graifh Colour, you may take them oft" gently, with a Knife, and hauing put them in a Peece of Sey, or fuch- like, keepe them in a couered Box amongft your woollen Cloathes, or the like, till the Yeare following : But not in any moift Roome, for it is hurtfull for them, neither where there is too much Heate, leaft the Wormes fhould be hatched before you can haue any Foode for them. Examples ( 208 ) Examples for Kings ; or, Rules for Princes to govern by. Wherein is contained thefe enfuing Particulars ; i . A Dif- courfe touching Regal and Politick Government. 2. A Prince muft be juft in his Sentence. 3. What Man is fit to be a Governor, and to bear Rule. 4. That a Prince ought to be true to his Word. 5. That a Prince ought to be religious. 6. That a Prince ought not to flied innocent Blood. 7. That a Prince ought to be circumfpect in giving Credit to evil Reports. 8. That a Prince ought to beware of Parafites. 9. What Kind of Men ought to be of the King's Council. 10. That it is dangerous for a Prince to take Aid of a Stranger. 1 1 . How a Prince may get and keep the Love of his Subjects. 1 2. That a Prince ought to be well advifed how he begin a War. London, printed for Henry Hutton, 164.2. ijuarto, containing one Sheet. A S in natural Things, the Head be- ing cut off", the reft cannot be call- ed a Body ; no more can in poli- tick Things a Multitude, or Com- monalty, without a Head, be in- corporate : Therefore a People defiring to live in Society, and willing to erect either a poli- tick Body or a Kingdom, muft, of Neceffity, chufe one to govern that Body, who, in a King- dom, of Regendo, is called Rex ; and fo by the People is eftablimed a Kingdom, which Go- vernment is abfolutely the beft. And as the Head of the phyfical Body cannot change the Reins and Sinews thereof, nor deny the Members their proper Strength and neceiTary Nutriture; no more can a King, who is Head of the po- litick Body, alter or change the Laws of that Body, or take from the People their Goods or Subftance againft their Wills ; for a King is chofen (and bound) to maintain the Laws of his Subjects, and to defend their Bodies and Goods. So Brute, arriving in this Ifland with .his Trojans, creeled here a regal and politick Government which tnth for the moft Part con- tinued ever fmce : For, though we have had many Changes, as firft the Romans, then the Saxons, then the Danes, and laftly the Normans, yet, in the Time of all thefe Nations, and during their Reigns, the Kingdom was for the moft Part governed in the fame Manner as it is now. Plutarch faith, that all at firft that governed were called Tyrants, but afterwards the good Governors called Kings. For, tho* a Man by Force do fubdue Cities and Coun- tries, yet he ought to rule according to Reafon, and, if he knew God, according to the Law of God : But when he is admitted King by the People, and hath his Power from them, he may not fubject the People to any other Power; yet he hath a great and large Prerogative, which he may ufe at his Pleafure. And here I think it not amifs to fet down fome few Laws and Cuftoms of other Com- mon-wealths, whereby their good Govern- ment may appear, they not being Chriftians. Ptolemaus, King of Egypt, feafted one Day feven Ambailadors, which, at his Requeft, Ihewed unto him three of their principal Laws and Examples for Kings, &c. and Cuftoms'. And firft the AmbafTador of Rome faid, We have the Temples in great Reverence, we are very obedient to our Go- vernors, and we do punifh wicked Men fe- verely. The Carthaginian Ambaflador faid, Our Noblemen never left Fighting, the Artifi- cers never left Lajbouring, nor the Philofophers never left Teaching. The Sicilian faid, In our Common-wealth Juftice is exactly kept, Mer- chandife is exercifed with Truth, and all Men account themfelves equal. The Rhodians faid, That, at Rhodes, old Men are honeft, young Men fhamefaced, and Women ufe very few Words. The Athenians faid, In our Com- mon-wealth rich Men are not fuffered to be divided into Factions, nor poor Men to be idle, nor the Governors to be ignorant. The La- cedemonians faid, In Sparta Envy reigneth not, for all Men are equal ; nor Covetoufnefs, for all Goods are common ; nor Sloth, for all Men labour. In our Common-wealth, faid the AmbafTador of the Sicyonians, Voyages are not permitted, becaufe they fhould not bring home new Factions j Phyficians are not fuffer- ed, left they fhould kill the Sound j nor Law- yers to take upon them the Defence of Caufes and Suits. And to thefe may be added Ana- cbar/is's Letter to the Athenians, wherein he counfelleth them to chufe a King that is juft in his Sentence, true to his Word, conftant in his Act, fecret and liberal, for thefe be the principal Moral Virtues moft necefTary in a Prince. A Prince ought to be juft in his Sentence, according to the Words of Solomon Wifd. i. faying, Love Juftice, you that judge the Earth ; for a juft King doth advance his-Country ; and the King, that judgeth the Poor rightly, his Throne fhall be eftablifhed for ever. Now, to fliewwhat Manner of Man is fitteft to govern, I read in Li-vy, that Men born in Arms, great in Deeds, and rude in Eloquence, ought to be chofen Counfellors ; and that Men of quick Spirits, fharp Wits, and learned in the Law, and Eloquence, fhould be for the City ; for the Prince ought to be a martial Man, ftout and courageous, to defend his Subjects, and offend his Enemies j not to be Prince, Prov. xvii. Many Examples might curious to fpeak eloquently, but to deliver his be given touching feveral Princes, who have 209 able, if the Deeds be not anfwerable : They therefore, faith Plato, that will have Glory in this Life, and attain to Glory after Death, and be beloved of many, and feared of all, let them be virtuous in good Works, and deceive no Man with vain Words. All good and worthy Princes have laboured to attain to this Wif- dom, and to exact Juftice moft exactly, info- much that fome have not fpared their own Children, fo facred a Thing they ever held Juftice to be : As for Example, Brutus, underftanding that his two Sons were of the Confpiracy for Tarquinius Superbus. Alexan- der Magnus was fo far from being tranfported from Juftice, as, when any Man made Com- plaint to him of another, he flopped always one Ear, faying, he muft keep that for the Party accufed. King Edgar of England had likewife that Care to do Juftice, as in Winter Time he would ride up and down the Country, and make Enquiry of the Mifdemeanors of his Of- ficers and Governors, and punifhed them fe- verely that offended the Law. And as th? Followers of Juftice fhall not only be glorious on Earth, but live in eternal Glory ; fo the Princes that minifter Injuftice, and do not judge rightly, fhall reap Infamy on Earth, and ui\- dergo the high Difpleafure of. God ; for the Royal Prophet faith, that God is terrible to the Kings of the Earth, Pfal. Ixxv. which doth very well appear, by the ftrange Punifhments which he oftentimes inflicts upon them, as upon Pha- raoh, Nebuchadnezzar, Uzziah, Joram, Antlo- chus, Herod-., Memprijius, King of Britain, who was devoured by Wolves ; Seldred, a Saxon, King of England, who was killed by the De- vil, as he was banqueting with his Nobility. And many more for their Injuftice have been very ftrangely punifhed, and oftentimes loft their Kingdoms, as appeareth from EC clef. Chap. xi. being transferred from Nation to Nation for Injuftice and Injuries ; therefore it behoveth a Prince to take fpecial Care here- unto. Next, it isrequifite that a Prince be true to his Word, both towards God and Man ; for Solomon faith, that a lying Lip doth not Mind plainly and wifely, it being more necef- fary for a Prince to do well, than fpeak well. Pauclnus faith, thofe are to -be hated, who in their Acts are Fools, and in their Words Phi- lofophers ; for wife Words are not commend- V O L. II. been feverely punifhed for Breach of Faith As, for Example, Charles the 70th King of France, when he was Dauphin, made John Duke ofBurgundy believe that he would make Peace with him, whereupon they met at a D d Pla.ce 2 1 o Examples for Ptace appointed, where Charles caufed the Duke to be prefently killed ; but Charles after this was forced to afk Philip Forgivenefs open- ly by his Ambafladors. Charles the laft Duke ef Burgundy having given fafe Conduit to the Earl of St. Paul, Conftable of France, took him Prifoner, and delivered him to the French King, who put him to Death for his Treach- ery, and fet the faid Earl free. Thus you may lee how honourable it is to keep their Word, and what they deferve that falfify their Faith ; for, a faithlefs Prince is beloved of none, but hated of all ; fufpefted of his Friends, not trufted of his Enemies, and forfaken of all Men in his greateft Neceflity. Alfo a Prince ought to be religious, for Sa- lomon faith, God preferveth the State of the Righteous, and is a Father to them that walk uprightly , Prcv. Cbap.ii. and In Deut. xvii. a King is commanded, after he be placed in his Kingdom, to read the Book of Deuteronomy, that he may learn to fear God, and keep his Words, for fo doing a Prince (hall profper. It is alfo expedient that a Prince have fpecial Care that he put not his Hand in innocent Blood, neither by Tyranny, Malice, Ambi- tion, Policy, or falfe Reports or Informations"; for to be a Tyrant is odious to God and Man, and to bring himfelf to an evil End. As for Example, King John of England murdered his Nephew, and in the End was murdered himfelf. Richard Duke of Gloucefter murder- ed his two Nephews, Sons to Edward the Fourth, to make himfelf King, and after was flain in Bofworth by Henry the Seventh ; for Blood requires Blood, and let a bloody Prince never look for a better End. But many Princes have been mightily a- bufed by falfe Reports, and wrong Informa- tions j David therefore prayed God to deliver him from -wicked Lips, and a lying Tongue, Pfal. cxix. and in Ecclef. vi. it is faid, Sepa- rate thyfelf from thy Enemies, and beware even of thy Friends ; for where a Man doth truft the moft there a Man may be fooneft deceived, as was Francis Duke of Britain, who put his Brother Giles to Death upon the falfe Report of thofe who went Meffengers between them, and after put them to Death alfo ; therefore a Prince mould duly examine every Report whe- ther it be true, or not, before he give Credit thereunto, and efpecially if it concern Life, for innocent Blood doth cry to God for Re- venge, as appeareth in the jfpoc. vi. faying, Kings, &c." How long, Lord, holy and juft, judgeft theix not, and revengeft not our Blood upon them that dwell upon the Earth ? I have read that Appelles drew the Picture of a King (which he fent to Ptolemcsus) fet in a Chair of State, with great Hands, great Ears, and befides him Ignorance, Sufpicion, a Tale- teller, and Flattery : Thefe will labour to be a- bout a Prince, therefore a Prince muft labour to avoid them. It is therefore a happy Thing for Princes to have thofe about them that will not flatter, but tell the Truth. Therefore the Emperor Gordian faid, that Prince was ve- ry unfortunate, who hath not about him thofe that may plainly tell him the Truth; fora King knoweth not what pafleth, but by Rela- tion of thofe who converfe with him. Theo- pcmpus being afked, How a Prince might pre- ferve his Kingdom ? faid, By giving his Friends- Liberty to fpeak the Truth, and keeping his Subjects from Oppreflion. A Prince mould be very careful in making Choice of his Counfellors ; for Plato faith, that many Princes are undone, for Want of faithful Friends and Servants to counfel them ; therefore Alfred, King of England, fought out the wifeft and moft learned Men to be of his Council. The Emperor Conftantius, to make Proof of his Friends, made Shew to a- bandon Chriftian Religion, and to turn to Ido- latry ; he was inftantly applauded by a great Number, whom prefently he banifhed the Country, for a Prince fhall never want Fol- lowers. I wifh that our gracious Sovereign would make this his Precedent : But, to my former Difcourfe. Cqunfellors, faith Julius C&far, in one of his Orations to the Senate, fhould not be led by Malice, Friendfhip, An- ger, nor Mercy ; and, if they concur in one lawful Opinion, though the Prince be oppo- fite, yet it is fitting he fhould yield to them, for fo did the Emperor Marcus Antoninus, fay- ing : It muft be as you will, for it is greater Reafon that I, being one, fhould follow your Opinion, than you, being many, wife, and learned, mould yield to mine. If a Prince take Aid. of a Stranger ftronger than himfelf, he may thereby endanger his State ; as, for Example, the Heruls, Goths, and Lombards, who came into Italy for Succour, be- came Lords thereof; fo did they of Franconia, with their King PA by Pharamond; the Galls, now France, and the Saxons did the like to England. How Examples for Kings, &c. 211 How to get and keep the Love of bis Subjtfts. A Prince, to the End he may be ftrong at Home, and need no foreign Forces, fhould always expect his own Subjects, (efpeciallyMen of Worth and Service) as well in Peace as War, that he may win the Love and Hearts of his Subjects, the meaneft where- of may do him Service, in fome Kind, at one Time or other : For Seneca faith, The on- ly inexpugnable Force of a Prince is the Love of his Subjects. Antoninus Pius would fay, that he had rather preferve One of his Subjects, than kill a Thoufand of his Enemies. And Pythagoras affirmeth, that Subjects are to the Prince, as the Wind to the Fire ; for the ftronger the Wind, the greater the Fire j fo the richer the Subjects be, the ftronger the Prince ; but, where Machiavel's Principles take Effect, there the Subjects rauft be made poor, by continual Subfidies, Exactions and Impofitions, that the People may always be kept under as Slaves, and fear their Prince; which Courfe extinguifheth the Love of the People towards the Prince, and ingendereth Hatred (the Actions of the Clergy, evil Counfellors of the State, Mono- polies, and other Ma chl civilian Practices of ibme great Ones in Authority, have alinoft procured the fame Effect in England.) Phi-? Itp Commines greatly blameth fuch Princes, as ieek not to compound and end Difcords and Quarrels arriongft their greateft Subjects, but rather nourifh the one Part; wherein they do but fet their own Houfe on Fire, as did the Wife of Henry the Sixth, taking Part with the Duke of Somerfet, againft the Earl of Warwick, which caufed the War betwixt York and Lan- xajler. Auguftus the Emperor made a Law concerning Exactions, which he called Auguf- ta, that no Payment fhould be exacted of the People, but for the Profit of the Common- wealth. And, when Marcus Antoninus laid a double Tax upon the People, they anfwered, That, if he would have two Taxes in one Year, he muft give them two Summers, two Har- '/efts, and two Vintages, for the People can- not endure to be overcharged ; if they be, great Tnconveniency may grow thereby, (our later Times give apparent Teftimonies of the Truth of this Particular.) A Prince therefore fhould love and cherifti his Subjects, but not opprefs.thcm ; for Tiberius Nero, when fome perfuaded him to take great Tributes of the Provinces, faid, That a good Shepherd (hould (hear his .Sheep, but not devour them ; and That State (faith Thales) is beft ordered, which hath in it neither too wealthy, nor too poor Citizens. It is not for a Prince to make War upon every fmall Occafion, but to be fure the Caufe be good and juft ; which then will bring Ho- nour to his Perfon,- Safety to his Soul, and Encouragement to all his Soldiers : Yet, ac- cording to the Saying of Ofiavius C, containing four Pages. W. Hereas by Mifreprefentation (Of which ourfelf was the Occa- fion) We loft our Royal Reputation ; And much againft our Expectation, Laid the moft tragical Foundation Of Vacant Throne and Abdication. After mature Deliberation, We now refolve to fham the Nation Into another Reflo ration : Promifmg in our wonted Fafhion, Without the leaft Equivocation, To make an ample Reparation. And, for our Re-inauguration, We chufe to owe the Obligation To our kind Subjects Inclination, For whom we always (hew'd a Paffion. And when again they take Occafion To want a King of our Perfuafion, We'll foon appear to take our Station With the enfuing Declaration. ALL fhall be fafe from Rope and Fire, f* Or never more believe in 'J. R. 7-R. WHen we reflect what Defolation Our Abfence caufes to the Nation We could not hold ourfelf exempted From any Thing to be attempted j Whereby our Subjects, well beguil'd, May to our Yoke be reconcil'd. Be all aflur'd both Whig and Tory, ") If for paft Faults you can be forry, > You ne'er (hall know what we'll do for you.J For 'tis our noble Refolution To do more for your Conftitution, Than e'er we'll put in Execution. Though fome before us made a Pother, England had never fuch another, No, not our own renown'd dear Brother. We have it fet before our Eyes, That our main Intereft wholly lies In managing with fuch Difguife, As leaves no Room for Jealoufies. And, to encourage Foes and Friends, With Hearts and Hands, to ferve our Ends, We hereby publifh and declare, (And this we do, becaufe we dare) That, to evince we are not fullen, We'll bury all paft Faults in Woollen : By which you may perceive we draw Our wife Refolves from Statute-Law. And therefore by this Declaration Wepromife Pardon to the Nation,. Excepting only whom we may pleafe, Whether they be on Land or Seas. And further, Bloodshed to prevent, We here declare our felf content To heap as large Reward on all, That help to bring us to Whitehall, As ever did our Brother dear, At his Return, on Cavalier ; Or we, to our immortal Glory, Conferr'd on Non-reding Tory. Then be aflured, the.firft fair Weather, 1 We'll call a Parliament together, > f Chufe right or wrong, no Matter whether) J Where with united Inclination -> We'll bring the Intereft of the Nation ^. Under our own Adjudication : With whofe Concurrence, we'll redrefs What we ourfelf think Grievances. All fhall be firm as Words can make it : And, if we promife, What can (hake it ?' As for your Church, we'll ftill defend it j Or, if you pleafe, the Pope (hall mend it Your Chapels, Colleges and Schools, Shall be fupply'd with your own Tools : But, if we live another Summer, We'll then relieve 'em from St. Omer. Next for a Liberty of Confcience, With which we bit the Nation long fmce ; We'll fettle it as firm and fteady, As that perhaps you have already. We'll never violate the Teft, 'Till 'tis our Royal Intereft ; Or till we think it fo at leaft, But there we muft confult the Prieft. And as for the difpenfing Power, (Of Princes Crowns, the fweeteft Flower) That Parliament fhall fo explain it, As we in Peace may ftill maintain it. If The Hiftory If other A&s (hall be prefented, ^ We'll pafs them all and be contented : Whatever Laws receiv'd their Fafhion Under the prefent Usurpation, Shall have our gracious Confirmation, Provided ftill we fee Occafion. Our Brother's Irijh fettling Acl (Which we, 'tis true, repeal'd in Fa#) We'll be contented to reflore, If you'll provide for Teague before : For you yourfelves (hall have the Glory To re-eflablifh wand'ring Tory. But now you have fo fair a Bidder, *Tis more than Time you fliould confider, What Funds are proper to fupply us For that, and what your Hearths fave by us, Therefore confult your Polybymne, To find another Rhyme to Chimney ; Or, if I bleed, the Devil's in me. And, left a Project, in its Prime, Should be deftroy'd for Want of Time, We'll foon refer the whole Amount To your Commiffioners of Account. Thus having tortur'd our Invention, To frame a Draught of our Intention, By the Advice of Hun ton, Wife Ely, F fyf, and Tom D e And of all Ranks fome Fifty-one : o/'Tournay. Who have adjufted for our Coming, All Gimcracks fit for fuch a Mumming : And 'tis their Bufinefs to perfuade you, We come to fuccour, not invade you. But after this we think it Nonfenfe ; Befides it is againft our Confcience, To trouble you with a Relation Of Tyranny and Violation, Or Burdens that opprefs the Nation. Since you can make the beft Conftru&ion, Of what may turn to your Dettru&ion. But fince our Enemies vvou'd fright you, Telling our Debt to France is mighty ; As pofitively we a flu-re you, As if we fwore before a Jury'; That he expects no Compensation, - But what he gains in Reputation I, For helping in ourReftoration. j And all muft own, that know his Story, How far his Intereft ftoops to Glory : Whofe Generofity is fuch, We doubt not he'll out- do the Dutch. We only add, that we are come By Trumpet's Sound, and Beat of Drum, For our juft Title's Vindication, And Liberty's Corroboration. So may we ever find Succefs, > As we defign you nothing lefs, S Than what you owe to old QUEEN BESS. > The Geography and Hiftory of Tour nay : Firft written in French, for the Service of Prince Eugene of Savoy, and fent inclofed in a Letter to him, when he marched to beiiege. Tour nay* Now done a Second Time in Englijh, for the Satisfaction of our Britijh Gentlemen and Officers, By John Mack Gregory, L L. L. Profeflbr of Geography and Hifto- ry. To which is prefixed, as an Epiftle Dedicatory, the , Author's Letter to Prince Eugene. Printed at Edinburgh,, 1709. Quarto, containing forty-four Pages. . To Hiftory of Tournay. To his Highaefs Prince Francis Eugene of Savoy ^ in the Army about Tournay. Edinburgh, the Ninth of July, 1709, SIR, CT^HfS is only to accompany the Indofid, and it is the Fourth 1 have writ to your Highne.fs, fmce I had the Honour of om from you. The Firft was from London, January 1704, concerning my own private Affairs. TJie Second was frsm Edinburgh, Auguft 1708, after a long Silence, having inclofed an Account of -the Situation axd Fortification of Lifie. The "Third was likewife from ^Edinburgh, December the fame Tear, concerning my own private Affairs. This present has inclofed an Account of the Situation and fortification of Tournay \ IJhould be glad to know, that your Highnefs is pleafed to take all my little Services in good Part. I ana, Sir, Your Highnefs's mpft humble, moft obliged, and moft devoted Servant, MACK GREGORY. ^ < UR NA Tls a great Town, the jjj fecond City of Walloon Flanders, and the principal Place of Refi- dence of the Parliament of that - - Part of thefe Countries, which, 'becaufe it was fome Time ago conquered by ih&Frencb, and is ftill in their Pofleffion, is commonly called, The conquertd Countries. It is fituate on the Banks of the River Scheld, upon the Skirts of a large Campaign, that reigns about it, for feVeral Leagues on the one Side towards Li/le j on the other Side to- wards Oudenard ; there are a great many little Hills, that interrupt the Continuance of the Plain, though none fo nigh as to command it : And, juft where the Town ftands, it is an E- minence ; the Bank of the River, on the one Side,being a rifmg Ground, or Hill ; that on the other Side a Level or Plain. There have likewife been fome Heights hard by, efpecially on the Hill Side the River, that were indeed very hurtful to the Town, in the Cafe of a Siege, by commanding and weakening its De- fence : But fmce the French came laft there, and have fortified it, all thefe Heights, and the other Eminences, that did any way prejudice its Strength, are either inclofed, and taken in with the Outworks, or levelled ; fo that now the Town is free, and its Fortifications corn jfeand all around. The SfbeU is one of the greateft Rivers la the Low- Countries. It takes its Rife near Cha Jlelet in Picardy, and makes a great many Turnings and Windings, as it goes through Cambre/is, Hainault, and Flanders ; but the main of its Courfe is from South to North, efpecially it is fo at Tournay : At length it falls into the German Sea, over-againft the Ifland* of Zealand. Upon both the Sides of this River, at a Place where it runs from South to North, or rather from South-Sou th-Eaft, to North- North- Weft, flands Tournay, feated-upon the two Banks, the Bank on the Weft- fide being a Hill, that on Eaft-fidea Plain ; and the River, running tho- rough the Town, divides it into two unequal Parts, the greater being on the Weft- fide upon the Hill, the lefler on the Eaft-fide in the Plain ; juft fifteen Leagues below where it rifes near Chajielet, and about twenty above where it falls into the Sea over-againft Zealand : But Tournay is not fo far diftant from the Sea in dire& Way, there being no more than fif- teen or fixteen Leagues from it to Newport, or to Oft end. Befides this great River, there is a fmall Brook, or Rivulet, which takes its Rife near a little Village, about a League and a Half from the Town on the Eaft-fide, and comes turn- ing and winding thorough the Country, till at length The Ht/tory lengdv it falls wvto that Part of the Ditch, which is about the-Town on the fame Side. This Town is one of the mod ancient in Europe, fo that it is very hard to trace out its Origin. However, we find that it was at firft founded by the Nervii, otherwife Mlnervii, fo called from the Goddefs Minerva, whom they worftiiped, the original Inhabitants of that Country ; who, in the Year of the World 3560, Six-hundred Years before the Birth of our Saviour, built a Tower there, in a. fmall Ifland of the River Scheld, in the Place within Tournay, at the lower End of the Town, where now there is a Bridge over the River, called the Iron Bridge ; which Tower ferved them as an Obfervatory, or Watching- place, from whence they could difcover and view the Country all about. They likewife built a Caftle there, in the Year of the World 3396, on the Eaft Bank of the River, upon the Water-fide, juft oppofite to the Tower, which they joined to it with a Bridge of Timber over the Part of the River that run between, and furround- ed it with a Moat, or wet Ditch, on the Land Side ; which was fo much the more practicable there at that Time, becaufe the Ground then, on that Side the River, was aMarlh, whereas now it is good Ground : And this Caftle ferved them as a Fortrefs, or Place'of Security, where they lodged their Wives and Children, and laid up what elfe was dear unto them, during the troublefome Time of War. About Five-hundred Paces from that Tow- r and Caftle, up towards the South, the Banks of the River, on both Sides, were in thofe Days covered with Woods of Thorn- Trees, and Thickets of Briar-bufties ; among which the fame Nervii, the ancient People of the Country, in the Year of the World 3430, begun firft to build Huts and Houfes, under the Shadow of the Trees and Bufhes, and in the Neighbourhood of their Tower and Ca- ftle ; and thofe Huts and Houfes, by Degrees, and through Time, grew out into a confidera- ble Village, on both ^Sides the River. Then, to fecure themfelves farther from the Attempts and Afiaults of their Enemies, they cut and plied, and joined, and interlaced the Thorns and Briars, with the fupple Branches of other young Trees, fo as to make a Hedge about their Village, fo ftrong, and to jTuch aThick- nefs, that not only their Enemies could not pafs it, but what was more, they could not fo much as fee thorough it. This was done in the Year of the World 3482, and it is the of Tournay. 2 . firft Inclofure of Tournay, which from a Vil-- lage made it become a Town. They likewife, about the fame Time, built a Bridge of Tim- ber over the River, to join the two Parts of the Town together ; as before they had built one below over a Part of the River, to join the Tower and Caftle together : Which Tow- er and Caftle were, by that Hedge-Inclofure, (hut out without the Town, at the Diftance of Five-hundred Paces, down towards the North. And they called the Name of the Town Doornwick, or Doornick, fignifying in Teutonick, or old High Dutch, the ancient Language of that Country, as much as to fay, Thorntoivn, or Town of Thorns, it having been, built in a Wood of Thorns, and inclofed with a. Hedge of the fame. Which Name it retains to this Day. Accordingly, the Latin' Name of it is Dornacum, or Tornacum, and the French call it Tornay, or Tournay. What Sort of Town this ancient Town of the Nervii has been, we cannot well tell ; for now there are no Veftiges of it to be feen, no more than of their Caftle and Tower. But I have feen a Plan of them in Miniature, in an old Teutonick Manufcript, preferved by the Monks of St. Martin's at Tournay, and to be feen in their Library by any one that calls for it ; by which it appears, that the Town has been of an oblong Figure, lying crofs the River on both Sides, and ftretching itfelf out from Eaft to Weft, the River running from South to North ;- the Caftle has been a Square, upon the Water Side, on the Eaft- fide of the River, below the Town ; and the Tower has been round in a little Ifland in the Midd le of the River, juft oppofite to the- Caftle. This was the Condition of Tcurnay, as the Nervii, the original Inhabitants of the Coun- try, built it. It continued much in the fame State, without any farther Alteration, either for its Increafe, or for its better Defence, till the Days of Julius Cafar, the firft Emperor of the Romans j who, in the Year of the World 3950, came into that Country, be- fieged the Town of Tournay, found it an eafy Matter to break thorough, its Hedges, and fub- dued it to the Roman Empire. It continued in the Power of the Romans, till the Year of our Lord 445, when Clodion, firnamed the Hatty, King of France, Son to Pharamond the Great, the firft King thereof, having conquered as far as the Rivers Rhine and Maefe, came at laft unto the Stheld, drove the Romans out of the Country, and took both Tcurnaf Taurnay and Catnbray. But Clodion, in the Year following, being obliged to return Home, becaufe of an Irruption which the Goths and I'andah, at thelnftigation -of the Romans, had then made into France ; he was content to abandon his Foreign Conquefts, to fave his own Kingdom ; fo the Country of the Nervii and the Town of Tournay returned to the Roman Empire. It continued again in the Pofleffion of the Romans, till the Days of Clov'u the Fir/I, fir- named, the Great, King of France, who, in the Year of our Lord 479, having overcome the Roman Governor ztSoiJfins, came conquer- ing into the Country of the Nervii, and fub- dued to himfelf all that the Romans held there j by which Means Tournay returned to the Do- minion of the French, who kept it unmolefted for a long Time after. It is remarkable, that, notwithftanding all thefe Changes and Revolutions, which happen- ed about Tournay, and though the Romans, as well as the French, were there for fome Hun- dreds of Years, yet it never was any Thing confiderable, and never came to have any bet- ter Inclofure than Hedges, till the Time of Chilperick the Fir/I, King of France, who alone did more for it than all thofe who were be- fore him, and made it indeed look like y/v Iliftory of Tournay. the fame King now (hut up very far within the Body of the Town, by the laft Inclofure, which has been ft nee made, and fo much engaged and con- founded with other Edifices adjoining to it, on all Sides , that it is not every where to be feen. However, in fome Places, going thorough the Town, we fee a Part, both of the Wall and Ditch of it j and, by Sight of a Part, we may guefs at the Whole. It is not a Rampart, but a Wall, built in the Roman Fafliion ; but after the Manner of the Goths, which begun early to prevail over that of the Ancients in Architecture, efpecially in thefe Weftern Countries. It has thirteen Gates in it ; eight in that Part of it which furrounds the greater Part of the Town, on the Weft-fide the River, com- monly called, the High Town, {landing on a Hill j four in that Part, which furrounds the lefTer Part of the Town, on the Eaft-fide the River, named the Low Town, lying in a Plain j and one upon the River, at the upper End of the Town, towards the South, at a Place where the Channel of it is fo narrow, as to admit of a Gate over it, thorough which the River runs. So that this Gate is not only a Gate upon the River, but it may likewife be faid to be a Kind of Bridge of one Arch the Wall on the orie Side, fore him, and made it indeed look like a over it, joining the Wall on the orie bide, Town. For, Fir/}, he went thither in Perfon, and that on the other Side together, at the and dwelt at it ; he added a great many Houfes to it; be built fome Palaces in it, particularly Our Lady's Church, the Cathedral ; and adorn- ed it with an Infinity of other Publick Build- ings. Then, what was moft of all, in the Year of our Lord 580, he was the firft who begun to inclofe it with a Wall and a Ditch, and took Care to have it perfected in his own Life-time ; fo as to take in with it the old Town of the Nervii, on both Sides the River, tut ftill to leave out their Caftle and Tower, at the Diftanceof Five- hundred Paces, down to- wards the North. He alfo built Bridges over the River, to join the two Parts of the Town together ; the Part on the Weft- fide, upon the Hill, being always the greater, that on the Eaft- fide in the Plain, the lefler. In fine, it was in this Prince's Time, that the Town of Tournay arrived at a Pitch of Splendor and Magnificence, beyond what it had ever been at before. An Account of all which may be feen upon Record, in a rich Latin Manufcript, preferved by the Canons of Our Lady's , to be feen in their Treafury. This fecond Inclofure of Tournay of King ChilpericFs is ftHl on Foot, and intire, tho* one End of the Town, as in Effect we fee at this Day, it does actually ferve as a Bridge : And, correfponding to it, there is a- nother Bridge of five Arches over the River, at the lower End of the Town, towards the North, at a Place where the Channel of it is fo wide, as not to admit of a Gate, or Bridge of one Arch upon it ; which Bridge joins the Wall on the one Side, and that on the other Side together, at the other End of the Town, and fo compleats the In- clofure. There is alfo a third Bridge of three Arches over the River, in the Heart of the Town in the Middle of the Diftance between the other Two : It joins the Body of the Town on the one Side, and that on the other Side together, and is alfo a Work of King Chilperick's. The Gates on the Weft-fide, in the Wall about the High Town, beginning at the Ri- ver, at the upper End towards the South, from thence going Weftwards, and fo round, are reckoned in this Order, and thus named, St. Mar k's Gate, St. Catharine's Gate, St. Fiat's Gate, St. Martin's Gate, St. Quintin's Gate, the Magdalen Gate, our Lad/s uWr, and the Tower Gate : Thofe 6n Wall about the Low Town, beginning at the River, at the lower End towards the North, from thence going Eaft wards round, are reck- oned and named fo : The Cajlle Gate, St. Briefs Gate, the Hofpital Gate, and St. John's Gate : And that upon the River, at the upper End of the Town, towards the South, is named the Water Gate, as being a Gate, but as a Bridge it is called, The Bridge of one Arch > whereas the Bridge, correfponding to it, at the lower End of the Town, towards the North, is named the Turned Bridge ; and the third Bridge, in the Middle of the Town, is called, The Bridge to Bridge. This Wall is fortified all about with round Towers, at the Diftance of fifty Paces one from another } and every one of thefe Gates is fo placed between two Towers, one on each Side of it, and fo nigh to one another, that the Gate ftands equally defended and hid between them. The Wall is built intirely of hewn Stone, to the Thicknefs of five Feet, and to the Height of twenty ; but the Gates and Tow- ers are of Earth revefted with Stone, likewife hewn ; thefe to the Solidity of ten Feet, and to the Height thirty j thofe to the Thicknefs of ten Feet, and to the fame Height with the Wall : So that the Towers are in Solidity twice the Thicknefs of the Wall, and in Height a third Part higher, after the Man- ner praclifed in the Towers of the Aurelian Wall about Rome ; but the Gates, though twice as thick as the Wall, yet are no higher, according to the common Practice. The Wall is terminated with a Corridor, or Gallery, run- ning along the Top of it ; the Gates and Towers with Platforms, or Terrafles, fome of which are covered, and fome difcovered ; and both Platforms and Corridor are guarded on the Outfide, with a Battlement, or Breaft- work, likewife of hewn Stone, two Feet thick, and five Feet high, that reigns along the one, and around the others, all about the Town. The Bridges over the River are alfo built of hewn Stone : The one, at the lower End of the Town, towards the North, making a Part of the Inclofure, to the Breadth of fifteen Feet, and to the Length of a Hundred and fif- ty, the Channel of the River being fo wide at that Place ; the other, in the Middle of the The "Bijlory of Tournay. 2 1 7 the Eaft- fide in the Town, to the Breadth of twenty Feet, and to the Length of a Hundred, the Channel there being fo wide j whereas the Third, being the Water-Gate, at the upper End of the Town, towards the So\ith, is but ten Feet broad, and fif- ty Feet long, the Channel there being no wider : They are terminated in the Top, with a Cau- fey, or Street, guarded on both Sides with a Ba- luftrade, or Rail ; the Whole of hewn Stone. Without the Wall is the Ditch, fifty Feet broad, and ten Feet deep, having its Scarp and Counter-fcarp incrufted with Stone, like- wife hewn : It is a Moat or a wet Ditch, on the one Side the River, towards the Eaft, where the Ground is a Level, or Plain, and is fupplied with Water from the River, as al- fo from the little Brook, which falls into it, on the fame Side j on the other Side, towards the Weft, where the Ground is a rifing Ground, or Hill, it is dry. Over it, on both Sides, before the Gates are Bridges, giving Paffage into, and out from the Town ; they were anciently Draw-bridges of Timber, but now they are fixed ones of Stone : And, ; t the outer Ends of them, there are principal Streets, that anciently were fo many High- ways, running out from the Gates into the adjacent Country, having each of them the fame Name with the Gate it runs out from. The Channel of the River within the Town is fo unequal in iis Dimenfions, that I can fay nothing about it ; for it is differently wide and deep in different Places : At the upper End of the Town, towards the South, it is fifty Feet wide, and a Hundred Feet deep ; in the Mid- dle of the Town, a Hundred Feet wide, and fifty Feet deep ; and at the lower End, to- wards the North, it is a Hundred and fifty Feet wide, and five and twenty Feet deep. It is bordered all along with a large Quay, or Landing-place, revefted with hewn Stone, its Channel being incrufted with the fame ; for the Merchants of the Tov/n their Convenien- cy in Embarking and Dif-embarking their Goods, the River being navigable for Barks and Boats, all the Way from the Sea, not on- ly up to Tournay, but as far as Conde and Valenciennes, which is fevcn Leagues higher. The Bridges over it within the Town, giving Paflage from the one Part of it to the other, are already dcfcribed ; having at bi,th Ends of t ; hem fome principal Streets, that from thence run out thorough the Town. VOL.' II. Ee The Hiftory of Tournay. 218 It is obfervable concerning this Inclofure of King Cbilperick's, that, whereas anciently it was every where to be feen, being free of other Edifices, now it is fo far fhut up in the Heart of the Town, and fo mixed with other Buildings adjoining to it on every Side, that one fees but Parts of it here and there : The Bridge over the River, at the upper End of the Town, towards the South, called, The Bridge of one Arch, is a Part of it, being the ancient Water Gate ; and a very remarkable Part, being one of the hardieft Pieces of Go- thick Architecture in the World : It is ten Feet broad, and fifty Feet long, the Channel of the River being fo wide there, all one Arch; for which Reafon, it is called, The Bridge of one Arch, all the other Bridges upon the River being of feveral Arches : Ancient- ly it fervcd only as a Gate, but now it is commonly ufed as a Bridge ; and is terminated in the Top with a Caufey, guarded on the one Side with the old Battlement, and on the other, with anew Baluftrade : The Whole of hewn Stone. From this Bridge, going Weft- wards, round, at theDiftance of about Three- hundred Paces, there is another Part of the Inclofure to be feen, being the ancient St. Catharine's Gate. And in feveral Places, go- ing thorough the Town, there are Parts of it here and there to be found ; and, by a Sight of a Part, one may guefs at the Whole. And this is what they call Old Tournay, as it was founded, enlarged, inclofed, and for- tified, firft by the Nervii, the ancient Inha- bitants of the Country, and then, by Chilpe- rick the Fir/t, King of France. It is a Town of an oblong round, or pa- rabolick Figure, lying crofs the River on both Sides, and ftretching itfelf out from Eaft to Weft, the River running from South to North : It has in Length, taking it from St. Brice's Gate on the Eaft-fide, to St. ghtintin's Gate on the Weft, crofs the River, juft a Thoufand common Paces, that is, Five-hun- dred geometrical Paces, or a third Part of a Britijh Mile ; in Breadth, reckoning from the Water Gate, or the Bridge of one Arch, at the upper End of the Town, towards the South, to the Turned Bridge, at the lower End towards the North, along the River-fide, it is Five-hundred common Paces, or Two- hundred and fifty geometrical Paces, or a fixth Part of a Britijh Mile ; and in Circum- ference, going round within, on the Infide the Wall, as near as one can go for the other Buildings adjoining to it, there are about three Thoufand common Paces, that is, Fifteen*- hundred geometrical Paces, or a Britijk Mile ; but meafuring it without, on the Outfide the Ditch, as nigh to it as we could go, we found it to be as good as Four-thoufand and Five- hundred common Paces, or Two-thoufand Two-hundred and fifty geometrical Paces, or a Britijh Mile and a Half. This was the Condition of Tournay, as Kin^ Chilperick the pirft of France left it, in the Year of our Lord 587, the laft Year of his Life, when having compleated its Inclofure, as the laft Token of his good Will to it, he- declared it a noble Town, and gave it all the Privileges of a City, with this Coat of Arms, Azure, a Caftle triple-towered Argent. It continued fo, in the fame State, and in the Power of the Princes of the fame Nation, without any further Addition or Change be- falling it, either in its Building or Government*, till the Days of Charles the Second, firnamed The Bald, King of Frame, and Emperor of Germany j who having fharp War, in his Time, with the Danes and Normans, that were then come from the North, in the De- fign to make an Irruption into France, in the Year of our Lord 880, they befieged and took Tournay in their Way, and deftroyed it with Fire and Sword. It lay in Ruins for thirty Years, that is, till the Year 910, when, in the Days of Charles the Fourth, firnamed The Simple, King of France, it was begun to be rebuilt, and, in the Space of a few Years, it came to be in as good a Condition as former- J y- It continued fo, in this rebuilt State, and again in the Dominion of the French, who kept it unmolefted for above Three-hundred Years, that is, till the Year of our Lord 1214, in the Days of Philip the Second, fir- named Augujlus, King of France ; who having violent War, in his Time, with Don Fernar- do, firnamed of Portugal, Earl of Flanders, whom he looked upon as his Vaflal, and a Rebel y becaufe he had entered into an Alli- ance with Otho the Fifth, Emperor of Ger- many, and John King of England, againft him. Don Fernando befieged the Town of Tournay, and took it. But it was immediately retaken, the lame Year, by King Philip j who, befides, gave the Princes in Alliance againft him an intire Defeat, at the memorable Battle of Bo- vines, vines ) within two Leagues of Tournay, took Don Fernardo Prifoner, and carried him to the Louvre at Parit^ where he kept him twelve Years : By which Means, Tournay returned in- to the Power of the French, who again held it in peaceable PofTeffion, for a long Time af- ter. Charles the Sixth, firnamed The Well-be- loved, King of France, in the Year of our Lord 1384, having Occafion to be at Tour- nay, as a Mark of his good Will to the Town, confirmed to it all the Privileges that his Pre- decefTor, King Chilperick the Firjt, had given it, and made this Addition to its Coat of Arms, a Chief Argent, three Flower-de-LuCes Gules ; which was a confiderable Piece of Honour done to it, the Flower-de-Luces being the Enfigns Armorial of the Kings of France their own Coat : So that die Arms of Tournay, as they now ftand, are, Azure, a Caftle triple-tow- ered Argent, on a Chief Argent, three Flower- de-Luces Gules. And Lewis the Eleventh, King of France, having likewife Occafion to be there, in die Year 1467, confirmed again to it all the Privileges and Honours, that his Prede- ceflbrs, King Chilperick the Firjl and King Charles the Sixth, had beftowed upon it : And v the Burghers of Tournay, at that Time, were fo fenftble of the good Will and Kindnefs of the Kings of Franc* towards them, upon fo many Occafions, and were frenchified to fuch a Pitch, that, when King Lnvis departed from the Town, in Order to return Home, the Magiftrates prefented him with a Flower- de-Luce of Gold ; and, to make it appear to him, how much he might reckon upon their Gratitude and Fidelity towards him, they af- firmed, diat every Burgher of Tournay bore the Figure of a Flower-de-Luce imprinted up- on his Heart. In this Manner, it continued in the fame State, and in die Hands of the French, who had kept it unmolefted for fuch a long Time, till the Year of our Lord 1479, in the Days of the fame King Lewis the Eleventh of France ; who, having fharp War, at that Time, a- gainft Maximilian, Arch-Duke of Aujiria, and Earl of Flandtrs, and the Arch-Duke having gained a memorable Victory over the French, at the Battle of Efguingate near Te- rcuane, marched thereupon ftraight to Tournay, befieged it, and took it upon Terms. But, four Years after, that is, in the Year 1483, a Peace being concluded at Aflras, betwixt thefe The Hiftory of Tournay, 219 two Princes, and confirmed by a Marriage agreed on, between Charles Dauphin of France, King Lewis's Son, and the Lady Margaret of Aujiria, the Arch-Duke's Daughter, by an Article of that Treaty, it was reftored to the French, who again held it peaceably for fome Time. Lnvis the Twelfth, King of France, having very violent War in his Time, with Henry the Eighth, King of England, efpecially to- wards the End of his Reign, in the Year of our Lord 1513, King Henry came over with an Army of Fifty-thoufand Men into France againft him. He firft landed at Calais, and ravaged Picardy ; then he went into Artois and Flanders, and took both Terouane and Tournay : And although, the Year following, Peace was concluded between thefe two Kings, and confirmed by a Marriage, betwixt the fame King Lewis of France and the Lady Mary of England, King Henry's Sifter, yet the Town of Tournay, by that Treaty, w;;> no reftored to the French, but it remained in the PofTeflion of the Englijh, who kept it five Years. It is to be obferved, that, notwithftanding all the War that had chanced to be in the Country of Flanders, and all the Changes and Revolutions that had befallen the Town of Tournay, yet its Inhabitants, by this Time, were come to increafe fo much in Number, by reafon of a great Ccncourfe of People that had come thronging thither, at different Times, on feveral Occafions, and from a great many Foreign Countries, efpecially from France and Burgundy, that there was not Room enough for them to lodge in, within the old Town ; and, no empty Space being left to build any more in within King Chilperick's Wall, they were obliged to build without the Ditch : Which Buildings, by Degrees, grew out into Suburbs, having each of them the fame Name with the Gate they flood neareft to ; thofc Suburbs, through Time, became confiderable, becaufe they were fo very large ; and this gave Beginning to, what was afterwards, when it came to be inclofed, called, Tie New Tcwn. In this Condition it was when the Engiijb came from England before it, in the Days of King; Henry the Eighth ; who, after he had fubdued it, did not lodge within the Town, there being no convenient Lodgings for him there, but took up his Quarters in the old, Caftle of the NervH, on die Eaft-fide the E e 2 River, 220 The Hiftory River, Five-hundred Paces from the Town, down towards the North ; which, together with their Tower in an Ifland of the River, continued on Foot at that Time. But becaufe he found, that that old Cle was both too little for him, and become ruinous, he ordered the Tower and it together to be thrown down, and a new Caftle of his own to be built, in the fame Place, and on the fame Ground, but a great deal larger and more capacious,- fo as that it might be fufficient to hold, not only himfdf, and his ordinary Attendants, but likewifea good Number of Troops in Garifonj and to the End it might ferve, both as a Caftle, or Palace, where himfelf, or his Lieutenants, might lodge, and as a Citadel,, or Fortrefs,, from whence his Troops might command the Town, in the Cafe of an Infurrection among the Inhabitants: Which was aecordingly done ; and it was inclofed with a Wall and a Ditch, ad- joining to the River, on tha Eaft-fide, and at the Diftance of Five-hundred Paces from the Town-wall and Ditch, towards the North. And then the. other Englljb^ who had Occa- fion to come thither at that Time, and either would not, or could not be allowed^ to lodge within the Caftle, built Houfes for themfelves hard by, in the Neighbourhood, and under the Shadow of it, in the Tnterfpaces that reigned from the Caftle, on both Sides the Ri- ver, towards the Town. This Caftle of King Henry's isftill on Foot, tho' not intire, and now (hut up within the Town, by the laft Inclofure of Tournay, which was afterwards made; and although it be fome- what engaged, and confounded with other new Edifices adjoining to -it, both without and within, and the French, fince they came laft there, have induftrioufly made it their Bufmefs, by throwing down fome Parts of it, to disfi- gure an Edifice, which ferved as a lafting Mo- nument of the Englljh Conqueft and Power over them, yet it is ftill very manifeftly to be feen, by thofe who will be at Pains to look out for it, on the Eaft-fide the River, down to- wards the North, where it makes the North- eaft Corner of the Town : For that was tho Quarter of Tournay where the Englijb dwelt, during the Space of five Years that they ftaid there, and where all. the old Buildings, both within and without the Caftle, on both Sides the River, as well as the Caftle itfelf, have been built by the fame Nation. The Jnclofuse of it is not a Rampart, but of Tournay. a Wall ; built in the Roman Fafhion, but af- ter the Gotbick Manner, according to the- Knowledge that the Engtijh-ha.d of Military Architecture in thofe Days. There are two Gates in it : The one towards the River, call- ed, the River-Gate ;. the other towards the Country, named, the Country-Gate. Each o thefe Gates is defended by two round 'Towers, one on each Side of it, and nigh to one ano- ther ; and the reft of the Wall is fortified all about with round Bulwarks, at the Diftance* of Two-hundred Paces one from another. The Wall is built intirely of hewn Stone, to the Thicknefs of fix Feet, and to the- Height of four and twenty; but. the Gates, the- 7'owers, and the Bulwarks are of Earth, re- vefted with Stone, likewife hewn ; the firft? and the fecond to the Thicknefs of twelve Feet, the laft to the Solidity of eighteen, and all to the fame Height with the Wall : Being terminated in the Top with Platforms, or* TerrafTes, as the Wall is with a Corridor, or Gallery, that runs along the Top of it from- one Platform to another ; and both Platforms- and Corridor are guarded on the Outfide with' a Battlement or Breaft-work, likewife of hewn- Stone, that reigns along the one, and around* the others, all about the Caftle. Without the Wall, on the one Side, is the River, a hundred and fifty Feet broad and five and twenty Feet deep, bordered all along, on- both Sides, with a large Quay or Landing- place, revefted with hewn Stone, the Channel of the River being incrufted with the fame ; on all the other Sides, there is the Ditch, be- ing a Moat, or wet Ditch, fixty Feet broad, and twelve Feet deep, having its Scarp and Coun- terfcarp incrufted with Stone, likewife hewn, and being fupplied with Water from the River. Over the River on the one Side, and over the Ditch on the other, before the two Gates, are as many Bridges, giving PafTage into, and out from the Caftle, and having at the outer Ends of them Streets, that run from thence thorough the Town : They were anciently Draw-bridges of Timber, but now they are fixed ones- of Stone. The one over the River is the moft remarkable, confifting of five Arches, fifteen Feet broad, and a hundred and- fifty Feet long, the Channel there being fo wide ; being terminated in the Top with a Caufey, or Street, guarded on both Sides with a Baluftrade or Rail: The Whole of hewn Stone. It was anciently called the Cajlle- The HiJJory of Tournay. CaJlle-Bridge; but now it is named ;the Iron- Bridge : It is juft Five-hundred Paces diftant from the turned Bridge, which makes a Part of King Cbilperict's Inclofure of the Town, down towards the North ; and exactly in the Place where the Ifland was, in which ftood the ancient Tower of the Nervii, their Caftle having been built on the River-fide, upon the Ground where the Bridge ends, towards the Eaft, which is now occupied with a Corner of King He nry 's Caftle, for, of the ancient Tower and Caftle of the Neruii, there is net now the leaft Veftige to be feen. And this is that Caftle of Tournay, which was built by the Order of King Henry the Eighth of England^ during the Time that the Englijh ftaid there.- It is of an oblong Square, or parallelogrammatick Figure, lying along the River-fide on the Eaft, Five-hundred Paces from the Town, down towards the North, and ftretching itfelf out from South to North, the River running the fame Way. Its Length, taking it from the South-fide to the other Side parallel, is juft Five-hundred common Paces, that is, Two-hundred and fifty Geometrical Paces, or the fixth Part of a Bri- tijh Mile; its Breadth, reckoning from the River-fide to the other Parallel, Three-hundred common Paces, or the tenth Part of a Britijh Mile ; and its Circumference within, on the Infide the Wall, is about Fifteen-hundred common Paces, that is, Seven-hundred and fifty Geometrical .Paces, or half a Britifa Mile; but without, on the Outfide of the Ditch, it will be as good as Two-thoufand common Paces, or a Thoufand Geometrical Paces, or two Thirds of a Britijh Mile. This is the Condition that Tournay was in, in the Time that the Englijh were there : It confifted of the old Town, inclofed by King Chilperick the Firft of France ; of feveral Suburbs all around, occafioned by a Throng of People from a great many foreign Countries, efpecially from France and Burgundy ; and of the new Caftle, or Citadel, built by King Henry the Eighth of England, without the Town, upon the Eaft-fide the River, down to- wards the North. The Englijh kept it five Years, that is, from the Year of our Lord 1513, to 1518, in the Days of Francis the Firft, King of France ; who, having made his Peace with King Henry, and given him a Sum of Money, to reimburfe 221 him of the Charges he had been at in building a Citadel at Tcurnay, and King Henry not caring to retain a Place fo remote from his other Territories, the Englijh were content to evacuate it, and it returned again to the Do- minion of the French, who loft it in a fhort Time to the Spaniards. For the fame King Francis the Firft of France, having very vio- lent War then with Charles the Fifth, King of Spain, Emperor of Germany, and Earl of Flanders, in the Year 1521, the Emperor Charles fent thither an Army, which imme- diately fat down before Tournay , and took it in a few Days. The Emperor C':arles the Fifth having got it into his Hands, and confidering that it was a Member of the Earldom of Plunders, and an advantageous Poft upon the River Scheld, he refolved well to keep it, if he could, and to prevent the French from coming there again. So, to the End he might be able to do that effectually, he refolved to have it fortified at a better Rate 'than ever it had been before; and confidering that then, after the Invention of Powder and Guns, neither the Wall about King Chilperick the Fir/t's Town, nor that c:~ King Henry the Eighth's Caftle, was fufEcLnt- ly ftrong to hold out againft an Enemv, he thereupon was the firft" who conceived the Dc- fign of having it fortified with a Rurr^art ; and becaufe the Town, by Rcafon of its Ex- crefcence into Suburbs,, which by that Time were likewife grown confiderable, required a new Inclofure, he defined further, that tv.i't Rampart fhould inclofe and LTO clear rcur.d it, by the far Ends of all the Suburbs, fo r.s to take in King Ckilperick's Town, Kino; Hen- ry* s Caftle, the Suburbs, and ail that was on it : Which Defign he immediately took Care to have put in Execution, beginning, the veiy Year following, being 1522, to cut cut the Ditch, and throw up the Rampart, making both to go quite round the Town, by the outer Ends of the Suburbs and Caftle, fo as to fur- round and fnut up all. And this is the third and laft Inclofure of TCWJVMV, which sjave Birth to what they call the New Town, that is, that Part of it which is included between the two laft Inclofures. This laft Inclofure of the Emperor Charles's is ftill on Foot, r.nd irtire ; and, tho' it be new very near Two-hundred Years old, ytt it is all that T'.xrw has about it. 222 It is not a fimple Wall of Stone, as King Cbtlperict's Inclofure is, but a Rampart of Earth thrown up, built in the ancient Fafhion, not after the modern ; every Way irregular, not according to Artj and fortified with Bul- warks, not Baftions : Being a grofs Piece of Gothic* Architecture, that difcovers, by its Face, both the Age it was done in, and the Hands who did it ; for one fees in it a Mixture of an ancient and modern Work together, that points out a Turning, or Changing, from the one to the other, the Whole accompanied with a Spanijh Air ; and tho' the French, at that Time, began to underftand a little the modern Way of Building and Fortifying, yet the Knowledge of it did not fo foon come the Length of being comprehended by the Spani- ards. It is hard to tell its Dimenfions, be- -caufe of its Irregularity ; for we could not take them otherwife, than meafuring them by common Paces, which we did, walking it on Foot all the Way, both within and without the Town : So, according to what we found, I mall give a Defcription of it, as full and ex- -a6l as is poffible ; and to begin with its Plan. It is built in Form of a Parabola, or Figure oblong and round, of an oval Kind ; confift- ing of two Parts upon the two Sides of the River, and having feven Gates in it, two Sluices, and about eighty Bulwarks, on both Sides the Town. The great Semidiameter of the interior Parabola is juft a Thoufand common Paces, that is, Five-hundred Geometrical Paces, or a third Part of a Britijh Mile ; which, doubled, makes the Length of the Ground, within this Parabola, Two-thoufand common Paces, or a Thoufand Geometrical Paces, or two third Parts of a Britijh Mile : The great Semidi- ameter of the exterior Parabola is a Thoufand and forty-two common Paces, that is, Five- hundred and twenty-one geometrical Paces, or fomewhat more than a Third of a Britijh Mile ; which, doubled, makes the Length of the Ground within this Parabola, or the great eft Length of the Place, take it which Way you will, Two-thoufand and eighty-four common Paces, or a Thoufand and forty-two geometrical Paces, or fomewhat more than two Thirds of a Britijh Mile. The little Semidiameter of the interior Parabola is juft Seven-hundred and fifty common Paces, that is, Three-hundred and i feventy-five geometrical Paces, or a Quarter of The Hiftory of Tournay. a Britijh Mile ; which, doubled, makes the Breadth of the Ground, within this Parabola, Fifteen-hundred common Paces, or Seven-hun- dred and fifty geometrical Paces, or Half a BritiJJ) Mile : The little Semidiameter of th *.,. -.r c*/i_ t~* ^ i yti /- of our Lord 1581, in the Days of the fame King Philip the Second of Spain ; who having fent Prince Alexander of Parma into the Low- Countries, in Quality of Governor j and ha- ving given him a Commifiion, to ufe all Means to reduce his difcontented Subjects to their Allegiance, and the Prince of Parma being in Flanders, and confidering of what Importance Tournay would be to him, for the fecuring of feveral other Places, in the Midft of which it ftands, he catched hold of an Oc- cafion, when Prince Peter of Efpinoy, Go- vernor of it, marched out to go towards Ghent, and carried along with him the beft Part of the Garifon, to join and to head the Army of the States-General there; and firft making Shew, as if he would have followed the Prince of Efpinoy, and continuing to do fo till he was out of Sight of Tournay, he then fuddenly turned about towards the Town, be- fieged it, and took it in fix Weeks. It is recorded in the Annals of Tournay, that, though the Town at that Time wanted both Governor and Garifon, and there was No- the Prince of Efpinoy, Commander in Chief of their Army, with a Party of Three-hun- dred Horfe in the Defign to throw them in- to the Town, for its Relief, he attacked the Spanijh Camp before Tournay at the German Quarter, where the Prince of Chimay, Gene- ral of the Artillery, commanded; and having beat the Spanijh Foot, and broke thorough the German Horfe, he not only forced his own Way into the Town, with all his own Troops, but, befides, he carried thirty of the Prince of Chimay's Artillery- men along with him. How- ever, all this did not fave the Place, for it was furrendered, the Thirtieth of November 1^81, after a Siege of two and Forty Days : And fo Tournay returned into the Dominion of King Philip the Second of Spain. King Philip having recovered it into his Hands, and the Religious War, betwixt him and the States-General, becoming more vio- lent, the States being powerfully aflifted by their Protc&rix, Elifabeth Queen of England, and he paflionately detirous to reduce them to hjs Obedience ; confidering the Weaknefs of the The Hifiory the Defence of what Towns he held in Flan- den, efpecially of Life and Tournay, and the Spaniards being come a greater Length in the Knowledge and Skill of Military Architecture, than formerly, he refolved to provide for the further Security of thcfe Towns by the Addition of Outworks to the Fortification. So accord- ingly, in the Year of our Lord 1596, for the better Defence of the Town of Tournay, to fupply the Defect of its Rampart, he ordered the Ditch to be enlarged at twelve different Places, to make Way for as many Outworks he defign- ed to plant in it, and afterwards raifed them, being a Kind of Ravelin, or Half- moon, one before each of the Seven Gates, on both Sides the Town, and five more at other conveni- ent Places, three on the Weft- fide, and two on the Eaft. What Kind of Works thefe Outworks of King Philip's were then, we cannot precifely tell ; for now they are either taken in, or em- bodied with the French new Works, or level- Jed. However, I have feen a Draught of them in the Parliament-hall at Tournay ; by which it appears, that they have been large vo- luminous Works built of Earth, revefted and incrufted with Stone, to a Solidity double of the Thicknefs of the Rampart, and to a Height equal to the Depth of the Ditch, where they were planted ; terminated in the Top with Platforms, guarded on the one Side with Bat- tlements, fuitable to the reft of the Fortifica- tion; planted in the Ditch furrounding them; and joined to the Scarp oa the Infide, and to the Counterfcarp on the Outfide, with Draw- bridges. By this Means, Tournay was then become indeed pretty ftrong, according to the Rate of reckoning the Strength of Towns in thofe Days ; being inclofed with the Emperor Cbartes the Fifth's Rampart, fortified with good Bulwarks, for its Defence, with the ad- ditional Defence of King Philip the Second's Outworks: All which, at that Time, did in- deed render it ftrong j but now it would fig- nify nothing. However, it continued fo, in the fame State, and in the Power of the Princes of the feme Nation, without any Change or Revolution be- falling it, either in its Edifices or Government, till the Days of Charlet the Second, late King of Spain-, who having (harp War, in his Time, with Lewis the Fourteenth, the prefent King of France, in the Year of our Lord 1667, King VOL. II. of Tournay. 225 Lewis marched an Army into Flanders, came before Tournay, befieged it, and took it in a very (hort Time : So once more it returned into the Power of the French. He alfo took Lijle and Douay, and feveral other Towns, the fame Year, and put King Charles fo hardly to it, that, the next Year 1668, a Peace being concluded at Aix la Chapelk between thefe two Princes, by an Article of that Treaty, King Charles was obliged to refign to King Lewis the Town of Tournay, and fome others, for ever. King Lewis the Fourteenth, having got Tour' nay into his Hands, and knowing the Impor- tance of the Place ; confidering how weakly it was fortified, and the French then being come a Length in the Knowledge of Military Ar- chitecture before othfer Nations ; and though he but lately concluded a Peace with Spain, yet having a Mind toobferve it no longer than it fhould fervehis Turn, and in the Cafe of War, forefeeing how ufeful and advantageous a Poft Tournay would be to him, for preferring the Country he had already conquered, and for pufhing on his Conquefts further, he thereupon refolved well with himfelf to keep it, as Ion* as he could, and, to that End, immediately begun to take Care to have it compleatlv for- tified, with all the Art and Skill imaginable, and gave the Direction of the Work to the fa- mous Monfieur deVauban, his Chief Engineer, who has indeed acquitted himfelf very hand- fomely in it. Monfieur De Vauban, having got fuch a Commiffion, proceeded in this Manner in the Execution of it : Firji, he considered, that, as for the Emperor Charles the Fifth's Rampart, there was nothing to be done with it, becaufe of the Facades of hewn Stone, with which it was revefted and incrufted, without Throwing it all down, and Rebuilding a new one, which would have run out to a prodigious Charge ; and for that he thought there was not fo great Need there, as elfewhere : Befides, he rec- koned, that, whatever Weaknefs there was in or about the Rampart, it might be beft cor- rected by a fuitable Contrivance in the Defign and Execution of the Outworks. As for King Philip the Second's Outworks, he refolved either to take jri and embody them in thofe thut he himfelf defigned, or to level them. So, without infifting upon the Defects of the Rampart, he immediately proceeded to the Conftrudtion of the Outworks ; and, having F f cleans 226 The Hi/tory of Toarnay. cleaned the Ditch, and enlarged it in fuch and fuch Places, fo as that it might be capable of the Works he defigned in it, he planted it abundantly with Ravelins, Half-moons, Horn- works, and all the other Kinds that he thought proper for .the Ground, and for correcting the Faults he obferved in the Situation and Fortifi- cation of the Town ; efpecially he built four great Horn-works, three on the one Side of the Town,, towards the Weft, where the Ground is a rifmg Ground, or Hill ; and one on the other Side, towards the Eaft, where it is a Level, or Plain ; all large voluminous Works running out from the Rampart into the neighbouring Country, fo as to inclofe and take in all the Heights, and other Eminences, that did any way prejudice, or weaken its Defence. Then, to fecure all, he raifed a noble Citadel, immediately without the Town, at the upper End of it, towards the South, and on the Weft-fide the River, being the Hill-fide, in a Place, where the Ground is higher than any where elfe near the Town ; in the Building of which, he employed all the Art and Skill, he was Mafter of, in Military Architecture, both as to Defign and Execution, fo as to render it a Fortrefs of great Beauty, as well as of great Strength : And, as it is commonly faid to be one of De Vanban's Mafter-pieces, fo it is certainly one of the moft regular, as well as it has been one of the moft chargeable Pieces of Fortification in the World ; though I will not fay it is one of the ftrongeft, becaufe of its being fituate on a Height, upon a Ground that is very capable of being mined, and where Mines may have dreadful Effects. The Horn- works on the fame Side of the Town are li- able to the fame Inconveniency, being fituate the fame Way ; againft which Inconveniency, the Architect has provided all the Remedy that can be, that is, Countermines ; for both Ci- tadel and Horn-works, and all the other Out- works, on that Hill-fide the Town, are in- tirely countermined before-hand ; on the other Side, being a Plain, the Works are not liable to fuch an Inconveniency, and, confequently, there is no Need of fuch a Remedy. So that, if ever an Enemy comes about Tournay, and attacks it on the high Side of the Town, where the Citadel and three of the Horn-works are, they dare do it only by Mining ; and, the Ground there being before -hand counter- mined, if they be not loth very wary and very lucky, they may meet with dreadful Ren- counters : And, whereas, on that high Side, they have Fire to deal withal, on the other Side, being low, there is Water j for, though the Ground there be fomewhat drained, yet it is ftill a little marlhy ; and, in the Cafe of a Siege, the Befieged can, by (hutting the Sluices upon the River, overflow the whole Country on that Side with Water. By this Means, Tournay^ by Nature and Art together, is a Town compleatly fortified, and abun- dantly ftrong : For if, on the one Side, it be naturally weak, becaufe of its dry Situation upon a Hill, Art has provided there Abundance of Outworks, and thefe Outworks counter- mined, to remedy that Defect : If, on the other Side, it be artificially weak, by Reafon of fewer Outworks there, and thefe Outworks not countermined, Nature has provided a wet Situation in a Plain, to counterbalance that Want. So that Nature and Art have con- fpired together, to render it a Place of Strength: However, there is nothing, that Art has for- tified, but Art can take it ; nor any Thing, that Nature has made ftrong, but what Wit may overcome : And the fureft and fafeft, as well as the moft effectual and fuccefsful Way, to befiege Tour nay, would, in my humble Opi- nion, be in this Manner : To make feint At- tacks on the high Side the Town, where there are Countermines, and to make real Attacks on the low Side, where there are none ; and, be- caufe of the Inconveniency of Water on that Side, to begin early to batter the Sluices, that keep it up ; which being deftroyed, the Wa- ter will run clear away along the Channel of the River, and the Ground on that Side be- ccme good Ground, and the Befiegers Attacks may go on a-pace, with a great deal of Safety, and with all the Succefs imaginable ; whereas, if the real Attacks be on the high Side, where the Ground is naturally gpod, but counter- mined, by beginning early to difcover the Countermines, the Attacks may indeed be car- ried on, butflowly, with a great deal of Danger, and with a Succeis that will always be doubt- ful. But, becaufe there is fuch Variety in the French Fortifications about Tournay^ fuch Ex- cellency appears in Monfieur De Vaubaris Works, where-ever they are, and fuch Regu- larity is to be feen, in all that he has done there, both as to Defign and Execution, both in Plan and Profile, I fhall therefore be at Pains (o give a compleat Defcription of thefe Outworks, ne Htftory Outworks, and an exa& Account of their Di- menfions, for the Satisfa&ion of the Curious : And, to do it in Order, I ihall begin with the Citadel, on the South-fide the Town, upon the Weft-fide the River ; from thence go Northwards, and fo round. And, firft, as to its Plan : It is built in Form of a Pentagon, or Fi- gure having five equal Sides ; having juft fo many Courtines, as many Baftions, and two Gates, all royal Work, that is, regular, and according to Art ; fo that we found it an eafy Matter to take its Dimenfions both in Whole and in Part, and to do it both exactly and compleatly. The Semidiameter of the interior Polygon is juft Seven- hundred and five Feet ; which, doubled, makes the Length, or Breadth (they being equal) of the Ground within this Poly- gon a Thoufand Four-hundred and ten Feet, that is, Two-hundred and eighty-two Geome- trical Paces, or near the fifth Part of a Britijh Mile. The Semidiameter of the exterior Po- lygon is Nine-hundred and three Feet ; which, doubled, makes the Length, or Breadth of the Ground within this Polygon, or the greateft Length or Breadth of the Fortrefs, take it which Way you will, a Thoufand Eight-hun- dred and fix Feet, that is, Three-hundred and fixty-one Geometrical Paces and a Foot, or near a Quarter of a Britijb Mile. Each Side of the interior Polygon is juft Eight -hundred and nine Feet ; which, multiplied by Five (there being fo many Sides in it) makes the Circumference of this Polygon Four-thoufand and forty-five Feet, that is, Eight-hundred and nine Geometrical Paces, or fomewhat more than Half a Britijh Mile. Each Side of the exterior Polygon is a Thoufand and forty- two Feet ; which, multiplied by Five (there being fo many Sides in it) makes the Circum- ference of this Polygon Five-thoufand two- dred and ten Feet, that is, a Thoufand and forty-two Geometrical Paces, or fomewhat more than two third Parts of a Britijh Mile. But the Circumference, meafuring it on the Outfide, going round by the Foot of the Ram- part, along the Way that is called the Round Way, and reckoning all the Sides and Angles, or Turnings in and out, of the Ccurtines and Baftions, or the greateft Circumference of the Fortrefs, is a great deal more, in this Man- ner : The Length of each Courtine is Four- hundred and eighty Feet, and the Circumfe- of Tournay. 227 rence of each Baftion Eight-hundred and nine- ty, in this Manner : Each Demigorge a Hun- dred and fifteen Feet, each Flank ninety, and each Face Two-hundred and forty ; which, doubled (there being two of each) and added together, make the Circumference fo much, as I have faid : And the Length of the Cour- tines, multiplied by Five (there being fo many of them) with the Circumference of the Baftions (fubtracling the Demigorgcs) like- wife multiplied by Five (there being fo many of them) and -added together, that is, the Length of all the Courtines, Flanks, and Faces in the Rampart, added together, makes the Circumference on the Outfide, or the greateft Circumference of the Fortrefs, talce it which Way you will, exactly Five-thoufand and feven-hundred Feet, or a Thoufand a hun- dred and forty Geometrical Paces, or fome- what more than three Quarters of a Britijh Mile. As to the Profile of it, it is a Rampart of Earth caft up, revefted on the Outfide, and incrufted on the Inlide, with a Facade of hewn Stone. Its Breadth at the Bottom is fixty-fix Feet, that is, reckoning the Mafs of Earth, with the Revefture and Incrufture of Stone ; its inward Talud, or Sloping, fifteen Feet ; and outward Talud feven and a Half : Its Height fifteen Feet, and its Breadth at the Top forty- three and a Half. The Baftions are termi- nated in the Top with Platforms, or Terraflcs, as the Courtines are with a Terra-plain, or Corridor, or Gallery, that runs along the Top of the Rampart from one Platform to another ; and both thefe Platforms, and that Terra-plain, are guarded on the Outfide with a Parapet, or Battlement, or Breaft-work, and a Banquet, or Footftep, that reign along the one, and around the others, all about the Fortrefs : The one being three Feet broad, and a Foot and a Half high ; the other, fifteen Feet broad at the Bottom, a Foot of inward Talud, two Feet of outward, fix Feet high on the Infide, four Feet on the Outfide, and twelve Feet broad at the Top. Both Parapet and Banquet are built of Earth thrown up, revefted and incrufted with hewn Stone, founded upon the Top of the Rampart, but with this Difference : The one is terminated in a Level, proper for Men to ftep or ftand on, on the Infide towards the Town, and conti- nued all about j the other terminates in a Slope, F f 2 on The Hiftory on the Outfide towards the Country, proper for Bullets to flipor-flide on, and is all about d.fcontinued with Embrafures, or Port-holes, and Merlons, or folid Spaces between the Port-holes. By this Means, though the Ram- part at the Top be forty-three Feet and a Half broad, yet the Terra-plain above the Cour- tines comes to be only twenty-five Feet and a Half ; by Reafon that fifteen Feet, the Breadth of the Parapet, and three Feet, that of the Banquet, are taken from it : And, the Parapet and Banquet going around the Baftions, as well as along the Courtines, their Platforms come alfo to be diminimed in Proportion. There are but two Gates in this Rampart : The one towards the Town, called the Royal Gate ; the other towards the Country, named the Dauphin-Gate : They are each of them ftruck out in the Middle of a Courtine, where they ftand defended by the two neighbouring Baftions. Without the Rampart, there is, firft, the round Way, or the Way of the Rounds, being a Corridor, or Gallery, fifteen Feet broad, guarded on the Outfide with its Parapet and Banquet, otherwife called the Falfe Bray^ which is every Way of the fame Kind, and has the fame Dimenfions with the Royal Parapet, that is, the Parapet of the Rampart, which we have already defcribed : Both thefe Works are built of Earth caft up, revefted and incrufted with hewn Stone ; and reign, as the Rampart does, all about the For- trefs. Without the Falfe Bray is the Berm, or Fore-land, being a Kind of Bank, fix Feet broad, on the Infide of the Ditch. It is of Earth revefted with Stone. Then there is the Ditch, being a dry Ditch, ninety-fix Feet broad at the Top ; its Scarp, or inward Talud, or Sloping, ten Feet ; and Counter-fcarp, or outward Talud, the fame ; its Depth ten Feet, and its Breadth at the Bottom feventy-fix : It is cut out of the Earth, has its Scarp and Counter-fcarp incrufted with hewn Stone, ac- companies the Rampart all around, and is al- ways dry, being upon the Top of a rifing Ground, or Hill, where no Water comes. This Ditch is abundantly planted with Out- works, in this Manner : Firft^ the Courtine towards the Town, that has the Royal Gate in it, is defended with a Fortification of three Forts, or Outworks : The one in the Mid- dle, juft oppofite to the Gate, being a large Ravelin; the other two are fmall Quarter- moons, one before each Face of the Ravelin, of Tournay. near the Angle of the Shoulder. Beginning there at that firft Courtine, where the Royal Gate is, towards the Town, from thence going South- wards, round, the next Thing, we found in our Way, was the King's Baftion^ one of the Baftions of the Rampart, which, for Order's Sake, we mall likewife call, the firft Baftion. Then there is the fecond Courtine, alfo to- wards the Town, before which is repeated a Fortification of a large Ravelin, and two fmall Quarter-moons, as before. Next is the fe- cond Baftion, called, the Queen's Baftion. Af- ter that, comes the third Courtine, towards the Country, defended with a Fortification of five Forts, or Outworks : The firft, in the Middle, juft oppofite to the Courtine, being a large Ravelin, as before ; the other four are two Cut- works, and two fmall Quarter-moons, covering the Faces of the Ravelin ; a Cut- work and a Quarter-moon being before each Face, the one to wards the Angle of the Shoul- der, as before, the other towards the faillant Angle. Next is the third Baftion, named, The Dauphin's Baftion. Then there is the fourth Courtine, alfo, towards the Country, having the Dauphin-Gate in the Middle of it, and before it a Fortification of five Outworks, a Ravelin, two Cut-works, and two Quarter- moons, repeated and difpofed in the fame Or- der as before. After which, is the fourth Baf- tion, called, The Baftion of Anjou. Then there is the fifth and laft Courtine, alfo to- wards the Country, defended with a Fortifica- tion of four Outworks : The firft, in the Mid- dle, a Ravelin, as before ; the other three are a Cut-work, and two Quarter-moons, cover- ing the Faces of the Ravelin, the Cut-work and a Quarter-moon being before the left Face, the one towards the Angle of the Shoul- der, the other towards the faillant Angle, as before ; the other Quarter-moon, alone, be- fore the right Face, near the Angle of the Shoulder. Laft cf all, is the fifth Baftion, named, The Baftion of Orleans. After which we found the Courtine, towards the Town, having the Royal Gate in it, from whence we began our Courfe around the Fortrefe. All thefe Outworks are built of Earth thrown up, revefted and incrufted with hewn Stone, and have their Defign and Execution, their Plan and Profile, their Terra-plains, Pa- rapets, Banquets, and the reft, fuitanle, and in Proportion to the other Parts of the Fortifi- cation j being founded in the Ditch, which has Toe Hiftory has been before-hand enlarged in fuch and fuch Places, fo as to be capable of them > and, detached from the Scarp on the Infide, and from the Counter fcarp on the Outftde, as well as from one another, at reafonable Diftances j but joined both to Scarp and Counterfcarp, as well as to one another, with Draw-bridges. Immediately, without the Ditch, there is the Covered-way, or the Way that is covered, being a Corridor, or Gallery, fifteen Feet broad, guarded on the Outfide with its Parapet and Banquet, otherwife named the Glacis : The one being three Feet broad, and a Foot and a Half high, as the other Banquets are ; the other Sixty-nine Feet broad at the Bottom ; a Foot of inward Talud, fix Feet high on the Infide, and, on the Outfide, it is all a continued Ta- lud, or Slope, beginning at the Top of the Height, and ending infenfibly at the Bottom ; the Whole tenailled all around : Both thefe Works are of Earth revefted and incrufted with Stone ; and reign, as the Rampart does, all about the Fortrefs. Without the Glacis, laft of all, is the Explanade, being a grand Corridor difcover- ed, or a Part of the neighbouring Country level- led, to the Breadth of a hundred and five Feet, and accompanying the Glacis all around. This Citadel is built without the Town, on the South-fide, and on the Weft-fide the Ri- ver, where the Bank is a rifing Ground, or Hill, upon the very higheft Spot of Ground about Tournay, in the Defign to command the Town on the one Hand, and the Country on the other *, but efpecially to command the Town and the River, they both lying low under it, towards the North and Eaft, and it approaching with its Outworks to the one, within the Diftance of Four-hundred Paces, and to the other adjoining fo near, that the Outworks of the one incroach and prefume tipon the Fortifications of the other, which are there levelled, to make Way for them ; fo that they not only take up all the Ground between the Rampart of the Citadel and that of the Town, but alfo enter a pretty Way within the Town, there being a grand Over- ture made in the Emperor Charles the Fifth's R.ampart, to let them in. The two Extre- mities of this Rampart of the Town are made to end flopinf;, in a right Line upon the Gla- cis of the Citu.de! : And, in the Space, within the Town, between this Glacis of the Citadel, and King Cbilperick the Fir/t's Wall, the Buildings are, for the moft Part, thrown down, and the Ground where they flood is of Tournay. 229 converted into a grand Explanade, having ifl Length a Thoufand Paces, and in Breadth Two-hundred ; and ferving as a grand Court before the Citadel Gate, where Twenty-thou- fand Men may be drawn up in Order of Bat- tle. By this Means, the Town and its Ram- part being in this Manner levelled, as well as the Country and its Hedges difcovered, and the Heights and other Eminences inclofed, the Citadel feated upon the very higheft Spot of Ground thereabouts commands intirely all around. As to the French Fortifications about the Town, they are difpofed in this Order : Firft, that Part of the Emperor Charles the Fifth's Rampart, that adjoins to the Outworks of the Citadel, on the Eatf-fide towards the River, running from the Sluice, that is there upon the one, up the Face of the Hill, to the Glacis of the other ; the Diftance between thefe two, being Four-hundred Paces, has been lately thrown down, and is rebuilt in a new Way, fo as to make- a faillant Angle, in the Middle of the Diftance from the Glacis of the Citadel, to the Sluice upon the River, to de- fend the fame. The one Side of this Angle, towards the River, lies low, in a little pfain that reigns immediately along the Water-fide, to the Breadth of Two-hundred Paces, towards the Weft, at the upper End of the Town toward the South, and the Ditch without it is a Moat, or wet Ditch, fupplied with Wa- ter from the River, and continuing to be fo, as far as the Plain continues, that is, to the very angular Point ; the other Side, towards the Citadel, ftands high, upon the Afcent of the Hill ; that from the angular Point begins to fun up pretty fteep, and the Ditch without it is dry : The Gate of Valenciennes is in the Si Je towards the River, where there is nothing to defend, neither it nor the Sluice, but the fail- lunt Angle ; but the Sluice, the Gate, the River, the Rampart, all lies low, under the Cannon of the Citadel, which ftands, and looks, and defends and commands, hio;h, over all.. That Part of the Emperor Charles's Rampart, that adjoins to the Outworks of the Citadel, on the Weft-fide, is denuded of its Bulw?.rks r that have been levelled, to the Length of Two- hundred Paces, and the Rampart itfelf is made to continue flopinj in a right Line, till at laft it ends, as I have faid, upon the Glacis of the Fortrefs. Four-hundred Paces from the Citadel, go- ing Northwards, round the Town, is the Gate 230 The Hiftory Gate of St. Martin's, which, for Order's Sake, we (hall call the 'Second Gate, reckon- the Valenciennes Gate the Firft, between the River and the Citadel, which is between thefe two Gates. This Gate is defended with a great Fortification of three Forts, or Out- works before it ; the firft, a Half-moon, juft oppoiite to the Gate ; the fecond, a Horn- work, covering the Faces of the Half-moon ; and, the third, a Ravelin, before the Cour- tine of the Horn-work : Being all large volu- minous Works, efpecially*' the Horn-work, planted in the Ditch, where they take up a great deal of Ground, one without another, di- rectly before the Gate, and running out a great Way from the Town into the adjacent Country, which they intirely command, as far as their Cannon can go. Immediately after this Fortification, in the Middle of the Diftance, between this Gate and the next, there is one Half-moon alone, by itfelf, defending the Rampart: And, before the next Gate, being the Lijle Gate, and the third in our Way, round, there is another Half-moon, likewife alone, by itfelf, oppoftte to the Gate, defending it. After which, we found another great Fortification of three Forts, or Outworks, and a Ravelin, as before : All large voluminous Works, efpecially the Horn- work, and running out a great Way into the Country. Immediately after this, there is again a Half-moon alone, by itfelf, defending the Rampart ; which, though it be only a Half- moon, yet, among Officers and Soldiers, it is commonly called, The Bajtion of Blandinois : And the Ground there falling low, and chang- ing from a rifing Ground into a Level, from a Hill into a Plain, the Ditch is no longer a dry Ditch, but begins to be a Moat, or wet one, being fupplied with Water from the River, which is at the Diftance of Six-hundred Paces, the Plain that reigns there along the River- fide towards the Weft, at that lower End of the Town, towards the North, being fo broad. Then we found the Gate of the Seven Foun- tains, being the fourth in our Way, round, and defended with another great Fortification of three Outworks, a Half-moon, a Horn- work, and a Ravelin, as before. After which, the Rampart, on that Side, ends upon the Ri- ver, where it is defended with an irregular .Fort, or Outwork, commonly called, The Platform, adjoining to it : It is one of King of Tournay. Philip the Second's old Outworks, as I fup^- pofe, left fo in its old Form, adjoining to the River, as well as to the Rampart, defending both, but efpecially defending the Sluice there. The Rampart, on the other Side the River, makes a Turn, as it goes about King Henry the Eighth's Caftle, and is extraordinarily de- fended with a very complex Piece of Fortifica- tion, confifting of fix Outworks, difpofed in this Manner : Firft, the Turn of the Ram- part, towards the North-eaft, is defended with a Half-moon before ; after that, the Brail Gate, towards the Eaft, eing the fifth in our Way, is defended with a fmall Ravelin, co- vered with a Counter-guard before it : Then there is a grand double Tenaille, which, be- ginning upon the River, on the North-fide, from thence runs Eaft, turns South, and goes as far as beyond the Brail Gate, where it ends upon the Ditch ; fo as to cover and defend die Half-moon, the Ravelin, and the Counter- guard already named, as well as all that Part of the Rampart, that, from the River on the North, runs Eaft and South, as far as beyond the Brail Gate, being in Length Eight-hun- dred Paces. Without this Tenaille, on the North-fide, near the River, there is a Half- moon defending it on that Side ; at the Eaft- end of which is a Canal, with a Sluice upon it, conveighing the Waters of the Ditch away into the lower Scheld, the River running on the Weft-end of it, fo that it ftands betweeu the two : And, without the Tenaille, on the Eaft-fide, there is another Half-moon, defend- ing it on that Side, which makes out the Num- ber of fix Outworks that compofe this com- plex Piece of Fortification. After this, we found a Half-moon all alone, by itfelf, in the Middle of the Diftance, be- tween the Brail Gate and the next, defend- ing the Rampart. Then thsre is the Mortal Gate, being the fixth in our Way, and de- fended with another great Fortification of three Outworks, a Half-moon, a Horn- work, and a Ravelin, as before. After which, is another Half-moon alone, by itfelf, in the Middle of the Diftance, between the Afortal Gate, and the next, defending the Rampart. Then there is the Gate of the Sorrowful, the feventh in our Way, defended with a large Ravelin ; overagainft the Point of which, the fmall Brook, that runs towards the Town on that Side, falls into the Ditch. . After that, is anothe* Half-moon alone, by itfelf, defending the Ike Hiftory of Tournay. the Rampart, in the Middle of the Diftance, the Town, between the Sorrowful'* Gate and the River. And, laft of all, the Rampart, on that Side, ends upon the River, where it is defended with a large Outwork, being a Kind of Baf- tion detached, and commonly called, 77> brefe Cbronyck of Sir lohan Oldcaflell, cgamft the Church of Rom?, which be tio ways regarded: For, Edward being dead, and the Realm muck troubled, during the Minority of Richard the Second, Wick- Hff fpread his Opinions openly* and gained many Difciples. So that he was again fummoned to appear before William Courtnay, Archbifaop of Canterbury, eight other Bijhops, and fever al Do ft or s at London, in May 1382 ; where they laid ma- ny heretical and erroneous Doftrines to his Charge, condemned them, and obtained a Power from King Richard, to feize upon and imprifon fetch as taught or wrote the faid Dcttrines with moft Warmth. 1 do not believe that Wickliff was fo ever- awed with this Acquifitiori of the Eccleftafticks, as to recant his juft Oppofttion of the Abominations- of the Church of Rome, as the Popiih Writers pretend ; but this I am certain of, that he died foon after, upon his Living at Lutterworth, on the Thirty- firft of December, 1384, leaving many Writings in Defence of his Doclrines, and ma- ny Difciples to teach and defend them, even with their Blood. Wickliff'j Death at firft gave the Ecclefiajiicks fome Hopes of fupprejjing his Herefy, as they called it. But, when Thomas Arunddfuaeeded Courtnay in- the See of Canter- Bury, be found his Works fo much admired and defended, that, in a Council held at London in 1 396, he condemned eighteen more Proportions collected from the faid Works, and became the greateft Perfecutor of all thofe that maintained his Deflrines 9 amongfi whom was this noble Champion in thrift, Sir John Oldcaftle. This Archbifhop being extremely ihcenfed againft the Lollard?, which was now become a general Name for the Followers of Wickliff, or any others that oppofed the Exor- bi fancies of the Pope and Prelates, Priefls or Monks, had obtained of the late King an Order to fend CommiJJioners to Oxford, to take Informations concerning the Doc- trine of the Wickliffites , thereby to difcover the chief Abettors of that Herefy, and by what Means it was fpread fo generally over the Kingdom, and efpecially in the Dio- cefes of London, Hereford, and Rochefter : Tbefe CommiJJioners returned while the Convocation fat, during the Time of Parliament, and the ArchbiJ}jop laid their Infor- mations before it ; where, after feveral Debates, it was refolved necejjary to inflift ex- emplary Punijhment, on the principal Favourers of the Lollard Herefy, before it could be rooted out. Then it was concluded that Sir John Oldcaftle,- Baron of Cobham, was their chief Favourer and ProtetJor ; and therefore he ought and Jhould be frji attacked, and a Procefs formed againft him for Herefy, as here you will find, in Terror to the whole Setf. The PREFACE. pj^o*" ''V^'v. -' /^JflT"?i!] : --VwbH \> \\y-y- ^\ In the prophane Hiftories * of old Oratours and Poetes, both Grekes and Latines, are they moch commended and thought worthy of sett-mall Memory, whyche have eyther dyed for theyr natnrall Countrey, or daungered theyr Lines for a Commen- weltlie. As we reade of Codrus, that was King of Athens, of Quint us Curcius the Romane, of Ancurus the Phrigiane, Vlyffes, Hennas, Thefeus, Menefms, Scipio Aphricanus, Mucius Sceuola, Valerius Codes, the two Bretheren of Carcago, which were both called Philenus, and the thre noble Decianes, with other diuerfe. In the facred Scryptures t of the Byble, hath Moyfes, lofue, Gedeon, lepthe, Dc- * Plutarch, Propert. Cicfro. Catullus t Horatitts, Lucanus, [ ExoJ. xiv. Ecclef. iv. 5. ludicumxi. Reg. xvij. 2 Math. vi. bora, BaleV brefe Cbronyck of Sir lohan Oldcaftell. 235 lora, ludith, Dauid, Helias, loftas, Zorebabel, Mathatbias, Eleafarus, and the Machabees theyr juft Prayfes for theyr mighty Zele and manyfold Enterpryfes concerning the Childeren of Jfraett. Among the Papiftes * alfo, which are a mooft prodigious Kinde of Men, are they mooft hyghly auaunced by lyeng Signes, falfe Miracles, erronioufe Writtinges, Shrines, Relykes, Lyghtes, Tabernacles, Aul- ters, Scnfmges t> Songes and Holydays, which haue bene flayne, for the Lyber- ties, Priuilege?, Aucthoritee, Honour, Rychesand proude Maintenance of theyr j| holy whoryfli Church J. ]] As were Antidius, Boni/acius, Bering Thomas Bccket, lohan the Cardinal!, Pctrus de Caftronouo, Peter of Millatne, Paganus, Siamjldus of Craccuia, Steuen Colyer of Tbolofe, Bonauentttre of Padua, lulianus the Cardinall of S. Angdl. And in our Tyme lohan Fyfher, Thomas More, Fryre Foreft, Reynoldus, and the Charter- houfe Monkes, whiche fuffred here in Ingland, with an infinite Nombre more. What is than to be thought of thofe godly and valyaunt Warryours, which haue not fpared to beftow their mooft dear Liues for the Veriree of lefu Chrifr, againft the malygnauht Muftre of that execrable Antichryft of Rome, the Deuels** own Vicar ? Of whole gratyous Nombre, a very fpeciall Membre and Vcflel of Gods Election, was that vertuous Knight Sir lohan Oldcajlell, the good Lord Cobham, as wil plentuoufly appeare in this Procefie following. He, that hath ludgement in the Spyrite, (hall eafely perceyue by this Treadle, what beaftly Blockheades thefe blody Bellygods were in theyr vnfauery In tei- rogations ; and again what Influence of Grace this Man of God had from about concerning his Anfwerer, fpecyally in that mooft blind and ignoraunt Tymr, wherein all was butDarkeneffe, theSonne appearing Sacke-clothe, as St. John f| hath in the Apocalyps : Moft furely fulfilled Chrifts Promes in him, which hc- made to his Apoftles, Caft not in your Minde aforehande (faith he jj) what An- fvvere ye mail make, whan thefe fpiritual Tyraunts mail examine you in theyr Sinagoge?, and fo deliuer you vp vnto Kinges and Debitees. For I will geue you iuch Vtteraunce and Wifdom in that Houre, as all your Enemies mall neuer be able to refift. This onely Sentence of Chrift is ynough to prone him |jj{ his true Difciple, and them, in their folyfhe Queftrons, the manifeft Members cl" S.i than. Iremembre that, xiiij. Yeares ago, the tru Seruau.it of God, Wyllyam Tin- dale, put into the Prent a certein brefe Examination of the fayd Lord Cobban. The which Examinacion was written in the Tyme of the fayd Lordes Trouble, by a certein Frinde of his, and fo referued in Copyes vnto this our Age. But fens that Tyme I have found it in theyr owne Writtings (which were than his vttre Ennemyes) in a moche more ample Fourme than there. Speciallye in the great Procefle, which Ibomas Arundell, the Archbisfhop of Caunterbury, made than againft him, written by his owne Notaryes and Clerkes, tokened a!fo with his owne Signe and Seale, and fo directed vnto Rychard Clifford, than Bisfhop of London, with a generall Commaundement to haue it then publisfhed by him, and by the other Bisfhops, the whole Realme ouer. * Sigebertus Bemblacenjis. f The O.Tcring of Infence to the Hcil and Reliques, and Images, &c . as it is ufed in the Church of Rome. PC trus Equilinns. || If'iu'fuju.', nncmtms, Leandcr, Volcteranm JEneai, loan. E. c. $ Heb. xi. A3 v. Jfpoc. ** lobatt. viii. f f Joban iii. dpoc. vi. JJ Luke xxi. Math. x. Mark xiii. Luke xii. jjll Sir John Qldcaftlc. G g 2 Fur- 236 Bale'j brefe Chronicle of Sir lohan OldcaftelL Furthermore, I have feane it in a Copye of the Writting, * whiche the faid Ry- cbard Clyfforde fent vnto Robert Mafcall, a Carmelyte Fryer, and Bisfliop of Herforde, vnder his Signe and Seale, and in a Copye of his, alfo diredled to the Archdeacons of Herforde and Shrewejbury. The Yere, Moneth, and Daye of theyr Date, with the Beginninges of theyr Writtinges, mall hereafter follow in the Boke, as Occafion fhall require it. Befides all this, Thomas Walden^ being in thofe Daies the Kinges Confeffbur, and prefent at his Examinacion, Condem- nacion, and Excreacion t, regiftered it amonge other Procefies more in his Boke, called Fafciculus Zizaniorum Wideuij. He maketh Mention of it alfo in his firft Epiftle to Pope Martyne the Fifth, and in his folempne Sermon de Funere Regis. Onely fuch Reafons haue I added thereunto, as the afore named Thomas Walden t proponed to him in the Tyme of the Examinacion, as he mention- eth in his firft and fecond Bokes aduerfus WicleuiftaSt with the Maner of his god- ly Departing out of his frayle Lyfe, which I found in other Writtinges and Chro- nycles. His Youth was full of wanton Wyldenes, before he knewe the Scryp- tures, as he reporteth in his Anfwere, and for the more Part vnknowcn vnto me ; therefore I writ it not here. His Father, the Lord Regnold of Cobbam^ lofepb Frofyart nombreth alwaies amongeft the mooft worthy Warriours of Ingland. In all aduenterous Acles of worldely Manhode was he euer bold, ftrong, fortu- nate, doughty, noble, and valeaunt. But neuer fo worthy a Conquerour as in. this his prefent ConflycT: with the cruell and furyous frantick Kingdome of An- tichryft. Farre is this Chriften Knight more Prayfe-worthy, for that he had fo noble a Snomake in Defence of Chryftes Veritee agaynft thofe Romi/h Super- fticions, than for any temporall Noblities eyther of Bloode, Byrth, Landes, or of marciall Feates. For many Thoufandes hath had in that great Corrage, which in the other haue bene moft faynt-harted Cowards, and very defperate Daftardv whereas he perfeuered moft faithfully conftaunt to the Ende. Many Popijh Parafites, and Men-pleafing Flatterers, haue written large Commendacions and Encomies of thofe ; but, of fuch Noblemen as this was, very few, or in a Maner none at all. Whan I fomtime rede the Workes of fom Men lerned, I meruayle not a lytle to fee them fo aboundaunt in vayne flatteryng Prayfes for Matters of no Value, yea, for Thinges to be difprayfed rather than pray- fed, of Menne that were godly wyfe. Polydorus Virgilim ||, a Colleclour fomtyme in Ingland of the Popes Peter-pens, and afterwarde Archdeacon of Welles, hath in this Point deformed his Writ- tinges greatly, pointinge our Inglyfh Chronycles mooft fhamefully with his Romijh Lyes, and other Jtalyjh Beggery. Battels hath he defcribed there at large wyth no fmall Difcommendings of fome Princes, whiche were godlye \ but the priue Packing of Prelates and craftie Conference of the Spiritualtee hath he in euery Place almooft full properly pafled ouer. He was to familyar with the Bisfhops and toke to moch of their Counfeli, whan he compiled the xxvi. Bokes of his Inglyjh Hyftory. And not greatly is the Land beholden vnto him in that Workc, for any large Prayfe of Erudicyon that he hath geuen it there **. A fmgular Beautee is it to the Chryften Relygion, whan theyr aun- * Thomas Walden in Tafciculo Zizaniorum Wicleuij. -f- al. Execracyon. , ; ,^, % Walden. Coat. Wicleuiftas, in Pro/ago dofi, vii. Lib. ii. cap. Ixvi. |j PotiJorus Anglict hiftorye, Lib. iv. al. Conveyaunce. ** No Men are lerned with him, but Italy ana. cicnt Bale'; brefe Cbronycle of Sir Johan Oldcaftell'. 237 cicnt Monwmentes are garnifhed among others with Men of frc-flitr Lyterature, which therin hath fmall Rcmembraunce or none. Unleflc it be Gildas, B(das, Alcuinus, Joannes Scotus, Aldthnus, Neultirgm^ and one or two more, none are in that whole Worke mencioned concerning that, as though Inglavd had al- waies bene moft barren of Men lerned. This do I not wryte in Difprayie of his Lerning (which I know to be very excellent) but for the Abufe therof, being a moil fyngular Gyft of God. I wold wyfhe fom learned Inglyfl) Man (as there are now moft excellent freflv Wyttes) to fet forth the Inglyjh Chronclyes in their right Shape, as certein other Landes hath done afore them, al Affections fet a- part. I can not think x more neceffarye Thing to be laboured to the Honour of God, Bewty of the Realme, Erudicion of the People, and Commoditie of other Lander, next the facred Scryptures of the Byble, than that Worke wold be. For, trulye, in thofe they haue there yet, is Vyce more auannfed than Virtu, and Romljb Blafphe- my, than Godlynes. As it may full well appeare vnto Eyes of ryght Judge- ment, in the lamentable Hiftory here following, and fuch other, which hath bene long hyd in the darke. Marke diligently the Sentence of the faid Polidc- rus, concerning this good Lord Ccbham, and thervpon confider his good Worke- manfhip in other Maters. In the Counfell of Conftance (faith he* ) was the Herefye of loban Wicleue condempned, and two at the fame Tyme burned in that Cyte which were the chefe Heades of that Secle. All this is true, though the feate Handeling thereof be altogether Itahjb. But wheras he faith after, that, whan this was ones knowen to their Companyons in Ingland, they confpired in their Madneffe againft the whole Clergye, and fi- nally againft the Kinge alib, for that he was than a Fauter of Chryften Re- Jygion, hauing to their great Captaynes Sir loban Oldcajlett and Sir Roger flon, he maketh a moft fhamfull Lye : For howcoulde Sir Roger^ with his Companye, confpire vpon that Occafyon, being dead more f than iiij Yeres afore ? And Sir lohan Oldcaftell remaining all that Seafon in Wales ? loban Hm fuffered- Death J, ziConftaunce^ the Year of our Lord, a. M. cccc. xv. in July. Hierom of Prage^ in the Yere of our Lord,, a. M. cccc. & xvj. in May^ whiche were the two Heades he fpeketh of. Sir Roger Afton was brent with his Companye in the Yere of our Lord, a. M. cccc. xiij. in January^ as witnefleth Walden, Fa- bian, and loban Maior, in their Chronycles and Writtinges. Nowe reken thefe Nombers and Yeres, and marke the proper Conueyance of this Romijh Gen- telman , the Popes Colledour, to clought vp that crooked Kingdom of theyrs. He can by fuch Legerdemaine both pleafe his Frindes in Ingland* and alfo at Rome. After that he followeth with Lye vpon Lye, as that they came than to London^ to deftroy the King ; that he in his own Perfon met wyth them there in Armes, that they cowardly fledde, that fom were taken there, and brent out of Hand, and that the Lord Cobbam and Sir Roger Afton were caft into the 7co*r of London upon that Occafyon. Sjmech it not a Mater fomwhat lyke to the * Poli Jot us Anglice HiAorie, Lib. xxii. f- More than two Tears before the Death cf Jc/bn Hufs and Jercme of Prague. I apprehend the ii \ has been a Fault of the Prefs ; becaufe the e$aft Time is defcribed, a few Lines below, if Afta Confilii Conjlantunfis. Polidore Virgil. Purpofe. 2 3 8 Bale 1 * brefe Chronyck of Sir lohan Oldcaftell. Purpofe (thinke ye) that Men mould be there burned for making fuch an In- furrection or Tumult ? I trowe he hath cobled here fomwhat workemanly. And whereas he faith. in the End, that the King thervpon made an A6te, that they from thensforth fliuld be taken as Traitours againft his owr.e Perfone, whiche were proued to follow that Se6le, he maketh an abominable Ly *. For that Acte was made only at the Bisfhops Complainte and falfe Sute^in the fyrft Yere of his Reigne, and by Force of that A6le thofe innocent Men than iuffred. More than iiij. hundreth of fuch manifeft Lyes coude I gather out of his Chronycles, moch more than might more Eyes and Judgements do. Now left vs expend what the true Caufe fhuld be of this godly Mannes Con- demnation and Death, all Dreames of Papiftes fet a-part. The Truth of it is, that, after he had ones throughlye tafted the Chryften Doctrine of lohan Wi- cleue and of his Difciples, and perceived their Liuinges agreeable to the fame, he abhorred all the fuperftieious Sorceries (Ceremonies I fhuld fay) of the proud Romijh Church. From thensforth he brought all Thinges to the Toucheftone of Gods Word. He tryed aJl Maters by the Scryptures, and fo proued their Spyrites, whether they were of God or nay -f. He mainteined fuch Preachers in the Diocefes of Canterbury, London, Rochefter, and Herforde, as the Bis- ihoppes were fore offended with. He exhorted theyr Pryeftes to a better Waye by the Gofpell, and, whan that wolde not helpe, he gave them fharpe Re- bukes. *He admonimed j the Kinges, as Richard the Second, Henry the Fourth, and Henry the Fifth, of the Clergyes manifolde Abufes, and put into the Par- lamenthoufe certein Bokes, concerning their iuft Reformation, both in the Yere of our Lord, a. M. ccc. xcv. and in the Yere a. M. cccc. x. Of the firft Boke, this is the Beginning || : Prlma condufio. Quando Ecclefia Anglic, &c. which I have here left oute, leaft thys Treatyfe fhuld be to great. The other Boke was made by one Johan Purueye, a Mafter of Art of Oxfcrde. Befide thexviij. Conclufions that Mafter Johan Wicleue had put in long afore that. In the Yere of our Lord a. M. ccc. xci. this noble Lord Cobham with cer- tein other more, mocioned the King at IVeftmmfter, at the Time of his Par- lament, that it were very commodious to Ingland, if the Romijh Bisfhoppes Auc- toritee extended no further than the Occeane Sea, or the Hauen of Calys, confy- dering the Charges and Vnquietnes of Sutes there, and that Mcns Caufes coulde not be throughlye knowen fo farre of. Wherevpon the King made this Afte by Confent of his Lordes, that no Man from thensforth fhould fue to the Pope in any Mater, nor publyfh any Excommunication of his, vnder Payne of lofing their Goodes, with perpetuall Imprifonnement **. Thys and the aforenamed Boke had coft him with Sir John Cheny and other more his Lyfe, in the fixt Yere after, at the crafty Accufement of certein Prelates (though it hath in the Chronycles ^f an other Colour) had not God than mooft gracioufiy preferued him. An other Canfe of his Death, yet, befides all that hath been fayd afore, was this : He caufed U all the Workes of John Wicleue to be writ- * Waldenus in Sermone de Funere Regis. f loban. iii. I Tbeff. \. Math. vii. i loban iv. Walden. in Fafciculo Zizaniorum Wicleuii. || Fablanus. W-aldw. Polidorus in Hiftor Anglorum, Lib. xx. ** Trcuifa in Addicionibus Ceftrenfis, Polidoriis. -J--J- Fabianus, Polidorus. %% Walden. cont. Wiclc^i '. Lib. ii. cap, 70. ten Bale'; brefc Chronycle of Sir lohan Oldcaftdf. 239 ten at the Tnftannce of lohan Hufs, and fo to be Tent into Bokeme, Fraur.cc* Spayne, Portiijgals, and other Landes. Whereof Subitico Lepus, the ArchbisJhop of Prage, caufed * more than two hundrcth Volumes fayre written opc-nly to be brent afterwarde, as witneffcth Mneas Siluius, de Origins Bchemorum. Thefe Caufes knowen, with other more that I coulde rehcrfe, confider whether the World, that is alwaies fo wicked, was worthye to-f holde foche a noble Chryften Warryour as this was, or naye ? Confyder alfo the iuft Punylhment of the Lorde for wycked Lawes that were than made, with the exceeding Mifchcues, that the Spiritualte J than vfed. And way the miferable Eftate that the Realme was in fone after, for Contempt of his eternall Word. And thervpon lawd his Rightuoufnes, and beware of lyke Contempt and Plage in thefe Dayes. ' In the Year of our Lord a. M.cccc.xxii, departed Kyng Henry the Fyft in his moft florifhyng Tyme, euen in the Beginnyng of the xxxvii. Yere of his Age ||, which was about fbure Yeres after the Death of thys Lord Cobbtm. His Sonne Henry the Sixt fucceffed in hys Rome, and had the Gouernaunce of- this whole Realme, being but a Babe of eight Moneth old, and odde Dayes. What a Dolour was this vnto Men of rype Difcretyon naturally louing their Coimtrey, and regarding the Common-welth therof ? Yea what a Plage of God was it, af- ter the Scryptures **, to haue a yong Child to their Kyng? And that it fhuld the more manifeftly appeare to com that Wave, or, of the Stroke of God, he was a childyfthe Thing all the Dayes of his Lyfe. J /jail ge ue you, fayth the Lorde -f-f in his hyghe DyfgJeaftire, Cbyldcrcn to be y;/r Princes, and ycnge Infauntes without Wifdome fid baue the Goumrnaunce cf \c;t. What wretched Calamities the Realme fuffred afterward for the Space of mote than fourfcore Yeres, and thre, tyl the Dayes of King Henry the Scuentl\ it is vnfpeakable. Sens the Preaching of lohan Wicleue, hath the Lorde fuffred the pompoufe Popy/h Prelates to fhew themfelues forth in theyr owne ryghte Coulours, that they myght now in the Lyght of hysGofpel appeare, as they are in Dede ; euen fpightful Murtherers, Ydolaters and Sodomites. Afore hys Tyme, they lurked vnder the glyttering Shyne of Hypocrefye, and coulde not be feane in their Maftryes. The Fryers with their charminge Sophiftrye threwe fuch a darke My ft ouer the vniuerfall Worlde, that Superfticyon coulde not be knowen for Superfticyon, nor Ydolatrye for Ydolatrye. Unfpeakable Fylthynes of-all flefhly Occupieng was than called Pryefles Chadirec, as it is yet, and will be tyl it come to the hygheft, that God may take ful Vrn- geaunce. Thexi was Whoordom Jt worfliiped in Prelates of the Churchr, and facred W'edlocke rekened fuch a cieteftable Vyce as was worthy in a Pi yell ||[{ mooft cruell Death. As was feane for Example in 'Sir IVyllyAm ll'jghtt, whiche was brent for the fame at Norwycb^ in the Yeare of' our Lorde 1428. Thus was Whight iudged Blacke, and Lyght Darkeneffe, fo yll was Mens Syghrc in thofe Dayes. By loch Meanes (Tayth the Prophet *** ) they dreive Wicktdnes 'unto them, as it were with a Corde y and all Kindes of Synne^ as yt were ivilh a Cart * .A&a Confilii Conftancienfis Hermannus, Skedtl. f Heir. xi. F/fy.x. Nt: trim Hi. J Viz.. the Clergy. | Waldtnus in Sermone de Funere Regis. Al. Monethes. Efay. iii. ff LI ib. 1% Apoc. xviii. |||| The Charch of Rome forbi-Ji its Priefts to marry. Walden in utroque Opere. *** i.fay. Rope 240 Bale' 5 brefe Chronyck of Sir lohan Oldcaflell. Rope. If England^ at that Tyme, had not bene vnthankfull for the fyngular Be- nefyght that God than fent them by thofe good Menne, the Dayes of Antichryft and his beaftly Brood had bene fhortened there longe agoo, as- it is euen now, and here after lyke to be more largely, A mooft orient * frefhe Myrrour of Chryften Manhode appeareth thys worthye Lord Cobbam in our Age, the Veritee now open, which was, in her Abfens, a Lampe of Contempt before worldlye vvyfe Men. In him, maye noble Men beholde here plainlye a mooft noble. Sto- make and pretioufe Faith, in the Middes of great Antichryftes morde Mnflre : His Corrage was of fuche Value that it gaue hym the Victory ouer them by the clere lodgement of the Scryptnres -f, what though the Worldes ludgemtnt be farre otherwife. And as for the cruel Death, which he mod contumelioufly fuffred, it is now vnto him a moft plentuoufe Winning J, for in the iuft Quarell was it of his Lord Jefus Chrift. Myghc thofe bloudy Blufterers haue had their full Swaye now of late, they wolde haue made more Oldcaftells, Aftons, Brownes, and Beuerlays ; yea, they wolde haue made there a greater Hauccke vpon Ghriftes Congregation, than euer did Paul in his raging Furie ||. They ment more than they vttered, whan they approch- ed fo nigh fas did cruell Haman) to the Prefence of noble AJfuerus . But, blefifed be the eternall Father, whiche hath geuen fuche godlye Wyfdome vnto our mooft worthy Kyng, that he, perceyuing their Sleyghtes, fo abated their tyrannoufe Fercenes. Praye noble Men, pray, yea with the true Clergye and Comunes, that, lyke as he hath now with Duke lofue the Ouerhande of wycked Hierico **, by his onely Gift, and is through that becomen an whole pe?rfy<*ht Kyng "M" within his own Realme farre aboue all his Predecefiburs, fo that he may in Conclufion ouerthrow her clerely. For as yet the dredefull Damfell JJ (Tiran- 'nye) that was Cayphas Dorekeper, dwelleth in the Houfes |||| of Bismoppes, and dayly compelleth poore Petre to deny his Mafter. As many Eyes, as eu/r had vygylaunt Argus^ had he Nede to haue, that is compafled with foch a &>rt, as are the Broode of the wilye Serpent. Confyder what heauenly Things ye haue receyued of the Scryptures vndre hys Permiflyon, and yet pray ones again for his gratioufe Continuaunce to the more Increace of Knowledge. Amen. O Babylon, thy Marchauntes were Princes of the Earth. And with thyne Inchaunte- mentes were all Nations deceyued. Apocal. xviii. * Rifing or early. -f- i loban v. I Cor. xv. J Phil. i. dpol, \ . || Aa. viii. Hejler v. ** lofue vi. ff Having thrown off the Supre- macy and Impofitions of the Pope and See of Rome, and declared himfelf fupreme Head over all Per* fons as well Ecclefiaftical, as Civil, in his Dominions. JJ Mattb. xxvi. John. xvii. |[H Walden in Sermone. BaleV breje Chronycle of Sir lohan Oldcaftell. fbe great Proce/e of Thomas Arundell, the Arclblfshop of Caunterbury, and of the Papifticall Clergye with him, agaynjl the moft noble Knight* Sir lohan Oldcaftell, the Lord Cobham, in the Tere of our Lord, a M. cccc. and xiii. wherin is conteyned hys Examination, Imprifonnement, and Excommu?- nication. The Proceffe before his Examination. AFter that the true Seruaunt of lefus Chryft, lohan Wtcleue *, a Man of very excellent Lyfe, and Learning, had, for the Space of more than xxvi. Yeares, mooft valeauntly battelled with the great Antichryft of Europa, or Pope of Rome, and his dyuerfly difgyfed f Hoft of anointed Hypocrites, to reftore the Church again to the pure Eftate that Chryft left her in at hys Af- cenfyon, he departed hens moft Chriftenly into the Handes of God, the Yere of our Lord 1387, and was buried in his own Parifh-Church of Lutterivorth, in Lincoln/here %, No fniall Nombre of godly Difciples left that good Man behynd hym to defende the Lowlynefle of the Gofpell agaynft the exceading Pryde, Ambi- tion, Symony, Auarice, Ipocryfye, Whore- dom, Sacrylege, Tyrannye, ydolatroufe Wor- fhipinges, and other fylthy Frutes of thofe ftif-necked Pharyfee?. Agaynft whome Thomas Arundell, than Archbisfhop of Caunterbury, fo ferce as euer was Pharao, Antiochus, Herodes, or Cayphas, collected, in Pauls Church at Lon- don, an vniverfall Sinode || of all the Papifticall Clergye of England, in the Yere of our Lord a M. cccc. & xiii. as he had done diuerfe other afore, to withftand their mooft godly Enter- pryfe. And thys was the fyrft Yere of King Henry the Fifth, whome they had than made fit for theyr Hande. As thefe hygh Prelates, with theyr Phary- fees and Scribes, were thus gathered in thys peftilent Counfell againft the Lord **, and his Worde, fyrft there reforted vnto them the xii. Inquifitours of Herefyes, (whome they had apointed at Oxford the Yere afore, to ferche out Heretikes, with all Wickdeues Bokes) and they brought two hundreth and Ixvi. faithfull Conclufyons whome they had collected as Herefyes of the feyd Bokes. The Names of the feyd Inquifitours were thefe ff : Johan Witnam, a Mafter in the New College, Johan Langedon, Monke of Chry Church in Caunter- bury, William UJforde, Regent of the Carme- lytes, Thomas P lax ton, Regent of the Domi- nikes, Robert Gylbert, Rycharde Earthyfdale, lohan Lucke, Rycharde Snedijham, Richarde Flemming, 'Thomas Rotthorne, Robert Rond- bery, and Rycharde Graf dale. In the meane Seafon caufed they theyr hyred Seruauntes to blowe it forth abroade throughout all the whole Realme, that they were there congre- gated for an wholefome Vnitee and Reforma- tion of the Churche of Ingland, to ftoppe fo the Mouthes of the comen People. Such is alvnays the comen Pra&ife of thefe fubtile Sorcerers, whyls they are in doing Mifchief, to blere the Eyes of the vnlerned Multytude, with one falfe Craft or other. After a certein Communication, they con- cluded among themfelues, that it was not pof- fible for them to make whole Chryftes Cote without Seme (meaning thereby their patched Popifli Synagoge) onlefle certeyn great Men were brought out of the Way, which femed to be the chefe Mainteiners of the feyd Dyf- ciples of Wicleue. Among whome the moft noble Knight Sir lohan Oldcajlell, the Lord Cobham, was complained of by the generall Prodtours, yea rather Betrayers, of Chryft in his faithfull Membres, to be the chefe Prin- cipal!, Him they accufed firft, for a mighty Maintener of fufpe&ed Preachers in the Dio- cefes of London, Rochejler, and Herforde con- trary to the Mindes of their Ordynaries. Not only they affirmed him to haue fent thyther the feid Preachers, but alfo to haue affifted them there, by Force of Armes : Notwithstanding their Sinodall Conftitution made afore to the contrary. Laft of all, they accufed him, that * Ex Operibus & Scriptis Thorn* Waldenl. f Priefts and Friars, who drefled themfelves in various Sorts of Habits, t It fhquld be Leicejlerjhire. \\ Thomas Arundell in magno Proceffu. . * lohan ili. P/alm i. Pfalm ii. j-f Walden. in Fafciculo Zizaniorum Wideuii. VOL. II. Hh h Bale'5 brefe Cfironyck of Sir lohan Oldcaftelt. 242 he was farre otherwife in Beleue of the Sacra- ment of the Altre, of Penaunce, of Pilgrymage, ofYmage worfhipping, and of the ecclefiafty- call Power, than the holy Churche of Rome had- taught many Yeres afore. In the Ende, it "was concluded amonge them, that, withoute anye farther Delaye, Procefle fhulde oute agaynft hym, as agaynft a mooft pernycyous Heretike. Som of that Fellcufhyp, whyche were of more craftye Experyence than the other, wold in no Cafe haue that Mater fo rafhlye handel- ed, but thought thys Waye moche better : Confydering the feid Lord Cobham was a Man of great Byrthe, and in Fauer at that Tyme with the Kyng ; theyr Counfell was to know firft the Kynges Mynde, .to faue all Thynges right up. This Counfell was well accepted, and thervpon the Archbifshop, Thomas Arun- tlell^ wyth his other Bifshoppes, and a great Part of the CJergye, went ftrayght wayes vn- to the Kyng, as than remayninge at Kenyng- ton, and there layed forth mooft greuous Com- playntes againft the feid Lord Cobban, to his great Infamy and Blemyfli, beinge a Man mooft The Kyng gentilly harde thofe bloud-thurfty Rauenours, and, farre otherwife than became * his Princelye Dignitie, he inftantly defyred them, that, in refpect of his noble Stock and Knighthoode, they fhuld yet favourably deal with him ; and that they wold, if it were pof- Jible, without all Rigour, or extreme Handel- ing, reduce him againe to the Churches Vni- tee. He promifed them alfo, that in Cafe they were not contented, to take fome Delybera- cion, hi3 felfe wold feryoufly common the Mater with him. Anon after the Kyng fent for the feyd Lord Cobham j and, as he was come, he called him iecretly, admonifhing him, betwixt him and him, to fubrnit himfelfe to hys Mother the holy Church, and, as an obedient Child, to acknowledge himfelfe culpable. Vnto.whome the Chriften Knight made this Anfwere : You mooft worthy Prince, faith he, am I always prompt and wylling to obeye, for fo moche as I knowe you a Chriften Kyng, and the ap- pointed Minifter of God f, bearing the Sworcle to the Punifhement of all yll Doers, and for the Sauegarde of ;hem that be vertuous. Vn- to you, next my aeternal God, owe I my whole Obedience, and fubmit me therevnto, as I haue done euer, all that I haue eyther of Fortune or Nature, redy at all Times to fur- fifl whatfoeuer ye fhall in that % Lorde com- maund me : But as touching the Pope, and hys Spiritualty, truly I owe them neither Sute nor Seruice ; for fo moch as I knowe him by the Scriptures ||, to be-* the great Antichryfte, the Sonne of Perdicyon, the open Adverfary of God, and the Abhominacyon ftanding in the holy Place. Whan the Kyng had hearde this, with fochelyke Sentences more, he woldc talke no longer with him, but lefte hym fo vtterly. And, as the Archbifshop. reforted again vn- to him for an Anfwere, . he gaue him his full Au6loritee ** to cyte him, examine him, and punyfshe him, according to the develifh De- crees, whiche they call the Lawes of Holye Church. Than the feyd Archbifshop, by the Counfell of hys other Bifshoppes and Ckrgye, appointed to call before him Sir lohan Old- eajlelly the Lord Cobham^ and to caufe him per- fonally to appeare to anfwere to fuche fufpe<5fc Articles as they fhuld lay againft him. So fent he forth his chefe Sommener, with a very fharp Citacion vnto the Caftell of Cowling ff, where as h at that Tyme dwelt for his So- lace. And as the feyd Sommener was thether comen, he durfte in no Cafe entre the Gates of fo noble a Man, without his Lycens, and therfore he returned Home agayne, hys Mef- fage not done. Than called the Archbyf- ihop one Johan Butler- vnto him, which was then the Dorekeeper of the Kynges Priue Chamber, and with him he covenaunted, through Promifes and Rewards, to haue this Mater craftely brought to pafle vnder the Kynges Name. Whereupon the feyd lohan Butler toke the Archbyfshops Sommener with hym, and went vnto v.he fayd Lord Csb- ham, fhewing him, that it was the Kynges Pleafure that he fhuld obeye that Citacyon, and fo cyted him fraudulently. Than faid he vnto them in fewe Wordes, That in no Cafe wold he confent to thofe moft deuelyfh Prac- tifes of the Pryeftes. As they had informed the Archbifshop of that Anfwere, and that it * Becaufe he ftiould not have flooped fo low, as to yield to their arbitrary Proceedings, but, by his ftjpreme Power,- fecured hi^good Servant from their Tyrannical Ufurpations. f Rom. xiii. I Pet. ii. J Hz. Life and Fortune. || z Tbeff, ii. Mat. xxiiii. ** Ex vetufto Exemplar! Londinenfeum* -f-f Al. Bale's Irefe Chronyck of Sir Tohan Oldcaftell. Was mete for no Man priuately to cyte him after that, without Parell of Lyfe : He de- creed by and by to haue him cyted by publike ProcefTe, or open Commaundment. And in all the Haft poffible, vpon the Wednyfday be- fore the Nattuitie of oure Ladye, in September^ he commaunded Letters citatory to be fet vpon the great Gates of the Cathedrul Church of Rocbefter (which was but iij. Englijh Myles from thensj charging him to appeare perfonally before him at Ledys in the xi. Daye of the fame Moneth and Yere, all Excufes to the contrary fet apart. Thofe Letters were taken downe anon after, by fuch as bare Fauer vnto the Lord Cobban, and fo conveyed afyde. After that caufed the Archbifshoppe newe Letters to be fet vpon the Natiuitee Daye of our Ladye, which alfo were rent downe, and vtterly confumed. Than for fo- tnoche as he did not appeare at the Daye appoynted at Ledys (where as he fate in Confiftory, as cruell as eucr was Cay- pbasy with his Court of Hipocrites about him) he iudged him, denounced him, and con- demned him of .moft depe Contumacy. After that whan he had bene falfely infourmed by his hired Spyes, and other glofing Glauerers *, that the fayd Lord Cobbam had lawghed him to Scorne, difdayned all his Doings, main- teined his old Opinions, contemned the Churches Power, the Dignite of a Bisfhop, and the Ordre of the Pryefthode (for all thefe was he than accufed) in hys mody Madnes with- out iuft .Profe, dyd he openly excomunicate him : Yet was he not with all this ferce Ti- ranny quaiifyed, but commaunded him to be cited afreih, to appeare afore him the Saturday before the Feaft of St. Matthew the Apoftle, with thefe cruell Threatninges added there- unto : That, if he did not obey at the Daye, he wold more extremely handle him. And, to make himfelfe more ftrong towardes the Performaunce thereof, he compelled the Lay- power by moft terrible Menacinges of Curfes and Interdi&iont, to affyft him againft that fedicious Apoftate, Schifmatike, that Heretike, that Troubler of the publycke Peace, that Enemye of the Realme, and great Adverfarye of all holy Church j for all thefe hateful Names dyd he give him. 243 This moft conftaunt Seruaurit of the Lord, and worthy Knight, Sir lohan Qldcajlell, the Lord Cobham, beholding the vncapable Fury of Antichryft, thus kindled againft him, per- ceiuing himfelf alfo compafed on euery Side with deadly Daungers, he toke Paper and Penne in Hand, and fo wrote a Chriften Con- feflion, or Rekening of his Faith (vvhiche followeth hereafter) and both figned and fealed it with his owne Kande. Wherin he alfo anfwereth to the iiii. chefcft Articles that the Archbisfhop layed againft him. That doone, he tooke the Copye with him, and went there- with to the Kyng, truftinge to fynd Mercy and Fauer at his Hande. None other was that Confeffion of his, than the common Beleue, or Somme of the Churches Faith, called the dpofties Crede, of all Chriften Men than ufed. As thus : The Chriften Beleue of the Lord Cobham. T Beleue in God the Father Almighty, Maker J_ of Heauen and Earth. And in lefu Cbryft his only Sonne our Lord, whiche was con- ceyued by the Holy Goft, borne of the Virgyn Mary, fuffred vnder Ponce Pilate^ crucified, dead and buried ; went doun to Helle, the third Daye rofe againe from Death, afcended vp to Heauen, fitteth on the right Hande of God the Father Almightye, and from thens {hall come agayne to iudge the Quicke and the Dead. I beleue in the Holy Goft, the Vniuerfall Holy Churche, the Communion of Sain fayth he, is it not the * Sir lohan Oldcafteli. Partaking of the Body of Chrift ? Lo, he calleth it Breade and not Chryftes Body, but a Means whereby we receyne Chryftes Body. Than fayd they agayne : Paule muft be otherwife vnderftanded f for it is furely an He- refye to faye that it is Breade after the Con- fecracion, but onely Chryftes Body. The Lord Cobham afked, Howe they coulde make good that Sentence of theyrs ? They anfwered him thus : For it is againft the Determinacion of the holy Church. Than fayde the Archbisfhop vpon him : Sir Johan, we fent you a Wrytting concerning the Faith of thys blefled Sacrament clerely de- termined by the Church of Rome, our Mother, and by the holy Doctours. Than fayd he again vnto him : I knowe none holyer than is Chryft and hys Apoftles ; and as for that Determinacion, I wote, it is none of theyrs, for it ftandeth not with the Scryptures, but manifcftly againft them. If it be the Churches, as ye fay it is, it hath bene hers onely fins fhe receiued the greate Poyfon of worldly Pofleffions, and not afore. Than afked they hym, to ftoppe his Mouth therwith, If he beleued not in the Determina- cion of the Church ? And he faid vnto them : No, forfooth, for it is no God. In all our Crede is IN but thryfe mencioned, concerning Beleue ; IN God the Father, IN God the Sonne, IN God the Holy Go/?. The Byrthe, the Death, the Buriall, the RefurreHon, arid Afcenfyon of Chrift hath none IN for Beleue, but IN hym. Neyther yet hath the Church, the Sacramentes, the For- geuenes of Synne, the latter Refurreclion, nor yet the Life euerlaftmg any other IN, than IN the Holy Goft. Than fayd one of the Lawrers : Tufh, that was but a Worde of Office. But what is your Beleue concerning holy Church ? The Lord Cobham anfwered : My Beleue is (as I fayde afore) that all the Scryptures of the facred Byble are true. All that is grounded upon them I beleue thoroughly ; for, I know, it is Gods Pleafure that I fhuld fo do. But in youre lordly Lawes and ydell Determinacions haue I no Beleue ; for ye be no Part of Chryftes holy Church, as your open Dedes doth mew. But ye are very Antichryftes, obftinatly fet a- gayft his holy Lawe and Wyll. The Lawes, 2 Cor. x. that Bale'j brefe Clronycle of Sir lohan Oldcaftell. that ye haue made, are nothing to his Glorye, but onely for your vayne Glory and Abhomi- nable Couetoufnes. This, they faid, was an exceading Herefy (and that in a great Fume) not to beleue the Deterjninacion of Tioly Church. Than the Archbisfhop afked him : What he thought holy Church ? He fayd unto hym : My Beleue is, that holy Church is the Nombre of them, whichejhatt befaued, of whom Chryjl is the Head. Of this Church one Part is is in Heauen with Chryft, another in Purgatory (you fay) and the third is here in jErth. This latter Part ftandeth in thre Degrees, in Knighthode, Pryeftehode, and Ae Comunaltee, as I fayde afore plainly, in the ConfefTyon of my Beleue. Than faide the Archbisfhop vnto him : Can ye tell me, who is of this Church ? The Lord Cobham anfwered : Yea, truly can I. Then faid * Doctor Walden, the Pry or of the Carmelytes : It is a Doubte unto you who is therof ; for Chrift fayth in Math. Nollte iudi- tarf, i. e. Prefume to iudge no Man. If ye here be forbidden the ludgment of your Neigh- bour or Brother, moche more the ludgment of your Superiour. The Lord Cobham made him thys Anfwere, Chryft fayth alfo in the felfe fame Chapter of f Math, that lyke as the yll Tree is knowen by hys yll Frute, fo is a falfe Prophet, by his Workes, appeare they neuer fo glory ous ; but that ye left behind ye. And in % lohan he hath this Text : Operibus credlte ? i. e. Beleue you the out Doings ? And in another Place of lohan : luftum iudidum iudicate, i. e. Whan we know the Thing to be true, we may fo iudge it, and not offende ; for David \\ fayth alfo : Refte indicate filii hominum, i. e. Iudge rightly alw ayes ye Children of Men. And as for your Supe- rioritee, were ye of Chryft, ye ftiulde be meke Minifters, and no proude Superiours. Than fayd Doftour IValden vnto hym : Ye make here no Difference of ludgments ; ye put no Diverfitee between the yll ludgements, which Chryft hath forbidden, and the good ludgementes, which he hath commaunded vs 251 to have ; rafh ludgement and right lodgement, all is one with you ; fa is ludgement prefumed and ludgement of Office, fo fwift ludges al- wayes are the lerned Scolars of Wicliue. Unto whom the Lord Cobham thus an- fwered : It is well fophiftried of you, forfooth ; prepofteroufe are your ludgements euer more ; for, as the Prophet Efay fayth , Ye judge Yll Good, and Good Yll f and therefore the fame Pro- phet ** concludeth, that your Ways are .riot Gods Ways* nor Gods Ways your Ways. And as for that vertuoufe Man Wicliue, whofe ludge- ments ye fo hyghelye difidayne : I fhall (aye here for my Part both before God and Man, That, before I knewe that difpifed Doctrine of his, I neuer abfteyned from Synne ff* B uf fyns I learned therein to fear my Lorde God, it hath otherwife, I truft, bene with me j fo moch Grace could I neuer find in all your glorioufe Inftru&ions. Than fayde Doctor Walden agayn yet unto hym : It were not well wyth me, fo many vertuous Men lyuing and fo many lerned Men teaching the Scryptures, being alfo fo open, and the Examples of Fathers fo plentuoufe, if I than had no Grace to amende my Lyfe till I heard the Deuil preache. St. Hierom faith, that he, whyche feketh fuche fufpecled Matters, fhall not fynde the Mydday Lyght, but the Mydday Deuill J.J. The Lord Cobham faid : Your Fathers, the olde Pharifees, afcribed |]|| Chryftes Miracles tot Belzebub, and his Doctrine to the Deuill ; an in Tyme, for anon it will be els to late. The Lord Cobham fayd : I know not to what Purpofe I fliulde otherwife fubmitte me. Moch more haue you offended me, than euer I offended you, in thus troubling me before thys Multitude. Than fayd the Archbisfliop agayne unto him : We ones again require you to remembre your felfe wel, and to haue none other Opinion in thefe Maters, than the vniverfall Fayth and Beleue of the Holy Church of Rome is. And fo lyke an obedient Child to returne again to the Vnitee of your Mother. See to it, I fay, in Tyme, for yet ye may have Remedy, where as anon it will be to late. The Lord Cobham fayd expreflely before them all : I wil none otherwife beleue in thefc Poyntes, than I have tolde ye here afore. Do with me what ye will. , Finally, than the Archbisfliop fayd : Wel than I fee none other, but we muft needes do the Lawe ; we muft precede forth to the Sen- tence diffinitiue, and both iudge ye and con- dempne ye for an Heretike, And wyth that the Archbysftioppe ftode up, and redde there a Byll of his Condempnacion, all the Clergye and Laytee avaylyng f their Bonnettes. And this was therof the Tenour. * Gal. vi. f Pulling off. Tht Bale'/ brefe Ckronycte of Sir lohan Oldcaftell. 255 Than brought he forth an other Byll con- teyning the faj-d Sentence, *nd that he redde alfo in his bairger J Latyne ||. Chrifti nomine inuocato, ipfumq; folum preoculii habtntes. S^uia per off a inaflitati, and fo forth j which I have alfo tranflated into Englyjh, that Men may vnderftand it : Chryft we take vnto Witnefs, that nothing els we feke in this our whole Enterpryfe, but his onely Glory. For as much as we have found by dyuerfe Actes done, brought forth, and exibited, by fundry Euidences, Sygnes and Tokens, and alfo by many mooft manifeft Proues, the feid Sir lohan Oldcajiell, Knight and Lord Cobham, not only ah euident Here- tyke in hys owne Parfonne, but alfo a mighty Mainteyner of other Heretikes againft the Fayth and Relygion of the holy and univerfali Church of Rome, namely about the two Sacra- mentes of the Aulter, and of Penaunce, befides the Popes Power and Pylgrymages. And that he, as the Chyld of Iniquitee and Darknees, hath fo hardened his Hart, that he will in no Cafe attend vnto the Voice of his Paftour. Neyther wyll he be alured by ftraygBt Admonifti- ments, nor yet be brought in by fauourable Wordes. The Worthenes of the Caufe firft wayde on the one Side, and his Vnworthynes agayn confidered on the other Side, his Fautes alfo aggravated, or made double through his damnable Obftinacy. We being loth that he which is nought fliould be worfe, and fo with his Contagioufnes infecl the Multitude. By the fage Councell and Aflent of the very difcreet Fathers our to honourable Brethren, and Lordes Bifliops, here prefent, Rychard of Lon- don, Henry of Wynchejler, and Benet of Bangor, and of other great lerned and wyfe Men here, both Do&ours of Diuinitee, and of the Lawes Canon and Ciuyle, Seculars and Religious, with dyuerfe other expert Men affifting vs, we fentencyally and dyffinitiuely, by thys pre- fent Writing, iudge, declare, and condempne the feid Sir lohan Oldcajlell, Knight and Lord Cobham, for a moft pernicious and deteftable Heretyke, conuycled vpon the fame, and re- fufing vtterly to obey the Churche againe, commyttyng hym here from hensforth as a condempned Heretike to the fecular Jurifdic- tion, Power, and ludgement, to do him ther- vpon to Death. Furthermore we excommu- Zbe dffinitive Sentence of his Condempna- cion. /N* Del nomine. Amen. Nos Thomas per- mijjione diulna Cantuarienjis ecclefiee Ar- chiepifeopus, Metropolitanui, totius Anglic prlmas, & Apoftollca fedis legatus, and fo forth, in barbarous Latin, which we haue here tranflated into Inglijh for a more playne Vnder- ftanding to the Reader : In the Name of God. So be it. We Tho- mas by the Sufferaunce of God, Archbisfhop of Gaunter bury i Metropolitane, and Primate of all Ingland, and Legate from the Apofto- lyke Seate of Rome, wylleth this to be knowen vnto all Men. In a certein Caufe of Herefy, and vpon diuerfe Articles, wherevpon Sir lohan Oldcaftle, Knight and Lord Cobham, after a diligent Inquifition made for the fame, was dete&ed, accufed, and prefented before vs in ourlaft Convocation of all our Province of Caunterbury, holden in the Cathedrall Churche of Paules at London. At the laufull Denounce- ment and Requeft of our vniuerfall Clergye in the feid Conuocation, we preceded againft him, accordinge to the Lawe (God to witnefs) with all the Fauer poflible ; and, following Chryftes Example in all that we might, which wylleth not the Death of a Synner, but rather that he be' conuerted and lyve f, we toke vpon vs to correct him, and fought all other Ways poflible to bring him agayne to the Churches Vnytee, declaring? vnto him what the holye and vni- uerfall Church of Rome hath fayd, holden, de- teijmined, and taught in that Behalfe. And though we found him, in the Catholike Faith, farre wyde and fo ftifnecked, that he wold not confefle his Erroure, nor pourge himfelf, nor yet repent him therof. We, yet pyteing him of fatherly Companion, and intierlye de- fyrynge the Helthe of his Sowl, appoynted him a competent Tyme of Delyberacion, to fee if he wold repent, and feke to be reformed. And fens we haue found him worfe and worfe, con- fidering therfore, that he is incorrygible, we are driuen to the very Extremitee of the Lawe, and, with great Heuynes of Hart, we nowe precede to the Publicacyon of the Sentence diffinityue againft him. * Ex rtagno Procefiu Thome Arundeli. magno Proceflu Thome Arundeli* f z,zviii. % Barbarous. 11 E* fticate 256 Bale'; brefe Cbronycle of Sir lohan Oldcaftell. nicate and denounce accurfed not only this Heretike, here prefent, but fo many els be- fydes as (hall hereafter in Fauer of his Errour eyther receive him, or defend him, counfell him, or help him, or any other Way maintein him, as very Fauters, Receiuers, Defenders, Coun- celers, Ayders, and Mainteyners of condempned Heretikes. And, that thefe Premyfles maye be the better k no wen to all faythfiill Chryften Men, we commit yt here vnto your Charges, and geve you ftrayghte Commaundement thervpon by thysWryttyng alfo, that ye caufe thisCondemp- nacion and diffinityue Sentence of Excommu- nycacyon, concerning both thys Heretyke, and his Fawters, to be publyftied throughoute all Dyocefes, in Cytyes, Townes, and Vyl- lages, by your Curates and Paryfh Priefts, fuch Time as they (hall haue moft Recourfe of Peo- ple. And fee that it be done after this Sort : As the People are thus gathered deuoutlye to- gether, lett the Curate euery where go into the Pulpet, and there open, declare, and expounde thys Procefle in the Mother Tongue, in an au- dyble and intelligyble Voice, that yt maye well be perfeiued of all Men, and that, vpon the Fear of this Declaracion alfo, the People maye fall from their yll Opinions concerned now of late by fedicioufe Preachers. Moreouer we will that after we haue de- liuered vnto yche one of you Bisfhoppes (which are here prefent) a Copye herof, that ye caufe the fame to be written out again, into dyuers Copyes, and fo to be fent vnto the other Bis- ihops and Prelates of our whole Province, that they may alfo fee the Contentes thereof fo- lempnely publisfhed within theyr Diocefes and Cures. Finally, we wyll that both you and they fignifye again vnto vs ferioufly and dif- tin&ly by your Wryttinges, as the Mater is without fayned Colour in euery Point per- fourmed, the Daye whervpon ye receyued thys Procefle, the Tyme whan it was of you exe- cuted, and after what Sort it was done in euerye Condicion, according to the Tenour herof, that we may knowe it to be iuftly the fame. A Copye of thys Writynge fent Thomas Arundell^ the Archbisfhop of Caunterbury *, af- terwarde from Maydefton the tenth Daye of Qfiober 9 within the fame Year of our Lord, M. cccc. and xiij. vnto Rychard Clifford, the Bisfhop of London, which thus beginneth, Tho- mas permljfione diulna &c. The fayde Rychard Clifforde fent an other Copye thereof, inclofed within hys own Let- ters, vnto Robert Mafcall, a Carmelyte Fryer, which was than Bisfhop of Herforde in Walls f, written from Hadkam the xxiij. Day of Oftobrej in the fame Yere, and the Beginning thereof is this : Renerende in Chrijlo pater. &c. The faid Robert Mafcall directed another Copye therof from London the xxvij. Day of Novembre in the fame Yere, inclofed in his own Commiflion alfo, vnto his Archdeacons and Deanes in Herforde and Sbrewefbury. And this is therof the Beginning, Uenerabilibus & dlfcretls viris. & cet. In like Maner did the other Bisfhops within their Diocefes. After that the Archbisfhop had thus red the Byll of his Condempnacion, with moft Extre- mitee, before the whole Multitude ; the Lord Cobham fayd with a mooft cherefull Counte- naunce J : Though ye judge my Body which is but a wretched Thing, yet am I certein and fure, that ye can do no Harme to my Soul ||, no more than could Sathan vpon the Soule of lob . He, that created that, wyll of his in- finite Mercy and Promes, faue it, I have therin no Maner of Doubt. And, as concerning thefe Artycles before reherfed, I wyll ftande to them, euen to the very Death, by the Grace of my eternall God. And therwith he turned him vnto the Peo- ple, cafting hys Handes abroade, and faying with a very loude Voice, Good Chryfte* People, for Gods Love, be wel ware of thefe Men ; for they will els begyle you, and leadc you blindelynge into Hell with themfelues. For Chryft fayth plainly * vnto you, If one blind leadeth another^ they are lyke both to fall into the Dytche. After thys, he fell downe there vpon his Knees, and thus, before them all, prayed for his Ennemies, holding vp both his Handes and his Eyes towards Heauen, and faying, Lord God eternall, I befeche the, for thy great Mercies Sake, to forgeue my Perfuers, if it be thy blefled Wyll. And than he was de- * Thomat Wal&en, in Fafciculo Zizaniorum Wicleuii. it Math. x. $ Job. \. ~ * Math. xv. f Walti, Exvtroq; Exemplar!. lyucred Bale's Irefe Cbronycle of Sir Johan Oldcaftell. lyuered to Sir Robert fitforleye y and fo ledde forth agayne to the Tower of London. And thus there was an Endeof that Dayes Worke. Whyle the Lord Cobkam was thus in the Tower, he fent out priuily * vnto his Fryendes. And they, at his Defyre, wrote this lytie Byll here following, caufing it to be fet vp in di- uerfe Quarters of London, that the People ftiulde not beleue the Slaundres and Lyes that his Ennemies, the Bisfhopes Seruaunts, and Pryeftes, had made dh him Abroade. And this was the Letters : FOrafmuch as Sir lohan Oldcajtell, Knight and Lord Cobham, is vntruly conui&ed and impryfoned, falfely reported and flaun- dred among the comen People by his Aduer- faryes, that he fhuld otherwife both fele and fpeake of the Sacramentes of the Church, and fpecially of the blefled Sacrament of the Aulter, than was wrytten in the Confeflyon of his Beleue, which was indented and taken to the Clergye, and fo fet vp in diuerfe open Places in the Citee of London. Knowen be it here to all the World, that he neuer fens ua- ryed in any Poynt therfrom ; but this is playnely his Beleue, that all the Sacramentes of the Church be proffy table and expedient alfo to all them that (hall be faued, taking them after the Intent that Chryft and his true Churche hath ordayned. Furthermore, he beleueth, that, in the blefled Sacrament of the Aulter, is verely and truly Chryftes Body, in Fourme of Breade. After thys, the Bisfhops and Pryeftes were in moche Obloquie, both of the Nobilitee and Comens, partely for that they had fo cruelly handeled the good Lord Cobham, and partely agayne, bycaufe hys Opinion (as they thought at that Tyme) was perfyght concerning the Sacrament. As they feared thys to growe to further Jnconuenience towardes them both Wayes, they drew their Heades together, and, at the laft, confented to vfe -another Praclife fomewhat contrary to that they had done afore. They caufed it by and by to be blowne Abroade by their feed Seruants, Fryendes, and babeling Sir Jobnes f, that the fayde Lord Cobharn was becomen a good Man, and had 257 lawlye fubmitted himfelfe in all Things vnto holy Church, vtterly chaunging his Opinion concerning the Sacrament. And, therevp'on, they contrefayted J an Abiuracion, in his Name, that the People fhuld take no Hold of that Opinion, by any Thing they had hearde of him before, and to ftande fo in the more Awe of them, confidering him fo great a Manne, and by theni fubdued. This is the Abiuracion (fay they) of Sir lohan Oldcaftell, Knight, fometimes the Lord Cobham. An Abiuracion \\ counterfayted of the Bis- Jboppes. /N Del nomine, Amen. I, lohan Oldcaftell^ denounced, detected, and conuy6ted of, and vpon, diuerfe Artycles, fauering both Herefy and Errour, before the reuerend Fa- ther in Chryft, and my good Lord, I'bomat* by the Permiflion of God, Lord Archbisfhop of Caunterbury, and my lauful and rightful Judge in that Behalfe, expreflely graunt and confefle : That, as concerning theEftate and Power of the mooft holy Father, the Pope of Rome, of his Archbisfhops, his Bisfliops, and his other Prelates, the Degrees of the Church, and the holy Sacramentes of the fame, fpecyally of the Sacramentes of the Aulter, and of Penaunce, and other Obferuaunces, befides, of our Mo- ther holy Church, as Pilgrymages and Par- dons ; I afTyrme (I fay) before the faid reue- rend Father Archbisfliop, and els wher, that I, being yll feduced by diuerfe fedicioufe Preach- ers, haue greuoufly erred, and heretically per- fifted, blafphemoufly anfwered, and obftinatlye rebelled. And, therfore, I am by the fayd re- uerend Father, before the reuerend Fathers in Chryft alfo, the Bisfliops of London, Winebejlre % and Bangor^ lawfullye condemned for an He- retyke. Neuerthelefle yet, I now remembering my- felfe, and coueting, by this Meane, to auoide that temporall Payne, whiche I am worthy to fuffer as an Heretike, at the Affignacion of my moft excellent Chryften Prince and Liege Lord, Kyng Henry the Fift, no we, by the Grace of God, mooft worthye Kyng both of Englande and of Fr ounce, minding alfo to prererre the wholfom Determynacyon, Seu- * Ex vetufto Kxemplari Londinenfium. f Sir John was a general Name for the Prieft* in thofe Day?; J al. Counterfeited. | Walden in Fafciculo Zizaniorum fFic/tuii. VOL. II. K k tence, 258 Bale'j brefe Chronycle of tence, and Doftryne of the holy and vniver- fall Church of Rome, before the vnwholfom Opinions of myfelfe, my Teachers, and my Followers: I frely, willyngly, deliberately, and throughly, confefs, graunt, and affyrme the moft holye Fathers in Chryft, Sained Peter the Apoftle, and his Succeflburs, Bisfhoppes of Rome, fpeciallye nowe at thys Tyme, my mooft blefled Lorde Pope lohan, by the Per- myflyon of GOD, the xxiij. POPE of that Name, which nowe holdeth Peters Seate (and yche of them in their Succeflion) in full Strength and Power to be Chryftes Vycar in /Erth, and the Heade of the Church Milytaunt. And that, by the Strength of hys Office (what, though he be a great Syner, and afore knowen of God to be damned) he hath full Auftorilee and Power to rule and gouern, bind and lofe, faue and deftroy, accurfe and aflbyle, all other Chryften Men. And, agreably ftyl vnto thys, I confefle, graunt, and affyrme, all other Archbisfhoppes, Bysfhoppes, and Prelates, in their Provinces, Dyocefes, and Parrifhes (appointed by the feid Pope of Rome to aflyft him in his Doinges or Bufinefs) by his Decrees, Canons, or Vertue of his Offyce, to haue had in Tymes pair, to haue nowe at thys Tyme, and that they ought to haue in Tyme to come, Autoritee and Power to rule and to gouerne, bind and lofe, accurfe and aflbyle the Subie&es or Peoples of theyr aforfeid Prouinces, Diocefes, and Par- rimes j and that theyr fayd Subiectes or Peo - pies ought of Right, in all Thynges, to obey them. Furthermore, I confefle, graunt, and aftyrme, that the fayde fpyrytuall Fathers, as our mooft holy Father the Pope, Archbisfhops, Bisfhops, and Prelates haue had, haue now, and ought to haue hereafter, Audtoritee and Power for the Eftate, Ordre, and Gouuern- naunce of theyr Subiedtes or Peoples, to make Lawes, Decrees, Statutes, and Conftitucions, yea, and to publyfti, commaunde, and com- pell theyr faid Subiedtes, and Peoples, to the Obferuation of them. Morouer,, I confefle, graunt, and affyrme, that all thefe forfayd Lawes, Decrees, Statutes, and Conftitucions, made, publyfhed, and com- maunded, accordynge to the Fourme of fpiri- tuall Lawe, all Chryften People, and euery Man in himfelfe, is ftraightly bound to ob- ferue, and mekelye to obeye, accordynge to the Diuerfitee of the forfavde Powers. As the Sir lohan OldcafteU. Lawes, Statutes, Canons, and Conftitucions of our mooft holy Father the Pope, incorpo- rated in his Decrees, Decretals, Clementynes, Codes, Charles, Refcryptes, -Sextyle?, and Extrauagantes, the World all ouer. And, as the prouinciall Statutes of Archbi-fhoppcs in their Prouinces, the fynodall Adtes of Bis- fhoppes in theyr Diocefes, and the commen- dable Rules and Cuftoms of Prelates in their Colleges, and Curates in their Parrifhes, all Chryften People are both bound to obferue, and alfo mooft mekelye to obeye. Ouer and be- fides all this, I, lohan Oldcajlell, utterly for- fakinge and renouncynge all the aforefayd Er- rours and Herefyes, and all other Errours and Herefyes lyke unto them, lay my Han.de here vpon this Boke, or holy Euangelye of God, and fweare, that I (hall neuermore, from henf- forth, hold thefe forfaid Herefyes, nor yet any other lyke vnto them wetingly. Neyther fhall I geue Counfcll, Ayde, Helpe, nor Fa- uer, at any Time, to them that fhall holde, teache, aftyrme, or mainteine the fame, as God ftiall helpe me, and thefe holy Euange- lyes. And, that I fhall from hensforth faithfully obeye, and inuiolably obferue all the holy Lawes, Statutes, Canons, and Conftitucions, of all the Popes of Rome, Archbisfhops, Bif- fhops and Prelates, as are contayned and de- termined in theyr holye Decrees, Decretals, Clementynes, Codes, Charles, Refcryptes, Sextyles, Summes Papall , Extrauagantes, Statutes provincyall, Adies fynodal, and other ordinary Rules and Cuftomes conftituted by them, or that (hall chaunce hereafter dyredtly to be determined or made. To thefe, and all fuch other, wyll I, myfelfe, with all Power poflible applye. Befydes all this, the Penaunce which it fhall pleafe my faid reuerend Father, the Lord Archbisihop of Caunterbury^ here- after, to enjoyne me for my Synnes, I will mekely obeye, and faithfully fulfyll. Finally, al my Seducers, and falfe Teachers, and all other befydes, whom I mail hereafter knowe, fufpeded of Herefye or Errours, I fhall effec- tuallye prefent, or caufe to be prefented, vnto my fayd reuerend Father, Lord Archbisfhop or to them which hath his Audtoritee, fo fone as I can conueniently do it, and fee that they be corrected, to my vttermooft Power. Amen* Tkt Bale'j brefe Chronicle of Sir lohan Old caftcll. 259 the Ground. This wolde be (they fayd) a Deftru&ion to the Common-welth, a Sub- vercion to the Land, and an uttre Decay of the Kynges Eftate Royall, if Remedy were not fought in Tyme. And this was their Poly eye to couple the Kynges Au&oritee, with that they had done in theyr former Counccll of Craft, and fo to make it thereby the Stronger. For they perceiued themfelues very farre to weake els, to followe againft their Ennemies, that they had fo largely enterprifed. Upon this Complaint, the Kynge immediately called a Parliament at Leicheftre. It might not in thofe Daies be holden at l^eftminjlre^ for the great Fauer that the Lord Cobham had both in London, and about the Cytee, yet were they deceiued.. That, they doubted mooft, lighted there fooneft upon them. A Byll was put in there agayne , by the Commons, againft their continuall Wafting of the Temporalties, lyke as it had bene twife a- fore by Procurement of tjie feid Lord Cobham |, both in the Daies of Kyng Rychard the Second, Anno I395> and alfo of Kyng Henry the I1II. Anno Domini 1410, wherupon was growne all this Malice afore fpecified, but this was than workemanly defeated by another proper Prac- tyfe of theyrs. They put the Kyng in Remembraunce to claim his Right in Fraunce, and graunted him thervpon a Dime, with other great Subfidy of Mony. Thus were Chryftes People betrayed euery Way, and their Liues bought and fold by thefe moft cruell Theves. For in the fayd Parliament the Kyng made this moft blafphe- moufe and cruell A&e, to be as a Lawe for euer . That whatfoever they were, that fhuld read the Scryptures in the Mother Tongue (which was than called Wicleues Lern- ing) they fhuld forfet Land, Catel, Body, Lyf, and Codes from theyr Heyrs for ever, and fo be condempned for Heretykes to God, Enne- mies to the Crowne, and moft errand Trayters to the Land **. Befides this, it was inacled, that neuer a. San&uary, nor privilcdged Grounde, within the Realme fhuld holde them, though they were ftyll permitted both toTheuesand Mur- therers. And if in Cafe they wolde not gyue We cruell Complaint of tbe Clergye and tyrannoufe Afte thereupon made. NEUER came this Abiuracion to the Handes of the Lord Cobham, neytber was it compyled of them for that Purpofe, but onely therwyth to bleare the Eyes of the vnlerned Multitude. And whan they per- ceyued that Polycye would not helpe, but made more and more agaynft them, than fought they out another falfe Praftyfe. They went unto the Kyng * with a moft greuoufe Complaint, like as they did afore in his Fa- thers Tyme, that, in euery Quarter of the Realme, by reafon of Wicleues Opinions, and the faid Lord Cobham, were wonderfull Contentions, Rumours, Tumultes, Vproars, Confederacions, Diflencions, Diuifions, Dif- ferences, Difcordes, Harmes, Slaunders, Scif- mes, Se&es, Sedicions, Perturbacions, Parrels, unlaufull Aflemblyes, Variaunces, Strifes, Fyghtinges, rebellioufe Ruffelinges, and dayly In fur regions. The Church (they faid) was hated : The Diocefanes were not obeyed : The Ordinaries were not regarded : The fpiri- tuall Offycers, as Suffraganes, Archdeacons, Chauncelers, Do&ours, Commiflaries, Offy- cials, Deanes, Lawyers, Scribes, and Somme- ners were euery where defpyfed : The Lawes and Liberties of holy Church were troden un- dre Fote : The Chryften Fayth was ruynouflye decayed : Gods Seruice was laught to Scorne : the fpirituall JurifdidUon, Au&oritee, Honour, Power, Polycye, Lawes, Rytes, Ceremonies, Curfes, Keyes, Cenfures and Canonicall Sanc- tions of the Church were had in an uttre Con- tempt. So that all, in a Maner, was come to nought. And the Caufe of this was, that the Here- tikes and Lolars f of IVicleues Opinion were fuffered to preach Abrode, fo boldly to gether Conuenticles unto them, to kepe Scoles in Mens Houfes, to make Bokes, compyle Trea- tifes, and wryte Ballets ; to teach privately in Angles and Corners, as in Wodes, Feldes, Meadowes, Paftours, Groues, and in Caues of * Ex Statuto Parliament! Regis, Hen. V. f Abettors, Defenders, and Publifhers. t Roberta* Fabianus in Chronicis. || Walden in Fafciculo, Fabianus in Chronicis. Walden ad Marti- num Papam lib. ii. cap. 40. & in Synodo Polidorus. ** It was neverthelefs enafted in this Par- liament, That a general Pardon fhould for the prefent be granted to all Lollardi, excepting Sir John QMcaJiel, and lome ochers therein mentioned. Clanf. 2. Hen. V. m. 24. K k 2 ouer, Bale'* brefe Chronycle of Sir lohan Oldcaftell, 2 60 ouer, or were after their Pardon relapfed, they ftiuld fuffer Death in two Maner of Kindes. That is, they fliuld fyrft be hanged for Treafon agaynft the Kyng, and than be burned for He- refy agaynft God : And yet neither of both committed. The Beginning of that A& is this: Pro eo quod magni rumor 'es, &c. Anon after, was it proclaymed throughout the Realme, and than had the Bisfhoppes, Pryefts, Monkes, and Fryers a Worlde fomwhat to theyr Mindes. For than were many taken in diuerfe Quarters, and fuffred mooft cruell Death *. And many fled out of the Lande into Ger- many, Bohem, Frounce, Spain, Portingale, and into the Weld of Scotland, Wales, and Treland, working there many Maruels agaynft their falfe Kyngdome to long to wryte. In the Chri/i- mas followinge was Sir Roger Afton, Knight, Mafter lohan Browne, Efquire, Sir loban Be- uerlay, a lerned Preacher, and dyuerfe other more attached for Quareling with certeine PryefteT, and fo imprifoned f. For all Men at that Tyme could not paciemly fuffer theyr blafphemoufe Bragges. The Complaint was made vnto the Kyng of them, that they had made a great Affemble in Sainl Gyles-Felde at London, purpofing the Deftru&ion of the Land, and the Subvercyon of the Common-welth. As the Kyng was thus infourmed, he eredted a Banner (faith Wai- den J) with a Crofle thereupon, as the Pope doth commonly by his Legates, whan he pre- tendeth to warre agaynft the Turke, and with great Nombre of Men entred the fame Felde, where as he found no fuch Company. Yet was the Complaint Judged true, bycaufe the Bisftioppes had fpoken it, at the Informacion of their Pryeftes. All this hath Thomas Walden in diuerfe of his Workes, which was at the fame Tyme a Whight or Carmelyte Fryer, and the Kinges Confeflbur j and partely it is touched both by Robert Fabian, and by Polidorus Virgi- lius, in theyr Inglljh Chronycles, but not in all Poyntes rightly, as is to be feane in the Preface afore. In the meane Seafon, Sir loban Old' cajlell, the Lord Ccfasn:> efcaped out of the Tower of Louden in the Night ||, and fo I into I Pales t where as he continued more than iiii. Yeres after . Some Wryters haue thought this Efcape to come by the fayd Sir Roger ASlon, and other* Gentylmen, in Difpleafure of the Pryeftes, and that to be the chefe Occafion of their Deathes, whiche might well be ; but Walden doth not fo vtter it, whiche reigned the felfe fame Tyme. In 'January next following **, was the afore-named Sir Roger /ftfon, Mafter lohan Browne, Sir lohan BeuerJey, and Thirty-fix more (of whom the more Part were Gentylmen of Byrthe) conui&edofHerefy by theBisihops, and condempned of Treafon by the Tempo- ralitie, and accordyng to the A6te were fyrft hanged, and than brent in the fayd Saint Gyles-Felde. In the fame Yere ft, alfo was one lohan Claydon, a Skynner, and one Ry chard Turmln, a Baker, both hanged and brent in Smythfelde, by that vertuous Aft, befydes that was done in al other Quarters of Ingland \ whiche was no fmall Nombre, if it were nowe throughly knowen. The latter Imprisoning and Death of the Lord Cobham. I N the Yere of our Lorde a. M. cccc. and xv JJ, dyed Thomas Arundell, which had bene Archbisfhop ofCaunterbury more than xxxii Yeres, to the great Deftru&ion of Chryften Beleue. Yet dyed not his prodigioufe Tyran- nye wyth hym, but fucceeded with his Office in Henry Chicheley, and in a great Sort more of the fpyghtfull Spiritualtee. For their Ma- lyce was not yet failed agaynft the good Lord Cobham. But they confedered with the Lord Powys (whiche was at that Tyme a great Gou- uernour in Wales) feding him with lordely Giftes and Promifes to accomplyfh theyr De- fy re. He at the laft, thus monied with ludas |||, and outwardly pretending him great Amitieand Fauer, mooft cowardlye and wretchedlye toke him> and in Conclufion fo fcnt him up to * Walden ad Martinum Papam, lib. i. cap. 50. De Sacramentalibus, cap. 53. f Walden, Faiianus, la. Maior, Polidorm. J Walden in Martinum 8c in Prologo de Sacramentis. (j About 28 OQober 1413, and on 10 January following a Commiffion was iflued out to the Lord Mayor of London, for ap- prehending him, &c. And, at the fame Time, he was indi&ed for Treafon, and in Hilary Term he was out-lawed for Treafon. Fabianus, Polidorus, in Chronicis. ** loban Maior, Lib. vi. cap. 9. Hiilorie Scotorum. f f Robertus Fabianus, in Chronicis. JJ According to the Canter- bury Regifter. it ftiould be 141 3. And according to Walfmgkam, p. 3^6, and GWov/Vs Hen. V. p. 33, he died 20 Feb. 1414. ||U Math, #xvi. Londw, BaleV brefe Chronycle of Sir lohan Oldcaftell. 261 Landon, where as he remayned a Moneth or two impryfoned again in the Tower. And af- ter long Procefle they condempned him agayne of Herefy and Treafon, by Force of the afore- hamed Afte ; he rendering Thanks vnto God that he had fo appointed him to fuffre for his Names-fake. And, vpon the Daye appointed, he was brought out of the Tower, with hys Armes bound behynd him, hauing a very chereful Countenaunce. Than was he layd upon an Hardle, as though he had bene a mooft hay- noufe Traitoure to the Crowne, and fodrawne forth into Sain& Giles Felde, where as they had fet vp a newe Paire of Galowes. As he was comen to the Place of Execution, and was taken from the Hardle, he fell down de- uoughtly vpon his Knees, defyringe Almigh- tye God to forgeue hys Ennemies. Than ftode he vp, and beheld the Multitude, ex- horting them, in mooft godly Maner, to followe the Lawes of God, written in the Scryptures, and in any wyfe to beware of fuch Teachers, as they fee contrary to Chryft in their Conuerfacion and Liuing, wyth many other fpeciall Councels. Than was he hang- ed vp there by the Middle in Chaynes of Y- ron, and fo confumed alyue in the Fyre, prayfmg the Name of God fo long as his Lyfe lafted. In the Ende, he commended his Sowle into the Handes of God, and fo de- parted hens moft Chryftenly, his Body re- folued into Asfhes. And this was done in the Yere of our Lord a. M. cccc. and xviij. which was the fixt Yere of the Reygne of Kyng Henry the Fift, the People there prefent (hewyng great Dolour. How the Pryeftes that Tyrne fared, fclafphemed, and curfed, requiring the People not to praye for hym, but to iudge hym dampned in Hell, for that he departed not in the Obedience of their Pope, it were to long to wryte. This terrible Kinde of Death, with Galowes, Chaynes, and Fyre, appeareth not very precioufe in the Eyes of Men, that be carnal), no more that did the Death of Chryft, whan he was hanged vp among Theues *. The Rivhtuo, wuje femeth to dye (fayth be Sysbt of them whiche igi. the Wife Man f) in the 'Sygbt of them whiche are vnwife, and their Ende is taken for very DeJIrutfion. Vngodly Poles thinketh iheyr Lyues very Madnes, and theyr PaJJage kens without al Honour. But thogh they fuffre Pain be- fore Men (fayth he %} yet is theyr Expeflacion full of Immortalitee. They are accounted for the Chyldren of God, and haue their iujl Portion among the Sainftes. As Golde in the Furnace doth God trye his Elefte, and as a mojl plea- fount brent Offering receiueth he them to Rejl ||. The more horde the Pajfages be t the more glo- rioufe Jhall they appear e in the latter Refurrec- cion. Not that the Affliccions of this Lyfe are worthye oj fuch a Glory, but that it is Gods heauenly Pleafure fo to reward them . Neuer are the ludgmentes and Wayes of Men lyke vnto the ludgmentes and Wayes of God, but contrary eutrmore, vnles they he taught of him**. In the later Tyme (fayth the Lord* vnto Daniel/) Jhall many be chofen, proued* and purified by Fyre ; yet Jhall the Pngcdly lyue wickedly Jlyll^ and haue no Fnderjlanding, thai is, of Faith. By an Angell from Heauen was lohan |f erneftly commaunded to wryte, that Blejfid are the Dead, which hens departeth in the Lord. Right dere (fayth Dauid JJ) iu the Syght of God is the Deathe of his true Set uauntes. Thus refleth this valeaunt Chryften Knight, Sir lohan Oldcajiell, vnder the Aulter of God (which is lefus Chryft) among that godly Company, which, in the Kyngdome of Pacience, fujfred great Tribulacion, with the Death of their Bodies, for his faithfull Words and Tejlimony ; abiding there with them the Fullfylling of theyr whole Nombre, and the full Rejlauracion of his Eleftes \\\\. The whiche he graunt in Effedl, at this Tyme appointed, which is one God eternall. Amen* The Conclufwn. BEfydes the Caufes reherfed afore in the Preface, concerning the dreadful Death of thys mooft Chryften Knight, Sir lohan Oldcajlell, the Lord Cobham, this is alfo rekened for one : In the Ende of the fyrft Boke, which he put vp into the Parliament- houfe, agaynft the Abufions of the Clergye, in the Yere of our Lord, a. M.ccc.xcv. (which was alfo the xviij. Yere of King Richard the Second] were thefe vi. Verfes written, as a brefe Conclufion fommary of the vniuerfall Contents therof. * loban xix. f Wifl. iii. J Chap. v. || Chap. iii. Heb. xi. Rom. viij. ** E- Hier. xxxii, Dan, xii. ff Ape. xiiij. \% Pfalm cxv, ||j| Apoc , vi. j. vij. xx. Plangunt Bale'* brefe Chronyck of Sir lohan Oldcaftell fame Tyme, Yeare, Moneth, Weke, and Daye, a Prifoner within the Tcwer of London. How well thefe two Writtinges agre, I re- port me. But thus comenly are innocent Men lyed vpon amongft thefe blafphemoufe Bellygods. But he, that is eflentially true cf himfelf, hath promifed f, at one Tyme or other, to clere his true Seruaunt, not by Lyes and Fables, but by his owne pure Worde : No Secret^ faith he t, is fo clofej but ones Jhall be opened } ney- . i n-i r i j j , i -j /i _;/... i ,. ;. - 262 Plangunt Anglorum Gentet Crimen Sodomirum. Paulus firt t horumfnnt Idda caufa mahrum. Surgutit ingrati) Giezlte Syrnone nati t Nomine Prelati, hoc defenfare parati, ^ui Reges f/iis 9 populis quicunque preejtis^ is Geftis Gladios prohibere potejlis ? Though the Verfes be groffe and vnper- fight, according to the Time than, wherin all freih Lyterature was clerelye extinguis(h ed, yet is the Sentence of them lyvely, and of a rrelh faithfull Spyrite, euen in the Zeale of Helias and P&inees f for Rebuke of Synne : And thus are they in the Inglijke : Bewayle maye Inglande the Synne 0/*Sod< For Idolles and they are Ground of all they lomites : 5ey are Ground of all theyr Wo. O/Symon Magus a Seft of Ypocrites, Surnamed Prelates, ere vp wyth them to go : Andy to vpholde them in all that they may do. You that be Rulers, peculyarly feletted, Howcanyefujfrefuch Mifcheues togovncorrefted? Whan this Boke wolde not helpe towardes any Reformacion, but was laught to Scorne of the Bisfhoppes, than were thefe Verfes co- pyed out by dyuerfe Menne, and fet upon their Wyndows, Gates, and Dores, which were than knowen for obftinate Ypocrites and flefhly Lyuers ; which made the Prelates raadde. And thys is the great Infurre&yon, that Walden complaineth of vnto Pope Mar- ten thf Fyft ; and after him, Polydorus, the Popes Colleclour, with other Papiftes more, wherin neuer a oneManne was hurt. I wolde maruell moche more of the Doublenes of Thomas Walden^ beyng than the Kynges Con- feflbur, if I did not know the vnfhamefaft Nature of that lyeng Generation. In his fyrft Epiftle * vnto Pope M^rtine^ and in the fyrft Preface of hys fourth Boke contra Wideu- iftas, he fayth, that Sir loban Qldcaftell, with a greate Nombre of Heretikes, con- fpyred againft Kyng Henry the Fyft t in the fyrft Yeare of his Reigne ; and that he offered him, for euery Monk, Chanon, Fryer, and Popifh Pryeftes Head, within his Realme, a Gold Noble. And, cleane contrary vnto thys, he teftifieth, in his Boke, called, Fafciculus Zizaniorum JPlcleuij, that he was, the felfe ther it any Thing Jo hldde, that Jhall not at the laji be knowne clerely. Thus hath Sir lohan Oldcajlell a triumphaunt Victory ouer his En- nemies by the Veritee, which he defended, all contrary to the blinde Worldes Expedlacion ; and they haue a fowle Ouerthrowe, being proued manyfeft Murtherers, blind Beaftes, Ypocrites, and Lyers, by the fame. Such a fwete Lord is God alwayes to thofe that be his true Seruauntes, blefled be his holy Name therefore. Conferre the Caufes of this godlye Mans Deathe with the Poyntes that Thomas Becket dyed for, and other Popifh Martirs befides, and ye (hall fynd them farre different and vnlyke. Thomas Becket was flayne || at Caunterbury, in his Prelates Apa- rell, in the Heade Churche, before the hygh Aulter, amonge religioufe Monkes and Pryeftes and in the holy Tyme of Chryjlmas* by his owne Seking ; and all this is glorioufe vnto worldly ludgmentes. Sir lohan Oldcajlell was brent in Chaynes , at London, in Saint Giles- Felde, vnder the Galowes, amonge the Laye People, and vpon the prophane Workyng Daye, at the Bysfhoppes Procurement. And all this is vnglorious, yea and very dcfpifeable vnto thofe* worldelye Eyes. What though lefus Chryft his Mafter, afore hyrn^, were handeled after a lyke Sorte ? For he ** was crucified at Hierujalem, without the Citee, and without, the holy Synagoge, accurfed out of Churche, amonge the prophane Multitude, in the Middeft of Theues, in the Place where as Theues and Murtherers were commonly hanged, and not vpon the feaftful Day, but afore it, by the Bisfhoppes Procurement alfo. Now let vs confidcr the Caufes of both theyr Deathes, and try them both by the manifeft Scryptures of the Gofpel, vvhiche of them * Ad Martinum Papam. Et in Prefatlone iv. Lib. contra Wideuijlas. f lohan viij. % Matth. x. Luke xij. || Stepbanui Langton in Vita Thome, lib. i. cap. 20. Waldtn, Iff. Maior, Fabianus. ** Heb. xiij. Ioban\x. Matth,xx.v\], lohan xix. ^. HI. VH. 4 Henry Vlll. 5 /&r>- VIII. 17 Hwry VIII. 28 Henry Vm. 32 //wrjrVIII. 34 Admirals of England. John Beaufort, Marquis of Dorfet, abovefaid, Brother to Henry the Fourth, was fole Admiral of England. Edmond Holland, Earl of Kent, was fole Admiral. Thomas Beaufort, Brother to the Marquis aforcfaid, was fole Admiral of England. Admirals of England under Henry the Sixth. John of Lancajier, Duke of Bedford, and Earl of Richmond, was Lord High Admiral of England. John Holland, Duke of Exeter, and Earl of Huntingdon, was conftituted Admiral of England, Ireland, and jfquitain, and his Son Henry had the Grant of this Office in Reverfion. William de la Pole, Marquis and Earl of Suffolk, was conftituted Admiral of England, Ireland, and Aqultain, during the Non-age of Henry, Duke of Exeter. Henry Holland, abovefaid Duke of Exeter, was Admiral of England, Ire- land, and dquitain. Admirals under Edward the Fourth. Richard Nevill, Earl of Warwick and Salt/bury, was Admiral of England. William Nevill, Earl of Kent, and Baron Falconbridge. Ricfard, Duke of Gloucejter. Richard Nevill, Earl of Warwick. Richard, Duke of GlouceJJer, Admiral again. Admirals under Richard the Third. Jthn Howard Duke of Mj/otf. Admirals of England under Henry the Seventh. John Vere> Earl of 0*/r- pe*ranceS) but he knows not how to live upon Air. He is a mere Weathercock, though not a U u High- 338 High-Church -Ma H, and always faces-about, and turns his Backftde upon every JPind but what blows from the Court. He is for fending ever for the pretended Prince of Wales, and Breeding him up in the Doftrines of the Church of England one Seftion of Parliament, and for letting in John Calvin into St. Stephen's Cha- pel another ; he is for faying King William made a felonious Treaty in the laji Reign, but is for a more dangerous Agreement in this, fuice the Partition only affected us in our Concerns Abroad, but a Comprehenfion would ruin us at Home. In fhort, lie is good for Nothing, for H non eft Littera, is a ftanding Rule in Pro- fodia. He was Poet-Laureat to Monfieur Poujfin, and lodged in the fame Houfe with him, when he fneaked out from his Company the laft Time they met together, at the Blue-PoJh ; but now his St. Maw 's Mufe has given the French Troops a Cornijh Hug, and flung them all upon their Backs, as may be feen in his excellent Metre, infcribcd to the Duke of Marlboroitgh, as- it is inferted in that valuable Paper, called,. The Diverting Poft. He has been a Member of Parliament for one of our Univerfities, yet {brinks back from the Defence of the Doctrines of that Church which is acknowledged by his Electors for the only true one. He is a Man of great Reach and Abilities, in diftinguiming Metals ; and, if he did but know the Difference of the Miz- zen-maft from the Main, as well as that of a Louis d'Ore from a Guinea, he might make an admirable Commander of the Navy. He is a Gentleman that \a&Jlept away the Remembrance of what recommended him to be Knight of the Shire for , and dreamt himfclf into a Place in the Exchequer ; which has dazzled his Eyes fo, and confounded his Under/landing, that he fits down, as if at his Journey's End, with a Penfion of Fifteen-hun- dred Pounds per Annum, and thinks he has done enough for his Country, who fent him up to Town to do their Bufmefs, not his own, in making Provifion for blmfelf. He is one that was to play the Devil with the Obfervator, for Writing again/I the Church, before his Tryal, but had not a Word to fay *Ihe Character of a Sneaker. fay for it after ; Some-body had lived fo mer- rily, as to forget the Day cf the Month on which he was found guilty. His Hand is al- ways open, though his Mouth is {hut. His Heart is as good as any Man's in England, for the Church EJlabli/hed\ but Charity begins at Home, and let the National Religion Jink or fwim, as long as one is taken Care of. He is agaiuft Tacking the Occasional Confor- rni/t's Bill to the Land-Tax, not for the Sake of his Country, but h'tmfelf. He is tacked to an Office, which he is loth to be disjoined from ; and, for that Caufe, hinders the other's Conjunction. He is Cap in Hand to his E- leffors, before they return him for their Mem- ber j but, when once got upon their Shoul- ders *, He will ride f them to fame Purpofc. It matters not what Inftrudtions they give him ; great Men are allowed to have treache- rous Memories, and he will not part with that Title to Greatnefs. He is an Arijlotelian, tho' he loves the Mam- mon of Unrighteoufncfs too much to be a Philo- fbpher ; and his Actions are fufficient Arguments to fhew, that the Corruption of one Thing is the Generation of another J, /. e. He makes appear, that the Defection of a good Man to a bad Par- ty is the Acceffion of an ill One j and, if he did not know himfelf to have made a wrong and unjuftiriable Choice, he would never be a- fliamed of declaring his Mind in Favour of it ; which {hews Modejty has not forfeken him, though Honefty feems to have bidden him A- dieu. Though he is not qualified to be one of his Grace of Canterbury's Chaplains, becaufe he is not a Churchman good enough, he may ferve for one of his Water-men, for to look one Way, and row another, is their Bufmefs. He was put into a Poft, under Pretence of being a Churchman, but imagines, the ready Way, to keep in it, is not to. be.againft the Dijfenters ; for Some-body has faid, They are too great a Body to be difobliged ; and he knows, he ftands but upon flippery Ground, while he gives not implicit Obedience to Some-body's Orders. He is one that has been deputed by the Peo- ple to make new Laws, and thinks it of no Confequence what becomes of the old-. He * At Country Elections, it is cuflomary to carry the Members chofen in Triumph on Men's Shoulders about the Town. f He$or and fpunge upon thofe he reprefents. This is the Ariftotslian Principle in Natural: ; but the Sneaker adapts it to Politicks. is The CLar after of a Sneaker. is of a modern Cut ; and the very Reafon, that fhould be of Force with him to ftand up for the Church, flackens his Refolutions to de- fend her. She has been a Church from the Beginning, and King Solomon's Miftrefs * is too antiquated, and out of Date, for a Courtl- r's Embraces. He is a pretended Stickler for the Queer's Authority, juft fo long as he receives the Queen's Money, while to {hew, how unde- fervins: he is of her Royal Favour, he confe- derates himfelf for the Downfall of the Queen's Religion. He is an Englishman with a Scotch Heart, an Irifo Pair of Heels, and a Spanijh Countenance. His Policy confifts in a demure Look, his Courage in withdrawing himfelf when there is an Occafion ; his Conjfancy is Varlatl- an ; and his Hone-fly is what you think fit to call it, for I know not where to find it. He is for a fingle Minijlry f , that he may play the Tom double under it, and had rather the Management of Affairs fhould be in one great Lord's or Court Lady's Hands, than in feveral j becaufe the fewer the Super- Intendents, the more may be the Mifcarriages of thofe that are fubordinate to them, without being dif- cernecL Not that he is of this Temper for any other Account, fince, notwithftanding his pretended Affections for her Majefty's Perfon and Government, he leans more towards a Commonwealth than a Monarchy, and had ra- ther the executive Power was to be intrufted with a Committee of Safety J, and he to be the Obadiah of the P-arty, than to be lodged where it is. He was for Rejumlng of Grants the laft Reign, for fear there would be none left to be given away in this, and always for having Com- mijjioners to Jtate the publick Accompts, till, by getting into a Poft himfelf, he was rendered 359 He goes to Church, becaufe the )ucen does, and is ready to give his Vste for as -wavy Mil- Horn as (hall be defired ; becaufe he knows how to make double the Account, his Quota comes to, out of them. He is a State Herma- phrodite, an Ambidexter : 'Jacob T n with his two Left-Legs makes not fuch an aukward Figure as he docs. He is like the Satyr in the Fable, that blows Hot and Cold with the fame Breath, and never does any Thing Praife- worthy, but when he bluflies for Shame of his playing at Hide and Seek, with his old Prin- ciples, at the Sight of an old Dr. /)' nt is a Saint to him, and play- ed the Man, for he no fooner changed Sides, but his Peace Abroad and War at Home told the World fo. But he plays the Child's Part ; and, becaufe he {huts his ouin Eyes, thinks no Creature in the World fees him. The one cares not who knows what he is, and the other would be taken for what he is not. Of the two Sinmrs the firjl is the more commendable, for that Devil can lefs do Mifchief, that appears in lr own Shape, than the Form of an Angel oi Light. He never looks upon her Majefty's Arm-, but Semper Eadem ** gives him the Gripe?, for he knows he had not been what be is, had h. continued what he was. He is Rfgis ad E.\- emplum ff only in hisdoaths, not in his Prin- ciples, and pays a greater Deference to her Majefty's Way of Drefs than her Jforfilp. He is a figure of Nought or Cypher, that is of Ufe only 7 when you come to tell Nofcs ; and rather weakens then Jlrengthem a Party, but when the Yea's and No's fet the Clerks in Parliament at Work, and make them fall to Numeration. He is the very Reverfe of one of the Mem- bers of the Rump Parliament, even while he obnoxious to their Cenfures. He is againft flinging out of the Houfe all Members of Par- liament poflefled of Offices creeled fince the Year 84, becaufe a Sneaker || was in Employ before that Time of the Day ; and under-hand makes an Intereft againft the Occaftonal Bill, be- caufe he is a Sort of an Occafionalift himfelf. fides with them that juftify their Proceedings. They fet afide the Houfe of Lords as ufelefs ; he is for pulling down the Authority of the Haufe cf Commons, even while he has the Ho- nour to fit in it, and making a Surrendry of their Right in one Point, that he may be taken for a Man of peaceable Difpofitions in all others. Moderation is his Pretence, but getting of Mo- * The Church of God. f A Prime Minifter. J The Government was fo filled, when the Parliament rebelled againft King Cf.^rltf the Fir It. |j Viz. The particular Perfon hereby intended. ** i.e. Always the fame ; die Qaeen!s Motfo. f f Conformable to his Sovereign's Example. Uu 2 ney 340 An Hiftorical Account 0/V/>)u with nofmall Pains, nor little Charge, contrived (as we thought) a Method, that might not only have laid the Duty on the Confump- tioner, but alfo might have relieved you from the Complaints of thofe that do charge you with biing great Debtors,, and to have enabled every Planter to make the beft Advantage An Hiftorical Account of the Weft-Indies. 341 of their Plantations, by fupplying them with Monies , at the common Inter eft of the Colo- nies, by preventing numerous Sellers, necejjitous and ignorant Sales. And that this might run through the moft ftrift Examination, before it Jbould have been allowed of, we propofed, that his late Majefty, and Privy-Council, might have thefirft View of it, that they might befatisfied it did not leffen his Majefty 's Revenue, and that we might have his Majefty'j Leave to propofe it to the Affemblies of every in- dividual Colony - 9 and, if they did approve of it, and petitioned his Majefty / Su- gar, and alfo would place any Duty the Parlia- ment could invent upon the Con Purr ptioner, and not on the Maker or Dealer in it : And, that the common Factory intended was prac- tically and equally defigned, will to every dif- interefted Man appear, who will but examine the Draughts prepared to be offered to the Af- femblies of the feveral Colonies, to whofe Ap- probation or Diflike they were abfolutely to be fubmitted, before any joint Stock could 367 have been united for their Service: Nay, Idare further affirm, that no able or confiderable Fac- tor but muft have found his Account, by Em- ployment in the common Factory, equal to his Bufinefs in his particular Dealing, fince all the Perfons to be employed therein were always to be nominated by the feveral Colonies, and to have been accountable to the Planters for their Produce. But, leaving that Matter at prefent, I do af- firm, that nothing can ever keep up the juft Price of Sugars, and other Weft-India Commo- dities, like an equal common Factory j and that, well fettled, would fecure the Planter a- gainft all Accidents of new Impofitions, let them be what they would, provided it is paid back upon Exportation, and a proportionable Advance were placed on the fame Com modi ties coming from Foreign Parts ; by which, as an equal Standard, the Parliament too would fe- cure the Nation from being impofed upon by any exceffive Price. Another mighty Benefit, both to the King, Planter, and Merchant, would accrue by a common Factory, if the Cuftoms and Impo- fitions on their Commodities were reduced to a Commutation of fo much per Cent, upon Sales, as was proportionable to them, for here- by the Importer would not be burthened with paying down and rifquing his Duty in truft- ing his Chapman, nor could the King lofe the leaft Part of what was due to him, which Conveniencies were provided for by another Branch of the faid Undertaking. But to pafs again from that, I fay, nothing can enable the Planters to buy Necefiaries cheap, like a fufficient Bank of Credit, nor nothing keeps up the Price of the Commodity, as Plantations increafe, like a common Facto- ry- In the next Place, to remedy another In- conveniency attend ing thofe Plantations, which is, being forced to bring their Produce firft in- to England before they can fend it to Foreign Markets. But, if they had the Privilege to carry thofe Commodities directly Abroad, which were ful- ly meliorated, free from paying any Duty or Cuftom, and fuperfluous to our own Confump- tion, the Crown, which is the great End of the Conftraint, could not in the leaft fuffer, and we with Profit might gain all Foreign Markets, and fet the Price of thofe Commo- diiies Abroad ; which we cannot now do, be- ing; Jin Wjlorical Account ing liable to a greater Charge by longer Voyages, double Rifques, and the Expence of Time and Labour, in loading and unloading fuch Goods, which was alfo provided for in another Branch of the faid Undertaking. To prevent the Incroachment and Mifre- prefentations of Governors and malicious Men, againft the induftrious Planter, Mer- chant, and Inhabitants of thofe Colonies, Iti- nerant Judges might be fent annually, fully impowered to infpe&, examine, and reprefent Matters to the Privy-Council at their Return; md finally to determine any Appeals from the fupreme Courts and Councils there ; to con- flitute which Jurifdi&ion, it might be necefla- ry, that three or more of the Members of the Council of Trade, having not the leaft pri- vate Intereft or Dealing in thofe Colonies, might be fent out, attended by a Regifter o"r Clerk of that grand Aflize with a Man of War, firft to touch at Barbadoes, next at the Leeward //lands, next at Jamaica, then at Ca- rolina, fo on through Virginia, Maryland, Pen- fylvania, New-York, and New- England, and fo from thence Home : The major Part of them to be paramount in all Civil Cafes to all Go- vernors, wherever they redded ; that, immedi- ately on their Arrival, the AfFemblies fhould meet and fit, by whom they might receive a full Account of the Wants, Defeats, and Re- quefts of each Place, and alfo examine the fe- veral Adminiftrations of Goods belonging to Perfons in England by the Death of Relations, and other Matters, and prevent Injuftice or the Neceffity of fetching Perfons thence from their Families or Bufinefs on any Complaints in England ; that they might be obliged to hold a Sort of Term, for three Weeks before Set- ting out, to receive Oaths of Witneffesto be ufed in Evidences there, as alfo Pretences to E- ftates of Perfons deceafed, and Controverfies about Bills of Exchange, or any other Matters which occafion Delay now, anddifcourageDeal- ings in thofe Parts ; that none of thofe Judges fliould go two Years fuccefiively together, but that a Rotation of that Employment as near as may be, fhould be appointed among'ft the Mem- bers which compofed the Council of Trade ; that they fhould have fufficent Salaries for their Trouble, and not be fuffered to receive any other Fee, Prefent, or Reward, befides Meat and Drink, whatever infinite Number of Con- veniencies might arife to thofe Plantations by of the Weft-Indies.' fuch a laft Refort : The Manner as well as the full Jurifdiclion I will omit, being neceffary to be more enlarged upon, than I am willing in the fhort Method I have propofed to myfelf. In the next Place, I cannot chufe but think that the Judges, after fuch a Court was efta--. blifhed, might omit taking Cognifance of thofe malicious and troublefome, rather than neceffary Complaints, about Carrying People to the In- dies, any Man concerned being there upon the Place able to make his Complaint, and receive full Damages for any Abufe put upon him for an unvoluntary Tranfportation or Non-per- formance of the Contract made with them : This would open the Gap to many People's going thither, than which I have proved no- thing can be of more Advantage to the Com- mon-wealth; fo that, by faving many trouble- fome Fees, and other Dangers, in fending white Servants, they might be had much cheaper by the Planter to his great Encourage- ment. In the next Place, begging Pardon of the African Company, if I err, I cannot fee an honeft Reafon, why the Planters fhould not be at full Liberty to buy Blacks at the beft Market they can, the A& of Navigation pre- fervdd j for is their Patent alone a fufficient Juftification ta fo perfect and mifchievous a Monopoly, as that Inhibition they pretend to feems to be ? For, though they may give many Reafons to warrant that united Stock and fole Trading in Gulney to them, yet I cannot fee that can hinder black Slaves to be brought to the Plantations by an Englijb Ship from any other Place : 'But this I am fure of, that, fince they may be had by private Merchants one Third cheaper than the Company will afford them, they ought to be at Liberty to have them, fince the Nation is ten Times more Gainer by the Labour of the Blacks, than the Company is by their Price ; and one Third more of Blacks employed in Planting, which would follow, if they were one Third cheaper, would alfo enable them to fell the Produce of the Colonies one Third cheaper, by which Means they would be able to ruin all other Foreign Colonies ; and in Time we may, by cheap Selling, get the whole Trade of Sugar in- to our Hands; which muft be fuch a National Profit by this, and our former Computations, that no Argument on the other Side for the Company's lutereft can in thfc leaft balance : Befides, An TJt/lorical Account of the Weft- Indies. Befides, if it fhould be allowed, that the Com- pany furnifhes the Sugar Colonies with more than they are well paid for, at the Price they take, yet they do not bring them in all one Third fo many as they could employ, and do furnifli the Tobacco Plantations with none at all (except what are firil agreed for in Erg- land, and then theMerchant pays extravagant- ly, and the Planter mud advance for the Mer- chant's Encouragement, and fo pay a double ProfifJ who would, if they had them at a mo- derate Price, quickly double their Numbers to a mighty Increafeof Shipping and National Wealth : Thus the Prohibition and total In- grofling the Trade of Blacks, by the Company, does feveral Ways infinitely prejudice the Plan- tations and induftrious Planters in them, as well as prejudice the Publick ; but^ if the Pre- fervation of the Guiney Trade be of fuch Ad- vantage to the Kingdom, that the Caftles muft be maintained, it is but reafonable thofe Pub- lick Things mould fall equally on the Pub- lick, and not be made fo many Ways incon- venient to the moft ufeful Part of it, which is the induftrious Planter of America. If it mould be found neceflary to fupport the African Company for the Good of the Guiney Trade, at the fame Time no Doubt but that fuch "Care will be taken of the Colonies, that they fhall be better and cheaper fupplied than they have been yet : Therefore, with Su- -miflion to the better Underftandings of others, among the many Ways that may be thought convenient, I do humbly propofe, that any Planters may have them delivered by Lots at a moderate Price in the Colonies, or that any Planter or Merchant, giving good Security for the Payment of their Money in England at a certain Time, may have Negroes at a certain moderate Profit to the African Company, put on Board their Ship at Guiney ; or may have Goods of the African Company at a reafonable Profit, to be paid in England at the Return of the Ship ; or that they may have Liberty to go and trade thither, paying a moderate Sum per Cent. forLeave to carry their own Goods ; for it is to be underftood, that whatfoever Burthen is put upon the Negroe Trade, the Planter pays it, and it will fo much feflen the Increafe of the Plantations. And fince by no difcerning Perfon it can be denied but that the Sugar and Tobacco Colonies are of very great Advantage to England* it is not to be queftioned but that our Legiflators will think it worth their While to methodile that Commerce to the beft Advantage, and to fuffer no Hardfhip to be put upon the Planter, that they may be enabled to fell their Com- moditie-s in Foreign Markets j the Benefit of which, to England, will quickly be feen, and in a few Years (is eafily to be demonftra- ted) that they will bear out all Nations thac pretend to produce the like Commodities ; and then a moderate Duty may laid on their Pro- duct for the Foreigners to pay, which will make Foreigners help to fupport the Charge of the Nation, and no Way hurtful to the Planter; by what has been faid, for the Sugar and To- bacco Colonies, may be faid for all Colonies that produce the Commodities of Foreign Nations, as Silk, Wines, Oils, &c. and any other Number of Men that will engage to plant and produce, in fuch a Term of Years, fuch a Quantity of Commodities that are Foreign Commodities, and not already produced in our Colonies, ought to be encouraged by this Nation ; for no Trade can be fo advantageous to this Nation, for the Increafmgof Navigation, and the Confuming of our Woollen Manufacture, and indeed every Thing that is made or ufed in England, as Colonies, for they, being Englijh, and having all their Commerce from England, will always be initiating the Cuftoms, and Fafhions of England,- both as to Apparel, Hou{hold Furni- ture, Eating and Drinking, &V. For it is impoflible for them to forget from whence they come, or ever be at Reft (after they have arrived to a plentiful Eftate) until they fettle their Families in England, by which Means their Induftry, Time, and Labour, are to be fpentfor the inriching the Englifo Nation : Fur- ther I {hall not enlarge, but leave what I have faid to the Judgment of every judicious Rea- der, to amend wherein I may be defective. VOL. II, A a a The (.370) The Plague at Weftmmfter : Or, An Order for the Vifitation of a lick Parliament, grievoufly troubled with a new Dif- eafe> called the Confumption of their Members. The Per- fons vilited are : The Earl of Suffolk, The Earl of Lincoln^ The Earl of Middlefex, The Lord Hunfdon^ The Lord Barkly, The Ld. Wilhughty otParham, The Lord Maynard^ Sir John Maynard^ Matter Glyn> Recorder of Lon- don. With a Form of Prayer, and other Rites and Ceremonies to be ufed for their Recovery ; ftr icily commanded to be ufed in all Cathedrals, Churches, Chapels, and Congregations, through- out his Mjjefty's three Kingdoms, of England, Scotland, and Ireland. Printed for V.V. in the Year 1647. Quarto, containing fix Pages. Let all the long-abufed People of this Kingdom fpeedily repair, for tie Remedy of all their Grievances, to the High- Place at Weftminfler, and, fo joon as en- tered in to the Lords-Houfe, let them reverently kneel down upon their bare Knees , and fay this new Prayer and Exhortation following : O Almighty and everlafting Lords, we acknowledge and confefs from the Bottom of our Hearts, that you have moft juftly plagued us thefe full feven Years for our mani- fold Sins and Iniquities. Forafmuch as we have not rebelled againft you, but againft the King, our moft gracious Lord and Governor, to the abundant Sorrow of our relenting Hearts, to whofe empty Chair we now bow in all Revtunce, in Token of our Duty and Obe- dience. For we now too well (O Lords) un- derftand that we have grievoufly finned, which hath made your Honours give us up a Spoil unto Robbers, viz. your Committees., Seque/lra- tirs, Excifemen, and Purfuivantt j befides your feveral Inftruments of Torments, diftinguifhed by tbe various Names of Colonels, Lieutenant- Co- lonels, Majors, Captains, Quarter majlers, and a certain Sort of putredinous v ermin, that you ufe to line Hedges withal, vulgarly called Dragoons^ Troopers, and the like, O Lords ; thefe befides your continual Taxes, Co/legions, jfjfi foments 9 and the like ;* a Burthen that breaks our Backs and very Hearts, which continually follow one on the Neck of another, befides your Excifes on our very Flefh and Apparel, with every Particular belonging to our Trade and Liveli- hoods ; our Wives, our Daughters, our Sons, our Houfes, our Beds, our Apparel, our Horfes, our Hay, our Beeves, our Muttons, our Lambs, our Pigs, our Geefe, our Capons, and the reft o The Plague at Weftminfter. of our Goods are forced from us, upon free Quarters, as they call it ; and we poor wretched and languiming Wretches, amounting to the Number of Millions of Millions, being fuffici- ently humbled by all thefe Plagues and Punifh- ments (cry to your Honours for Redrefs) befides the large Portion of our Bloods which from the Earth cries unto your Honours, even as Abefs did unto Heaven ; fo we to you, mighty Lords ; we therefore humbly pray and befeech you, that your Honours would be gracioufly pleafed (in your omnipotent Power) to raife to Life again, but to half a dozen thoufand poor Widows, their dear Hufbands, and many fatherlefs Chil- dren, now in a languifhing Condition, will for ever magnify your Honours for the fame ; -or elfe your Honours muft expeft the Cry of the Widow to Heaven againft you, the Curfe of the Fatherlefs, and the Cry of the Earth, which already begins to vomit up that Blood in your Faces, which fo rebellioufly and unchrif- tianly you have ftained her's withal ; {he hath yet been a Place of Pleafure unto you, yielding no contagious Air to infect you with thofe confuming Difeafes, that now reign amongft your Honours, befides fo many Sorrows, Dif- tra&ions, Diforders or Paffions, that vifityour Honours Confciences ; all earthly Creatures have been obedient unto you, mighty Lords. Finally, (he hath yielded all Things to your Contentment, and nothing to your Annoy- ance : We befeech you therefore confider the prefent Miferies of our Bodies, as, Hunger, Thirft, Nakednefs, Want of our Limbs, De- formities, Sicknefs and Mortality j the Troubles of our Minds, as, Fancies, Fears, Perplexities, Anguimes, and other Imperfec- tions ; like wife the general Scourges that are amongft us, as, Plagues, Wars, and a Thou- fand other hazardous Calamities : Look but into our Hofpitals, we befeech you, and fee Lazars, Cancers, Fi/iula's, Ulcers, and Rot- tings, with Solves, Sores, w\&fejlered Carbun- cles^ Frenzies, Pal/ies, Lethargies, Falling- Sickneffes, and Lunaries. On the other Side we befeech you to confider the Infirmities of our Minds ; the furious Rages, Envies, Ran- cours, and Corrofives ; the unplacable Sor- rows and defperacwPaflions j the continual Hell- Torments, and Remorfe of Confcience (for our late forced Rebellion againft our King) and 37' infinite other (prgitifli Fits and Agonies you have brought upon us. Confider, how you have made us incur the heavy Difpleafure of the moft juft and Chriftian Prince * that ever reigned in this Kingdom ; the Malice and En- mity of our Equals ; the Contempt, Igno- miny, and Reproach of all Nations ; the con- tinual Mocks and Scoffs we receive of our In- feriors ; the Fraud and Treachery of all Sorts and Degrees ; our frequent Moleftations by Plunderings, Sequeftrations, Lofs of Goods, Limbs, Liberties, Friends, Wives, and Chil- dren. Confider what intolerable Ufage hath been to divers People, fince the Beginning; of thefe unnatural Wars, perfecuted by the Rage and Fury of you, who would be called Cbrtf- tians, but indeed the worft of Tyrants : What Spoiling of our Goods, Shedding of our Bloods, Opprefiing of Innocents, Perfecution of godly and orthodox Minifters -f-, that the World was not worthy of, as reverend Armagh, Wejlfield, Featly, Shute, and divers other learned and holy Men ; in whofe Places, what a Litter of Foxes have you put into God's Vineyard, who root up the tender Vines there- of j a Crew of fuch Vipers, that are not worth fo much as the Naming ? What Deflowering of Virgins, Abufmg of Matrons, Compulfion unto Wickednefs and Rebellion, and Terrify- ing; from all Virtue and Chriftian Obedience ? What Inconveniences and Miferies have en- fued by thefe unnatural and bloody Wars ? What Alteration of Eftates and Religion, Sub- verfion of three flounfhing Kingdoms, Slaugh- tering of his Majefty's Subjects, Deftroying of Cities, and Confufion of all Order ? That it is almoft incredible, that fo many and fo ftrange Calamities could befall fo happy a People, as we lately were, in fo ftiort a Space J. We humbly befeech you to confider thefe our juft Plaints, and fpeedily let us enjoy our King, our Religion, our Laws, our juft Liberties and Eftates, left the Anger of the Lord take Harnefs, and arm all the Creatures to the Re- venge of his Enemies : He mail put on Juftice for his Breaft-plate, and {hall take for his Hel- met certain Judgment. He {hall take Equity as an impregnable Buckler, he {hall {harpen his dreadful Wrath into a Spear, and the World mall fight with him againft fuch fenfe- lefs Perfons. His Throws of Thunderbolts K. Charles I. See a Lift of thefe Minifters fo perfecuted and eje&ed, which immediately follows this Pamphlet. As feven Years. A a a 2 {hall 372 he Plague at Weftminfter. fhall go directly, and fhall be driven, as it were, from a well-bended Bow, and fhall hit at a certain Place. Againit them (hall the Spirit of Might ftand, and, like a Whirl- wind, fliall divide them, and {hall bring all the Land of their Iniquity to a Defart, and fhall overthrow the Seats of the Mighty. Thefe are fhrewd Items 9 high and mighty Lords, and may caufe you to peach one ano- ther ft ill, and charge thorough and thorough, as well as round, yet the filly Commons will hardly be gulled fo ; they hope to recover thtir Wits again, and will now liften to his Majefty, as once they might have done and have preferved their now loft Eftates ; the twentieth Part, divided amongft fo many Sharers, comes but to a very little : Waller's might come to fome twelve Butter-firkins full of Gold. Jk n Py m ) that loufy Efquire, might have been a fecond Crfefus, had he lived, and Charles his Son a very Dives, in Spight of Lincoln' s-Inn Pump ; but he fears no Peach- ing now, nor Hambdcn^ nor Strowd, nor Sta- pleton neither ; their Charge will hardly be drawn xip till Doomf-day in the Afternoon, and then the City fhall receive their Debts on the publick Faith, and learn more Wit : By which Time Plundering will be out of Re-r- queft, and Sir Politick-would-be'^ thofe great Statifts, that draw all into their own Coffers, and cry with the Devil, All is mine, will then find to their Cofts, that their Accompts are already caft up, and their Reckoning then upon the Paying: In the mean Time, whilft' Thieves fall out, true Folks may come by their Goods. Therefore, as the Pfalmift faith, Gla- dius Ip forum intret in cor da eorurn^ i. e. Let their own Swords enter into their own Hearts^ and let their Deftrudtion arife from them- felves ; let them dig their own Graves; let them (as they have already) cut off thofe An- chors, that fliould preferve themfelves from Shipwreck; let them, like inraged Dogs, break their Teeth on that Stone that is flung at them, not fo much as looking at the Hand that flings it ; whilft we mifcrable Wretches, in this Vaflalage and Servility, are daily op- prefled with fo many inceflant Afflictions, worfe than an 'Egyptian Bondage^ we may cry out with the IjraeKfa, Ingemifcentes propter opera vociferari, i. e. lamenting our intolerable Slavery, cry out unto God, from whom (and not from your Pharaoh-\'\kQ Honours) we muft' expect Deliverance. Amen. Then let the Parties, if they find no Redrefs, turn unto the Houfe of Commons ,, and fay, as foltowetb : WE humbly befeech you, the Knights and Burgefles, chofen and put in Truft by your feveral Countries, to redrefs our Grievances (not to make us new Grievances, to cure our Maladies, not, in a defperate Mad- nefs, to kill us inftead of curing us} to keep us from robbing, not to rob us yourfelves. That you would, with the Eye of Companion, look upon our manifold Miferies, before recited, in Supplication to the Lords. We muft acknow- ledge and confefs, that you have done the "Tart of a Body without a Head * ; and taken great Pains, though but to little Purpofe, in pulling down CrofTes off the Churches, and Steeples, and breaking Glafs- Windows, whilft ye have erected greater Crofles in our Religion and Eftates, thit makes (at this Time) the glafed Windows of our Eyes to overflow. You * Forafmuch as the Hoafe of Commons reprefeijts whom the King only is the " have taken mickle Pains, in making Votes, Orders, and Ordinances, yet we never the. better, but rather worfe and worfe ; whilft you are divided amongft yourfelves, you have divided our Inheritance ; and divided the King from his Royal Spoufe, Children, and Parlia- ment, and would have divided him from his* Honour, and Coronation-Oath ; divided the Souls from our Bodies as well as our Shoes ; di- vided Religion into a Thoufand Sects, Schifms, Herefies, and Blafphemies, even againft the Perfons in the Sacred Trinity : And now will you leave us in this Mift of Errors and Calami- ties, and every one take Shipping, as lately Waller^ Stapleton, Nichols, and many others ? Which increafeth our Fears, that you will give but an ill Account of fo many of our Lives, fo much of our Eftates, &c. &V. &c. you may j of the Nation, which are the. People, over .guefs 'A general "Bill of the Mortality of the Clergy of London. 373. guefs what I mean. You may give Lofers fpeak, though I believe to little Purpofe; there- Leave [through lamentable Experience) to fore, vale , our Truft is in the Lord, &'c. Here let all the People fing Pfal. xliii. Judge and revenge, &c. And then, facing about to Henry the Seventh's Chapel, let all the People rehearje the Ar- ticles of their new reformed Faith ; and after fay, asfolloiveth : MOft holy Fathers, whether Univerfal, National, Provincial, Confiftorial, Claflical Synodians, whofe learned Confutations, pious Debates, facred Conclu- fions, fpiritual Decrees, evangelical Counfels., infallible Divinity, hath coft us fo many thou- fand Pounds, for the Space of almoft thefe five Years, to compofc the two Tables of the Law and the Gofpel, the Ordinance for Tithes-, and the Directory ; we magnify your Sanctity, we adore your holy Reformation, and highly commend your unerring Spirits, for the great Pains you have taken in your feveral Sciences of- Equivocations, mental Refervations, falfe Glofles, Comments, Paraphrafes, Expofitions, Opinions, and Judgments, that for a long Time have cheated and deluded us j for your: pious Zeal and Affection for the^Caufe, in fet- ting us on to kill one another, and freely to ven- ture all, all but the Tenths, Tithes, Offerings, and Oblations ; thofe are yours jure divlno y befides all the fat Benefices and goodly Reve- nues that belong unto you, befides the four Shillings a Day, and the Fees of your Clafli- cal Courts, and the ten Groats for Drinking a Sundays. We befcech ye, by all thefe, pray againft the plaguy Difeafes your Hypocrify hath brought upon the two Houfes of Parliar ment, and the whole Kingdom, by Herefy, Poverty, Impeachments, Charges, Baniili- ments, and the like. Amen. Then let the People fmg the forty-firjl Pfalm, and Jo depart. A general Bill of the Mortality of the Clergy of London : Or, A brief Martyrology and Catalogue of the learned, grave, religious, and painful Minifters of the City of London^ who have been imprifoned, plundered, and barbaroufly ufed, and deprived of all Livelihood for themfelves and their Families, in the late Rebellion, for their Conftancy in the P rot eft ant Religion, eftablifhed in this Kingdom, and their Loyalty to their King, under that grand Perfecution. London, printed againft St. Bartholomew-Day ', 1661. Quarto^ containing fix Pages. -ta < H E Cathedral Church of St. turned out of Doors, and himfelf forced to Paul's, the Dean, Refidentiaries, and other Members of that Church, fly- St. Allhallows, Rartir;g, Dr. Laf.eM, pur- fequeftered, plundered, and turned fuivanted, imprifoned in Ely-boufe^ and the Ships ; fecrueftereci and plundered, afterward* out. St. Allhallyw^ Wood-Jlreet, Dr. Watts, fe- forced to fly. queftered, plundered, his Wife and 'Children Dr. njr.i.i. flj ill* I. hbCappJfcdoff,tofe ifhewaeootaOttTcn Prieft,*tted out, and dead with Grief. 5:. A*mX tttt-r* 3.. GMfe* fc- SL Jminm's.UmAr^A I. Mr Vexttnn forced to rcan. ft. Mr. after that faprfered. , Fi ^:, MM Pat*, Mr. Oid^ :^c^^rtd, bed-rid Wife twaed ott of Doors, aod left te bed-rid Wife twaed ott of Doors, "St. JRlMmm\ Exi^e* Dr. Graf, feqaeflered. St.B. Mr. P^jrrf, KJefled, ft an I, and dead. Tl rifcfcjaX llti rfii f. r inn-Am- if, in 1 *rifoned. Sc. Faztb\ Dr. Bramif, fequeftered and dead. St. Tft^s, Fiftir-laru, Mr. fiafrj, fequef- tered, plundered, forced to fly, and dead. Sc. Grfrieft, FnuburA, Mr. C*t, fequrf^ tered. St. ^ J T I ITMAiiai I Dr.S/^x, for- St. Grfzirj\ by St. PaWs I ced to refign. St. WM^ Mr. MfaorJ, turned oot and - St. 7*j's, Car&Mtf, i. Mr. dandered and faMKAeraL C-n:e, c-jrnevi our. St. John Bfft^Tsj Mr. JFetm/bj, fcqucf- tered. St. 7fci Zubary's, Mr. EdSm, fcquefrered, forced to fly, and plundered. St. Crt^r^s, CAmnfreti, I. Dr. //7//, forced to refign. 2. Mr. Ki&xa, fcqueftered. St. C*ttmri*t\ Cret-dwcb, Mr. J^, turn- St. Lnrem: f \ Jtmrj,Mr. Crate, fcquefrered. St. Lamtrfs, Emft-diutp, Mr. Calf, forced to grre up to Mr. Rsknw, Scribe to the Af- Sc.wnfs, /^f/r-^nr, Mr. ^rrf, forced to fir, plundered, fcqueflered, and dead for Want of Neceflaries. St. Mcrgtrfe^ L*H*ry, Mr. Tafcr, pkn- dered, imprifoned in the Ktng's-Btttcl?, his Wife and Children turned out of Doors at Midnight, and he feyieftercd. St. Margcr*^ New Fifcflrttt, Mr. farced to 7, plundered, and fequeftered. St. A^4r/r*s, Pflw, Mr. J/^,, plun- dered, impnioned tn tp-tMttJf t and fcomflgred . St. A/arj's, Aldxrd,, Mr. 5/mr, plundered, ient Prifoner by Sea to Plymouth, and fccuef- tend. Sr. May's, AUUrmarj , Mr. Srswm, forced to fbriake k. Sr. May if &w*s, Mr. I//^, fequeflcred, and dead with Grief. St. Krrj's, Baiaw, Mr. Prttfsr, forced to fly and feipnKred. St. Jury's ^Z?, i . Dr. 2?^r, fcqueftcre J, purfuiranted, and imprifoned. 2. Mr. //W- , and, if poffible, to put the French out of the Power of putting them in Danger. Why, Sir, replied the other, the French have no Defigns upon you, but only as your own Fears and Apprehenfions perfuade you. What, cried the Captain, the French with- out Defigns ? You fhall as foon find a Mon- key without Tricks ; from the Onion Por- ridge-man to the Marfhal you are all Politicians and Defigners. You hare, you (ay, an hun- dred Sail of Ships, and two-hundred thoufand Men, and you have no Defigns nor ever had I warrant you to make yourfelves Mafters of Flanders, Germany, Holland,, and England at laft. But, by your Favour, Sir, you muft pafs through Fire as well as Water, before it comes to that. Well, Monfieur, faid the Frenchman, I hope for all this that there will be a Peace, and, it may be, 1 have fome Reafon for my Con- jecture ; I aflure you, we Merchants are in Hopes, that you will not enter upon a War, which muft be fo great a Hazard and Charge to the Nation. Sir, faid the Captain, you offer fair, but I cannot imagine, why you moald be fo troubled for the Charge of the War, though I hope it will come to your Share at laft to defray it, un- lefs you are afraid we mould fo impoverish our- felves by a War, that, when you come to vi- fit us, we mould not be worth the Plundering, and London would be good for nothing, but a fecond Fire, as Robert faid of Utrecht ; and for my own Particular, and I hope all true Englijh Hearts are of the fame tough old Metal, you fhall firft try how you can digeft our Steel and Iron before you tatte of our Gold and Silver. I found my two Gentlemen were running into a Heat, and therefore I thought it better to make a Tack, as the Boat then did, to fome other Difcourfe, which we prefently did, and fo paft the Time till we came to Dwer Peer. As we parted, the Monfieurs bid us adieu, and, with the Grace of a Shrug particular to his Nation, he told me he mould be obliged in- V O L. ' II. Farewell, faid the Captain, and have a Care I do not meet you fcattering your Bills of Ex- change in the wrong Place, and taking up News to fend into France , in lieu of which you will return us Sufpichns of your own Making, to fet us together by the Ears at Home t that Jo you may be fe cured from us Abroad. The Frenchman gave him a Look full of In- dignation, and away he went to take Poft im- mediately for London ; I was extremely pleafed with the rugged, honeft Converfation of this Captain, and therefore defired, if his Affairs would permit, that we might be Companions for that Night at Dover, where I had fome little Affair ; he willingly confented to my Propofition, and fo together we went to an Inn, where we had no fooner taken a Room, but in came two Gentlemen of my Relation:,, who had promifed to meet me there ; J was very much pleafed at their Arrival, and after mutual Civilities pafled, and that we had, like Englijhmen^ made fome Provifion for Supper, without ever afking what we mould pay for it, and got a Bottle of good Canary (for my Captain would drink no French Wine) we prefently fell to Chat. The firft Queftion you may be fure wa^, What News ? And the Captain was in great Haftc, What, fhall we have a War with France ? Sir, anfwered one of my Friends, Men's Opinions are various as their Intereib ; but here is his Majefty's Speech, which, it may be, is News to you ; and, if you plcafe to read it, you may make your Conjecture. Coufin, faid I, you miftake, if you think it News, or if, in lefs than a Week's Time, we do not fee in Paris every Thing of Moment that pafles at London : The French trade in Aleppo Pigeons ; nay, if we will believe them, they would perfuade us, that they tell before- hand what will be done. That is an excellent Way of Intelligence, faid the other Gentleman ; but, for my Part, I look upon it as a French Artifice ; and I am confident, that that Trick of pretending to know every Thing, amongft us, has done them confiderable Service ; for, certainly, it has given Occafion for thofe Jealoufies, which now break out amongft us, as if there were a fecret Intrigue betwixt the French and. us, in order to fome ftrange Defign j and nothing C c c will The Pacquet-Boat Advice y &c. 386 will beat it out of fome People's Heads, but that this War is only for a Colour. Sir, faid the Captain, here came over with us one of their Whifperers, Piftole-droppers, News- makers, and away he is ported for London, to fill fome People's Heads with Proclamations of Peace, Popery, Arbitrary Government, bV. and others Pockets with French Money to fwear it is true, they have Letters from France that confirm it. Coufm, faid I, if the French can accomplifli this either Way, they have done their Bufinefs. I afiure you, there is nothing they dread like a War with England. I faw, upon feveral Pofts in Paris, a fevere Prohibition, fo much as to mention fuch a War ; but, if they can drive it off with thefe Reports, by difuniting the King and his Subjects, they are lucky Peo- ple, and fafe enough ; and, if they can make a Peace underhand, though they give as much Money for it, as would almoft maintain the War, yet they have their Aim. Well, faid the Captain, I doubt nothing ; I am afTured from a good Hand, that, before I ft to London, fome Refolution will be taken*, told you fome Stories of the French, but I have more of their Pranks to acquaint the People with. Honeft Captain, and Fellow- traveller, faid I, God fend you good Luck ; I dare fay you will beftow your Skill upon the French with a good Will ; butCoufin, faid I, pray what's the Matter ? Sir, replied he, they were wife that could tell you ; and, for my Part, I have little Curiofity, and lefs Acquain- tance with State Affairs ; but fome People, I find, are difpleafed : But, prithee, what's that to us ? Let us drink and be merry, and let the World go which Way it will : By your Fa- vour, Sir, faid the Captain, there are fome People that are difpleafed, becaufe they re- folved beforehand to be fo with every Thing ; but I prefume, that you, and every Englijh- man, are fo far concerned, that, if you do not look about you, the French will before long fpoil both your Mirth and Drinking ; what mean you ? (anfwered the other) I hope they will not fpoil our Drinking, by Cutting our Throats, as they fay the Danes did, which brought in the Cuftom of Pledging, or being pledged when one drank. Sir, faid the Cap- tain, you may live and drink, and be merry in that Hope ; but, for my Part, I do not in- tend to 'truft them : I had rather cut fome of theirs fairly, for I hate to have my Weafand flit, unlefs it be in the Field. Well, honeft, brave Captain, faid I, your ill Ufage makes you in a Rage againft the French, and you think the Quarrel moves too flow ; but, Sir, you muft confider, this is an Affair of great Weight, and it is not good to make more Hafle than Speed. Sir, faid he, the greater Weight mould make the Motion more quick ; you do not fcem to understand the Worth of Time, nor the brifk Humour of the French, and, therefore, I have nothing to fay to you j but, I hope, other People do, and will confider it. Come, come, fays my Cou- fin, what have we to do with thefe Matters ? it was never well fince there were fo many little Statefmen, and polite Politicians. I believe moft People are fatisfied of the Ne- ceflity of a War, to reduce the World to the old Balance, and France amongft the reft, that fo (he may be eafy to her Neighbours, and they fafe from her ; And what would any Body de- fire more ? It is true, there have been fome Jealoufies, which have clogged the Wheels of this great Affair ; but I can affure you, when I came out of Town, it was generally hoped, that a little Time would bring all People to a good Underftanding, Councils to Unity, and the Affair to a happy Period. Sir, faid the Captain, this is a Word of Comfort, for I dare aflure you, that the great Hopes of France are grounded upon our Di- vifions, which they are not fo ill Hufbands, but they know how to improve : I heard one of them the other Day fay, that, he thought that of the great Turk, Solyman, might be ap- plied to the Englijh, who will be of one Mind (as he faid, the Chriftian Princes would) when all the Fingers of his Hand were united into one. Come, Captain, faid I, Unity, Secrecy, and Expedition, added to our Courage and Power, may do much ; and I doubt not, but the Neceflity, which feems to be upon us, will make them all meet : The Caufe is good,, for it is not for Sovereignty, but for Safety ; not for Glory, but Security, and to preferve the Proteftant Religion, our Lives, Liberties, and Eftates, from the Rapine and Ambition of the French ; and he is no true Englifoman, who will not heartily venture his Life and For- tune, in fuch a lawful War. Upon which, Supper came in, and, hav- ing Rea/ons which induced King Charles the Second, &c. 3 87 earned, 1 flept as heartily as the Soldier would permit me, who gave me feveral Alarms ; and I can no more tell, what I dreamed, than I can tell certainly what all Men long fo much to know, that we (hall have a War with France, or fuch a Peace as mail he fafe and honourable for England, and all Ch.rijien- dom. ing talked ourfelves into a good Opinion of Eating, we gratified our Palates, as well as the Place would afford ; and, not long after, every one retired to his Apartment, where, I believe, the Captain dreamed of Drums, and Trumpets, and Cannons, and Granado's Storms, and Battles, for he made a horrible Noife in his Sleep, lying in the next Room to me} for my Part, like a Perfon not much con- An Account of the Reafons which induced Charles the Second, King of England, to declare War againft the States-General of the United Provinces, in 1672: And, of the private League which he entered into at the fame Time with the French King to carry it on, and to eftablifh Popery in Eng- land, Scotland^ and Ireland, as they are fet down in the Hiftory of the Dutch War. Printed in French at Paris, with the Privilege of the French King, in 1682. Which Book he caufed to be immediately fupprefied, at the In- ftance of the Engli/h Ambaffador. Licenfed, March the 5th, 1689, by James Frafer. London, printed in 1689. Folio, containing fifteen Pages. WHEN King Charles the Se- cond declared War againft the States of the United Pro- vinces, in 1672, and aflift- ed the King of France by Sea, in the Profecution of a War, which brought that great Commonwealth, and, with it, the Proteftant Intereft of this Part of Eu- rope, fo very near to a final Period : It was indu- ftrioufly and carefully given out, that Religion was not in the leaft concerned in the Quarrel. The Honour of the King of -England) and of his People, fo infolently trampled upon by the States-General ; the Hindering of our Ea/l- India Trade, with the Affronts which were put upon our Merchants at Surinam ; their Difputing the Sovereignty of the Sea, and Re- fufing to take down their Flag to our Ships, unlefs we would promife to engage actually in a War againft France^ were the Caufes which were publickly pretended ; and anfwerable Ar- tifices were made Ufe of to engage the People to a Concurrence, which were carried on with fo good Succefs, that the Parliament confented to allow fuch Sums of Money, as fhould be fufficient for the Carrying on the Charges of that War. Yet thefe Reafonings were not fo plaufible, but that moft confideiing Men eafily faw through them. Thofe, that loved the Prote- ftant Intereft, could not with Patience endure to fee the Triple League, which was th greateft Fence of their Religion, againft the growing Greatnefs of Frame, broken, and C c c 2 new Reafons which induced King Charles the Second new Leagues made with the King, whofe Aim at an univerfal Monarchy was then as vi- fible, though the Effe&s of it had not been near fo fatal as they are now. Therefore, o- thcr Methods were followed at Home ; the Diilcnters were carefled, and a Declaration of Indulgence was ft.t out, wherein the King ex- preiles fo very great Zeal for the Proteftant Religion, which he bad 'fo eminently profeffed in his moj} dffferate Condition slbrcad among Ro- man Catholick Princes *, that he allowed to the Prbteftant Diflenters the publick and free Kxercife of their Religion, in Houfes fet a- part for that Purpofc, which was only granted to Roman Cathclicks in their own Houfes. And, left this might have too much alienated the Church of England, whofe Members bore fo great a Sway in that Parliament, that a Breach with them, at that Time, might have Hopped his Defigns upon Holland, in a great Meafure, by their Rcfufing to pay the Charges of the War, he declares, in the next Seflion of Parliament f, This Indulgence, Jhould not any Way prejudice the Church, but that he ^vou/d fupport its Rights and it, in its full Power. His Declarations, both at the Time when this War was on Foot, and even afterwards, as long as he lived, were outwardly fo very pafiionate and warm for the Proteftant Reli- gion, and the Prefervation of the Englijh Go- vernment, that, unlefs fuch frequent Repeti- tions cf that, which, in good Manners, none would feem to queftion, might look like Over- doing, and fo breed Sufpicions, nothing could have ever fhaken that Opinion, which was fo firmly grounded in the Hearts of all his Sub- jects. He profefled , that he fhould efteem it the moft unpardonable Crime which could be committed againft himfelf, to raife any Sufpicions of his Unfteadinefs in the Proteftant Religion in the Minds of his People ; and this reftrained almoft all his Subjects, who were fo dazzled with his other Royal Endowments, that they could never be perfuaded to fufpe& fo much Artifice in a Prince, whofe natural Goodnefs, and Sweetnefs of Temper, did fo efte&ually charm all thofe who had the Ho- nour to be near his Perfon. But though thefe repeated Proteftations had wrought fo intire a Confidence in the Minds of his People, that they refted fatisfied in the Sincerity of his Intentions, and interpreted all thofe Actions which tended to the Supporting of the Popifh Intereft in England, to his Ten- dernefs towards the Duke of York ||, whom he refolved never to abandon , notwithftand- ing the Importunities of his People, and the Safety of himfelf and his Kingdoms, feemed to require it : Yet the King of France was fo tender of his Honour, as to conceal thefe pri- vate Treaties and Alliances, which, at his Sol- licitations, the King entered into, againft the United Provinces, and to the Deftrution of the Proteftant Religion, and the Overthrow of the Englijh Liberties : But he confcnted fo far to the Publication of an Account of the War with Holland, and of the Reafons and Motives which engaged the two Kings to carry it on, that the Abbot Primi, who'put cut the Book in the Italian Tongue, was employed by Mr. Colbert de Croijjy, and a Penfion was allowed him for his Pains, in publifhing it alfo in French : Which Book was publifhed by Au- thority at Paris, in the Year 1682. It is well known, how fevere that Government is in Matters of that Nature, where nothing is ever publickly fet forth of any Importance, as to the Church or State, but what perfectly agrees with the Inclinations and Interefts of thofe who are there fo very abfolute. It was publickly known at Paris, that Mr. V Abbe Primi had a Penfion from Mr. Colbert de Croif- t: And, when Men are employed by Mini- rs of State, to publifh Accounts of the Tranfa&ions of the Government, their Wri- tings are rather looked upon as Apologies, than Hiftories : It makes no real Difference, whether what a Man writes, in fuch a Cafe, be a Tranflation or an Original, he will be lup- pofed to have endeavoured to pleafe thofe who employed him ; and all the fair Proteftations of Sincerity, and Faithfulnefs, and Skill, which fuch a Man can ufe, will be only looked upon as Words of Courfe, when once the Reafons of his fetting up for an Hiftorian are publick- ly known. The Original of Count St. Ma~ jolo was printed in Italian ; and the Privi- * Vid. the King's Declaration of Indulgence, December 26, 1662. f Feb. 5, 1672. J Declara- tion of Indulgence, December 26, 1662. || A Papift, and his Brother. To the Mercy of the Parliament, and Proteftant Subjefls of England, who, for the Safety of the King and Country, required his Exclufion from the Throne, at the Demife of his Brother the King. legc to declare War againfl the States-General. moft People's Memory * lege ran as well to the Printing it in Italian as French : Howfoevcr, I do judge, that the Name of Count St. H>lajol, was a Kind of Trick of the Abbot Primi, to talk of fecret Alliances, of Breaking Leagues, of his Maf- ter's Perfuading the King of England to feize the Dutch Smyrna Fleet, and of feveral other Secrets in the Negotiations of Holland, Eng- land^ and France, in his own Name. For, when all is laid upon a Foreigner, one may fpeak with great Aflurance, and the Count St. Majolo will then anfwer for the very Things for which Monfieur U Abbe receives his Pen- fion. If our Minifter at Paris, when this Book firft appeared, had not, by a timely and a di- ligent Application, procured its being flopped, we might, without Queftion, have had feve- ral other important Secrets published in the following Books (for we have only two Books of ten printed) which now we can only con- jecture at. But the earneft Complaints of my Lord Prejion, who was then Envoy from King Charles the Second, at Versailles, prevail- ed fo far, that the Book was immediately flopped, and the Edition totally fupprefled, fo that very few had ever heard of it, and much fewer, efpecially in England, had feen it. And, to put a Face upon the Matter, Monfieur L" Abbe was thrown into the Bajlile-, from whence, after a Mock-imprifonment of nine or ten Days, he was let out again. All that were at Paris, at that Time, knew the Story ; and all, that were at all acquainted with the arbitrary Severity of the French Govern- ment, could eafily fee through -the Grimace ; which was the better covered, becaufe Count St. Majolo was to bear all the Blame ; who, if he be not related to Puffendorfs Monzam- bano (another Italian Count, alfo) yet his Teftimony might eafily be over-ruled, and fo could furnifli thofe Perfons with a ready Ex- cufe, whofe Intereft it was, that fuch Agree- ments, which were contrary to their open and publick Proteftations, fhould either never be known, or, if once divulged, not believed. I fhall not ftand to compare the Matters of Fact which are here fet down, with thofe Re- ports which at that Time pa/Ted current in England ; they are Things which fall within * This being publifhed in the Year 1689. ** Page 48- my Bufmefs is orr ly to give fuch an Account of our Proceedings, as was publiihed at Paris with the Privilege of the Kin<: of France, as fully granted, as in any other Cafe whatever. Our Author -J- tells us, tliat the growing Greatnefs of the King of France, after the Peace of Aix la CbapcUe was concluded, by the Mediation of the Kin si; of England, was fo very terrible to the Quetii- Mother of Spain, who was Guardian to her Son, Charles the Second, King of Spain, that fhe employed her ableft Minifters, to perfuadc England, Holland, and Sivcden, to join in an Alliance, for the Prtfervation of the Peace,, and the recipiocal Security of each ethers Kingdoms. The Hollanders, he tells us, greedily em- braced it, and ran into the Triple League with great Readincfs, not much concerning themfelves with France, which, they thought, could make no great Oppofition to them by Sea ; and, by Land, they were fo fortified by the natural Fences of their Dikes, that they ap- prehended, on that Side, no Sort of Danger. A conftant Series of Succeis againft the Spaniards, who declared them a fovcreign and independent Republick in 1648, pufhed them on to great Infolencies againft the King of France J : They interpofed in the A flairs of Germany, as if they had been immediately concerned || : They determined Peace or War amongft their Neighbours, as they thought would be moft for their own Intereft : They threatened to ruin the Kingdom of France, by prohibiting any Commerce with French Manufactures, and fcattered Medals and Pictures, very derogatory to the Honour of the French King. Their Bufying themfelves fo much with the Affairs of Germany, was a Means to engage the Bifhop of Munftcr to keep up his Army, after he had concluded a Peace with the Duke of Brunfivick IVolfem- buttel, and to declare againft the Incroach- ments of the Hollanders upon the Empire ** 1 Which Opportunity the French King laid Hold of, to make an Alliance with him, and the Princes of the Houfe of Furftemberg, and the Bimop of Stra/burgh, againft Holland ; by which Means, he fecured the Paries upon the Rhine and the Maefe, which lay convenient for -{- Page 1 8, 19, J Page 21. Page 4,-. the 39 Reafons 'which induced King Charles the Second ready entered into a League, and the King of France was diffidently powerful to fatisfy all his Confederates in 4 -'-" Pr^..*: <: the Setting upon the Hollanders by Land, who till then had thought themfelves fecure from any Attacks on that Side *. He engaged the Emperor alfo to a Neutra- lity, and perfuaded him to ratify thofe Allian- ces which the French King had already made with the Bifhops of Munjler and Strajburgh, and the Princes of the Houfe of Furftemberg f, with AfTurances that he would not concern himfelf in thofe Quarrels, unlefs either the Empire or the King of Spain mould be invaded. The Kino; of England was already very much diflatisficd with the Hollanders j, and was willing enough to difengage himfelf from the Triple League : For the Hollanders had refufed to ftand to thofe Regulations about the EaJl-Indla Trade, which had been concluded upon at Breda ; and their VefTels would not lower their Topfails to the Englifo Men of War, and they difputed the Sovereignty of the Sea, unlefs the King of England would declare for them againft France, in Cafe of a Breach j which Things were very dilhonourable for the Englijh Nation, and were great Inftances of the Treachery of the Hollanders, and of the fmall Afliftance which the Englijh could pro- mife to themfelves from their Friendfhip |. ' Colbert de CroiJ/y, the French Ambaflador at London, urged all thefe Things to the King of England j he put him in Mind of the Medals which the Hollanders publifhed, wherein they attributed to themfelves all the Glory of concluding the Peace of Alx la Chapelle, which had been obtained by the King of England' ^ Mediation; and told him, that this was the Time wherein he might take his Revenge upon a Nation, which had fo little RefpecT: for Kings ; and that he never could expect a more favourable Opportuni- ty **, fince feveral German Princes had al- the Profecution of this War, both as to their Advantage and Credit.' f-f- Thefe Things engaged the King of England to fign a Secret Treaty with France ; and, to make it the more firm, Hen- rietta^ Duchefs of Orleans, a Princefs, whofe Wit was equal to her Beauty, Sifter to the King of England, and Sifter-in-Law to the King of France, went over into England in 1670, and propofed a Treaty to her Brother, in the Name of the moft Chriftian King, wherein fhe proffered to fecure to him an abfo- lute Authority over his Parliament, and the Re-eft ablijkment of the Roman Catholick Reli- gion in his three Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland. But, fhe faid, that, before this could be effected, there was an abfolute Necef- fity of abating the Haughtinefs and Power of the Hollanders, who only ftudied to foment Di- vifions amongft their Neighbours j and to re- duce them to the fingle Province of Holland, of which the Prince of Orange fhould be So- vereign, or, at leaft, perpetual Governor; which would not be difficult for thefe two mighty Kings, when once well united, to ac- complim : So that, by this Means, the King of England might have Zealand to retire to, if there mould be Occafion ; and that the reft of the Low-Countries mould remain to the King of France, whenever he fhould be able to con- quer them. When the King of France had thus fecured himfelf by thefe Alliances, he immediately be- gan his Preparations for War, and filled his Stores, and raifed Men, fome publickly, and fome under- hand, all over France, in Swit- zerland, Italy, and England. * Page 52. f Page 57, 58- J Page 58. || Page 59, Page 60. ** Page 61. -f f Ce qui engagea ce Prince a figner un Traite fecret avecla France ; & pour Fafleurer encore d'avan- tage Henrictte d' Angleterre, Duchefle d'Orleans, Princefle qui avoit autant d'efprit que de beaute, iceur du Roy d' Angleterre, & belle fceur du Roy de France, pafla en Angleterre en 1670, & propofa au Roy fon frere, au nom du Roy tres-Chretien, de lui affeurer un autorite abfolue fur fon Parlement, & de reflablir la Religion Catholique dans les Royaumes d'Ar.gleterre, d'Efcofle, & d'Irlande. Mais elle difoit que pour en venir a bout, il faloit avant toutes chofes abaiffer 1'orgueil & la puiflance des Hollandois qui ne fongeoient qu' a mettre la divifion parmi leurs voiiins j & les reduire a la feule Pro- vince d'Hollande, de laquelle le Prince d'Orange feroit Souverain, ou au moins Gouverneur perpe- tuel, ce qui ne feroit pas difficile a deux grands Roys puiflants & bien unis, & que par ce moyen le Roy d' Angleterre auroit la Zelande, pour lui fervir de retraite en cas de bafoin, & que le refte des Pays-has demeureroit au Roy de France, s'il pouvcit s'en rendre maiftre. Though to declare War againft tbe Stdtes-GeneraL 391 Though thefe Negotiations, and efpecially with England^ were carried on with all the Secrecy that Matters of that Importance re- quired *, yet .the Hollanders had fuch Notices given, as did exceedingly furprife them. * They could not imagine, that the Engli/h would .quit the Triple League ; they faid, this was a Re- port railed by the French to amufe Mankind withal f> they thought, that the prefent Conduit of the King of England gave con- vincing Proofs to the Contrary : He had juft before difrniffed out of his Port a Fleet of Dutch Merchantmen, and fome Amsterdam Veffels befides, and recalled Sir George Down- ing, his Minifter at the Hague, for Speaking with too much Warmth to the States- Ge^ neral % ; fo that, in (hort, he feemed in all his Adtions to declare, that his Intentions of keeping up a good Correfpondence with Holland were fincere.' However, the Breaches every Day grew wider and wider between France and Holland; and Matters were carried fo far on both Sides, that the French King refolved to begin the War the next Spring || ; ' and in the mean Time he took fecret Meafures with the King of Eng- land , to fet upon them together, and to furprife them both by Sea and Land **. As for the King of England, he was exceed- ingly perplexed ; there was Need of Money to carry on the Defign, and that fecretly too ff: He could raife none at Home, with, out calling a Parliament, and that could not be done without acquainting all Europe with his Defigns ; there was alfo great Fear of Opposition, both from the Mifunder- ftandings, which in that tumultuous Ajjembly do for the moft Part arife between the two Houfes, and from the Intrigues of the Hol- landers. For which Reafons the King of France furnimed him with fuch Sums of Money, as were fufficient to fend out a con- iiderable Fleet ; and he advifed the King of England (the better to conceal their Agree- ments) to keep a fair Correfpondence out- wardly with the Dutch, to appear firm to the Triple League, and declare that, he fet out a Fleet for no other Reafons, but becaufe his Neighbours, and efpecially the French, who made great Preparations in all their Ports upon the Ocean, Strengthened them- felves fo very confiderably by Sea . Yet all this was not carried on lo fecretly, but their own Refidents at London, and the Minifters of other Princes in King Charles's Court, ^gave the Hollanders fuch fure Adver- tifement of his altering his Meafures, that they found it part all Queftion. Penfioner dt Witt fell in a Swoon in the Scadt-houfe, upon the Reading of a Letter, which gave him an Account of it |i,i ; and, as foon as he had re- covered himfeif, he propofed to fend the Heer Meerman into England, to renew the old Al- liances ; who was immediately feconded by the Marquis del Freno, the SpatiiJhM.\riiKer , who was fent thither on Purpofs to join with him in making ufe of all Sorts of Arguments, which might oblige the King of England to break off his new Treaty with France ***. But, all thefe Applications proving ineffectual, all Things tended to a War : It was known that the King of England had declared for France ; and that, bdng provoked with the Ufage which his Subjects had received at Su- rinam, he had renewed a Treaty with France againft Holland, and had promifed to begin the War, provided that his moft Chriftian Majefty would declare War againft the States in the Beginning of May ftt And though the Earneftnefs which the King and the Duke of York fhewed in the Profecution of this Bufmefs was extraordinary, though they fet out Ships, and manned them with all the In- duftry and Application poflible ; ' yet, becaufs the Government of England was mixed, %\% or compofed of Kings, Lords, and Commons, and that in the great Concerns of the Nation, or in Raifing of Money, there was a NeceiEty of a Parliament ; which is, like the People of whom it is made up, not always of the fame In the Year 1672. Page 87. * Page 6;. \ Page 7;. J ; Page 76. ** Le Roy d'Angleterre de fon cote efloit embarafle, il faloit du fecret & del'argent pour fairc realfier Fentreprife, & il ne pouvoit rien tirer de fes peuples qu'en convoquant ion Parlement, ce qui faifoitcon- noitre Its defleins a toute TEurope, outre que cette Aflemblee tumultueufe par la mauvaiie intelligence qui eft crdinairement entre les cieux Chambres & par les Intrigues des Holllantlois pouvoit s'y oppofcr ; mais le Roy tres- Chretien luy envoya des fommes fufiifantes pour mettre en mur un flotte confiderable, & luy confeilla four mieux cacher lear union de temoigner aux Hollanders qu'il vouloit bien vivre avec eux, de paroitre ferine dans les traitez de Triple Alliance, & de publier qu'il ne vouloit avoir une flotte qu parce ques fcs voifins,& particulierement les Fancois, failoient de grands armeinens dans tous le ports qu'ils avoit en fur 1'Ocean. ft Page 88. \\ Page 89. [j![ Page 91. Page 93. Page 1 1 8, fff Page 1 1 9. Mind Reafons which induced King Charles the Second, &c. 392 Mind * ; and that the Variablenefs of their Climate is even vifible in their Councils ; and, befides, fince the Duchefs of Orleans died foon after her Return to France ; for thefe Reafons the King of France did not much rely upon any Affiftance from England, and fo took his Meafures in fuch a Manner, that the King of England might be affured they muft fucceed, in Cafe hefhould fail him; and therefore he would not fuffer the Rage of the Englifo againft the Dutch at that Time to cool, but he rather endeavoured to plunge them into a War, by fuch an Ation as might correfpond to their earneft Defire of being revenged.' And this Defign foon fucceeded ; for, the French having Notice of the Return of the Dutch Smyrna Fleet, which were then at Sea, they immediately acquainted the King of Eng- land vt\\h it f, ' and told him, that this was a favourable Opportunity for him to engage the Englijh in a certain War : They told him, that fuch a Prize would furnifh him with more Money in one Day, than he could get from his Parliament in a Year \ ; and, per- haps, fo great a Prize might put him, during the whole Courfe of the War, in fuch a Con- dition, as that he would not (land in Need of his Parliament j and that he ought not to let flip fuch an Opportunity, becaufe he cer- tainly knew, that, what Succefs foever it might have, yet his People, who always car- ried themfelves very high upon a prosperous Turn of Affairs, who were fenfible of Af- fronts, would fpare for nothing which might carry on the War, wherein they might ex- pect to humble the Dutch, and to revenge the Wrongs of their Merchants, and of their Nation in general, upon thofe who would dif- pute the Sovereignty of the Sea with them. Upon thefe Sollicitations the King confented, and fent Sir Robert Holmes with nine Men of War into the Channel, to expect the Coming of the Smyrna Fleet fl. And it had this Effe, that tho' the Dutch (who had fome Notice of it before) did, in a thick, foggy Night, efcape without any very confiderable Lofs ; yet this engaged the Englijh to a War, which was im- mediately hereupon openly proclaimed by the King of England, againft the States-General ; which was earneftly prefled by Mr. Colbert de Croiffy, who advifed him not to delay, after the Striking fo fignal, as well as fo unexpected a Stroke . How far the Caufes alledged in the Declara- tion of War, which followed foon after, and the Reafons by which the King endeavoured to perfuade his Parliament to a hearty Concur- rence with him in it, agreed with thefe Mo- tives, every Man may judge. Whoever con- fiders the Carriage of the King of France, in other Things, will not wonder at fuch a Piece of Treachery, as the Publication of thefe Se- crets was, whilft King Charles II. was alive : And I believe, that the Sending a Man to the Bajiile for ten Days, who was notorioufly known to have been employed for this very Purpofe, did convince as few People of the Falfhood of thefe pretended Alliances, as the Sending of Mr. Skelton to the Tower by King James II. did ; which was fo very like, that one would think the Mock- proceed ings againft Mr. VAbbe Prlmi, gave a Pattern to the King of England, to animadvert upon his own Minifter, who, by the Confeflion of the French Refident at the Hague, a&ed, by his Majefty's Order, only the Second Part of what the Ab- bot wrote. Page 120. f Page i2i. JPage 122. I Page 123. $ Page 132. The ( 393 The wicked Plots and perfidious Practices of the Spaniards againft the Seventeen Provinces of the Netherlands^ before they took up Arms : Being gathered out of feveral Dutch Writers, by a Lover of Truth, and an unfeigned Hater of Oppreffion and Tyranny, the Bane of Commonwealths *. Gentle Reader^ I Shall fpeak fo much touching the cruel, inhuman, treacherous, perfidious, yea, unnatural Practices of the Spaniards, in thefe Parts, and elfewhere, which may fufficiently delineate him in his deferred Co- lours, that whofoever beholds him may mourn to fee this Hazaelfo to tyrannife over the In- nocent, and that the Lord fhould permit, and the Earth bear fuch an unheard-of Monfter : Yet, notwithftanding, much more might be added in fundry other Particulars, as the Dutch Chronicles mention, and other Writers have well fet out ; amongft which, although I my- felf be a Stranger by Nation to them, yet, fince the Time of my Abode here, having attained fome Underftanding in the Language, I have thought fit to fpeak fo much, which, in my Reading, I have obferved. Firft, Thou art to underftand, gentle Rea- der, that the King of Spain was lovingly re- ceived here in the Seventeen Provinces, and a folemn Oath was taken on both Parts: The King, for his Part, fwore to maintain all their Laws and Privileges, and they to him all due Homage and Allegiance : He prefently de- manded of them a Sum of Money ; where- upon the States did aflemble, and collected for him forty Millions of Florins, of Brabant Money, to be paid in nine Years, and they paid it into [the Exchequer ; and, although it was more than they had paid before to his Predeceflbrs, yet upon this he took great Dif- pleafure againft them, and, as they write, he for this did hate them to Death. But he pretended this to bs the Caufe of his Wrath, becaufe he faw, that there were fome among them, that did defy the Pope and his Religion. But that could not be ; for the * Printed al out the Year 1642. VOL. II. City of Aelft was as fuperftitious in that Reli- gion, as Rome itfelf, for they did perfecute the Reformed Religion even unto Death ; and yet, for all that, both they, and an hundred and feventy fair Villages that belonged unto them, were, by them, plundered and fpoilcd of all their Goods ; and many of them wound- ed and tormented for to confefs where their Money was ; and many were killed. Thus much by the Way. My Scope and chief Intent is to mew the firft and juft Caufe of the Wars in the Ne- therlands ; whereby the diligent Reader (not partially affected) may clearly underftand, that the Netherlands did not rebellioufly take up Arms againft a lawful Prince (as fome igno- rantly think and fpeak) but juftly and relio;i- oufly defend themfelves againft a perfidious Tyrant, who fought their Ruin by all poflible Means he could, and the Subverfion of the whole State. A long While they patiently underwent his cruel Oppreflions and intolerable Vexations, as the Hiftories clearly manifeft, till there was no Hope, but either they muft become Slaves in Soul and Body, worfe than that of Ifrael in Egypt^ they and theirs for ever j or elfe be butchered by mercilefs Execu- tioners of a cruel Tyrant. This Tyrant, having a Purpofe to innovate all Things, to root out ancient Inhabitants, and to fruftrate all the Laws, Cuftoms, and Privileges, which himfelf had fworn to maintain, knew not how better to effect his evil Ends, than by raifing a bloody Inquifition to fet over them for their Government: Which faid Inquifition (raifed in Spain) concluded and pronoi;nc^d certain Articles, the Tenth of February, 1568, which were confirmed by the King the Twenty-fixth following. Now, becaufe it may appear I do Quarto, containing eight Pa.res. ' D d d them 394 Tb* wicked Plots of the Spaniards ag&injt tie Netherlands. them no Wrong in this Charge, I will lay 4< kcalm and a new People. down the Articles thcmfclves verbatim. 4t 1C. In this AcHon the wife and valiant < 4 Duke of Aha fhaH be employed in Perfen j, 44 whereas any other, were he of the Blood 44 Royal, pr a Prince, fhall be of no Eft e em ; fo as, being fufpefted, yea in the fmalL-it 44 Matters, they muft bq di(p:-tehed. 44 1 1. No Contracts, Righvs, Promifes, Do- jiitutcd id advanctel in this Manner, which is moft 7 i A* i^V V^^'IlLl4i't5, J.Vi^ilV5, A il-;ZIUt;3, l_-/'^ i. They nnuft perfuade the Emperor, 1566, he gave Sentence, in his Court at Madrill, that they were all Traytors againft God and himfelf. At Utrecht he beheaded a Widow, that was eighty-four Years old, becaufe flie had before lodged a Preacher one Night, whofe Living was worth Four-thoufand Guldens yearly. And, at Maejirlcht, a Father, for Lodging his Son that he had net feen in a long Time, who was fled for Religion, was put to Death. And at that Place there was another put to Death, for giv- ing a Widow a Peck of Corn for an Aim?, whofe Husband this bloody Court had put to Death. And many Women were put to Death, becaufe, they received their Husbands in the Night, that were fled for Religion ; yea, they have killed Women great with Child, and ripped up their Bellies, and taken out the Child and killed it ; and fome they have flayed alive, and covered Drums Heads with their Skins ; and fome they have tied to a Poft, and made a fmall Fire round about them, and fo roafted them to Death. At Naerden they received the Spaniards friendly into the Town, who promifed them both their Lives and Goods' ; and, as foon as they came in, they commanded them to come to the State-houfe without their Arms ; the which they did, and the Spaniards gave Fire upon them, and murdered them all * ; and then they ran about in the Town, and ravifhed the Women, and after killed them and fired the Town. The young Children that lay in the Cradle, they quartered them, and took them upon their Pikes, and fo went up and down rejoicing in their Cruelty. Such favage Cruelty is fcarcely to be found in any Hiftory : What Chriftian Heart can hear it, and not be affected with deep Sorrow \ Yet, behold, fome Monfters herein have been found, that have been fo far from Humanity herein (for he, that hath Humanity in him, will commiferate others Calamities) that they have applauded it, as if he had, in all thefe Outrages, done God good Service. Amongft the reft, I fhall content myfelf, at this Prefent, but to name the holy Father the Pope, and one of his chief Sons in this Bufmefs. The iards againft tie Netherlands. 397 Pope fends his Legate to commend thefe fo rare Exploits, and calls this cruel Duke d'dfaa his beloved Son ; fends him a coilly Sword, the Hilts whereof were of Gold, and a Hat wrought with Gold and befet with rich and coftly Stones, thanking him for his good Ser- vice in maintaining the Romiflj Religion, and fubverting of Hereticks. Howbeit, that his chief Son I mentioned (exceeding this Man of Sin in the Sin of Cruelty, as if he wculd veri- fy himfelf to be ten-fold mere the Child of Satan, than his Father the Pope) thinks not fo well of it ; his Name is Vergas^ the Prefident of this bloody Inquifition ; for, going fhortly after into Spain, he told the King, that he and Duke a" diva did mar all in the Netherlands, by fhewing fo much Mercy to thofe People. Concerning this Duke d'Alva, of whofe Outrage and Cruelty fo many have f.-lt, and perfidious Dealing, which many have found by lamentable Experience, whereby may eafily appear of what Stamp his excefiive Mercies are, even fuch as the Wife Man fpeaks of, Prov^ xii. 10. The tender Mercies of the Wicked are cruel : In which he prides himfelf, boafiino- he had Slaughtered Eighteen-thoufand and fix"- hundred, in Form of Juftice, in fix Years Time ; and ten times To many he and his Sol- diers murdered otherways f. And many more would he, doubtlefs, have murdered, had not the Lord retrained and limited him, for his Defire herein was as Hell, that cannot be fa- tisfied : Witnefs the Purpofe of his Proceeding- againft the Magiftrates of Brujfels, becaufe they did not colled the tenth Penny, fo as he defired. He fwore that he would have it, and,, before he would Jet it fall, or remit it, the Sun and Moon fhould leave their Shining : So he went to BruJJels, and commanded the Exe- cutioner to prepare Ladders and Ropes, to hang up that Night, in their Doors, feventy of the Citizens, and gave them his Warrant in Writing, what they fhould be : But God in Providence prevented this his cruel Purpofe, in that there came News, that the Grave of Mark had taken in the Brill J: So the Tyrant did not go forward with his bloody Enterprifes. Thus, having given you a Tafte of fome of thofe many Things I have obferved, concern- * The like Cruelty they did at Qudiuater. f- Thefe Words he fpake at a Banquet, as he fat at the Table, rejoicing he had done the King fo good Service. \ Anno 1573> April i. 398 wicked Plots of the Spaniards agalnjl the Netherlands. ing the intolerable Oppreflion, and worfe than favage Cruelty of the Spaniards, exercifed upon the People, which they endured and laboured under, the Space of ftxteen Years*, I will MOW leave thefe cruel Tyrants to the Lord for Judgment, and addrefs myfelf to fpeak fome- what further concerning this Earl of Mark, who had thofe Gentlemen with him, that fled. Before this, he had lain with his Shipping in England; but, the King of Spain fending his Ambafiador to our Queen (who was then in Peace with him) to defire her, that fhe would not fuffer his Subjects to have their Harbour in her Land, and that fhe would not give them, or fufFer them to have any Relief, whereby they fhould make Head againft him : And here- upon the Queen fent and commanded them out of her Harbour, and fhe commanded, that they fhould not be fuffered to have any Provi- fion in her Coafts ; fo that now they had no other Means, but only God, who did, in his Mercy, provide for them better than they ex- pected. For they were purpofed to have gone for the Taj/el, and to have taken fome Town about that Part; but, when they came near that Part, they had the Wind contrary, that they could not come there ; fo they went for the Macfe, and came with their Ships before the Brill, and there they went prefently and took it : Yet the Duke of Aha had his Forces in the Town, near fo many as they were, whom they killed, and chaced out of the Town, and out of the Iflard. The Prince of Orange being in France, and hearing what had happened, he fent them Soldiers, with as much Speed as could be, out of France. And, within one Month after, Duke a" 'Aha fent certain Com- panies to Ulijhing, to keep that Place ftrong for himfelf; and many of the Commanders were come into the Town. So the Magi- ftrates commanded the Citizens to come pre- fently upon the State-houfe ; fo they told them they muft lodge Spaniards in their Houfes ; -and they, knowing how they had ufed the Ci- tizens in all PUces where they came, told the Magiftrates they would not have the Spa- niards in their Town : The Magiftrates asked them, Which of them it was, that did refufe to receive them. They fa-id, All of them. So, the Magiftrates feeing them fo earneft againft the Spaniards, they jointly took their Arms, and killed and took Prifoners all them that were in the Town, and with their Ord- nance they fhot at his Ships, where the Spani- ards were, and they made away. And, of thofe that were taken, there were the Names of about Eighty, that they had in Writing from Duke a" Aha, that dwelt in the Ifland, that they fhould put to Death f. So thofe of the Brill fent their Soldiers with Speed to help them. And fhortly the Prince of Orange came with Forces, and defended them; and fome other Towns, feeing the Cruelty of the Spa- niards, forfook the Spaniard, and joined with them, and took the Prince of Orange to be their Protector ; yet the States, notwithftand- ing, did remain in Obedience to the King fome feven Years after. Again, it is further worthy to be noted, that thefe Provinces did three Times fend to the King their Noblemen, but could obtain no Mercy ; and many more Times they went to the Princefs of Parma, and made their humble Petition for Redrefs of their Oppref- fion, but could not obtain any Favour ; then they made Friends to the renowned Queen of England, and to the Princes of Germany, and to the Emperor, who did earneftly intreat, by their Ambafladors, for them. The King of Spain anfwered their Ambafladors with thefe Words ; he bade them tell thtir Maftcrs, That they Jhould meddle with their own Subjefls, and not with his, for he knew well enough how to rule his Subjects, without their Counsel. Now, J when our Queen's Majefty found his Un- reafonablenefs and Cruelty, then, and not be- fore, fhe a/lifted them with Arms. His own Son, Prince Charles, did intreat for them, that he would pleafe to let them have their Laws and Privileges, and that they might not be fo opprefTed ; and, withal, he told his Father, that thofe Countries did be- long to him, and that they were given him at his Baptifm ; for the which, his Father fent him to Prifon, and he never came out again fl. If the Lord would not have forgot what Ama- lek did, long after, for fmiting the weakeft and hindmoft of his People, how may we, in E- * I have inftanccd b-;t four or five Towns ; but there were fcr.rce any Towns efcaped their auel Pil- lagkig, except they ha 1 bribed their Commanders with exceeding large Gifts. f- He had appointed thcfe to be executed, becaufe they were the Chief that flood againft the Payment of the tenth Penny. % Atmo 1575. || Murflam, in his Chronicle, Anno 1567. quity, The wicked Plots of tie Spaniards again/I the Netherlands, quity, forget the infinite Murders and Spoils, 399 this 'cruel Tyrant hath executed, where-evcr he hath prevailed ? And who can forget, in Special, that bloody Attempt againft ourfelves, in the Year 1588- If I fhould trace this Tyrant from Place to Place, I fhould run in infinitum, having made the Name of Christianity hateful, by his Cruelty, amongft the Heathens, that know not God further than the Light of Nature. ; fox it is confelTed by the Spaniards theoafelves, that fome of the chief of the Indians , who were to be burnt to Death, being; told of Heaven and Hell, they asked, Whither the Spaniands went when they died ? It was anfwered, To Heaven : Oh, then, faid they, we -will never come, where the Spaniards are. But, not to run fo far, I will reft content to keep within the Bounds I chiefly intended concerning thefe Countries. When the Citizens of Leyden were in great Extre- mity, by Reafon of a long Siege, the Spaniards proffering Conditions of Peace, if fo be they would yield up the City and themfclves to them, they returned Anfwer, Not while they bad a Right-hand to held a Sword, or a Left to eat ; but, if they fhould be driven to fall into their Hands, they would rather bura the City, and drown themfelves, than to fubmit to them, of whofe Perfidioufnefs they had had fo lamen- table Experience : And, when fome of the Citizens prefled a Yielding, in Refpect of the Extremity of Famine, a Burgo-mafter, called Peter Adrianfon, faid, Loving Friends, I con- fefs the Famine is great, and that fome die for Want of Food ; yet rather let us agree to eat up one another, as it Jhall fall by Lot ; begin with me firft, and divide me amongft you. At Antwerp, the Spaniards, by the Appoint- ment of their Governor, did come into the City in Battle Order, and marched up and down their Streets, and {hot into their Houfes, and made a tumultuous Noife, as if they had been fo many Devils, for one Day and two Nights* and took the Keys from the Magiftrates, and let Watch at the Ports ; whereby they put the Citizens in fo great Fear, that many Women with Child fell in Travel, and fome died with Fear : And they went, by Twelve or Twenty, into the beft Houfes, and commanded them to prepare them the beft Chear, as boiled and roft, and other dainty Difhes, as they lift to call for ; and, befides Beer, they would have at leafttwo Sorts of Wine. And all the chiefeft Citizens Houfes had at leaft ten of thefe Guefts. And they all cried out for Money, and faid, that they would have fifteen Months Pav, b' - fore they went out of the City,, of them ; and the Magiilrates told them, that they would pro- cure them, in Cloth, and Apparel, and Money, the Sum; but they all cried" out for Money, and that Money they would have, before they went away ; fo at the laft the Msgiftrates got the Money, wfcich did amount to Four-hundred Thoufand Guldens.' And the Charge they were at, which thefe Companions did coft the Citizens, was Six-hundred Pounds Sterling the Day ; and thus they were opprefled with them twenty-eight Days ; in which Time they had made them all rich Sutes, fome of Sattin and Velvet, and fome of Cloth of Gold ; and one of them had a Cufhion of Velvet, with thefe Words in Letters of Gold, / am the Dutch- man'.! Bridevcdl-msjler. And thus they got rid of them, for the Prefent. And about two Years after they came again, and then they ufed the Citizens much more cruelly ; for thefe Devils did bring Straw, and ftt it on Fire, and put it into the Koufes ; whereby they fet nine rich Streets on Fire, and burnt them, with many rich and coftly Goods, and rifled the Citizens of all their rich and coftly Jewels, and Silver- works, with their Money ; and three Days did they torment the Inhabitants for Money ; and in this Time there were murdered of the Citi- zens above Four-thoufand. The Money they took at that Time is reckoned for more than forty Tons of Gold, befide the Jewels ; and the Lote they had by Fire was as much as the reft. And thus was the beft City of Mer- chants in Europe ruinated. Divers Things being maniftftedof the Spani- ards Cruelty, I will add one Inftance of their Treachery, and that of a famous Perfon to his neareft Familiars, yea, when he pretended fweeteft Familiarity ami Friendfiiip : Pope A- lexander the Sixth, a Spaniard by Birth, in^- vited divers Nobles and Cardinals to a Ban- quet, with a Purpofe to poifon them all. The meeteft Inftrument he made Choice of, to effect this, was a Spaniard, one C&far Borgia, his fworn Servant. The Pope mewed hunfelf wonderful pleafant, to avoid Sufpicion, and drank a Caroufe to them all, willing his trufty Servant to fill from fuch a Bottle he knew well ; which he did very effectually to the Pope himfelf, as well as to the reft. After the Company was departed, the Pope, perceiv- ing by an Alteration in himfelf, what was done, and Tom Tetl-Troatb : Sec.' and that he muft die now alfo, faid to Borgia, This is a right Spanifh Trick. It is written of them, that they are fo expert in thefe Exploits, that, if Judas himfelf were alive, he might go to them to School. "Tom Tell-Troath : Or, A free Difcourfe touching the Manners of the Time. Directed to his Majeftie * by Waye of hum- ble Advertifement f. SINCE they, that have the Honour to appertaine vnto you, have neither the Courage, nor the Conference to ac- quaint you with the fearful Difcon- tents of the Time, but fuffer you to loofe the Peoples Hearts fo flightly, as if they were not worth their Keeping ; I, a poor un- fcnowne Subject, who never had the Happines to come near your Majeftie, but in the Throng, nor to take any other Oath in your Service but that of Allegiance, have ventured vpon fo much Forwardnes at this Time of Need, when all Places are indeed voyd ; with Co- veteoufnefs, and huge Ambition, feeme to fill j as to thruft myfelfe into the beft Office about you, better than either Prefident of the Coun- fel, or Earle Marjhal of England^ and far more uarlo, containing thirty Pages. They Tom Tell-Troatb : &c. .401 They wonder you will call your felfe King fectualJ, more chargeable than honourable : of France, and fuffer your beft Subjects there And are of Opinion that either your Embafla- to be ruined ; for, Ireland, they fay, you con- tent your felfe with the Name, and let others receive the Profit. As for the glorious Title, Defender of the Faith (which was wont to be a Point of Con- troverfie betweene us and Rome) they fay flattly that your faithful Subjects have more Caufe to queftion that then the Papijls. For they * were never better defended in their Lifes ; wittnefle, the Judges privy Inftructions, the Purfuivants open Prohibitions, and your Spanijh Ambafladors, more than Parliament Protections. Lajlly, That you are Head of the Church, they dare not doubt ; but of what Church they would gladly know ; the Triumphant, they fay, it cannot be, becaufe there are too many Cor- ruptions and Vexations in it. And how far it is from the Militant, they call Heaven and Earth to Witnefie. There- fore they conclude, it muft be either the Church dormant, or none. And to fay the Truth, Sir, wee are the fecureft Sinners in the World. Thefe are the Thinges, that " have moft readily offered themfelves to my Remembrance ; becaufe they follow one another in a Kind of Order. But, if I mould reporte all the difor- derly and extravagant Speeches I have heard of this Nature, I muft bee faine to racke my Memorie,and (I feare) your Majefties Patience ; yet rather than leave the leaft Shadow of Suf- pition upon my plain Dealing, by feemingtoo curtail in the Performance of fo neceflary a Duty, I will venture to ad thefe fewe. They, that take the Affaires of your Chil- dren f Abroade moft to Hearte net being able to difcerne the Companion of your Bowels, but judginge Thinges by the Exterior of your Actions, will hardlie be perfwaded, that you are their Father ; becaufe, they fee, the lament- able Eitate, whereto you fuffer Thinges to run, comes nearer to Deftruction than the Nature of fatherly Correction. They are not ignorant that your Majeftie hath made as though you would doe fomethinge for them, but they alfo know the Courfe, you have taken, hath beene more formall than ef- dours have not negotiated as they ought, or elfe have mett with very ill Mafters of Re- quefts Abroade, fmce they have not bin able, all this While, to get their Petition SS&srcd. The very Papijls themfelves, Sir, repine at your Errour, and fay, that the Prayers and Monyes, that your Majeftie hath confumed of late in the vnprofitable Treaties, might have beene farr better imployed in redeeming your Mothers. Soule out of Purgatorie ; for, to get the Enemie out of your Childrens Countrie, other Enfignes might have beene found a greate Deale more proper. In the meane Time they do not onely bind, butfatisfy their perni- cious Hopes, upon your Majefties Patience. For, feeing, how eafily you tolerate all Thinges Abroade, they doubt not, ere long, but they (hall alfo have Toleration at Home. Our god- h'eft Preachers doe allready pray againft the evil Day, with fo much Earneftnefs, as if that were at Hande. And, though there be Orders given to preach nothing but Courte-Divinitie, yet a Man may eafily perceive, by the very Choyce of their Texts, and the very Teares in their Eyes, that, if they durft, they would fpeake their Confciences. The perpetuall Walkers of Paules doe now defpair to fee their materiall Church ever re- paired, fmce the fpirituall, and more worthy, is fuftered to go to Wracke. And fome of them not daring to meddle with Affaires of State, becaufe they are monied Men ; and yet not knowing how to holde their Peace, upon fo fodaine Warning, thinke it their fafeft Courfe, to talke of nothing but Ecclefiafticall Matters ; wherin they all agree, that your Majeftie hath pulled downe the Churche more with your Proceeding, then you have raifcd it with your Writings J. In your Majefties owne Tavernes, for one Healthe that is begun to your felfe, there are ten drunke to the Princes your forraygn Children. And, when the Wine is in their Heads, Lord have Mercie on their Tonges. Ever in the very Gaming Ordinaries, where Men have fcarce Leifure to fay Grace, yet they take a Time to cenfure your Majefties Actions, and ThePapifts. f- The King of Bohemia married to King 'James the Fir/Fl Daughter. t Kir.g James the Firji affected to (hew himfelf a g^eat Oppofer of the Church of Rente, by turning Controvcruft,"ar,d writing againft their Do&rines, with his o.vn RpyalPcn. VOL. II.. E e e that 4 02 that in their oulde Schoole Terms. They fay, you have loft the fay reft Game at Maw, that ever King had, for Want of making the beft Advantage of the five Finger, and playing the other Helpes in Time. That your own* Card- holders play Bootie, and give the Signe out of your owne Hand, That f hee, you played withall, hath ever been knowne for the greateft Cheater in Cbr'ifiendome. In fine, there is roe Way to recover your Lofles, and vindi- cate your Honour, but with fighting with him, that hath cozened you. At which honeit downe righte Play, you will be hard inough for him with all his Trickes. I cannot forget how I have feene fome, when they have loft all their Money, fall a curfing and fwearing at the Lofs of Prague, and the Palatinate ; as though all the Rancour of their Hartes lay there. And, tell them of your Majefties Pro- clamation, they anfwere in a Chafe : You muft give Looiers Leave to fpeake. The Merchants and Trades-men I, nor no Man elfe, can accufe of being fenfible of any Thing, but what toucheth their owne Profit. All I find in them is, they are extreame jealous, the Courte will fhortly put down their Exchange, and apprehend, becaufe one of their Occupation is made Treafurer J, that there- fore, hence forwarde, all Things muft be bought and foulde there. The Lawyers feeme not fo much offended, that your Majeftie hath removed the Garland of their Profeffion by puttinge the great Scale into the Hands of a Churchman || , as- that you doe not relieve your poore diftrefled Chil- dren, according to the Equitie of their Caufe, Tell-Troatb : 6cc. who, they faye, have bin wrongefully outed ; and that therefore you ought to grant them a Writ of forcible Re-entry, which, under Cor- rection, they conceive maye be better execu- ted by the General of an Army then the She- riflfe of a Countie. They that fly higher, and fixe their Specula- tions upon the Myfteries of the Court, doe ap- parently perceive that the Councell of Gonde- mar hath taught fome of your a&ive Mi- nifters to juggle, onely to make them paffively capable of his owne Conjuringe j and that, by the penetratinge Faculty of a yelowe Indian Demon , hee hath at his Command, and is Maifter of your Cabinett without a Key, and knowes your Secrets before the greateft Part,, and moft faithful of your Councel. And which is worfe, they fay, your Majeftie knowes it ; and therefore fufpeft that your felfe is brib- ed againft your felfe. Otherwife they thinke not the Divell himfelfe could fo abufe the Times we live in, as to make Things pafle in that Fafhion as they doe, contrary to all Senfe, and Confcience, and Reafon of State. Behold, Sir, the Second Part of Vox Populi, by fo much the more like itfelfe then the Firft, by howe much it comes (hort of it in Witt and Difcretion ; for, thoughe the fecond Cogi- tations are ever held the beft, yet wee fee the common People for the moft Part, when they give themfelves to Talkinge, proceed from Bad to Worfe, and every Time more foolifh- ly then other : The Reafon is, becaufe they never think before they fpeake ; but rafhly vent whatfoever gets into their Fancy, bee it true, falfe, or probable, good, bad, or indif- * Privy-Counfellors and Ambaffadors. f The King of Spain, or Gondamore, his Ambaffador. % This w as Sir Lionel Cranfdd, who at firft was a Merchant in London, afterwards a Cuftom-houfe Of- ficer, and from thence introduced into the Court as a Projedlor ; a Name given to fuch as fuggefted to the Minifters of State Means, whereby they might fill the Exchequer with Money, when the King would rule without a Parliament. He there married the Sifter of Maty Beaumont, Countefs of Buckingham, which was fufficient to raife him to the Place of Treafurer, and to be created Earl of Mlddlefex. See Wilfon, p. 727, and Weldcn, p. 141. From an Heirefs of this Family is defcended the Duke of Dorfit. See Dugdalis, Baron. Vol II. p. 446. || Chancellor Bacon, who had been created Baron of Verulam, and Vifcount St. Allan's, though he was a very great Genius, and one cf the moft learned Men in Europe, being found guilty of Bribery and corrupt Praftices in his high Office, was declared by Parliament unworthy not only of the Office of Chan- cellor, but alfoof having a Place, for the future, in the Houfe of Peers, fined forty -thoufand Pounds, and to be imprifoned during the King's Pleafure ; in whofe Place, on the Twentieth of July, 162 1, the King made John V/iUiams t Dean of WeJIminfter, Lord High Chancellor. See Rufiwortb, Tom. I. p. 29. Howes. Wilfon, p. 735, Weldon, p. 133, and Racket. , $ Gold'. ferent j Tom Tell-Troath : &c. ferent ; neverthelefs, by thefc Overflowinges of their Mouths, your Majettie maye doe well to guefle at the Aboundance of their Hearts. And my Lords of your Councell may make Ufe of their Follie, without defparaginge of their owne Wifdome ; which, if it be lawfull for mee to confe Je, The Truth is the Principall End I ayme at > for it would never fmke into my Bebife, that your Majefties Meaninge was to pubiiin thefe Kind of Proclamations *, to intiap your Subjects, and bringe them to the Biocke of Punifhment ; but rather out of a politicke Defigne to found their Greife, and make their Complaints ferve for fo many Di- rections to Amendment. Accordinge to which Perfuafion I have thought it fufficient to fett downe the bare Difcourfes, without troubling your Majeftie with the Perfons ; for, if all, that are infected with th'is King's- Evill f , (hould be brought before you, I fear that both your Majeftie and your Chirurgeon will want the Vertue cf curinge all Evills J. Which I wifh you maye doe with as much Eafe as your owne Heart defires. And thoughe, per- haps, I cannot end better, than With faying Amen to fo good a Prayer ; yet, now that I have begun to fpeake to the Lord my Kinge, let him not be offended with mee, if I prefume a little further, and offer at leaft a few of mine owne Conceptions, by Way of humble Re- monftrance ; not that I can hope (however others || have fped) to come from an Informer to be a Councellour ; but becaufe, I believe, there are fome Thinges moft worthy of your Majefties Confideration, that are fitter for an honeft Man to prefent than a Greate. The great Spedhtours of your Majefties- Wifdome, whofe dayly Exercife is to multi- ply the Object in the artificiall Glades of Fraude, and Flattery, are fo diftrafted with 403 the infinite Faces of the Counterfayts, as they cannot difcerne the Blemifhes of the true. But wee that knowe neither the Ufe nor the Benefitt of fuch Court-perfpeclives, and have no other Waye to underftand your Majeftie, then by your Workes, doe, to our great Greife, perceive a Number of Defe&s that cover the Glory of your Raigne, as in a Cloude, and much allaye the Reverence due to the other Excellencies of your Perfon ; for mine owne Part I cannot fee them, and thinke it not inough to murmure as many doe, but muft fhewe myfelfe fo affectionate to my Prince and Country, as to advife your Majeftie of them, which I promife to doe with as much Humilitie as the Matter will bear. The generall Torrent of Difcontent that raigns with fuch a feditious Noyfe over your whole Kingdome ; thoughe (Thanks be to God) it hath made no open Breach upon your Peoples Obedience ; yet certainely hath very much weakened their Affections, which hath ever bin held dangeroufe, and of fo near Neighbourhood as commonly there is no Waye to prevent the one, without remedyinge the other . The Courfes, from whence that rifetb, are two : I. Difcord at Home. II. Dijbonour Abroaa And, For the Fir/I, I muft confeffe, I am not fo well read in the newe Book of Patents **, as that I can make any longe Difcourfe upon that Subject ; and therefore to the Lower -houje of Parliament will leave it ; which is the true Chriftall Fountaine that will not onely prefent to your Majefties Vewe, as in a Mirrour, ail the foule Spotts of the Common-weale, but * Viz. One upon Summoning the Parliament on the Twentieth of January, 1621, and the other, after the King had perfuaded the Lords to quarrel with the Houfe of Commons, and he had adjourned the Parlia- ment, forbidding all Perfons to talk of State Affairs, with Threats of fevere Punifhment, as well againft the Concealers of fuch Difcourfes, as againft audacious Tongues and Pens. See Ruft-iuortb, Tom. I. p. 36. f Of fpeaking againft the King's Government and Proceedings, or talking of State Affairs, contrary to the Proclamations above-mentioned. t Alluding to the Evils of State caufed by the Male-Adminiftration of the King and Council under the Influence of the Spattijh AmbafTador, Gondamore. || Alluding to Sir Lionel Cranfield, as mentioned above. $ A good Admonition to all Princes. ** This relates to all the Patents by which the King, by granting Monopolies to certain Companies, or Perfons, ruined the Trade of his other Subjefls, in order to raife a little prefent Money for the Sup- port of fuch a Prerogative in theCro,vn, which, being detrimental to the Subject, w.>uld not be allowed by Parliament. E e e 2 404 Tom Tell-Troath : &c. ferve you at the fame Time with Waters, if you pleafe, to wa(h them out ; but for the Other *, which toucheth more to the quicke all generoufe Spirits, and fo excells in Matter of Complaint i as it receives Redreffe, all other Clamours ought to hold their Peace; I dare pre- tend to knowe as much of it as another, and, perhaps, more than the Share of a private Gen- tleman. And having bin of late, by I knowe not what Inclination of my Genius, not onely the chofen Fruit of my outward Obfervations, but the very Nourifhment of my fadd and fo- litary Thoughts ; if then your Majeftie will give me Leave to execute my melancholy Of- fice of tellinge Truth, and freely to advertife you what this grand Greivance is, that cries fo loud for Reparation in all Voices, in all Hearts ; and it is a juft Refentmentof theJDe- cayes of our Countreys Honour, a Trade where- in wee were wont to outbuy all our Neighbors : And make the greate IngrofTer -j* of your Wefte-lndyes himfclfe Bankrupt. But, fince your Majeftis came to be our Soveraigne, leaft we fhoulde be too proude of fo greate an Addi- tion, it feemes the Hand of Heaven hath thought fie to curbeour Felicitie in this Point ; fo that we have lived to fee that brave Stock of foveraigne Reputation, which our greate Queen J, your Predeceffor, left us, quite ba- nifht, and brought to nothing. And for ac- quiring of new, that is a Thing fo long fince grown out of Ufe, as that may be very well reckoned, amongft thofe other Inventions, wee have loft through your Injurie || of Time. The old Compafle of Honour is quite for- gott, and our Filotts , now adaies, knowe no other Route than that of their own For- tunes ; according to which they tacke and un- tacke all publicke Affaires. No Marvaile then, if wee fee your goodly VefTels of this State mif- guided and (hamefully expofed to all Maner of Danger. Sometimes by being runn agrounde upon your Sands of {hallow and uncertaine Po- licie ; but moft of all, by being kept at An- chore **, and full as it is of Leakes, and rot- ten Ribbes, in the deepe Gulphe of. Security. Where that takes in more Matter of Ruine and Corruption, in fixe Monthes, then can be pumpt out again in feven Yeares. Nor can our Statef-men excufe their Negligence herafter, in faying, the Wind did not ferve. For never did Heavens blow more favourably to our Ad- vantage, than that hath done of late, had wee the Grace but to have fitted our Sayles to the Fairenes of your Occafion. But there hath been I know not what Remora , that hath hung a long Time upon this unfortunate State ; and ftill continues of that prodigious Force, as for ought I fee (unles God of his Mercie putt his helping Hand) it will rather fink us, then fuffer us to go forward in any Courfe that tends to our Profperitie. In the meane Time our adverfe Parties have Feardome inough, and all is Fime, that comes to their Netts, that it feemes they have forbidd us, under the Paine of their highe Difpleafure, to deal any more in Matters of Worthe j and referving to themfelves the rich Prizes, and Triumphes of the Time, have thought that fufficient for us, to (heere our Sheepe, and fetche home Spices, to make Ginger-bread. Not fo much but the very Pedlers ff , whome wee our felves fet upp for our owne Ufe, are now become our Mafters in the Eafte-Indyes ; and thinke themfelves our Fellowes in any Ground of Cbri/tendome. Thefe Thinges are the more irkefome unto us, by Reafon we did leaft expecl: them at your Ma- jefties Hands. For, who would have thought, that wee fhould have loft, but rather infinitely gained, by changing the weaker Sexe JJ, for your more noble, to be our Commanders. And having withall to Boote the onely Na- tion of the Earth ||||, that could compare with us in Valour, to be our Fellowe-Souldiers ? But the Event fhowes, wee are in nothing more miferable, then in that wee had fo much Reafon to thinke our felves happy, for now that wee fee how contrary to our Hopes all Thinges have fucceeded, and how vilely wee have fuffered our brave Poflibilities to pafTe away one after another j as in a Dreame our geateft Comfortes are changed into equall efpaire, and our moft reputed Bleffings, into mofte apparent Curfes. The King of Spain. J Elifaltth. Of granting Patents. * Fix. The Houfe of Lords. Or Minifters of State. '* At Spithead, or elfewhere. This particularly refers us to the Mifmanagement of the Duke of Buckingham. ft The Dutch. H Qiieen EKfabetb. D| Scotland united by King James the Firfis Acceffion to the Crown of England. Of 'Tom Tell-Troath : &c. Of all the Benefits, that defccnd from Hea- ven to Earth, there is none to be received with more Prayfe, and Thankefulnes, then that of Peace. But a Man may have too much of his Fathers Eleffing. And I feare we have too much Caufe to complaine of your Majefties unlimited Peace. The Excefle whereof hath long fince turned Vertue into Vice, and Health into Sicknes. As long as other Princes kept themfelves within their Bounds, and followed your great Example, it was a Thinge rather to be glory ed in, than any Way reproached, that your Majeftie was knowne throughout Chriftendome, by the Name of the Kinge of Peace. But now, that both our fworne Enymies, and forfworne Friends, have taken up Armes with one Con- fent, that defyed your Majefties Goodnes by enterprifmge upon your neereft and deareft Intereft in all forraign Parts. Now, that there is Queftion of Gods Glory *, as well as your owne. And that the Caufe of both your Children lyes equally a bleeding : Now, I fay, to continue ftill the Faute, as frill un- moved, as if you were no King of this World, but flood already pofiefTed of the Kingedome of Heaven by Vertue of (Beati paclfici) this certainely is fuch a ftrange Peace of Supererro- gation, as will ferve to aftonifh the prefent Age, and that to come ; but deferve well of neither. It will rather revoke in Doubt your former Merit, and make us fufpecl:, that your peaceble Difpofition all this while hath not pro- ceeded fo much out of Cbrift'ian Piety, and Love of Juftice, as out of meere Impotency, and Defire of Eafe. Pardon me (O King) if I fpeak to you f in a Language, you are not accuflomed to heare. It is a Part of Supremacye J, not to have your darling Sinne layd open ; as my Lords and Bifhops do very well obferve : But it is now no Time to bauke, and palliate that which all the World fees. For, though I feare it lies ftill in your Boofom, yet the blaiing Starr was not more fpe&able in our Horizon, nor gave People more Occafion of Talke, Heaven grant it may not be the Caufe of more 405 Mifchiefe in Ckrijlendome, than the other was a Signe of. It is in your Majefties Power to take away our Feare, and Danger, both at once, if you will at length but know your owne Strength, and take a Refolution worthy of yourfelfe. There are two faire Occafions, that come, as it were, a woir.ge to your Majeftie at this Time, the leaft of which highly deferves the Honour and good Fortune of your Mayden Armes || .- fo juft, and fo religious, in all hu- mane and divine Refpects, as, I dare fay, that, if the noble Army of Martyrs were fent downe upon Earth to make their Fortunes a new, they would choofe noe other Quarrel to dye in, nor hope for a furer Way to recover againe the Crown of Glory, The one is, to reeftablifh your owne Chil- dren in Germany . The ether y to preferve God's Children ** in France, Both of them fo univerfally defired, and fo conformable to Chrijiian Faith, and good Ma- ners, that I doubt not, but that they have longe fince pafled the Prefie of the Confcience, though I know, by what indirect Means, the}' are not fuffered to come forth in publike View. I mail not need to rip up thefe Quel- tions of State from the Beginninge, and vex your Majeftie, with provinge particularly that which is beft knowne to your felfe ; yet, be- caufe I fee nothing done, I muft needes fay fomewhat. And firft, for the unfortunate Princes your Children ; though they may per- haps have committed a Fault, which your Majefty, in your fingular Wifdome, thought good to make them drinke of, to purge them either of ill Counfell, or happily to quench in them betimes their dangerous Thirft of Ambition, which, not content with Rhine and Danuby f-f-, might afterwards attempt the Ocean ; yet to let them drinke ftill, and fo deep in the Cup of Afflictions, as not to be able to ftand upon their Legges, but reele up and downe, without Hope of * In the Reformed Religion, like to be fuppreffed in Germany. f- Accuftomed to the Flattery of Courtiers. J Alluding to the King of England's Title, Supreme Head of the Church of England. | Becaufe never yet ufed againft the Enemies of the Nation. $ fiz. In the Palatinate and Bohemia. ** The Proteftants. ff Or the Countries lying on the Banks of thofe two Rivers. Recovery,. 'Tom Tell-Treati : 6cc. 406 Recovery, is the Scorne and Opprobry of the Nations of the Earth. Jiac rations potes jujius fortajje videri : At non crudelis non potes ejje pater. But fome will fay, your Majeftie hath often advifed them to returne to themfelves ; and which is more, that you fent one of late of Purpofe to lead them Home : But, alas, in theire Cafe how vaine is all Comfort without Handes ? And how ill hath this the promi- finge Endeavour fped the Guide you fent (as expert as he made himfelfe in the Enymies Wayes) is come fhort of his Undertakinge ; and, inftead of givinge End to the Princes Mi- fery, hath only lighted upon a handfome Trick to cover his own Shame ; had Fortune fo mira- culoufly bleft his Confidence, as that he had performed this Hercules Labour without a Lions Skin, he would have ftayned all wife Men for ever, who, before he went, gave him for another laft Embafladour ; it could ne- ver appeare to them in the leaft Forme of Likelyhood, and having the Credit dew to Gentlernens Complement, that the Spanifl) but bring you where the Spaniard would hav e you ; who, how hee ufeth all that are at his Mercy, I am forry your Majeftie is now to learne from fo curft a Schoole-mafter as him- felfe. Who will make no new Scruple to whipp you as your Children, with your owne Rods of Iron *, though he fainedly promifed to ufe them only againft the Turke ; and then it will be too late to wifh you had beleved Caffandra, the Voyce of your loving Parlia- ment, who, hearing of it, made a Start out of their owne Bufmefle, and could not be quiet, til they had intreated your Majeftie to confider what a dangerous Gift it was, and how fitt to be revoked. But your Anfwere was, that you had parted your Royall Word to the Spa- nijh Embafladour, and could not break it j as if you were the only unfortunate Prince of the World, that were tyed to be faithfull to your owne Prejudice. Had your Minifter in the Court of Spaine fubreptitioufly obtained a Graunt from that King of like Importance, his Catholicke Majeftie would have bin glad of fo good an Occafion to render it of no Effect : And, without ftanding on fuch gentle Points of Honour, or framing to himfelfe, I know not Counfell of Warr would be at the Charge of what, Chimeras of Jealoufy betweene his owne getting a Country by Force of Armes, that they meant afterwards to reftore at the Kiflinge abfolute Power, and his Peoples humble De- fire, would have bin fo farre from expecting of a Hand : They are knowne to be a People his Parliaments Oppofition, as he would ra- fo circumfpecl:, and advifed in all that they doe, as they never refolved upon the prefent, without confultinge the future, but make the Reafons of both their equal Warrant ; and therfore, if they had made Keeping of Words, in Matters of this Nature, they fliould quef- tionlefle have judged it more convenient to have taken your Majefties for Bo/wmia, then have taken theirs for the Palatinate. Which, before they would furrender, they were firft ther have given them Charge under Hand to have made it, and by that Meanes have re- called his Benefitt, and preferved his Thankes. But, if your Majeftie had made Ufe of this Expedient, there might perhapps fome Incon- venience enfued, for then, it is to be feared, the Spanijh Embafladour would have bin dif- couraged from ever afking fuch unreafonable Thinges againe. The onely Hope whereof makes him flatter the State, and tell your Ma- obliged to conquer ; and confequently to un- jeftie many a pleafant Tale. Wee are not dertake a new Warrant to no Purpofe. But, feing they would not truft your Majeftie in fo apparant a Congruity, it is not to be won- dered at, that they have deceived you, but that yet willing to be undeceived ; for, if wee were, wee mould not ftay, till wee fawe the Moun- taines, that are promifed us out ofSpaine, vanifh into Smoake : The poore Palatinate mews us they had the Meanes to doe fo, for not onely fufEciently, what wee are to looke for from BalL but every Balaams Afle, might cafilv the Spaniard-., who, if hee were refolved to f f , . /r n /">ii-. n i us fhortly forfee that your Majefties Credulity was in the high Way to Perdition j and could not fo much of his owne, as is imagined, would never keepe fo gripingly This refers to the King's Permiflion to Gondamore, to export Ordnance, and other warlike Stores from England, to fupply the S-panifo Arfenals ; and, in particular, to the King's Order for Whipping Hangman, for reviling Gandamore for the fame in London Streets. See Rujhvca jby the common 'lota. I. c. 34. from Tom Tell-Troath : from us that which is ours. But I crie the Spaniards Mercy : It is not hee (good Man) but the revengfull Emperour, that doth us this Wrong. As if the Emperour, without him, could wrong a Moufc, or doth {hew himfelfe rdYe&ary to the leaft Tittle of his knowne Will : Wee may as well fuppofe the Sea turbulent without Winde, or the lower Spheares to move without the Primum mobile fcc. 4,07 more Delay, or Refervaticns, you will now really, and royally, ing;;.ge your ielfe in this righteous Way. Nor let the Scarcitie of Meanes, and Ways, difcourage you. For your Majeftie knowes not what a ftcret Trea- fure lies hidde in your Peoples Hearts ; which (in fo good an Occafion as thisj will be brought forth, and laied at your Feete, in greater Heapes then the World imagines. I graunt that wee fee the Spanijh Forces and Your faithfull Parliament hath already made the Signes turne another Way, but fo as they involue, with a powerfull and fecret Touch, the Rapture of the Palatinate, and all the Shirs about i ; without the which the Empe- rour would be as quiet a Lumpe of Majeftie as wee could wifh him. And his Commifiary, the Duke of Bavaria, did nothing but what became him. It is the Catholic ke Ufurper * that fetts them both a Worke, and plaies leaft in Sight himfelfe. Betweene them they hold fafte your Childrens Patrimony, and play with your Majeftie as Men doe with little Children at Handy-dandy, Which Hand will you have ? when they are difpofed to keepe any Thing from them. Or as two f, that having joined together in a Theft, hee, that tooke, faies, Hee has it not ; and hee, that hath it, faies, Hee tooke it not : Which is a Mockery more infufferable, than the maine Injurie, and you a liberall Offer of our Lifes, and Fortunes, and every good Englljb-man hath long fince confirmed it in his particular Devotion : It wholy depends upon your Majefties Wifdome, to make the right Ufe of fo great a Gift, for therein confifts all the Danger, all the Difficul- ty. The foundamentall Enginesof Warre, as every Man knows, are Men and Money : And, would to God, your Majefties Do- minions, were as well ftored with the one, as they are with the other, then mould we not proftitute, as wee doe, to the Great JVkorc- rnajJcr of Babylon ||, and for a fewe Clods of Earth give up the Honour of our Countrey, and violate the Love which we owe to Reli- gion. But his Knowledge of our Wants makes him prefume on our Eafmefi, and al- lure us to this bafe and impious Adultery . Though, I verily believe, in this prefent Oc- ought to provoke your Majeftie to the higheft cafion, hee and his Bawds will be mucl r\ . * f T v_ - *_* " c *r J*!/L r_ ir /- i\ ,r n 1 !.* Straine of Indignation ; for, if you perfift in your obdurate Patience, and take ftill for Payment all the Artifices, that their falfe Deal- ing can coine, wee {hall be mrewdly tempted to beleeve for once what the Author of all Lyes, tojuftifie the King of Spaine, and the other Princes of their J Religion, doe conftantly give out. That your Majeftie is fure of the Palatinate by Treatie ; and that you pretend ceived, for, if yourMajefty, and your Eftatcs now afiembled together, will tie the holy Knot of Union, and make a firm Covenant together, wee {hall not need to goe fo neere Hell for Gold, as Spanijh Mines ; or, if \ve doe, wee will take a Courfe to have it with- out being beholding to the Divell ; wee {hall be able to fupply well enough for the BufmefTe in Hand out of that wherwith God the Contrary, to draw Money from the Par- ty hath bleft us. Onely, I liament. Out of which Opinion, if it be once fuffered to take Roote, may grow a greate deale of Poyfon, and fall upon your Majeftie as a jufte Judgment of God : Who, becaufe Reafon wee Jhould partake of the Honour you would wilfully truft your Enymie to your Hurte, may now fee yourfelfe fo unhappy, as not to be beleeved by your owne Subjects for your Good. But, I hope, God of his Mercy, will avert fo great a Difafter, and give your muft advertife your Majefty, that wee expect to fee an Ar- my raifed, as well as Subfidies. For, if wee be at the Charge of maintaining a JVar, it is and Benefitt of it ; efpecially confidering how hard - ly we can fpare Money, and how eafily Men. There are many Thoufands of your Majef- ties Subjects, able and proper Fellowes, that lie languifhing, ready to rebell, for Want of Majeftie the Grace to difcover, and diftroy at Imployment. And, I hope, none will denie, the fame Inftant, this malitious Invention j but Engli/h-men cane earn theire Wages at which may eafily be done, if, without any this Worke, as well any other Nation. Sure The King of Spain. f In the Fable. The Pope and his Adherents. I am,. 4 o8 Tom Tett-Troath : &c. I am, that it is to be found in very good Hif- torie, that forraigne Princes have thought it none of theire worft Stratagems to clad a great Parte of theire owne People in Englijh Cajficks * to make themfelves more terrible to the Enymie. Count Mansfield f is a gal- lant Man, and deferves not only to be well paid, but highly rewarded, for the good Service he hath done your Majeftie in that Country. Where, had he not arrived when he did, thofe few all worthie Countrymen of ours, that would not goe away before they faw the laft Danger borne, had bin miferably facrificed to the Spaniards Butcherie, which would have made a great many of us worne Blacke J in England for a While. But no- thing would have lafted blacke fo long, as the Story of it. Which, when Pofterity came to read, they would certainely have blurd that Part of your Majefties Raigne with Teares. But as he came thither by an Acci- dent j fo (for ought I know) hee may go away by another ; and therefore it were fit to provide more certaine Souldiers, for fo certaine a Warre. For (as my Lord Dlgbcy did very well mow towards the End of his Narration j Count Mansfields Armye doth not confift of fuch as have their Wifes, and Chil- dren, and Friends dwelling in the Palatinate ; but of fuch, to whome all Places are alike, fo they may fet a Worke ; and upon whome there can be no other Tye then precife Pay. How much better then were it for your Ma- jeftie to fatisfie the gcnerall Defire, and fend over an Armye of good Englijh, who, you may be fure, will neither change Party, nor fpoile the Country, but ftedfaftly adhere, as much out of Affection, as Obligation to the Caufe, and Perfons of your Children? Be- fides, if your Majeftie will take Thinges aright, wee doe not contribute to this Warre, fo much to regaine the Palatinate, as to redeeme the Credit of our Nation, which all the Money in the Kingdome is not able to doe without Action. There are, as I have heard, two Reafons made, to oppofe this Refolution ; the one, the Odds of the Charge ; the other, the Difficulty of getting thither. To the Fir/1, I anfwere breifly, That, in Matter of Warre, the beft is ever cheapeft, and the fhorteft the beft j I meane, not the fhorteft Beginning, but the fhorteft Ending : And, for the other, it is to beprefumed, that, where your Majeftie mall make this Warre Royall, by taking it upon your felfe, you will not, for your owne Greatnes Sake, be feene to fend any Forces, but fuch as mall be able to make theire Way ; if not, at leaft they may have their Commiffion to take up Lodgings by the Way, for thofe mail come after, and fo, though they come fhort of their Journeyes End, they may happily make an End of that they goe for, the fooner. In plaine Termes, Sir, the Palatinate is very ill feated for us to warre in ; it being both remote from the Sea, and furrounded on all Sides with our Enymies, whome the Pope hath tyed together, like Sarnp- fons Foxes Tailes, to fet thefe our Parts of Chrljlendome on Fire ; for which Puroofe, they call themfelves the Catbolicke League, and have the Catholike King || for their Head, who flicks clofe unto them in all Adventures. Whereas your Majeftie, I know not for what Crime, hath long fince beheaded the poore Protejlant Union, and left it as a Body without a Soule ; yet it is not fo dead, and buried, but that there is Hope it will rife againe at the fir ft Sound of your Majefties Trumpets, and joyfully receive a fecond, and more durable Life, from your better Refolutions, of all the Parts belonging to it, the eafieft to l:e refufci- tated : And moft ufefull for the prefent Bufi- nes are the United Provinces of the Low- Countreycs, as being the ftrcngeft, and neereft to the Head, during this Time of Diflbluti n. They have binn faine to do the Office of a Breaft to give your Children Suck, but are in- deed the Armes, and would, ere this, have carried them into theire owne Countrey, had they not had their Handes full of the common Enymie at Home : If then your Majeftie defires to remove the Spaniards Foote out of the Palatinate, the fpeedieft Courfe will be, to give the Hollanders your helping Hand in Flanders ; or, if your ftric~l Alliance with Spaine will not beare fuch an immediate A6t of Hoftility from your felfe, you may, for Love, or Monie Sake, lend the Prince, your Son-in-law **, an Army to difpofe of, as hee mall fee Caufe, provided alwaies that you Cloaths, or red Coats. f The General of the King of Bohemia's Army. Or gone in 'Mourning. |j Of Spzin. $ The Spaniards. * The King of Bohemii, and Ele3or Palatine. counfaile Tom Tell-Troath : counfaile him underhand to his beft Advan- tage ; fo fhall the Spaniard be paid in his owne Coin, and our Princes reftored to their owne Poffeflions : Whereas, if you confine the Action to the bare Palatinate, and content your felfe with the Doves Innocency, now that you fee the Enymie as wife as a thoufand &C. 409 Serpents, it will never have an End; but draw it felfe into fuch a continuall Circle of Trouble, as wee may looke to fee a Dozen Yeares hence two fuch Armies keeping one another at Bay in the Palatinate, as doe now in the Low-Countreys. I will not (how fo little Refpect to your Majefties Judgment, as to talke any longer in fo cleare a Cafe, but will here conclude my Reafons with my Praiers, hum- bly befeeching yourMajeftie to doe your felfe, and Chrijlendome, Right in this great Affaire : And let it be no longer heard, that the Spa- niard hath more Witt than the Englijh Eye- fight, or the King of Spaines Cozen Germanes removed are neerer a Kinne to him, then your Majefties owne Children are to you. It remains now, that I fpeake a Word or two in the Behalfe of our Brethren, Gods Children, in France, againft the Firebrands of Hell, which have kindled a Perfecution with- out all earthly Matter, it being the heavenly Caufe of Religion, and no other, for which they are made to fuffer ; wherin your Ma- jeftie, and State, have as much Intereft, as is poffible for a Man to have, when his Neighbours Houfe is on Fire ; indeed fo much as would ill become a private Man to put you in Mind of at any Time, but this, when, it feemes, a dead Sleep poffefles all the Land, and that we had rather perifh, then be difturbed. The vigilant Parliament * hath laien Sen- iineil perdu, and difcovered the Enemies Ap- proaches, but cannot be heard. The watched Men of the Ballances that ftand in high Places, though they cannot but fee the Danger, yet dare they not give the Alarme, for fear of dif- quieting your Majeftie. Laftly, and worft of all, the Church-men, who are the Seers of Ifraell, and ought to difcry from the Holy Place the Troopes of the Pbili/tins, and theire Plots, are they that doe moft of all connive at the Stu- pidity of the Time ; all of them already, for Excufe of theire Weaknes, urge the ftrong Opi- nions that they have of your Majefties Ablenes, for (fay they) it is in vaine either to advcrtife or That wa's fummoned 20 January 1621. VOL. II. advife your Majeftie of any Thing touching Government, becaufe, they are allured, you know as much of it, as natural! Man can com- prehend. And, for mine owne Parte, I thinke a great deale more, otherwife it could not be that your Proceedings (hould fo varye as they doe from the whole Current of human Difcre- tion. I graunt all wife Princes have ever referved to themfelves certain Cafes of State, which the Politicians call drcana unperij f ; and we ihould be too injurious to your Majefties Wife- dome, and Power, if we mould grudge you the like Privilege. But, alas, Sir, wee that have rea- fonable Soules, and cannot but ufe them in fo important a Matter, doe find a great deal of Difference betweene your Majeftie and other Princes in this Point. For though they have locked up, in the Cloffet of their Brefts, their incommunicable Purpofes, and fo worke upon divers Occafions, as that the Effects have bin feene to come Abroad, before the Caufe could be knowne ; yet at laft it corns to be evi- dent, that thefe theire fecret Defignes ever tended to the publick Good, and the inftru- mentall Meane, were only fuch Hetcrodyte* as did tranfcend, and not overthrowe common Reafon. Wheras your Majefties Courfes are not onely infcrutable, but diametrically oppo- fite to poore Mans Underftanding : And fo far from giving us any Hope of good Effects hereafter, as they doe already fulfill the utmoft of our Feares, infomuch that wee have no Way left to put ourfelves out of Aftonifliment, and preferve your Majefties Wifedome blame- les, but by ftrainingly beleeving, that, whereas all other Princes have Liberty to governe them- felves according to the Rules of worldly Policie, your Majefties Hands are tied from ufing fuch Means and Advantages by the corrective Power of fome fecret Revelation: And as David, who was a King after Gods owne Heart, might not for all that build God a Temple, becaufe he had his Hands in Blood ; fo happily your Majeftie may not be fuffered to do any Thing for the Church of God, becaufe you havelike- wife your Hands defiled with Blood; for how can they be otherwife, being claft fo ftreightly (as they are) with them, that are red with the Blood of the J Saints ; one that knowes the Sweetnes of your Majefties Nature, and hath feen with what Clemency and Mercy you have f Secrets of Government. F f f J Proteftant. fwayed 410 fwayed the Scepter, Tom Tell-Troatb, &c. would thinke it little lefs fticks ftill in their Stomack?, and the true Pro- Blafphemy to accufe you of any Thing that is bloody. But God judges not, like Man. And who can hinder the Eternall from calling your Majeftie to Account for all the Ravage hath bin done in his Church of late, fince you are his Lieuetenante of greateftTrufte, and have received of his heavenly Grace both fufficient Power and Right to oppofc fuch violent Inno- vations ? O the good and divine Providence of God that hath given your Majeftie above all the Princes of the Earth fuch Tittles and Roy- all Attributes, as doe neceffarily infer, and transfer a Right, and Protection upon thefe his poore perfecuted Servants ; for, whatfoever your MajeRie thinks of it, I doe as verily beleeve, as if there were a Text for it in the Apocalips, that the great God of the World in his Omnifcence, and omnipotent Prefcience, hath fo difpofed of States to the Benefitt of the Church, as to continew upon your Ma- jeftie the Tittle of France, to the End that little Flocke, which he hath thought good to plant there amongft fo many Wolfes, might have by a juft Pretence the Defender of the Faith , for theirs ; if your Majeftie will notowne this poore People, neither as yow are King of France , nor Defender of the Faith, yet ought you to preferve them for your owne England* Sake ; and doe that for Reafons of State which Religion cannot obtain, for fhould the Pro- tejlants of France be utterly extirpt, and that puiflant Kingdome rendred as Catholickt as Spaine, I hope our Statef-men would not think England the fame it was ; nor your Majeftie behold your Monarchic, without greeving at fo terrible an Alteration. For mine owne Parte, I fhould then beginne to beleeve that the Time were come Comines the Frencheman fpoke of ; who, being in Difcourfe with an Englijheman a- bout the Warres we had had fo often, and with fo good Succefs, made in France , difcreetly faid, That God Almighty had brought the Englijh into France, to punifh them for theire Sins : And when the Sins of England fhould become greater than of France, he would likewife fend the French thither to fcourge them'. And how willingly that Nation would imbrace fuch an Imployment, may be eafily judged ; whether we confider the old or the new Caufe of their Hatred: The Virtue of our Anceftors feffcon of the Gofpell enrages their Confciences. They who beleeve they do God good Service in cutting theire owne Countrey-mens and Kinfmens Throats, becaufe theyare not Papifts 9 {hould doubtlefle thinke themfelves damned, if they (hould not doe much more to Strangers, and their ancient Enymies upon the fame Oc- cafion : Nor fhall they want powerfull Incite- ments to fo holy an Enterprife : His Holinefs himfelfe will be Tempter, though (Thanks be to God) he is nothing yet fo cunning as the Divell ; for, I know not by what Pontificall Furie, he hath precipitated his Inftigations, and fuffred his Malice to outrunne the Seafon ; would any (but Antichrift out of his Wits,) have fo abufed his moft Chriftian Child the King of France, as to put him upon the Con- queft of England, before he was Mafter of Ro- chell*. I muft confefle, when I firft faw his Ar poftolicke Letters, I had an Opinion that fome crafty Hugoenot, haddevifed them, to give your Majeftie a more fenfible Intereft in their Caufe : But, having fince beene made certaine they came from Rome, and that I find them in- ferted in a Catholicke Writer, Awe Privilege du Roy %. I know not what to wonder at moft, whether at them that fay, the Pope cannot erre at all ; or at him, that he (hould erre fo much. I aflure my felfe, this famous Epiftle hath long fince beene prefented your Majeftie in its owne Language. Neverthelefle, I will crave Leave to make you fee, how vilely it (hews in Eng- lijh. f Should be thought of any Confequence. The Prote/tants of France have Lawes f made in theire Favour, and Townes given -them for theire Security ; but the Papijh of England can expeft nothing from the Lawes of theire Country, but Penalty ; nor challenge any other Aflurance, then what proceedes from meere Connivencie. Befides, the Tenetts of the one are known to be fo conformable to Civill Government, as they are, and of Right ought to be permitted to aflemble themfelves both in Provincionall or Nationall Synods ; whereas the other || are juftly denied this Li- bertie, becaufe both their Pofitions and Dif- pofitions are altogether repugnant to the Peace and Safty of the State. Well -may they confpire in fecret, two and two ; but, to re- bell openly, the Conftable ** will not fuffer them ; if they were in Cafe to mow themfelves if we beleeve his Truth ; lett him defend it, as hee will : Or, if at any Time wee be urged to fight for our Religion, wee ufe only the fpirituall Sword, whikft our Adverfaries they are victorious, arid confound more in a Day with the one, thenj S. Peter or S. Paul could ever convert with the other. The Princes, that have given theire Power to the Beaft, fend Armes : And your Majeftie (that fhould fight the Battles of the Lord) Embajfedours. In a Word, whileft your Majeftie amafethe your felfe |i|| to convince an Errour or two of theirs, they find Meanes to conquer a whole Province of ours. Certainly, thefe Children of Dark- nes are wifer in theire Generation then the Children of Light j and mall rife up againft us at the laft Day, for bearing more Affe&ion to the Aharon *** of Rome, then wee do to the Gofpel of Cbrlft. That I may yet give your Majefty a more in right Colours, wee mould quickly have lovely Touch of thefe Thinges, let it be law- Newes of theire Frcinds beyond the Seas, full for mee to change the prefent State of There being a great Prince ff in the World, Religion throughout Chrljlendome, and fee that openly profefles, the Englijh Catholickes what will necefTarily enfue. Suppofe your Ma- are as deare unto him, as his owne proper Caf- jefty and the Body of your Eftate were Papifts, tilians j it is not your Majefties Example, but and the Recufants Proteftants. The French your Wifedome, that muft caution you from this Danger. To hinder them from having any forraigne Affiftance, there is no Way but one, to keepe them in fuch Order as they may be incapable of it : The Churche of Rome, as it King, and his major Part of that Kingdome, ProteJIants, and the Hugbonotts Papljls ; the King of Spain, the Emperour,and all the Tribe of Anftria, of the Gonfeffion of Aujburgb j your Children, and other Princes of Germany, * Counfellor. -j- See the Edi be never fo notorioufly wicked in his Perfon> nor fo enormious in his Government : Let him ftampe Vice with his Example, and make it currant by being his ; let him remove the ancient Boundworks of Soveraigntie, and make every Day new Yokes, and new Scourges for his poore People : Let him take Rewards and Puni&ments out of the Handes of Juftice, and fo diitribute them without Regard *to Right or Wrong, as may make his Followers doubt whether there be a Heaven and Hell, which defperate Point of Unbeliefe is a great Helpe, and Preparative to our Preferment : In ftort, let him fo excell in Mifcheife, Ruine, and Oppreffion, as Nero, compared with him, may be held a very Father of the People : When hee hath donne all that can be imagined to pro- cure Hate and Contempt, hee fhall not, for all that, have any Occafion to feare, but may bouldly goe in and out to his Sports without a publique Guard or a privy Coate J. And, though every Day of his Raigne bring forth a new Prodigie to greive all that are honeft, and aftonim all that are wife, yet fhall he not neede to take either the lefle Drink, when he goes to Bedd, or the more Thought, when he rifeth. Hee may folace himfelfe as fecurely in his Bed-chamber as the Grand Signer hi his Seraglio ; have Lords Spirituall for his Mates, Lords Temporall for his Eunuchs, and whom hee will for his Incubus. There may hee kifle his Minions without Shame, and make his Grooms his Companions without Danger : Who, becaufe they are acquainted with his fecretSins, alTume to themfelves as much Power and Refpedt as Catholick Princes ufe to give theire Confeflbrs. A Pack of ravenous Currs, that know no Difference betweene the Com- monwealth, and one of their Matters Forrefts, but think all other Subjects Beafts, and only made for them to prey upon, that lick theire Mafters Soares not whole, but frnooth, and bark at every Man that dares be found circled with thefe fweete Beagles. Wea may revell and laugh, when all the Kingdome mournes : And upon every Foote of Ground his Prerogative get, and cry uirh Tiberiu.^ O People pre- pared for Servitude ! His poore Protejlant Sub- jects will only think hee is given them of God * God and my Right, which is the Motto on the Arms of the Kings of England. f- Bleffid are the Peace-makers ; a Motto hurr.oroufly affumed by a cowardly Prince, and in which King Jama the Tirfl chiefty boafted. \ Of Armour concealed under his Cloaths. 416 Tom Tell-Troath : &c. for the Puniftiment of theire Sinnes ; and that hee ought to be obeyed, not becaufe he is good, but becaufe hee is theire King ; not becaufe hee rules according to Juftice and Equitie, but be- caufe his Power is the Ordenance of God. Yea the Preachers of greateft Note and Cre- ditt will hould themfelves bound in Duty to praife him againft theire Confciences, and lay- ing afide Divinitie make the Pulpitt a Stage of Flattery j where you {hall have them indue him after a moft Poeticall Manner, with more then all the Vertues, and paint him fo excel- lently good, as would make all that heare them happy, if they could believe the Thinges of Princes, as well as thofe of God, in Spite of their Sences. Nor doe their Fatherhoods this out of Sim- plicity or Ignorance, for they are too well read in the black Booke of the Court, but out of a politique and officious Purpofe to fweeten the I'eoples Minds, and keepe them from Rebel- ling. Thefe are the Fruits and Profperities of the Reformed Religion, which, teaching Divine Providence according to Divine Truth, tyes the Subject to fuch wonderful Patience and Obedience as doth almoft verify that bould Speech of Macchiavell, when hee fayd, Chri/li- anlty made Men Cowards. And, .if it be fo ad- vantageous to a bad Prince, how much more to a good ? For, though Dutys are and muft be payd to both, yet is there a great Deale of Difference in the Manner and Proportion, no more nor les then was to be betweene the Workes of bare Charity and mutuall Freind- fhippe ; the one receives the Peoples Service and Obedience, as a meere Almes, given for the Lords Sake ; the other as a free Benevolence, wherein Men extend themfelves with the more Alacrity, becaufe they beleeve it is rather due to his Meritt then to his Power. The Expe- rience your Majeftie hath had in your long and profperous Raigne will better declare this Truth, then any Difcourfe of mynfi; I will therefore digrefle no farther in this Pointe, but by Way of Inference returne to the Marke I ayme at, which I doubt not but your Majef- ties quicke Apprehenfion will fooner hitt, then 1 can mow ; for can your Majeftie but "firide it more then reafonable to favour or aflift a Religion, that you fee deferves fo well of Prin- ces and all humane Society ? That teacheth tumultuous Hearts a Harmony of Heaven, and makes Men obey Kings as the Angels of God ; that charitably beareth with Bad, and abundant- ly requites the Good. In fhorte, a Religion that hates the Jefuites with a perfect Hatred, becaufe they are our Kings Enymies. How ill advifed then is that young Prince*, that feekes with Fire and Sword to drive this holy and only true Opinion out of his Kingdome ? What can be pretended by this his Crudelity, befides the Pleafure of making Martyrs ? Would hee have all his Subjects agree that it is lawfull to kill Kings, and none elfe to write againft con- fecrated Knifes f ? Would hee have all his great ones to be Penfions of his ambitious Neighbours, to winke at every publicke Prejudice that may ferve to augment theire State, and leflen his ; and none left to oppofe the Defignes of his en- vious Superiours in the Romane Hierarchie, who have a long While thought the Crowne of France too goodly a Thing for him, or any French-man to poflefle ? Conformable to which, there is a famous Worke compofed by a Spani/h Author, where, for the better Managing of Chri/lcndome, his Wifedome thinkes it fitt, there mould be two Monarchies, a Spirituall and a Temporall ; the Pope to have the one, and his Majeftie J the other ; but fuppofe little Lewis the Ju/i, by Reafon of his ftridt Alliance with Spain, and his devoute Obfervance to Rome, may promife himfelfe more Aflurance of his Life and Empire, then Henry the Great, his more worthy Father; neverthelefle, if hee were old inough to be wife, hee would never teach his People fo dangerous a Leflbn, once to know theire owne Strength, nor move them to take up Armes in any Occafion by compel- ling them to defend themfelves in a juft Caufe. How fatall this Indifcretion hath proceeded to as great Princes as himfelfe, both ancient and moderne Examples doe fufficiently inftrudl ; but I ceafe to wonder at him, that hearkens to Lying Prophetts, and fuffers himfelfe to be led away by the Spiritt of Illufion ; that which moft difquiets my Underftanding is, that your Majeftie {hould fo much forget the Part you have in this good People, neuter betwixt his Madnefle and theire Innocency. It is Nothing * The King of France. f Alluding to the Form of Bleffing of Knives, &V by the Jefuit* who hired or perfuaded Parry, Babington, &c. to murder Queen Elifahtb, &c. | Of Spain. fo Tm Tell-Troath : fo grievous and fcandalous in him to murther and fcatter Chrifts Flocke, as it is in your Majeftie to looke on, who is as well his De- putie Shepheard as his Viceroy ; indeede you are Nothing, nor can bee confidered in any Capa- citie, Function, or Dignity, which doth not highly oblige you to take the Caufe of thefe poore Men to Heart, and employ your moft potent Meanes for theire Prefervation ; hitherto you have put God Almighty to doe Miracles for them, who will not fuffer them to perifh for his owne Names Sake ; but it is now ex- peeled both of God and Man that you fhould put to the helping Hand, and commaund that Reafon with the Sword, which you have fo often in vaine defired with your Pen. Your Majeftie (hall no fooner exceede Words, and (hew your felfe reall in this Refo- lution ; but the Foote Ball will prefently be on your Side, and then it will be your Turne to receive Embafladours as faft as you have fent them for the Mediation of Peace ; that, which is now held too much to graunt your Majeftie, may then thinke too little, and have more, for the Profit cannot but anfwere the Honour, when you (hall fee it in your Power, to fell the Warre to your Subjects, and the Peace to your Enymie, at what Rate you pleafe ; a Traffick farre better becoming a greate Prince then that of Titles, Offices, and fuch like petty Commodities of Courte. I would here willingly make an End, but that there is one Motive more offers it felfe to my Conceyt, which I thinke fitt to pre- ferr to your Majefties Confideration. And that is this: Your Majeftie hath ever exprefled a Defire worthy your felfe, to unite the People as well as the Country es of England and Scotland. And whofoever doth not contribute his beft Indea- vours to fo good a Worke is unworthy of ei- ther ; only it is to be wi(hed that your Ma- jeftie would thinke upon fome better Meanes, then hitherto hath beene ufed, fuch as may give univerfall Satisfaction, the true and moft Na- turall Mother of Union : It is not to be done by choofing the Minion alternatively out of each Nation ; not by making Scots-men Lords of England, and EngliJh-men'Lo^ of Scotland; nor yet by Mixture of Marriage, which, though it makes two Perfons one, cannot make two People one ; no nor by the more fubtile Way, that is now pradtifed, of making England as poore as Scotland. Thefe are too weake and VOL. II. &C. 4,7 counterfeite Ingredients to compound a Love- potion for them that were wont to thirft after one anothers Blood j it muft bee fomething ot" more Vertue, that muft charme the diilonant Humors of thefe two Nations, and make them forgett whofe Fortune it was to be envied, and whofe to be contemned in Times paft; and, if any Thing on Earth do it, it will be theire Freindmipp at Armes in fome fortunate Warre, wher Honour and Danger may be e- qually divided, and no Jealoufie or Contention rife, but of Well-doing ; one Victory obtayned by the joint Valour of EngUJh and Scots will more indelibly chriften your Majefties Empire Greate Brittaine^ then any Acte of Parliament or Artifice of State. If then your Majeftie will proceede in good Earneft to the Accomplishment of the fatherly Defire, and relinquifhe theunholfomeand unne- ceflary Policy of keeping the two Nations in con- tinual Faction and Counterpoife for the ftrength- ening of your Authoritie, what remaines then but to bring forth your royall Standard, and make the Conjunction of your Armes the happy Inftrument of the Peoples Union ? They (hall no fooner fee the common Enfigne of Honour, wherein they have both equall Intereft, but all other Notes of Diverfity will be thought unworthy theire Remembraunce ; and then your Enymie (hall quickly find to his Coft, that the two mighty and populous Kingdcmes of England and Scotland have but one Head, and one Hearte. Now, albeit your Majeftie have at this Time as good Choice of Occafions as the World can afford, yet that of Fr ounce feemes moft proper for this Purpofe ; for, as that Coun- trey was the Caufe of our ancient Enmity, fo would it be made to feele the firft Effects of our Reconcilement, were it for Nothing elfe, but to cancell the ftrict Aliance that was wont to be fo fufpedted and prejudiciall to England; had not the Scots of old beene our backe Freinds, and fhowed themfelves in all Occafions more affectionate to the French then us, your Ma- jeftie might happily at this Day have feene your felfe King of Frounce. And yet, had . not wee preferd Scotland be- fore Frounce^ your Majeftie had never come to be King of England ; this will feeme no Riddle to them, that are never fo little acquainted with the Hiftorie of thofe Times; and, if Eng- land were able to make her Party good both a- gainft Scotland and Fr ounce, when theire League pffenfive was at the ftrongeft, what might not G g g E-ng- Life of King William the Firft. England and Scotland doe now in Frounce, where there is another Manner of Party, then that of Burgundie^ to receive us ? Surely wee might drive all the Rojoli/1i into the Sheepfold of Berris, and make another King of Surges. But I will not labour in vaine to make your Majefties Courage exceede your Confcience ; God Almighty I know hath filled your Heart with Dominion, and fo fealed it up from fedi- tbus Thoughts, as that you efteeme Conquefls no better then fplendide Robberyes, as you are pleafed to expreffe your felfe in one of your late Workes of Divinity ; nor doe I pretend to in* cite your Majeftie to any Thing but what may ftand as well with your Goodnefle as your Greatneffe. Curfed be they that tell the King, hee may doe all he can ; for my Part I (hall thinke my felfe bleft of Heaven, if I may but obtaine my humble Defire, which goes no fur- ther then to what you ought j it is not Spoile, nor the Bellowes of Warre, that I thinke wor- thy to move your Majeftie to forgoe the long Contentment of Peace. Nothing mould make me fo hardy for to wifh it, were there any o- ther Hope, but in your Armes to right the wronged World, and acquite yourfelfe of the Duty to God and Nature. Behold (Sir) as much as I am able to prefent r and perhaps more then I feall have Thankes for, but that is the leaft Part of my Intention. The Love to Truth, and your Majeflies Ser- vice, deferve this and a great Deale more of an honeft Man, and hee that feekes Reward of Well-doing knowes not the true Value of a good Confcience. I (hall bee content to remaine unknowne, fo as I make your Majeftie know what falfe and wicked Men keepe from you, the Mis- fortunes of Government, and the juft Com- plainte of your Subjects. If I have offended your Patience, your Ma- jeftie may be pleafed to confider how long yours * hath offended all the World, and for- give mee. Let it not feeme ft range or evil in your Majefties Eyes that I have ufed a few harty Words in a Caufe my Soule loves, above all that is mortal!. And, for the Advancement whereof, I dare fuffer as much as they deferve that diflwade you from it. * With the Enemies of our Church and State. The Lives of the three Normans, Kings of England ' : William the Fir ft, William the Second, and Henry the Firft. Written by /. H. Improbe facit qui in alieno libro ingeniofus eft. MART. Imprinted at London, by R. B. Anno 1613. Quarto, con- taining one-hundred and thirty-one Pages, befides the Epif- tle Dedicatory to Charles Prince of Wales, which contains five Pages more, in fmaller Types. To The Life of King William the Firft, 419 To the high and mighty Prince Charles, Prince of Wales. Mod illuftrious Prince, Our late, too late born, or too foon dying Prime, Henry of famous Memory, your dec f, fifed Brother, fent for me, a few 'Months before bis Death. And, at my fecond Coming to his Prefence, among fome other Speeches, he complained much of our Hifto- nes of England ; and that the Englifh Nation, which is inferior to none in honour- able Actions, Jhould be furpajjed by all, in leaving the Memory of them to Pofterity. For this Caufe he blamed the Negligence of former Ages ; as if they were ignorant of their ownDefervings, as if they efteemed themfehes unworthy of f heir Worth. I anfwered, that I conceived thefe Caufe s hereof; one, that Men of Sufficiency were o- therwife employed, either in publick Affairs, or in wreftling with the World, for Maintenance or Encreafe of their private Eftates. Another is, for that Men might fafe- ly write of others in Manner of a tfale, but, in Manner of a Hiftory, fafely they could tiot ; becaufe, albeit they Jhould write of Men long fince dead, and whofe Pofterity is clean worn out, yet fome alive, finding themfehes foul in thofe Vices, which they fee cbferved, reproved, and condemned in others, their Guiltinefs maketh them apt to conceive, that, whatsoever the Words are, the Finger pointeth only at them. The loft is, for that the Argument of our Englifh Hiftory hath been fo foiled heretofore by fome un- worthy Writers, that Men of Quality may efteem themfehes difcredited by dealing in it. And is not this (faid he) an Error in us, to permit every Man to be a Writer of Hiflo- ry ? Is it not an Error to be fo curious in other Matters, and fo carelefs in this ? We make Choice of the moft Jkilful Workmen to draw or carve the Portraiture of our Faces, andfhall every artlefs Pencil delineate the Difpofition of our Minds ? Our Apparel muft be wrought by the beft Artificers, and no Soil muft be fuffered to fall upon it ; and fa all our Actions, Jhallour Conditions, be defcribedby every bungling Hand? Shall every fil- thy Finger defile our Reputation ? Shall our Honour be bafely buried in the Drofs of rude and abfurd Writings ? We are careful to provide coftly Sepulchres, to prefervs our dead Lives, to preferve fome Memory what we have been -, but there is no Monu- ment, either fo durable, or fo largely extending, or fo lively and fair, as that which is framed by a fortunate Pen ; the Memory of the greateft Monuments had long fince perijhed, had it not been preferred by this Means. 70 this I added, that I did always conceive, that we Jhould make our Reckoning of three Sorts of Life ; the fhort Life of Nature, the long Life of Fame, and the eternal Life cf Glory. The Life of Glory is fo far efteemed before the other two, as Grace is pre- dominant in us ', the Life of Fame before our natural Life is fo far efteemed, as a ge- nerous Spirit furmountethSenfuality, as human Nature cver-ndeth a brutifh Difpofition. So far as the noble Nature of Man hath Dominion in our Minds, fo far do we con- temn, either the Incommodities, or Dangers, or Life of our Body, in Regard of cur Reputation and Fame. Now, feeing this Life of Fame is both preferved and enlarged chiefly by Hiftory, there is no Man (I fuppofe) that will either refift, or not aj/ift, the commendable or, at leaft, tolerable Writing thereof, but fetch as are confcious to themfelves, either that no good, or that nothing but ill, can be reported of them. In 'whom notwithftanding it is an Error to think, that any Power of the prefent lime can either extinguish or obfcure the Memory of Times fucceeding. Pofterity will give to every G g g 2 Man 420 The Life of King William the Firft. Man bis Due : Some Ages hereafter will afford thofe, who will report impartially of all Then he quefticned, whether I had wrote any Part of cur Englifti Hiftory, other than that which had been publi/hed which at that Time he had in his Hands ? I anfwered, that I wrote of certain of our Englifh King! , by Way of a brief Defcription of their Lives ; but) for Hiftory, 1 did -principally bend, and bind myfelfto the Times wherein / Jhould live ; in which my own Obfervations might fomewhat direct me ; but as well in the one, as in the other-, I had at that Time perfected nothing. To this he /aid, that, in Regard of the Honour of the Time, he liked well of the laft ; but, for his own Inftruction, he more.defired the fir ft ; that he dejired nothing more than to know the Aftions of his Anceftors, becaufe he did fo far eft e em his Defcent from them, as he approached near them in honourable Endeavours. Hereupon, beautifying his Face with a fober Smile, he deftred me, that, againft his Return from the Progrefs* then at Hand, I would perfect fomewhat of both Sorts for him ; which he- promifed amply to requite, and was well known to be one, who efteemed his Word above ordinary Refpects. Thisftirred in me, not only a Will, but Power to perform ; fo as, engaging my Duty far above the Meafure either of my Leifure or of my Strength, I fini/hed the Lives of thefe three Kings of Norman Race, and certain Tears of Queen Elifabeth'jr Reign. At his Return from the Prcgrefs to his Hcufe at St. James'j, thefe Pieces were delivered unto him ', which he did not only courieoufty, but joyfully accept. And, becaufe this feemed a perfect Work, he exprejfcd a Defire that it Jhould be publijhed. Not long af- ter he died ; and with him died both my Endeavours and my Hopes. His Death, alas / hath bound the Lives of many unto Death, Face to Face ; being no Ways able, either by Forgetfulnefs to cover their Grief, or to dimini/h it with Confederation. For, in Truth, he was a Prince of a moft heroical Heart : Free from many Vices which fometimes accompany high Eftates, full of moft amiable and admirable Virtues ; ofwhofe Perfections the World was not worthy. His Eyes were full of pleafant Modefty ; his Countenance manly beautiful ; in Body both ftrongly and delicately made -, in Behaviour fweetly fcber, which gave Grace to whatfoevtr he did. He was of a difcerning Wit; and, for the Faculty of his Mind, of great Capacity and Power, accompanied with equal Expedition of Will', much foreseeing in his Actions, and for PaJJions a Comman- der of himfelf, and of good Strength to rejift the Power of Profperity. In Counfel he was ripe and meafured, in Refolution conftant, his Word ever led by his Thought, and followed by his Deed. And, albeit he was but young and his Nature forward and free, yet his Wifdom reduced both to a true Temper of Moderation \ his Defires being never above his Reafon, nor his Hopes inferior to his Defires. In a Word, he was the moft fair Fruit of his Progenitors, an excellent Ornament of the prefent Age, a true Mir- rour to Pofterity, being fo equally both fettled to Valour, and difpofed to Goodnefs and Juftice, as he expreffcd not only Tokens, but Proofs, both of a Courage, and of a Gra- vity and Induftry, right worthy of his Eft ate. Glorious Prince, my Love and Duty hath carried me further, than happily is fit for the prefent Purpofe, and yet this is but an Earneft only of my earneft Affection and Zeal to thy Honour. I /jail hereafter have a more proper Place to difplay, at large, the Goodlinefs of thy Shape, the Goodnefs of thy Nature, the Great nefs of thy Mind, all thy Perfe<5tionF, whereby our Affections were much inflamed. And evil worthy may he be of any happy Hopes, who will not add one Blaft of bis Breath, to make up the glorious Gale of thy Fame. In The Life of King William the Firft. 42 1 In tie mean 'Time I have here accompli/bed his Defire in publishing this Work : More t9 teftify to the World the Height of his Heart, than for any Pleafure I have to fet forth any 'Thing, to the View of thefe both captious and unthankful 'Times -, wherein Men will be, not Readers only, but Interpreters, but Wrefters, but Corrupters and Depra- vers of that which they read , wherein Men think the Reproof of others, to be the greatefl Parcel of their own Praife. But how fhould I expecl any better Ufage ? The Commentaries of Casfar, never dljliked before, are efteemed, by Lipfius, a dry faplefs Piece of Writing. The moft famous Tacitus is termed, by Alciate, * a Thicket of Thorns ; by Budeus, -J" a moft Jewd Writer ; by Tertullian, J an exceeding Lyar ; by Orofius, || a Flatterer ; than which affuredly he is nothing lefs. I will not ex- pecJ any better Ufage, I will not defire it : I will hereafter ejleem nothing of any Worth, which hath not many to detract from it. Whatsoever this is, I have prefumed to prefent it to your Highnefs, for thefe Caufes fol- Firft, for that it received this Being from him, who was moft dearly ejleemed by you ; who may be juftly propofed, as an Example of Virtue, as a Guide to Glory and Fame. Secondly, for that the Perfons, of whom it treateth, are thofe moft worthy dnceftors of of yours, who laid the Foundation of this Englifh Empire ; who were eminent among all the Princes of their Times, and haply for many dges after, as well in Actions of Peace as of War. Laftly, for that I ejleem Hiftories the fit t eft Subject for your Highneffs Reading : For, by diligent perujing the Acts of great Men, by confidering all the Circumftances of them, by comparing Counfels and Means with Events, a Man may feem to have lived in all Ages, to have been prefent at all Enterprifes ; to be more ftrongly confirmed in Judge- ment, to have attained a greater Experience, than the longeft Life can poffibly af- ford. But becaufe many Errors do ufually arife, by Ignorance of the State wherein we live ; becaufe it is dangerous to frame Rules of Policy out of Countries differing from us, both in Nature, and Cuffom of Life, and Form of Government ; no Hiftories are fo profitable as our own. In thefe your Highnefs may fee the noble Difpofition and De- lights of your Anceftors, what were their fweet Walks, what their pleafant Chaces ; how far they preferred Glory, before either Pleafure or Safety ; how, by the brave Be- haviour of their Swrd, they hewed Honour out of the Sides of their Enemies. In thefe you may fee the Largenefs, Commodities, and Strength of this Country ; the Nature of the People, their Wealth, Pleafure, Exercife and 'Trade of Life, and what elfe is worthy of Obfervation. Generally, by thefe you may fo fur nijh your felf, as not eajily to be abufed either by weak or deceitful Advice. $he moft High preferve and profper your Highnefs, that, as you fucceed many excellent Anceftors in Blood, fo you may exceed them all in honourable Achievements. Your Highnefs's moft devouted, J'. Hay ward. * Scnticetum. f Scriptor omnium fceleratiffimus, \ Mendaciffimus. || Adulator. 422 We Life of King William the Firft. The Life of King William the Firft, firnamed Conqueror. RObert Duke of Normandy, the fixth in Defcent from Rolls, riding through Palais, a Town in Nor- mandy, efpied certain young Per- fons dancing near the Way : And, as he ftaid to view a While the Manner of their Difport, he fixed his Eye efpecially upon a certain Damfel named Arhttc, of mean Birth, a Skinner's Daughter, who there danced among the reft. The Frame and comely Carriage of her Body, the natural Beauty and Graces of her Countenance, the Simplicity of her rural both Behaviour and Attire, pleafed him fo well, that the fame Night he procured her to be brought to his Lodging * ; where he begat of her a Son, who afterwards was named William. I will not defile my Writing with Memory of fome lafcivious Behaviour which flic is re- ported to have ufed, at fuch Time as the Duke approached to embrace her. And doubtful it is, whether upon fome fpecial Note of Immo- defty in herfelf, or whether upon Hate towards her Son, the Englijh afterwards adding an Afpiration to her Name (according to the na- tural Manner of their Pronouncing) termed every unchafte Woman, Harlot. It is remembered by fome, rather fervile than fond in Obfervations, who will either find or frame Predi&ions for every great Ac- tion or Event : That his Mother before the Time of her Delivery had a Dream, that her Bowels were extended over Normandy and England. Alfo, that, at the Time of his Birth, he iell from his Mother's Body to the Ground ; and there filled both his Hands with Rufhes, which had been caft thick upon the Floor, and ftrained them with a very ftrait Gripe. The Wives laughed at large, and foon grew prodigal of idle Talk. But the Midwife fome- what more foberly faid, that he mould not only hold well his own, but grafp fomewhat from other Men. When he was about nine Years of Age, his Father went upon Devotion to Jerufalem, and in his Return died at the City of Nice. So William at that Age fucceeded his Father ; having then very generous and afpiring Spirits, both to re- fift Abroad, and- to rule at Home. He was committed to the Government of two of his Uncles ; and the French King was intreated by his Father to take upon him the Protecti- on, both of his Perfon and State. But his Uncles pretended Title to his Dignity, by Reafon of his unlawful Birth; the King of France alfo defired much, and had often at- tempted to reduce Normandy to his abfolute Subjection, as it was before the Invafion of the Normans. So as it may feem he was com- mitted to thefe Tutors, as a Lamb fhould be committed to the Tutelage of Wolves. The only Means of his Prefervation confifted in a fadious Nobility, divided into fo many Parts, as there were Parties : Some contending for PofTeffion of the young Duke's Perfon j others, of his Authority and Power ; all of them incom- patible to endure either Equals, or elfe Supe- riors f : All of them united againft a com- mon Enemy ; all divided among themfelves. Here it may be demanded, how he, being unlawfully born, could fucceed his Father in the Duchy of Normandy, his Father leaving two Brothers born in lawful Marriage, and much other legitimate Kindred behind him ? Will. Malme/bury -|, and fome others have reported, that, albeit he was born out of Mar- riage, yet Duke Robert his Father did after- wards entertain his Mother for lawful Wife ; which by the Law of that Country, agreeable in that Point to the Civil and Canon Laws, fufficed to make the Iflue inheritable, although born before j|. And further, it was a general Cufrom at that Time in France, that Baftards did fucceed, even in Dignities of highefr. Condition, no o- therwife than Children lawfully begotten. * Some Hiftorians fay, that Duke Robert took her to Wife. Malm. p. 97. f In which Cafe, we may well apply the Saying of Seneca : Societal iicjira lafidiea fornicationi Jt millima eft ; qu^s ca/ura, niji in 'vice objiarent, hoc ipfo continetur. Senec. Epift. 97. J Lib. iii. in princ. Ingulph. Lib. vi. Cap. 19. (I Let that be as it will, I cannot but obferve, that, after the Conqueror obtained the Crown of England, he often figned his Grants with this Subfcription, William Bajiarde ; thinking it no Abafement either to his Title or Refutation. Thierry The Life of King 'Thierry ', Baftard of Clovis, had for his Partage, with the lawful Children of the fame Clovis, the Kingdom of Aujtrafy, now called Lor- rain. Sigejbert, Baftard of King Dagobert the Fir ft) had his Part in the Kingdom of France, with Clovis the Twelfth, lawful Son to Dago- bert. Lays and Car Ionian, Baftards of King Lays le Begue, fucceeded after the Death of their Father. So likewife, in England, Alfride, Baf- tard Son of Ofwine, fucceeded his Brother Eg- fride. So Adeljlane, the Baftard Son of Ed- ward the Elder, fucceeded his Father, before Edmund and Eldred, his younger Brothers, notwithftanding they were lawfully begotten. So Edmund, firnamed the Martyr, Baftard Son to King Edgar, fucceeded him in the State, before Ethelbred his lawful Iflue. Af- terward, Harold firnamed Harefoot, Baftard to Canutus, fucceeded him in the Kingdom, before Hardicanutus, his lawful Son. The like Cuftom hath been obferved in Spain, in Portugal, and in divers other Countries. And it is probable that this Ufe was grounded upon often Experience, that Baftards (as begotten in the higheft Heat and Strength of Affection) have many Times * been Men of excellent Proof, both in Courage and in Underftanding. This was verified in Hercules, Alexander the Great, Romulus, Timotheus, Brutus, Tbemifto- cles, Arthur ; in Homer, Demojihenes, Bion, Bartholus, Gratian, Peter Lombard, Peter Comejior, John Andreas, and divers of moft flouriming Name j among whom our Con- queror may worthily be ranged. And yet, in the third Race of the Kings of France, a Law was made, that Baftards ftiould not inherit the Crown of the Realm. This Cuftom was likewife banifhed out of England, and other Countries of Europe. Notwithftand- ing, in France f, other Baftards of great Houfes were ftill advowed. The Exercifes of this Duke, from his very Youth, were ingenious, manly, decent, and fuch as tended to Activity and Valour ; he was of a working Mind and vehement Spirit, rather ambitious than only defirous of Glory ; of a piercing Wit, blind in no Man's Caufe, and well-fighted in his own ; of a lively and pre- fent Courage ; neither out of Ignorance, or rafh Eftimation of Dangers, but out of a true Judgment both of himfelf and of them. In Peace, he was politick ; in War, valiant and William the Firft. 423 very (kilful, both to efpy and to apprehend, and to follow his Advantages; this Valour and Skill, in Military Affairs, was always feconded with good Succefs. He was continually accuf- tomed both to the Weight and Ufe of Armour, from his very Childhood. Oftentimes he look- ed Death in the Face with a brave Contempt. He was never free from Actions of Arms ; firft upon Neceflity to defend himfelf, afterwards upon Ambition to oftend and difturb the Pof- feffionsof others. In his firft Age, he was much inverted with Rebels in Normandy ; who often confpired both againft his Life, and againft his Dignity and State ; traducing him, as a Baftard, as a Boy, as born of a bafe ignoble Woman, as altoge- ther unworthy to be their Prince. Of thefe, fome he appeafed and reconciled unto him ; o- thers he prevented and difperfed their Power, before it was collected ; others encountered hi open Field, before he had any Hair upon his Face ; where he defeated their Forces in full Battle, then took their Strong-holds, and laft- ly chaced them out of his Dominion. And firft, Roger Trefny, having gained ex- ceeding great both Favour and Reputation by his Services againft the Saracens in Spain, made Claim to the Duchy of Normandy \ as one lawfully defcended from Rollo, their firft Duke. And, albeit many others were before him in Title, yet (faid he) if they will fit ftill ; if they either through Sloth, which is ill, or through Fear, which is worfe, will abandon the Ad- venture, he alone would free the Normans from their infamous Subjection. He was followed by many, partly upon Opinion of his Right, but chiefly of his Valour. But, when he brought his Caufe to the Arbitrement of Arms, he was overthrown in a ftrong Battle, wherein his Claim and his Life determined together. After this, William, Earl of Arques, bafe Son to Richard the Second, and Uncle to Duke William, upon the fame Pretence declared him. felf againft his Nephew. And, albeit the Normans were heavy to ftir in his Favour, yet he fo wrought with the French King, by aflur- ing him great Matters in Normandy, that, with a mighty Army of his own People, he went in Perfon to place him in Pofleffion of that Duchy. The Way, which the King took, led him to a large Valley, fandy and full of fhort Bufhes and Shrubs, troublefome for Horfeinen either Eurif. in AnJrom, And Portugal, to 424 to fight or to march, rifing Hills, very thick fet with Wood. Here the Army entered with fmall Advifement, ei- ther for Clearing the Paflage, or for the Safety of their Carriages. The Van-guard confifted chiefly of Battle-axes and Pikes. In the right Wing were many Almans among the French. In the Left were many of Anjou and Poiftou. After thefe followed the Baggage, with an in- finite Number of Scullions, Carters, and other bafe Drudges attending upon it. Next came the French King with the main Battle, con- fifting for the mod Part of valiant and worthy Gentlemen, bravely mounted. The Lances and Men at Arms clofed the Rereward. When they were well entered this Valley, the Normans did lively charge upon them in Head ; they delivered alfo their deadly Shot from the Hills on both Sides, as thick as Hail. Notwithftanding the Van-guard, cafting them- felves into a pointed Battle in Form of a Wedge, with plain Force of Hand madethem- felves Way, and, marching in firm and clofe Order through the thickeft of their Enemies, gained (albeit not without great Lofs) the Top of a Hill, and there prefently incamped them- felves. The like Fortune happily might the Refidue have had, if they had followed with the like Order and Courage. But, failing here- in, the right Wing was hewed in Pieces, and the left Wing was broken and beaten upon the Carriages ; where, overbearing and treading down one another, they received almoft as much Hurt from themfelves, as they did from their Enemies. The main Battle and Rere- ward, advancing forward to refcue the Carriage, were firft miferably overwhelmed with a Storm of Arrows from the Hill on both Sides ; and the gallant Horfes, once galled with that Shot, would no more obey or endure their Riders ; but, flinging out, either overthrew or diforder- ed all in their Way. And, the more to in- creafe the Mifery of that Day, the Duft and light Sand which was raifed, partly by the Feet of Horfes and Men, and partly by Vio- lence of the Wind, which then blew full in the Faces of the French, involved them all as in a thick and dark Cloud, which deprived them of all Forefight and Direction in govern- ing their Affairs. The Valiant was nothing difcerned from the Coward ; no Difference could be fet between Contrivance and Chance j all laboured in one common Calamity, and fbe Life of King William the Firft. On either Side were every one increafed the Fear of his Fellow. The Normans having well fpent their Shot, and perceiving the French in this Sort both dif- ordered and difmayed, came down from the Hills, where they hovered before, and, falling to the clofe Stroke of Battle- ax and Sword, moft cruelly raged in the Blood of their Enemies. By whom if any Spark of Valour was (hewn, being at fo great Difadvantage, it was to no Purpofe, it was altogether loft ; it was fo far from relieving others, that it was not lufficient to defend themfelves. And doubtlefs nothing fo much favoured the State of the French that Day, as that the Number of the Normans fuf- ficed not to inclofe them behind. For then they had been intrapped as Deer in a Toil ; then not one of them could have efcaped. But, the Entrance of the Valley remaining open, many fled back to the plain Ground, tumbling together in fuch headlong Hafte, that, if the Normans had (harply put upon them the Chace, it is certain that they had been extremely de- feated. But the Duke gave over the Execu- tion upon good Advice. For, knowing him- felf not to be of Force utterly to vanquifh the French, he eflayed rather by fair Forbearance to purchafe their Friendship. Here the French King aflembled his broken Companies, and incamped them for that Night fo well as he could. The Joy of their prefent Efcape expelled for the Time all other Re- fpe&s. But, after a little Breathing, their Re- membrance began to run upon the Lofs of their Carriages ; whereby they had loft all Means to refrem themfelves. Of their Van -guard they made a forlorn Reckoning, and the like did the Van-guard of them. Many were wound- ed, all wearied, and the Normans gave No- tice by founding out their Inftruments of War, that they were at Hand on every Side. The rudeft of the Soldiers did boldly upbraid this Misfortune to the King ; one afked him, Where his Van- guard was ? Where his Wings ? Where were the Refidue of his Battle and Rereward ? Others called for the Carriages, to preferve thofe in Life who had not been flain. Others demanded, If he had any more Moufe- traps to lead them into ? But moft fat heavy and penfive, fcarce accounting themfelves among the Living. The King fwallowed down all with a fad Silence ; fome- timeshe diflembled as though he had not heard ; fometimes he would fairly anfwer, Good Words, And was commanded by Odo, Brother to the King of Frame. good tte Life of King William the Firfl. good Soldiers, ham Patience a llfhile, and all will be -well ; which was indeed a truer Word than he thought it poffible to be when he fpoke 425 It. In this Extremity the King afTembled the Chief of his Commanders, to advife with them what was beft to be done. It was generally concluded, that in Staying their Cafe was defperate, and dangerous it was to ftir. But here lay the Queftion, Whether it was leaft dangerous to remove together, or every Man to (hift for himfelf? WhiJft this Point was in debating, whilft they expected every Minute to be affailed, whilft no Man faw any Thing but Death and Defpair ; behold, a MefTenger came from the Duke, not to offer, but deftre Peace; and to crave Protection of the French King, according to the Truft which Robert, the Duke's Father, repofed in him. There needed not many Words to perfuade. Peace was figned, Protection aflured, in a more ample Manner than it was required. Then the Mef- fenger with many good Words appeafed the King's Heavinefs, telling him, that his Van- guard was fafe, his Carriages not touched, and that he mould be furnifhed with Horfes, both for Burthen and Draught, inftead of thofe that had been flain. Thefe Words, as a fweet In- chantment, raviftied the French King with fudden Joy. But, when they came to gather up their Baggage, a Spectacle both lamentable and loathfome was prefented unto them. The Valley covered, and in fome Places heaped with dead Bodies of Men and Horfes j many, not once touched with any Weapon, lay trod to Death, or elfe ftifled with Duft and Sand ; many, grievoufly wounded, retained fome Re- mainder of Life, which they exprefled with Cries and Groans ; many, not mortally hurt, were fo overlaid with the Slain, that they nvere unable to free themfelves ; towards whom it is memorable, what manly both Pity and Help the Normans did afford. And fo the French King, more by Courtefy of his Ene- mies, than either by Courage or Difcretion of his own, returned in reafonable State to Pans. Upon thefe Events of open Hoftility, Guy, Earl of Bourgogne, who had taken to Wife Mice*, Daughter to Duke Richard II. and Aunt to Duke William, confpired with Nigellus, Prefident of Conftantine, Ranulph, Vifcount of Bayonne, Beaumont, and divers others, fuddenly to furprife the Duke, and flay him in the Night. A certain Fool, nothing regarded for his Want of Wit, obferving their Preparations, fecretly got away, and, in the Dead of the Nighr, came toPabgne, where the Duke then lay, no lefs flenderly guarded with Men, than the Place itfelf was flight for Defence. Here he continued rapping at the Gate, and crying out until It was opened, and he brought to the Prefence of the Duke. To whom he de- clared the Confpiracy, with Circumftances of fuch Moment, that the Duke forthwith took his Horfe, and polled alone towards Palais, a fpecial Place for Strength of Defence. Pre- fently after his Departure, the Confpirators came to Valigne ; they befet the Houfe, they enter by Force, they fearch every Corner for the Duke, and finding, that the Game was ftarted and on Foot, in hot Hafte they purfued theChace. About Break of Day, the Duke's Horfe tir- ed, and he was ignorant of his right Way. He was then at a little Village, called Rie, where the chief Gentleman of the Place was ftand- ing at his Door, ready to go abroad. Of him the Duke enquired the next Way to Palais. The Gentleman knew the Duke, and with all Duty and Refpedt defired to know the Caufe of his both folitary and untimely Riding. The Duke would willingly have pafled unknown, but, perceiving himfelf to be difcovered, de- clared to him the whole Adventure. Hereup- on the Gentleman furnifhed him with a frefh Horfe, and fent with him two of his Sons to conduct him the direct Way to Palais. No fooner were they out of Sight, but the Confpirators came, and enquired of the fame Gentleman (who (till remained at his Door) whether he faw not the Duke that Morning ; as if, forfooth, they were come to attend him. The Gentleman anfsvered, that he was gone a little before, and therewith offered then 1 ! his Company to overtake him. But he led them about another Way, until the Duke was fafe- ly alighted at Palais. And thus, the more we confider thefe and the like Pailages of Af- fairs, the lefs we {hall admire either the Wif- dom, f'T Induftry, or any other Sufficiency of Man. In Actions of Weight, it is good to em- ploy our beft Endeavours ; 'but, when all is done, he danceth well to whom Fortune doth pipe. y o L. u. Or rather Son of Atice. H h h 2 6 We Life of King William the Firft. When the Confpirators underftood that their Birth of his Mother. This bafe Infolence, as principal Purpofe was difappointed,they * made it inflamed both his Defire and Courae to at- themfclves fo 'powerful in Arms, that the Duke chieve the Enterprife, fo did it his Fury, to was forced to crave Aid of the King of France, who not long before was his greateft Enemy. The King, preferring to his Remembrance the late honourable Dealing of the Duke, came in Perfon unto him i by whofe Countenance and Aid the Duke overthrew his Enemies in a full Battle in the Vale of Dunes ; albeit, not with- out great Difficulty, and bold Adventure of his own Perfon. Guy de Bourgogne efcaped by Flight, and defended himfelf in certain Caftles which he had fortified in Normandy for his Re- treat j but in the End he furrendered both him- felf and them to the Duke's Difcretion. The Duke not only pardoned him, but honoured him with a liberal Penfion ; which he did af- terwards both with valiant and loyal Service requite, Not long after, the French King had Wars againft Jeoffrey Martell, and Duke William went with a fair Company of Soldiers to his Aid. In this Service he fo well acquitted him- felf, both in Judgment and in Hand, that the French King was chiefly directed by him ; only blaming him for too carelefs Cafting himfelf in- to the Mouth of Dangers ; imputing that to Orientation, which was but the Heat of his Courage and Age. Oftentimes he would range from the main Battle, with very few in his Company ; either to make Difcoveries, or to encounter fuch Enemies as could not be found with greater Troops. Once he withdrew himfelf only with four, and was met with by fifteen of the Enemies. The moft forward of them he ftruck frotn his Horfe, and broke his Thigh with the Fall. The Refidue he chaced deal fliarply with them, when they were fub- dued ; by cutting off their Hands and Feet, and by other Severities which were not ufual. Befides thefe, fome others of his own Blood provoked Ingelrame, Earl of Ponthieu, to move againft him in Arms ; but the Duke received him with fo refolute Valour, that the Earl was {lain in the Field, and they well chaftifed who drew him into the Enterprife. The Bretagners did often feel the Force of his victorious Arms. He had many Conflicts with Jeoffrey Martell, Earl of Anjou, Confederate with the Princes of Bretagne, Aquitain, and 'Tours ; a Man equal unto him both in Power and in Skill to com- mand, but, in Fortune and in Force of Arms, much inferior. Many excellent Atchievements were performed between them j infomuch as their Hoftility feemed only to be an Emulation in Honour. Once the Duke fell into an Am- bufcade addrefled for him by the Earl of Anjou ; wherewith he was fo fuddenly furpri- fed, that he was alrnoft in the Mid ft of the Danger, before he thought any Danger near him. An exceeding great both Terror and Confufion feized upon his Soldiers ; becaufe, the more fudden and uncertain a Peril is, the greater is it always efteemed. Many of his braveft Men were flain ; the Refidue fo difor- dered, or at leift (haken, as they began to think more of their particular Efcape, than of the common either Safety or Glory. When they were thus upon the 'Point to dif- band, the Duke, rather with Rage than Cou- rage, cried unto them : If you love ma not. Soldiers, yet, for Shame >, follow me ; for Shame, four Miles ; and, moft of them being hurt, Jland by me ; for Shame, let not any of your took feven Prifoners. Hereupon Jeoffrey Mar tell then faid of him, that he was at that Time the beft Soldier, and was like to prove the beft Commander in the World. And, as he was both favourable and faithful towards them who fairly yielded, fo, againft fuch as either obftinately or fcornfully carried themfelves, he was extremely fevere, or rather cruel. When he befieged Alengon, which the Duke of Anjou had taken from him, the De- fendants would often cry from the Walls, La Friends hear the Report, that you ran from me, and left me fighting. With that he threw him- felf into the thickeft Throng of his Enemies, and denounced thofe either Traitors or Cow- ards who would not follow. This Example breathed fuch brave Life into his Soldiers, that they rallied their loofe Ranks, and in clofe Order feconded him with a refolute Charge ; encouraging one another, that it was (hame- ful indeed not to fight for him, who fo man- fully did fight with them. The Duke, bran- pe/ t La pel-, reproaching him thereby with the dilhing his Sword like a Thunderbolt, dung * Suppofing that there could be no Remedy againft their linger, but by running into greater Danger, declare/ openly againft the Duke. down Me Life of King down his Enemies on every Side; made at Earl Martell, in the Midft of his Battalion, ftruck him down, clove his Helmet, and cut away one of his Ears. This fo diverted the An- jouans to the Refcue of their Earl, that they let the other Part of their Victory go. The Earl they recovered again to Horfe, and fo left the Duke Matter of the Field. Verily, it is al- moft impoflible that a Commander of fuch Courage fhould have either faint or falfe-heart- ed Soldiers . Now it happened, not long before, thztFoutte, Earl of Anjou, having drawn Herbert, Earl of Maine, under fair Pretences, to Xaintonge, caft him in Prifon ; from whence he could not be releafed, until he had yielded to certain Conditions, both difhonourable and difadvan- tageous unto him. Hugh fucceeded Herbert-, fr om whom Jeoffrey Martell, Earl of Anjou, took the City of Maine, and made himfelf Lord of all of the Country. Hugh, having loft his Dominion, left both his Title and his Quar- rel to his Son Herbert ; who, having no Ifliie, appointed Duke IVilliam to be his Heir. Here- upon the Duke invaded Maine, and, in a fhort Time, fubdued the whole Country, and built two Fortifications for AfTurance thereof ; hav- ing firft fent Word to the Earl of Anjou, upon what Day the Work fhould begin. The Earl ufed all Diligence and Means to im- peach the Buildings ; but he not only failed of that Purpofe, but further loft the County of Medune. Again, Henry, King of France, did many other Times, with great Preparation, invade his Country ; fometimes with Purpofe to win upon him, and fometimes to keep him from winning upon others. Upon a Time the King led his Troops over the Foord of Dine ; and when Half his Army had paffed, the other Half, by Reafon of the Rifmeof the Sea, was compelled to ftay. The Duke, appre- hending the Advantage, came upon them with a furious Charge, being now divided from the Chief of the Army ; and either flew them, or took them Prifoners, in the plain View of their King. After this they concluded a Peace, whereof the Conditions were, That the Duke fhould releafe fuch Prifoners as he had taken ; and that he fhould retain whatfo- cver he had won, or afterwards fhould win William the Firft; ^ from the Earl of Anjou. And yet the King did again enterprife upon him, with greater Forces than at any Time before : But the Duke entertained his Armies with fo good Order and Valour, that the King gained no- thing but Lo(s and Difhonour : And, the greater his Defire was of Victory and Re- venge, the more foul did his Foils and Failings appear j which fo brake both his Courage and Heart, that, with Grief thereof, as it was conceived, he ended his Life. And thus, during all the Time that he was only Duke of Normandy, he was never free from Action of Arms: In all his Adions of Arms, he was carried with a moft rare and perpetual Feli- city. As he grew in Years, fo did he in Thick- nefs and Fatnefs of Body ; but fo, as it made him neither unfeemly, nor unferviceable for the Wars ; and never much exceeding the Meafure of a comely Corpulency. He was moft decent, and therewith terrible in Arms. He was ftately and majeftical in his Gefture ; of a good Stature, but in Strength admirable ; infomuch as no Man was able to draw his Bow, which he would bend fitting upon his Horfe, ftretching out the String with his Foot. His Countenance was warlike and manly, as his Friends might term it ; but, as his Enemies faid, truculent and fierce. He would often fwear, By God's Refurreftion, and bis Brightness; which he commonly pro- nounced with fo furious a Face, that he ftruck a Terror into thofe that were prefent. His Head was bald ; his Beard always {haven ; which Fafhion, being firft taken up by him, was then followed by all the Normans. He- was of a firm and ftrong Conftitution for his Health ; fo as he never was attacked with Sicknefs, but that which was the Summons of his Death ; and in his Age feemed little to feel the heavy Weight and Burden of Years. In his firft Age, he was of a mild and gentle Difpofition ; courteous, bountiful, fa- miliar in Converfation, a profeffed Enemy to all Vices. But, as in Fortune, as in Years, fo changed he in his Behaviour f ; partly by his continually Following the Wars, whereby he was much flefhed in Blood, and partly by the inconftant Nature of the People over whom he ruled j who, by often Rebellions, * Tcintieft exercitus quanti imperator. Flor. ii. cap. 18. f Affidue dimicantibus difficile eA morum cullodire nienfuram. Hhh2 . I. Var. Efift. ix. did 428 The Life of King did not only exafperate him to fome Severi- ty, but even conftrained to hold them in with a more ft iff Arm *. So he did wring from his Subjects very much Subftance, very much Blood j not for that he was by Nature either covetous, or cruel, but for that his Affairs could not otherwife be managed f. His great Affairs could not be managed without great Expence, which drew a Neceflity of Charge upon the People : Neither could the often Rebellions of his Subjects be reprefled, or reftrained, by any 'mild and moderate Means J. And gene- rally, as, in all States and Governments, fe- vere Difcipline hath always been a true faith- ful Mother of Virtue and Valour ; fo in par- ticular of his Normans he learned by Experi- ence, and oftentimes declared this Judgment : That, if they were held in a Bridle, they were moft valiant, and alnioft invincible ; excelling all Men both in Courage, and in Strength, and in honourable Defire to vanquifh their Enemies. But, if their Reins were laid loofe upon their Necks, they were apt to run into Licentioufnefs and Mifchief; ready to con- fume either themfelves by Riot and Sloth, or one another by Sedition ; prone to Innova- tion and Change ; as heavily moved to un- dertake Dangers, fo not to be trufted upon Occafion ||. He took to Wife Matilda, Daughter to Baldwin, Earl of Flanders ; a Man, for his Wifdom, and Power, both reverenced, and feared, even of Kings ; but, becaufe fhe was his Coufin-German, he was, for his Marriage, excommunicated by his own Uncle, Manger, Archbifhop of Roan. Hereupon he fued to Pope Viftor, and obtained of him a Difpen- fation: And afterwards fo wrought, that, by a Provincial Council, his Uncle, Mauger, was deprived of his Dignity. But, by tin's Means, both he and his Ifliie were firmly locked in Obedience to the See of Rome ; for that, upon the Authority of that Place, the Validity of his Marriage, and confequently the Legi- timation of his Jflue, feemed to depend. When he was about fifty Year? of Age, Edward, King of England, ended his Life, This Edward was Son to Ethelred, King of William the Firft. England, by Emma, Sifter to Richard, the- fecond Duke of Normandy, who was Grand- father to Duke William-, fo as King Edward and Duke William were Coufms-German once removed. At fuch Time as Ethelred was firft over- charged with Wars by the Danes, he font his Wife Emma, with two Sons which (he had born unto him, Alfred and Edward, into Normandy, to her Brother; where they were entertained with all honourable Ufage for many Years. Afterward, giving Place to the Malice of his Fortune, he pafled alfo into Normandy, and left his whole State in the Pofleffion and Power of Swanus, King of Denmark. But, after the Death of Swanus^ partly by the Aid of the Normans, and partly by Favour of his own People, he recovered his Kingdom, and left the fame to his eldeft Son, Edmund, who, either for the tough Temper of his Courage and Strength, or for that he almoft always lived in Arms, was fir- named Ironfides. Hereupon Canutus, the Son of Swanus, made fharp War, firft againft Etbelred, then againft Edmund '; arid finally, after many Va- rieties of Adventure, but chiefly by the Favour of the Clergy of England (becaufe they had fworn Allegiance to his Father) fpread the Wings of his Victory over the whole King- dom. He expelled' out of the Realm Edwin and Edward, the two Sons of King Edmund^ of whom Edwin married the King's Daughter of Hungary, but died without IfTue ; Edward was advanced to the Marriage of Agatha, Daughter to the Emperor Henry, and by her had Iflue two Sons, Edmund and Edgar, and fo many Daughters, Margaret and Cbriftine. The fame Canutus took Emma to Wife, who had been Wife to King Ethelred \ by whom he had a Son, named Hardicanutus. After the Death of Canutus,. Alfred, the Son of E their ed, came out of Normandy, and with fifty Sail landed at Sandwich, with Pur- pofe to attempt the Recovery of his Father's Kingdom. In which Enterprife he received not only Encouragement, but good AfTurance, from many of the Englijh Nobility. But by * Regumclemen'ia, non in ipforummodo, fed in illorum quum parent ingeniis fita eft. Curt. lib. viii. -f-Ar $J xgnp&rruv, % oinv rarwv t$ ir y- and Wife to King Conrade, Son to Henry the Fourth, Emperor, gave the Marquifate of Apulia to the Bifhop of Rome || j which when the Emperor Otho the Fourth refufed to deliver, he was for that Caufe excommunicated by the Pope. In like Sort the Country of Dauphine was given by Prince Ujnbert to the King of France, upon Condition that the eldeft Son of France fhould afterward be called Dauphin . Laftly, the Duke's firft Anceftor, Rollo, received the Duke- dom of Normandy, by Donation of Charles King of France : And himfelf held the Coun- ty of Maine by Donation of Earl Herbert, as before it is (hewed. And, by Donation of the King of Britain, Hengift obtained Kent, the firft Kingdom of the Englijh Saxons in Britain. After which Time the Countrv was never long Time free from Invafion : Fir ft ^ by the Eng- lijh and Saxons againft the Britons, afterwards by the Seven Saxon Kingdoms among them- felves, and then lajlly by the Danes. By Means whereof the Kingdom at that Time could not be fettled in any certain Form of Succeffion by Blood, as it hath been fince ; but was held for the moft Part in abfolute Dominion, and did often pafs by Tranfa Fury, or Defpair. j- Monftrat toler.irc !abnres, Non jubet. Lucon. lib. i.v. I i i 2 il-em 436 The Life of King feem of flender Regard, but yet did gain him both Favour and Duty among his Soldiers. King Harold, hearing of thefe Approaches, hafted by great Journies towards London^ fend- ing his Meffengers to all Places, both to en- courage and intreat the People to draw toge- ther for their common Defence. Here he muftered his Soldiers ; and, albeit he found that his Forces were much impaired by his late Battle againft Harfager, yet he gathered an able Army, countenanced and commanded by divers of the Nobility, which reforted unto Mm from many Parts of the Realm. The Duke, in the mean Time, fent a Meffenger unto him, who demanded the Kingdom in fo flout a Manner, that he was at the Point to have bean evil-intreated by the King. Again, the King fent his Mef&nger to the Duke, for- bidding him, with lofty Language, to make any Stay within that Country, but to return again no lefs fpeedily, than rafhly he had en- tered. The Duke, between Mirth and Scorn, returned Anfwer, " That, a* he came not upon his Intreaty, fo at his Command he would not depart. But (faid he) I am not come to word with your King, I am come to fight, and am defirous to fight : I will be ready to fight with him, albeit I had but Ten-thoufand fuch Men, as I *' have brought Sixty-thoufand." King Harold fpent little Time, loft none (unlefs haply that which he might have taken more) both in appointing and ordering his Army. And, when he was ready to take the Field, his Mother intreated him, firft mode- rately, then with Words of Paflion, and with Tears, that he would not adventure his Perfon to the Battle. Her Importunity was admired the more, for that it was both without any appa- rent Caufe, and not ufual in former Times. But Harold^ with undaunted Countenance and Heart, conducted his Army into SuJJeX) and incampcd within feven Miles of the Normans ; who thereupon approached fo near to the Englijh) that the one Army was within View of the other. Firft, Spies were fent on both Sides, to difcover the State and Condition of their Ene- William the Firft. mies. They, who were fent from the Englijh, made a large Report, both of the Number, and Appointment, and Difcipline of the Nor- mans. Whereupon Girth, younger Brother to King Harold^ prefented him with Advice, not to play his whole State at a Caft j not to be fb carried with Defire of Victory, as not to wait the Time to attain it j that it is proper to In- vaders prefently to fight, becauf* they are then in the very Pride and Flourifh of their Strength ; but the AfTailed (hould rather deky Battle, rather obferve only and attend their Enemies, cut off their Relief, vex them with Incommo- dities, weary them, and wear them out by Degrees * : That it could not be long before the Duke's Army, being in a ftrange Coun- try, would be reduced to Neceffities ; it could not be long but, by Reafon it confuted of divers Nations, it would draw into Diforder ; that it was proper to an Army, compounded of dif- ferent People, to be almoft invincible at the firft, whilft all contend to excel or, at leaft, to equal others in brave Performance ; but, if they be advifedly endured, they will eafily fall into Diforders, and laftly of themfelves diffolve. ' Or if, faid he, you refolve to fight, yet, becaufe you are fworn to the Duke f, you mail do well to withdraw your Prefence, to employ your Authority in muttering a new Army, to be ready to receive him with frefti Forces. And, if you pleafe to commit the Charge of this Encounter unto me, I will not fail to exprefs both the Love of a Bro- ther, and the Care and Courage of a Com- mander. For, as I am not obliged to the Duke by Oath, fo mail I either prevail with the belter Caufe, or with the quieter Con- fcience die.' Both thefe Counfels were rejected by Ha- rold : The/Vr/? out of a violent Vehemency of thefe Northern Nations, who do commonly efteem Delay of Battle a dejected Cowardice, a bafe and fervile Deflowering of Time, but to bear through their Defigns, at once, they account a Point of honourable Courage J. The Second he efteemed both mameful to his Reputation, and hurtful to the State of his Affairs. For, what Honour had he gained by his former Vic- * Multa bella, impetu valida, per taedia & moras evanuere. Tacit, ii. Hift. f This refers to the Oath Harold had taken to the Duke of Normandy in King Edwards Life- Time. J Barbaris cunftatio fervilis, fiatim txequi regium videtur. Tacif. vi Annal. tories, Me Life of King tories, if, when he came to the greateft Pinch of Banger, he (hould fearfully ftirink back * ? With what Heart {hould the Soldiers fight, when they have not his Prefence for whom they fight j when they have not their Gene- ral an Eye-witnefs of their Performance ; when they want his Sight, his Encouragement, his Example to inflame them to Valour? The Preience of the Prince is worth manyThoufands of ordinary Soldiers : The ordinary Soldier will undertake both Labour and Danger for no o- ther Refpects fo much, as by the Prefence of the Prince. And therefore he did greatly extenu- ate the Worth of the Normans, terming them a Company of Priefts j becaufe their Fafhion was to (have their Faces : But whatfoever they were, as he had (he faid) digefted in his Mind the hardeft Events of Battle ; fo either the In- famy or Sufpicion of Cowardice in no Cafe he would incur. He refolved not to overlive fo great Dishonour ; he refolved to fet up, as his laft Reft, his Crown, and Kingdom j and Life withal. And thus oftentimes Fortune dealeth with Men, as Executioners do with condemn- ed Perfons ; fhe will firft blindfold, and then difpatch them f. After this, the Norman fent a Monk to offer the Choice of thefe Conditions to Harold; either to relinquifli his Kingdom upon certain Con- ditions ; or to hold it under Homage to the Duke ; or to try their Caufe by fingle Combate ; or to fubmit it to the Judgment of the Pope, according to the Laws of Normandy or of Eng- land, which he would. Again, feme Conditi- ons were propounded from King Harold to the Duke : But their Thoughts were fo lifted up, both with Pride and Confidence, by Reafon of their former Victories, that no moderate Over- ture could take Place ; and fo they appointed the Day following, which was the Fourteenth of Oflober, to determine their Quarrel by Sen- tence of the Sword. This happened to be the Birth-Day of King Harold, which, for that Caufe, by a fuperftitious Error, he conjectured would be profperous unto him. The Night before the Battle for divers Re- fpe&s was unquiet. The Englijh fpent the William the Firft. 437 Time in Feafting and Drinking, and made the Air ring with Shoutings and Songs ; the Nor- mans were more foberly filent, and bufied them- felves much in Devotion J; being rather flilJ than quiet, not fo much watchful as not able to fleep. At the firft Appearance of the Day, the King and the Duke were ready in Arms, en- couraging their Soldiers, and ordering them, in their Arrays ; in whofe Eyes it feemed that Courage did fparkle, and that in their Face and Gefture Victory did dance. The Duke put certain Relicks about his Neck, upon which King Harold had fworn unto him. It is re- ported that, when he armed, the Back of his Curaffes was placed before, by the Error of him that put it on ; fome would have bcendifmayed hereat, but the Duke fmiled and faid, Aflured- ly this Day my Fortune will turn, I {hall either be a King, or Nothing, before Night. The Englifl) were knit in one main Body on Foot ; whereof the firft Ranks confifted of Kentijkmen (who by an ancient Cuftom did challenge the Honour of that Place) the next were filled with Londoners \ then followed the other Englijh, Their chief Weapons were Pole-ax, Sword, and Dart, with a large Target for their Defence. They were paled in Front with Pavifes in fuch wife, that it was thought impoflible for the Enemy to break them. The King flood on Foot by his Standard, with two of his Brothers, Girth and Leofwine; as well to relieve from thence all Parts that {hould hap- pen to be diftrefled, as alfo to manifeft to the Soldiers, that they retained no Thought of Ef- caping by Flight. On the other Side, the Normans were divided into three Battles : The firft was conducted by Roger Montgomery, and William Fitz OJborne ; it confifted of Horfe- men of Anjou, Maine, and Bretagne, command- ed by a Breiagner named Per gent ; it carried the Banner, which the Pope had fent. The mid- dle Battle, confifting of Soldiers out of Germany and PoiRou, was led by 'Jcjftry Martell, and a Prince of Almaigne. The Duke himfelfclo- fed the laft Battle, with the Strength of his Normans, and the Flower of his Nobility ([.. The Archers were divided into Wings, andal- * Si flatus imperii in difcrimine vertatur, debebit in acie flare. Minora bella, minoribus ducibus,. deleganda. Tacit, iv. Hift. f- Occaecat animos Fortuna, ubi vim fuarn ingruentem frangi non vult Liv. Lib. v. J Fortiflimus in ipfo difcrimine exercitus, qui ante difcrimen modeftiflimus. Tfirit. i. Hill. || Ad viftoriam plurimum confert, ut lediflimos de peditibus & equitibus habeat dux poit aciem in fubfidiis {T*paratos. Veget.\\\. cap. 17. ib The Life tf&ng William the Firft. fo difperfcd by Bands through all the three Battles. Thus were both Sides fet upon a bloody Bar- gain ; Ambition, Hope, Anger, Hate, infla- ming them to Valour. The Duke edged his Soldiers, by declaring unto them the noble A&s of their Anceftors *, the late admirable At- chievement of their fellow Normans, in fubdu- ing the Kingdom of Sicily ; their own brave Exploits under him ; by (hewing them all that pleafant and plentiful Country, as the Purchafe of their Prowefs, as the Gain and Reward of their Adventure f ; by putting them in Mind, that they were in a Country both hoftile and unknown, before them the Sword, the vaft Ocean behind, no Place of Retreat, no Surety but in Valour and in Victory ; fo that they, who would not contend for Glory, were upon Ne- ceffity to fight for their Lives : Lajlly, by af- furing them, that, as he was the firft in Advice, fo would he be the foremoft in Adventure, being fully refolved cither to vanquifh, or to die. The King J encouraged his Men, by presenting to their Remembrance the Miferies which they fuftained, not long before, under the Oppreflion of the Danes || ; which whether they were again to endure, or never to fear, it lieth (faid he) in the Iffue of this Field. The King had the Advantage both for Number of Men, and for their large able Bodies. The Duke both in Arms, efpecially in Regard of the Bow and Arrows, and in Experience and Skill of Arms ; both equal in Courage ; both confident alike in the Favour of Fortune, which had always crowned their Courage with Victo- ry. And, Now, by fronting of both the Armies, the Plots and Labours of many Months were re- duced to the Hazard of a few Hours. The Normans marched with a Song of the valiant Acts of Rowland, efteeming Nothing of Peril, in Regard to the Glory of their Adventure. When they approached near their Enemies , 'they faluted them firft with a Storm of Ar- rows: Robert Fitz-Beaumant a young Gentle- man of Normandy, beginning the Fight from the right Wing. This Manner of Fight, as it was new, fo was it moft terrible to the Eng* lijh, and they were leaft provided to avoid it. Firft, they opened their Ranks, to make Way for the Arrows to fall ; but, when that Avoid- ance did nothing avail, they clofed again, and covered themfelves with their Targets, joined together in Manner of a Pent-houfe ; encouraging one another, to hafte forward, to leap luftily to Hand-ftrokes, and to fcour their Swords in the Intrails of their Enemies. Then the Duke commanded his Horfemen to charge ; but the Englijb received them upon the Points of their Weapons, with fo lively Courage, in fo firm and ftiff Order, that the Overthrow of many of the Foremoft did teach their Fol- lowers to adventure themfelves with better Ad- vice. Hereupon they fhifted into Wings, and made Way for the Footmen to come forward. Then did both Armies jein in a horrible Shock, with Pole-axes, and the Prince of Weapons, the Sword : Maintaining the Fight with fo manlike Fury, as. if it had been a Battle of Gi- ants, rather than of Men. And fo they con- tinued the greateft Part of that Day, in clofe and furious Fight ; Blow for Blow, Wound for Wound, Death for Death ; their Feet ftea- dy, their Hands diligent, their Eyes watchful, their Hearts refolute ; neither their Advifement dazzled by Fiercenefs, nor their Fiercenefs any Thing abated by Advifement. In the mean Time the Horfemen gave many (harp Charges, but were always beaten back with Difadvantage. The greateft Annoyance came from the Archers, whofe Shot (howered among the Englijb fo thick, that they feemed to have the Enemy in the Midft of their Army. Their Armour was not fufficiently either com- pleat or of Proof to defend them, hut every Hand, every Finger's Breadth, unarmed, was almoft an aflured Place for a deep, and many Times a deadly Wound. Thus, whilft the Front was maintained in good Condition, ma- ny Thoufands were beaten down behind, whofe * The Worwfgietu and Danes, as well in England, as in France. f Eo impenditur labor & periculum, unde emolumentum & honos fperetur. Liv. iv. % Harold. || Viz. The Spoil and Ruin of their flourifhing Land and common Government; the Rifling of their private Eltates ; the Abufing of their Wives and Daughters j the Deftru&ion, or, what is worfe, the Op- preflion and Slavery of all Sorts of People. One named Tai liefer advanced forward at the Head of the Army, and challenged any one of the Englijb to a fingle Combate, which being accerteJ, he flew the firft and fecor.d ; but was himfelf flain by the third Aflailant: Upon which the Norman} began the Attack. Death The Life of King Death was not To grievous unto them, as the Manner of their Death, in the Midft of their Friends, without an Enemy at Hand, upon whom they might (hew fome Valour, and work fome Revenge. This Manner of Fight would foon have de- termined as well the Hopes as the Fears of both Sides, had not the Targets of the Englijh been very ferviceable unto them ; had not K. Harold alfo, with a lively and conftant Refolution, per- formed the Part not only of a fkilful Com- mander, by directing, encouraging, provid- ing, relieving, but of a valiant Soldier, by ufmg his Weapon, to the Example of his Sol- diers. In Places of greateft Danger he was al- ways prefent, repairing the Decays, reforming the Diforders, and encouraging his Company, that in doing as Men, whether they prevailed, or whether they perifhed, their Labour was always glorioufly employed. So they knit ftrongly together, and flood in clofe and thick Array, as if they had been but one Body; not only bearing the Brunt of their Enemies, but making fuch an Impreffion upon their Squadron that the great Body began to make. The Duke adventured in Perfon fo far, moved no lefs by his natural Magnanimity, than by Glory of the Enterprife, that, befides his often alighting to fight on Foot, two, or (as fome report) three Horfes were flain under him. And having a Body both able by Nature, and by Ufe har- dened to endure Travail, he exacted the greater Service of his Soldiers, commending the For- ward, blaming the Slow, and crying out (accord- ing to his Nature) with vehement Gefture and Voice unto all, that it was a Shame for them, who had been victorious againft all Men with whom they dealt, to be fo long held by the Englifn in Delay of Victory. So partly by his Authority, and partly by his Example, he re- tained his Soldiers, and impofed upon them the faireft Neceffity of Courage ; whilft every Man contended to win a good Opinion of their Prince. Then the Fight entered into a new Fit of Heat ; nothing lefs feared than Death, the Greatnefs of Danger making both Sides the more refolute ; and they, who could not ap- proach to ftrike with the Hand, were heard to encourage their Fellows by Speech, to purfue the Victory, to purfue their Glory, not to turn to their own both Deftruction and Difgrace. William the Firft. 439 The Olafhing of Armour, the Juftling of Bo- dies, the Refounding of Blows, was the foirtft Part of this bloody Medley ; but the Griflinefs of Wounds, the hideous Falls and Groans of the Dying, all the Field defiled with Duft, Blood, broken Armour, mangled Bodies, repie- fented Terror in her fouleft Form. Never was Fury better governed ; never Game of Death better played. The more they fought, the better they fought ; the more they fmarted, the lefs they regarded Smart. At the laft, when the Duke perceived that the Englijh could not be broken by Strength of Arm, he gave Direction that his Men mould retire and give Ground ; not loofely, not dif- orderly, as in a fearful and confufed Hafte, but advifedly and for Advantage ; keeping the Front of their Squadron firm and clofe, with- out difbanding one Foot in Array. Nothing was more hurtful to the Englijh ^ being of a frank and noble Spirit, than that their violent Inclination carried them too fa ft into Hope of Victory. For, feeling their Enemies to yield under their Hand, they did raflbly follow thofe who were not hafty to fly ; and in the Heat of their Purfuit, upon a falfe Conceit of Victo- ry, loofed and difordered their Ranks, think- ing then of nothing but of executing the Chace. The Normans efpying the Advantage to be ripe, made a ftifF Stand, redoubled upon the EngliJI}, and, preffing on with a Fury equal to their fa- vourable Fortune, with a cruel Butcherv broke into them. This Error could not poffibly be repaired*. But it is fcarce credible with what Strength both of Courage and Hand the Eng- Ir/bj even in Defpight of Death, fuflained themfelves in this Diforder ; drawing into fmall Squadrons, and beating down their Ene- mies on every Hand, being refolved to fell their Lives with their Place. But a Mifchief is no Mifchief, if it comes alone. Befides this Difadvantage of Dif-array, the Shot of the Normans did continually beat upon the Englijh, v/ith a grievous Execution. Among others, King Harold, about the CIo- fing of the Evening, as he was bufy in fuf- ftaining his Army, both with Voice and Hand, was {truck with an Arrow through the left Eye into his Brains, of which Wound he prefently died. His two Brothers, Girth and Leaf wine,. were alfo flain, and alfo moft of the Nobility that were prefent j fo long as the King flood, * Owe s Vn> a'f4pT~y. Non licet in bello bis peccare, Plut. in Apoph, they 440 The Life of King they ftood (loutly, both with him and for him, and by him ; his Directions fupported them, his brave Behaviour breathed frefh Boldnefs and Life into them. But his Death was a deadly Stab to their Courage ; upon Report of his Death, they began to waver in Refolution, whether to truft to the Force of their Arms, or to commend their Safety to their good Foot- manfhip. In this Uncertainty many were {lain ; many retired in reafonable Order to a rifmg Ground, whither they were clofely fol- Jowed by the Normans ; but the Englijb, having gotten Advantage of the Place, and drawing Courage out of Defpair, with a bloody Charge did drive them down. Count Eujiacbius^ fup- pofing freth Forces to be arrived, fled away with fifty Soldiers in his Company, and, meet- ing with the Duke, rounded him fecretly in his Ear, that, if he went any further, he was undone. Whilft he was thus fpeaking, he was ftruck between the Shoulder with fo violent a Blow, that he fell down as dead, and void- ed much Blood at his Nofe and Mouth. In this Conflict many of the nobleft Normans were flain, which moved the Duke to make a ftrong ordered Stand, giving Liberty, thereby, for thofe Englijb to retire. Others fled through a watery Channel, the Paflages whereof were well known unto them ; and, when the Nor- mam did more fharply than advifedly purfue, the Place being ftiadowed partly with Sedges and Reeds, and partly with the Night, they were either ftifled in the Waters, or eafily de- ftroyed by the Englijb^ and that in fo great Numbers, that the Place was filled up with dead Bodies. The Refidue fcattered in fmaller Companies, and had their Flight favoured by increafmg Darknefs; the Enemy not adven- turing to follow, both in a ftrange Country, and in the Night. Earl Edwin and Earl JMorcbard, Brothers of approved both Courage and Faith, did great Service at that Time, in colle&ing thefe difperfed Troops, and leading them in fome Fafhion to London. Duke IVilliam^ furprifcd with Joy, gave publick Charge for a folemn Thankfgiving to God. Then he ereted his Pavilion in the Midft of the Field, among the thickeft of thofe Bodies whom Death had made to lie quietly together. There he pafled the Refidue of that Night; and the next Morning muftered his William the Firft. Soldiers, buried thofe that were flain, and gave Liberty to the Englijh to do the like. The Body of King Harold could not be known by his Face, it was fo deformed by Death, and by his Wound ; by his Armour and by certain Marks upon his Body it was known. As it lay upon the Ground, a Norman Soldier did ftrike it into the Leg with his Sword ; for which un- manly Adiion he was cafled by the Duke with open Difgrace. It was carried into the Duke*s Pavilion, and there kept under the Cuftody of William Mallet. And, when his Mother made Suit for it to be buried, the Duke denied it at firft, affirming, that Burial was not fit for him, whofe Ambition was the Caufe of fo many Funerals. The Mother, befides her La- mentations and Tears, offered for it (as one Norman Writer affirms) the Weight thereof in Gold ; but the Duke, with a manly Com pa f- fion, gave it freely, as holding it diftionourable both to value the Body of a King, and make Sale of a flain Enemy. So his Body was bu- ried by his Mother, at IPaltham-crofs, within the Monaftery which he had founded. Verily there was nothing to be blamed in him, but that his Courage could not ftoop to be lower than a King. I have been the longer in defcribing this Battle, for that I efteem it the moft memor- able and beft executed that ever was fought within this Land ; as well for fldlful Directi- on, as for courageous Performance, and alfb for the Greatnefs of the Event. The Fight con- tinued with very great both Conftancy and Courage, and Variety of Fortune, from Seven of the Clock in the Morning until Night. Of the Normans were flain Six-thoufand and more, befides thofe that were drowned and beaten down in the Water. The Slaughter of the Englijb is uncertainly reported, but cer- tainly it was far greater than that of the Normans. Certain alfo that their Death was moft honourable and fair, not any one bafely abandoning the Field ; not any one yielding to be taken Prifoner. And yet one Circumftance more I hold fit to be obferved, that this Vic- tory was gotten only by the Means of the Blow of an Arrow * j the Ufe whereof was by the Normans firft brought into this Land. After- wards the Englijh, being trained to that Fight, did thereby chiefly maintain themfelves with * AL By the Means of the Bow and Arrow, which the Englijb were Strangers unto ; or elfe this Ex- preffion refers to the Wound given by an Arrow, of which King Harold died. honourable The Life of King honourable Advantage, againft all Nations with whom they did contend in Arms^ being gene- rally reputed the beft Shot in the World. But of late Years it hath been altogether laid afide, and inftead thereof the Harquebuz and Calliver are brought into Ufe ; yet not without Contradiction of many expert Men of Arms ; who, albeit they do not reject the Ufe of thefe fmall Pieces, yet do they prefer the Bow before them. Firft, For that, in a reafonable Diftance, it is of greater both Cer- tainty and Force. Secondly, For that it dif- chargeth fafler. Thirdly, For that more Men may difcharge therewith at once ; for only the firft Rank difchargeth the Piece, neither hurt they any but thofe that are in Front; but with the Bow ten or twelve Ranks may difcharge together, and will annoy fo many Ranks of the Enemies. Laftly, For that the Arrow doth ftrike more Parts of the Body ; for in that it hurteth by Defcent (and not only Point-blank like the Bullet) there is no Part of the Body but it may ftrike ; from the Crown of the Head even to the Nailing of the Foot to the Ground. Hereupon it folio weth, that the Ar- rows falling fo thick as Hail upon the Bodies of Men, as lefs fearful of their Flefh, fo more flenderly armed than in former Times, muft neceflarily work moft dangerous Effects. Befides thefe general Refpects, in many par- ticular Services and Times, the Ufe of the Bow is of greateft Advantage. If fome Defence lie before the Enemy, the Arrow may ftrike where the Bullet cannot. Foul Weather may much hinder the Difcharge of the Piece, but it is no great Impediment to the Shot of the Bow. A Horfe, ftruck with a Bullet, if the Wound be not mortal, may perform good Service ; but, if an Arrow be fattened in his Flefh, the continual Stirring thereof, occafioned by the Motion of himfelf, will force him to caft off all Command, and either bear down or diforder thofe that are near. But the Crack of the Piece (fome Men fay) doth ftrike a Terror into the Enemy. True, if they be fuch as never heard the like Noife before. But a little Ufe will extinguifh thefe Terrors. To Men, yea to Beafts acquainted with thefe Cracks, they work a weak Impref- fion of Fear. And if it be true, which all William the Firft. 441 Men of Action do hold, that the Eye in all Battles is firft overcome *, then, againft Men equally accuftomed to both, the Sight of the Arrow is more available to Victory than the Crack of the Piece. Afluredly, the Duke, before the Battle, encouraged his Men, for that they mould deal with Enemies, who had no Shot. But I will leave this Point to be deter- mined by more difcerning Judgments, and haply by further Experience in thefe Affairs, and return again to my principal Purpofe. The next Day after the Victory, the Duke returned to Hajlings, about feven Miles from the Place of the Encounter, partly to refrefli his Army, and partly to fettle in Advice and Order, for his further Profecution. Fir/I, He difpatched Mefiengers to fignify his Succefs to his Friends Abroad. To the Pope he fent King Harold's Standard, which reprefented a Man fighting, wrought curioufly with Gold and precious Stones. Afterwards, placing a ftrong Garifon at Ha/lings, he conducted his Army towards London, not the direct Way, but coafted about through Suffex, Surrey , Hamp- Jhlre, and Berk/hire ; the Ways where he pal- fed being as free from Refiftance, as his Thoughts were from Change. At Walling- ford he parted over the 1%ames, and then march- ed forward through Oxford/hire^ Buckingham- Jhire, and Hertford/hire, until he came to the Caftle at Berkham/lead. In this Paflage many of his Soldiers languifhed and died of the Flux. And whether it were upon Licentioufnefs after the late Victory, or whether for Want of ne- ceflary Provifion, or whether to ftrike a Ter- ror into the Englijb, or whether to leave no Danger at his Back, he permitted the Sword to range at large, to harrafs freely, to defile many Places with Ruin and Blood. In the mean Time the EngliJJ) Lords afiem- bled at London, to advife upon their common Affairs ; but the Variety of Opinions was the chief Impediment to the prefent Service ; the Danger being more important than the Coun- cil refolute, or the Confidence a (lured f. The Nobility inclined to declare Edgar, Grand- child to Edmund Ironfides, to be their King ; and with thefe the Londoners wholly went. But thofe of the Clergy were of Opinion (fome upon particular Refpe&s, all upon Fear to dif- * Primi in omnibus prseliis oculi vincuntur. Ta:ce, in cafe any great Revolt mould Is rr.ade. Divers other Parts of the Re alia were ib \valled with his Wars, that, for Want borh of Hi;f- bandry and Habitation, a great Dearth aid enfue, whereby many were forced to eat Horfes, Dogs, Cats, Rats, and other loath- fome and vile Vermin ; yea, fome abftained not from the Flefh of Men. This Famine and Defolation did efpecially rage in the North Parts of the Realm ; for the Inhabi- tants beyond Humber, fearing the King's fe- cret Hate, fo much the more deep and deadly, becaufe unjuft, received without Refinance, and perhaps drew in the Army of the King of S-wedeland, with whom Edgar Athtling, and the other Englijh that fled into Scotland, joined their Power. The Normans within York fired the Suburbs, becaufe it mould not be a Lodging for their Enemies : But the Strength of the Wind carried the Flame into the City, which confumed a great Part thereof, with the Minfter of St. Peter, and therein a fair * He, in this Exploit, dernolifhed Thirty -fix Towns. f As alfo 4iis Grar.dfon, Richard, the Son cf Rolirt, who, leing in full Circe, UTS flruck in the Jaws by a Bough, upon which he hung, till he expired. See Mdxslur. p. 1 1 1. Ste BiKtlm. p. 275. Library,. 446 Library. And herein, whilft the Normans were partly bufied, and partly amazed, the Ene- mies'entered, and flew in York, in Durefme *, and thereabout, Three-thoufand Normans, a- mong whom were many of eminent Dignity, as well for Birth, as for Place of their Charge. But in a fhort Time the King came upon them, and having partly by Arms, and partly by Gifts, difpatched the Strangers f , exercifed upon the Englijh an ancient and afTured Experience of War, to reprefs with main Force a Rebellion in a State newly fubdued j infomuch as all the Land between Durefme and York, except only the Territory of Sir John of Beverlace J, lay wafte for the Space of nine Years, with- out Inhabitants to manure the Ground. And, becaufe Confpiracies and Aflbciations|| are commonly contrived in the Night, he commanded, that in all Towns and Villages a Bell fhould be rung in the Evening at Eight of the Clock ; and that in every Houfe they fhould then put forth their Fire and Lights, and go to Bed. This Cuftom of Ringing a Bell at that Hour, in many Places, is ftill ob- ferved. And, for that Likenefc is a great Caufe of Liking and of Love, he enjoined the Chief of the Englljh, and thefe were foon imitated by the reft, to conform themfelves to the Faftiions of Normandy, to which they had made them- felves no Strangers before. Yea, Children in the School were taught their Letters and Prin- ciples of Grammar in the Norman Language. In their Speech, Attire, Shaving of the Beard, Service at the Table ; in their Buildings, and Houfhold Furniture j they altogether refem- bled the Normans. tte Life of King William the Firft. In the Beginning of his Reign, he ordained that the Laws of Edward fhould be obfcrved, together with thofe Laws which he did pre- fcribe; but afterwards he commanded, that nine Men (hould be chofen out of every Shire, to make a true Report, what were the Laws and Cuftoms of the Realm. Of thefe he changed the greateft Part, and brought in the Cuftoms of Normandy in their Stead ; com- manding alfo that Caufes fhould be pleaded, and all Matters of Form difpatched in French. Only he permitted certain Dani/h Laws, which before were chiefly ufed in Norfolk, Suffolk, and Cambridge/hire, to be generally obferved ; as having great Affinity with his Norman Cu&oms; both being derived from one common Head. Likewife, at the great Suit of William, a Norman, then Bifliop of London, he granted a Charter of Liberty to that City**, for enjoy- ing the Ufe of King Edward's Laws ft; a Memorial of which Benefit the Citizens fix- ed upon the Biftiop's Grave, being in the Midft of the great Weft Ifle of St. Paul's. Further, by the Council of Stigand, Archbifhop of Can- terbury, and of Eglefine, Abbot of St. Au- guftine's (who at that Time were the Chief Go- vernors of Kent] as the King was riding to- wards Dover , at Swanefcomb, two Miles from Gravefend, the Kentijh Men came towards him armed, and bearing Boughs in their Hands, as if it had been a moving Wood ; they inclofed him upon the fudden, and with a firm Counte- nance, but Words well tempered with Modefty and Refpecl:, they demanded of him the Ufe of their ancient Liberties and Laws j that in other Matters they would yield Obedience unto him ; that, without this, they defired not to live. The AI. Durham. f- Viz. the Army of the King of SwedelanJ. j Al Beverley. And this happened more through Superftition, than any Devotion for God, or his Saints ; for, one of his Horfemen riding full Speed into the Lands belonging to Bewrley, the Horfe fell, and broke his Neck, and the Man's Face became fo convulfed, as to turn behind him : Which the King citeemed a bad Omen, and fo defifted from his intended Violence on that Place, ib. Surnmum periculum eft fi ccetus, concilia, & fecretas confultationes effe finas. 1-1;. xxxiv. $ This I apprehend is a Mi/Interpretation of Ingulpbvs, who does not fay that the Conqueror changed flic Laws, or brought in the Norman Cuftoms in their Stead ; but Ipfum etiam Idioma tantum abborrebant (NormanniJ quod Leges Terra, Statutaque Ang]icorum Regum Lingua Gallica traflarentur, p. 71. which affirms only, that the Emperor had the ancient Engli/k Laws tranflated into French, but ftill they remained the Lames of the Land, and the Statutes of the Englifh Kings. And whoever will confult Mat/ox's Hiftory of the Ex bequer, p. 123, will find good Authority for what is here advanced, and that the Change, mentioned by our Author, was not compleatly brought about till the Reign of Hen.il. ** N. B. In this firil Charter given by the Conqueror to London, there is no Word that fignifies City, and its Inhabitants are there called Burghers, BurgtJ/cs, or Inhabitants of the Borough ; and the Lord Mayor is filled the Port- Reeve. ff Here by Laws we mud underftand the Liberties and Privileges granted by King Edward to the City of London by Charter. King Life of King William the Firft. Book-, for that it was laid in the Church of JVinchefter^ in a Place called Domus Dei. Ac- cording to this Roll Taxations were impofed ; fometimes two Shillings, and fometimes fix Shilling upon every Hide of Land (a Hide Places. So, Pledges being given on containing twenty Acres) befide ordinary Pro- , they conducted him to Rcchefler^ vifions for his Houfe. In all thofe Lands, which he gave to any Man, he referved Dominion in Chief to himfelf ; for Acknowledgement whereof a yearly Rent was paid unto him, and likewife a Fine, when- foever the Tenant did alien or die. Thefe were bound as Clients unto him, by Oath of Fide- lity and Homage ; and if any died his Heir, being in Minority, the King received the Pro- fits of the Land, and had the Cuftody and Dif- pofing of the Heir's Body, until his Age of one and twenty Years. It is reported of Caligula ||, that when he in- tended to make Advantage of his penal Edicts, he caufed them to be written in fo fmall Let- ters, and the Tables of them to be fattened fo high, that it was almoft impoffible for any Man to read them. So the King caufed Part of thofe Laws, that he eftablifhed, to be writ- in the Norman Language, which was a barba- rous and broken French^ not well underflood of the natural French^ and not at all of the vulgar Englifn. The Refidue were not written at all, but left almoft arbitrary, to be deter- mined by Reafon and Discretion at larze. Hereupon it followed, partly through Ignorance of the People, and partly through the Malice of fome Officers of Juftice, who many Times are Inftruments of fecret and particular Ends ; that many were extremely intangled, many en- dangered, many rather made away, than juftly executed. But here it may be queftioned, feeing thefe Laws were laid upon the Englijh^ as Fetters about their Feet, as a ponderous Yoke upon their Neck, to deprefs and detain them in fure Subjection : How it fallcth out, that afterwards they became not only tolerable, but acceptable and well efteemed. Afluredly, tliefe Laws were exceeding harfli and heavy to the En^lijh at the firft : And therefore King William Rufus y and Henry the King was content to ftrike Sail to the Storm, and to give them a vain Satisfaction for the prefent ; knowing right well> that the general Cuftoms and Laws of the Refidue of the Realm would in a ftiort Time overflow thefe particular Places, both Sides and yielded the County of Kent and the Ca- ftle of Dover into his Power. In former Times many Farms and Ma- nors were given by bare Word, without Wri- ting, only with the Sword of the Lord, or his Head-piece; with a Horn or {landing Goblet, and many Tenements with a Quill, with a Horfe-comb, with a Bow, with an Arrow; but this fmcere Simplicity at that Time was Changed. And whereas Charters and Deeds were before made firm by the Subfcription of the Party, with Crofies of Gold, or of fome other Colour ; then they were firmed by the Parties fpecial Seal, fet upon Wax, under the fefte of three or four Witnefles. He ordained alfo his Council of State, his Chancery, his Exchequer, his Courts of Ju- ftice, which always removed with his Court. Thefe Places he furnifhed with Officers, and affigned four Terms in the Year for determining Controverfies among the People * ; whereas before all Suits were fummarily heard and de- termined in the Gemote^ or monthly Conven- tion in every Hundred, without either Forma' lities or Delay, He caufed the whole Realm to be defcribed in a cenfual Roll, fo as there was not one Hide of Land, but both the yearly Rent and the Owner thereof were therein fet down ; how many Plough lands, what Paftures, Fens, or Marflies ; what Wood^ 'Parks, Farms, and Tenements were in every Shire, ; and what every one was worth. Alfo how many Vil- lains f every Man had, what Beafts or Cat- tle, what Fees ; what other Goods, what Rent or Commodity his Pofleffions did yield . This Book was called, The Roll of IVm- ro, becaufe it was kept in the City of Wm- cbejler. By the Engl'tjh it was called Domefe- day Book, either by Reafon of the Generality thereof, or elfe corruptly infread of Do?nus Dei * See MaJox's Hift'ry of the Exch-quer. f Farms. % And tl-o* the Counties of Durham, Lancfiftrr, Northumberland, Wefimorland, and Cumberland, were not contained in this Survey ; yet it appears that the regaining Part of England, with out Corr.--wa!l, was divided into thirty -four Parifhes, containing q2O?o ! owns or Village^ ; 45003 Parifh Churches ; 75000 Knights Fees, whereof 2801 5 were of Religious Order. See Polycronce*. Fir/I, 448 We Life of King William the Firft. Firjl, at fuch Time as Robert their elder Bro- ther came in Arms againft them to challenge the Crown, being defirous to win the Favour of the People, did fill them with fair Pro- mifes, to abrogate the Laws of King William their Father, and to reftore to them the Laws of King Edivard. The like was done by King Stephen, and by King Henry the Second; whilft, both contending to draw the State to himfelf, they did moft grievoufly tear it in Pieces. The like by others of the firft Kings of the Norman Race, whenfoever they were willing to give Contentment to the People ; who defired no other Reward for all their Ad- ventures and Labours, for all their Blood fpent in the Service of their Kings, but to have the Laws of King Edward reftored. At the laft, the Nobility of the Realm, with great Dif- pence, both of their Eftates and Blood, pur- chafed a Charter of Liberty *. Firft, From King John, which was foon revoked, as vio- lently forced from him; afterwards from King Henry the Third, which remained in Force f. And thereby the fliarp Severity of thefe Laws was much abated. In that afterward they become, not only tolerable, but eafy and fweet, and happily not fit to be changed; it is by Force of long grounded Cuftom, whereby thofeUfages, which our Anceflors have obferved for many Ages, do never feem either grievous or odious to be endured. So Nicetas writing of certain Chri- Jiians, who, by long converting with the Turks, had defiled themfelves with Turiijb Fafhions : Cujlom, faith he, ivinneth fuch Strength by Time, that it is more firm than either Nature or Religion . Hereupon Dio, Chryfo/lom || compareth Cuftoms to a King, and Edicts to a Tyrant, becaufe we are fubjecl voluntarily to the one, but upon Conftraint, and upon Neceffity, to the other. It is manifefl, faith Agathias, that, under whatfoevcr Law the People hath lived, they do ejleem the fame mojl excellent and divine . Herodotus reporteth, that Darius the Son of Hydafpes y having under his Dominion certain Grecians of Afia, who accuftomed to burn their dead Parents and Friends, and certain Nations of India, who ufed to eat them, called the Grecians before him j and told them that it was his Pleafure, that they (hould conform themfelves to the Cuftom of the Indians, in eating their de- ceafed Friends, But they applied all Means of Intreaty and Perfuafion, that they might not be forced to fuch a barbarous, or rather bruti(h Obfervation. Then he fent for the Indians, and moved them to Conformity with the Grecians, but found that they did far more abhor to burn their Dead, than the Grecians did to eat them. Now thefe Severities of the King were much aggravated by the Englijh, and efteemed not far fliort of Cruelties. Notwithftanding he tempered it with many admirable Actions both of Juftice and of Clemency and Mercy **, for which he is much extolled by the Norman Writers ff. He gave great Privileges to many Places j and the better to give the Per pie Con- tentment, and to hold them quiet, he often Times renewed the Oath, which firft he took at his Coronation ; namely, to defend the holy Church of God, the Pajlors thereof, and the People fubjeSl to him juftly to govern, to ordain good Laws, and obferve true "Juftice, and, to the utternwfl of his Power, to with/land all Rapines and falfe "Judgments. Such of the No- bility, as had been taken in Rebellion, were only committed to Prifon 3 from which they * Which is that commonly known by the Name of Magna Cbarta, and on which we to this Day pre- tend to found our Liberty and Property. j- And, to make the fame more effedlual, this great Charter raifed, on this Bafis, is, by Aft of Parliament in Edward the Ift's Time, commanded to be allowed by the Julticesin their Judgments and Refolutions, as the Common Law of England. J; Nicet. pag. 19. BTW Xffitu x.fotle^i toi; yowj K} Sptcrxeta? Ira o%ngorif(. H Cbryf. Orat. 76, ing l'9a?. Said. dil. t'fio?. * -"got a lib. 11. iffoVjXov (A& OT &j tut avOpoTTeiwii tkui a"? e'xaro? flyt orojiiuf V'IUM * Temperatus enim timor eft qui cohibet, affiduus & acer ad vindiflam excitat. Settee, i. de Clemen, ft He publiftied the Laws of Edward the ConfeJjTor, as fuch ; and confirms them to be the Laws of England^ and commands them to kept under fevere Penalties, himfelf at the fame Time taking an Oath to keep inviolable thofe good and approved ancient Laws of the Realm, enafted and fet forth by the ho- ly .and pious Kings of England, his Anceftors, and efpecially by King Edward. See the Preface by John Fortefcue Aland, to Sir John Fyrfe/cuis Treatife of Monarchy, Page 26. were The Life of King were releafed In Time ; fuch, as yielded and fubmitted themfelves, were freely pardoned, and oftentimes received to Favour, Truft, and Employment *. Edric f, the firft that rebelled after he was King, he held near and aflured unto him. Gof- patric, who had been a Stirrer of great Commo- tions, he made Earl of Gloucefter, and employ- ed him againft Malcom King of Scots. Euftace Earl of Boulogne, who upon Occafion of the King's firft Abfence in Normandy attempted to furprife the Caftle of Dover, he embraced af- terward with great Shew of Love and Refpect. Waltheof Son to Earl Slward, who, in De- fending the City of York againft him, had flain many Normans, as they eflayed to enter a Breach, he joined in Marriage to his Niece Judith Edgar, who was the Ground and Hope of all Confpiracies ; who, after his firft Submif- fion to the King, fled into Scotland, and main- tained open Hoftility againft him ; who pre- tended Title to the Crown, as next Heir to the Saxon Kings ; he not only received to Flavour, but honoured with fair Entertainments. He furnifhed him to the War of Pale/line, where he attained an honourable Eftimation with the Emperors of Almalgne and of Greece. After Jiis Return he was allowed twenty Shillings a Day by Way of Penfion, and large Livings in the Country befides, where he mellowed to old Age in Pleafure and Vacancy of Affairs ; preferring fafe Subjection, before ambitious Rule, accompanied both with Danger and Difquiet. Thus was no Man more mild to a relenting and vanquifhed Enemy ; as far from Cruelty, as he was from Cowardice, the Height of his Spirit overlooking all cafual, all doubtful and uncertain Dangers. Other great Offenders he punifhed commonly by Exile or Imprifon- ment, feldom by Death ||. Only among the Englijh Nobility, FFaltbeofEurl of Northamp- ton, Northumberland, and Huntington , was put to Death, for that, after twice Breaking Allegiance, he confpired the third Time, with William the Firft. 449 divers both Englijh and Normans, to receive the Danes into England, whilft the King was ab- fent in Normandy. And for the fame Confpi- racy Ralph Fitz-aubert, a Norman, was alfo executed, who had furnifhed forty Ships for the King in his Voyage for England; for which, and for his other Services in that War, he was afterward created Earl of Here- ford. But prefent Injuries do always overba- lance Benefits that are paft. He much delighted^in Hunting and in Feaft- ing. For the Firft he inclofed many Forefts and Parks, and filled them with Deer; which he fo dearly loved, that he ordained great Pe- nalties for fuch as mould kill thole or any o- ther Beafts of Game. For the Second he made many fumptuous Feafts, efpecially upon the high Feftival Days in the Year. His Chri/t~ mas he often kept at Gloucejler, his Eafler at Winchester, his JWritfontide at JVeJlmlnjler ; and was crowned once in the Year at one of thefe Places, fo long as he continued in England. To thefe Feafts he invited all his Nobility, and did then principally compofe himfelf to Courtc- fy, as well in familiar Converfation, as in Fa- cility to grant Suits, and to give Pardon to fuch as had offended. At other Times he was more majeftical and fevere ; and employed himfelf both to much Exercife and great Moderation in Diet ; whereby he preferved his Body in good State, both of Health and Strength, and was eafily able to endure Travel, Hunger, Heat, Cold, and all other Hardnefs both of Labour and of Want. Many Wrongs he would not fee, of many Smarts he would not complain ; he was abfo- lute Mafter of himfelf, and thereby learned to fubdue others. He was much commended for Chaftity of Body ; by which his princely Acti- ons were much advanced. And albeit the Be- ginning of his Reign was peftered with fuch Routs of Outlaws and Robbers,' that the peace- able People could not account themfelves in Surety within their own Doors ** ; he fo well provided for Execution of Jufticc upon Often- * Nihil gloriofius eft princtpe impune laefo. Senec. i. de Clem. f Sirnamed Sy/vaticus, a Man of great Spirit and Power, and had done him much Harm by joining with B/etbya and Rywallon Kings of Wales, who made an Incurfion into Hereford/hire. % Germany. || Principi non minas turpia multa fupplicia, quam medico funera, Ser.ec. de Clem. i. Befides it is thought that thofe Courtiers, who envied his Elleem with the King, and fought to ob- tain Part of his great Pofleffions, could they ruin him ; and above all, the Intrigues of his Wife Judith, Who was Niece to the King, and wanted to get another Husband, contrived and chiefly affe-iled his Death. ** There were obliged to be placed Guards between Town and Town. V o L. IL L 1 1 ders, The Life of King William the Firft. 45 ders, or rather for Cutting off the Caufes of Of- fence, that a young Maiden, well charged with Gold, might travel in any Part of the Realm, without any Offer of Injury unto her. For, if any Man had flain another upon any Caufe, he was put to Death ; and, if he could not be found, the Hundred paid a Fine to the King ; fometimes twenty-eight and fometimes thirty- fix Pounds, according to the Largenefs of the Hundred in Extent. If a Man had oppreffed * any \Voman, he was. deprived of his privy Parts. As the People by Arms, fo Arms by Laws were held in Reftrainr. He talked little and bragged lefs, a moft allured Performer of his Word : In Profecution of his Purpofes conftant and ftrong f, and yet not obftinate ; but always appliable to the Change of Occafions ; earneft, yea violent, both to refift his Enemies, and to exact Duties of his Subjects. He neither loved much Speech, nor gave Credit to fair ; but trufled truly to himfelf, to others fo far as he might not be abufed by Credulity J. His Expedition (the Spirit of Actions and Affairs) may hereby appear. He invaded Eng- land about the Beginning of Offober ; he fub- dued all Refiftance, he fuppreffed all rifmg Re- bellions, and returned into Normandy in March following. So as, the Time of the Year confi- dered, a Man fhould hardly travel through the Land in fo fhort a Time as he did win it. A greater Exploit than Julius Ceefar or any other Stranger could ever atchieve upon that Place. He gave many Teftimonies of a religious Mind || . For he did often frequent Divine Ser- vice in the Church, he gave much Alms, he held the Clergy in great Eftimation, and high- ly honoured the Prelates of the Church. He fent many coftly Ornaments, many rich Pre- fents of Gold and Silver to the Church of Rome ; his Peter Payments went more readily, more largely than ever before ** : To divers Churches in France, after his Victory, he fent CrofTes of Gold, Veffels of Gold, rich Palls, or other Ornaments of great Beauty and Price. He bare fuch Reverence to Lanfrank Archbifhop of Canterbury, that he feemed to ftand at his Di- rections. At the Requeft of Woljlane Biihop of Worcejier, he gave over a great Advantage that he made by Sale of Prifoners taken in Ireland. He refpected Aldred Archbifhop of York, by whom he had been crowned King of England, as his Father. At a Time upon the Repulfe of a certain Suit, the Archbifhop brake forth into Difcontentment, expoftulated fharply againft the King, and in a humorous Heat offered to depart : But the King ftaid him, fell down at his Feet, defired Pardon, and promifed Satis- faction in the beft Manner that he could. The Nobility, that were prefent, put the Archbifhop in Mind, that he mould caufe the King to a- rife. Nay fanfwered the Archbifhop) let him alone ; let him frill abide at St. Peter's Feet ff. So with much ado he was appealed, and in- treated to accept his Suit. And fo the Name of St. Peter, and of the Church, hath been often ufed as a Mantle, to cover the Pride, Paflions, and Pleafures of difordered Men. He founded and enlarged many Houfes of Religion : He furnifhed Ecclefiaftical Digni- ties, with Men of more Sufficiency and Worth, than had been ufual in former Times. And becaufe within his own Dominions Studies did not flourifh and thrive, by Reafon of the turbu- lent Times, by Reafon of the often Invafions of barbarous People, whofe Knowledge lay chiefly in their Fifts ; he drew out of Italy and other Places many famous Men, both for Learning and Integrity of Life ; to wit, Lan- frank, Anfelm^ Durand, Trahern, and others. Thefe he honoured, thefe he advanced, tothefe he expreffed great Teftimonies both of Favour and Regard. Fortes, in opere acres, ante id placidi. * Defloured. f- "Oi d$fun v TOK ffy e|ij, Arifl. iii. Etb. t - e-ttyfciv; 3" Ws c^ - Ww j^o-tpmgw /3poro*V.. Sapiente diffidentia non alia res utilior eft mortahbus. Eurip. || Roman! non calllditate aut robore, fed pietate ac religione omnes gentes nationefq; fuperavere. GV. Or at. de Arufp. Refp. $ See this explained in the Beggar's Petition to Hen. tbi Eighth againft Popery, printed in this Vol. * But, though Lanfrank the Archbifhop endeavoured to perfuade him to make Allegiance to that See, he never could be brought to it, and faid, That Ar neither promifed fo much, neither could bt fnd that a^ of his Ancejfors did perform it. ft Or, as fome Authors more probably write, at his Father's Feet. And We Life of King William theFirft. 45* And vet he preferred Oda, his Brother by phln of France, at Chefs, and did win of him his Mother's Side, to the Biihoprick of Bayonne, and afterwards created him Earl of Kent : A Man proud, vain, mutinous, ambitious ; out- rageous in Oppreflion, Cruelty, and Luft ; a Prophaner of Religion, a manifeftContemner of all Virtue. The King, being called by Occafions into Normandy, committed unto him the Go- vernment of the Realm : In which Place of Credit and Command, he furnifhed himfelf fo fully with Treafure, that he afpired to the Papacy of Rome ; upon a Prediction, then caft Abroad (which commonly deceive thofe that truft unto them) that the Succellbr of Hilde- trand was named Qdi. Sa, filled with proud Hopes, he purchafed a Palace and Friends at Rome ; he prepared for his Journey, and drew manv Gentlemen to be of his Train. But the Kins, returning fuddenly out of Normandy, met with him in the IJle of I fight, as he was rea- dy to take the Seas. There he was arrefted, and afterwards charged with infinite Oppreflions j alfo, for Seducing the Kind's Subjects to for- fake the Realm ; and, laftly, for facrilegious Spoiling of many Churches. Hereupon his Treafure was feized, and he committed to Prifon ; not as Bifhop ofBayonne, but as Earl of Kent, and as an Accomptant to the King. And fo he remained about four Years, even until the Death of the King. His Servants, fome in FaHhood, and fome for Fear, difco- vered fuch hidden Heaps of his Gold, as did ex- ceed all Expectation : Yea, many Bags of grind- ed Gold were drawn out of Rivers, wherein the - dy he offered him Homage, but the Kingdom very much. Hereat, Lewis began to grow warm in Words, and was, therein, little re- fpeaed by Henry. The great Impatience of the one, and the fmall Forbearance of the o- ther, did ftrike, in the End, fuch a Heat be- tween them, that Lewis threw the Chefs-men at Henry's Face, and called him the Son of a Baftard. Henry again ftruck Lewis with the Chefs-board, drew Blood with the Blow, and had prefently {lain him upon the Place, had he not been ftaid by his Brother Robert. Hereupon they prefently went to Horfe, and their Spurs claimed fo good Hafte, as they re- covered Pantoife, albeit they were fharply pur- fued by the French. It had been much for the French Kin to have remained quiet, albeit no Provocations happened, in Regard of his Pretence to many Pieces, which King Will-am did poflefs in France : But, upon this Occafion, he prefent- ly invaded Normandy, took the City of /Vr;;:;;, and drew Robert, King IPlHlarn's ' eldeft Son, to combine with him, againft his own Father. On the other Side, King JVilliam, who never loft any Thing by Lofing of Time, with in- credible Celerity palled into France, invaded the French King's Dominions, wafted and took many principal Places ofZaxtsigneznd Pciclcu, returned to Roan, and there reconciled his Son Robert unto him. The French Kins furn- moned him to do his Homage for the King- dom of England : For the D Bifhop had caufed them for a Time to be bu- ried. After this, he was called the King's Sponge ; as being preferred by him to that Place of Charge, wherein he might, in a long Time, fuck that from others, which fliould at once be preffed from himfelf. By this Means, the King had the Benefit of his OpprefEon without the Blame ; and the People (being no deep Searchers into Secrets of State) were fo well pleafed with the prefent Puniihment, as they were thereby, although not fatisfied, yet well quieted for all their Wrongs. Towards the End of his Reign,* he appoint- ed his two Sons, Robert and Henry, with joint Authority, Governors of Normandy ; the one to fupprefs either the Infolency, or Levi- ty of the other. Thefe went together to viiit the French King, lying at Conjunct : Where, entertaining the Time with Variety of Dif- ports, Henry played with Lewis, then Dau~ of England (he faid) he held of no Man, but only of God, and by his Sword. Hereupon the French King came ftrongly upon him ; but, finding him both ready and reiblute to anfwer in the Field ; finding alfo, that his Ha- zard was greater than h:s Hope ; that his Lois, by Overthrow, would far furmount his Ad- vantage by Victory, after a few light Encoun- ters, he retired, preferring the Care to pie- ferve himfelf, before the Deiue to harm o- thers. King IFilliam, being then both corpulent ancl in Years, was clillempered in Bodv, by Means of thofe Travels, and fo retired to Roan, where he remained not perfectly in Health. The French King, hearing of his Sicknefs, pleafant- ly faid, That he lay in Child-bed of his great Belly. This would have been taken in Mirth, if fome other had fpokcn it j but, coining from an Enemy, it was taken in Scorn. And, as L 1 1 2 452 ?be Life of King great Perfonages are moft fenfible of Reproach, and the leaft Touch of Honour maketh a wide and incurable Wound, fo King William was fo nettled with this Jeft, that he fwore by God's RefurrecJion, and his Brightnefs (for this was the ufual Form of his Oath) that, fo foon as he Jbould be churched of that Child, he would offer a thoufand Lights in France. So, prefently after his Recovery, he entered France in Arms, took the City of Meaux *, fet many Towns and Villages, and Corn-fields on Fire; the People abandoning all Places where he came, and giving forth, that it was better the Ncfts fhould be deftroyed, than that the Birds fhould be taken in them. At the laft, he came before Paris, where Philip King of France did then abide ; to whom he fent Word, that he had recovered to be on Foot, and was walking about, and would be glad, likewife, to find him Abroad. This Enter- prife was a&ed in the Month of Augujl, where- in the King was fo violent and fharp, that by Reafon both of his Travel, and of the unrea- fonable Heat, he fell into a Relapfe of his Sick- nefs. And, to accomplifh his Mifhap, in Leaping on Horfe-back, over a Ditch, his fat Belly did bear fo hard upon the Pommel of his Saddle, that he took a Rupture in his inner Parts j and fo, overcharged with Sicknefs and Pain, and Difquietnefs of Mind, he returned to Roan, where his Sicknefs increafed by fuch dangerous Degrees, that in a fhort Time it led him to the Period of his Days. During the Time of his Sicknefs, he was much molefted in Confcience f , for the Blood which he had fpilt, and for the Severity, which he had ufed againft the Englijh ; holding him- felf, for that Caufe, more guilty before God, than glorious among Men. He fpent many good Speeches in reconciling himfelf to God and the World, and in exhorting others to Virtue and Religion. He gave great Sums of Money to the Clergy of Mcaux, and of fome other Places in France, to repair the Churches which a little before he had defaced. To fome Monafteries he gave ten Marks of Gold, and to others fix. To every Parifh Church, he gave five Shillings, and to every Borough Town, a hundred Pounds, for Relief of the Poor. He gave his Crown, with all the Or- naments thereto belonging, to the Church of William the Firft. St. Stephen, in Caen, which he had founded ; for Redeeming whereof, King Henry the Firjl did afterwards give to the fame Church the Manor of Brideton, in Dorfetjhire. He re- tained perfect Memory and Speech, fo long as he retained any Breath. He ended his Life upon the ninth Day of September, full both of Honour and of Age, when he had reigned twenty Years, eight Months, and fixteen Days, in the fixty-fourth Year of his Age. So foon as he was dead, the chief Men that were about him went to Horfe, and departed forthwith to their own Dwellings, to provide for the Safety of themfelves, and of their Fa- milies and Eftates ; for all Men were pofTefled with a marvellous Fear, that fome dangerous Adventures would enfue. The Servants and inferior Officers alfo fled away ; and, to dou- ble the Bafenefs of their Difpofition, took with them whatfoever was portable about the King ; his Armour, Plate, Apparel, Houfhold-ftuff, all Things were held as lawful Bopty. Thus the dead Body was not only abandoned, but left almoft naked upon the Ground, where it remained from Prime J, until Three of the Clock, neither guarded nor regarded by any Man. In the mean Time, the Religious Per- fons went in Proceffion to the Church of St. Geruafe, and there commended his Soul to God. Then William, Archbifhop of Roan, commanded that his Body fhould be carried to Caen, to be there buried in the Church of St. Stephen. But he was fo forfaken of all his Followers, that there was not any found, who would undertake either the Care or the Charge. At the laft, Herlwtne, a country Knight, up- on his own Coft, caufed. the Body to be em- balmed, and adorned for funeral Pomp ; then conveighed it by Coach to the Mouth of the River Soame, and fo partly by Land, and part- ly by Sea, brought it to Caen. Here the Abbot, with the Convent of Monks, came forth, with all accuftomed Ce- remonies, to meet the Corpfe, to whom the whole Multitude of the Clergy and Lay-peo- ple did adjoin : But, when they were in the Midft of their fad Solemnities, a Fire broke out of a certain Houfe, and fuddenly embraced a great Part of the Town. Hereupon, the King's Body was once again abandoned ; all the People running from it in a headlong * And burnt its fine Church. f Perfefto deraum fcelcre, magnitude ejus intelligituf. Tacit, xv. Annal. The Morning. Haft*,' Me Life of King Hafte, fome to fave their Goods, others to reprefs the Rage of the Flame, others (as the lateft Novelty) to ftand and look on. In the End, a few Monks returned, and accompani- ed the Hearfe to the Abbey Church. Afterward, all the Bifhops and Abbots of Normandy aflembled to folemnife the Funeral : And when the Divine Office was ended, and the Coffin of Stone fet into the Earth, in the Prefbytery, between the Quire and the Altar (but the Body remained upon the Hearfe) Gul- Jlebert, Bifhop of Eurcux, made a long- Ser- mon, wherein he beftowed much Breath in extolling the honourable Actions of the King. In the End, he concluded, That, forafmuch as it was impoffible for a Man to live, much lefs to govern, without Offence ; Fir ft, By Reafon of the Multitude of a Prince's Affairs \ Secondly, For that he muft commit the Ma- naging of many Things to the Confcience and Courtefy of others ; Laftly, For that perfonal Grievances are many Times beneficial to the main Body of a State ; in which Cafe, particu- lar, either Loffes or Harms, are more than manifoldly recompenfed by the Prefervation or Quiet of the Whole : If, therefore, any that were prefent did fuppofe they had received Injury from the King, he defired that they would in Charity forgive him. When the Bifhop had finifhed his Speech, one Anfclm Fitx-jirthur flood up amongft the Multitude, and with a high Voice faid ; This Ground, whereupon we ftand, was fometimes the Floor of my Father's Houfe, which that Man, of whom you have fpoken, when he was Duke of Nonnandy, took vio- lently from my Father, and afterwards founded thereon this Religious Building. This Injuftice he did not by Ignorance or Overfight ; not by any Neceffity of State ; but to content his own covetous Defire : Now, therefore, I do challenge this Ground as my Right ; and do here charge you, as you will anfwer it before the fearful Face of Almighty God, that the Body of the Spoil- er be not covered with the Earth of my Inheritance.' When the Bifhops and Noblemen that were prefent heard this, and underftood by the Teftimony of many, that it was true, they a- greed to give him three Pounds prefently for the Ground that was broken for the Place of William the Firil. 453 Burial ; and, for the Refidue which he claim- ed, they undertook he mould be fully fatif- fied. This Promife was performed in a fhort Time after, by Henry, the King's Son, who only * was prefent at the Funeral ; at whofe Appointment, Fiiz-Jrthur received, for the Price of the fame Ground, One-hundred Pounds. Now, when the Body was- to be put into the Earth, the Sepulchre of Stone, which flood within the Grave, was hewn fomewhat too ftrait for his fat Belly ; whereupon they were conftrained to prefs it down with much Strength : By this Violence, whether his Bow- els burft, or whether fome Excrements were forced out at their natural PafTage, fuch an in- tolerable Stink proceeded from him, as nei- ther the Perfumes that fmoaked in great A- bundance, nor any other Means, were able to qualify. Wherefore, the Priefts haftened to finim their Office, and the People departed in a fad Silence, difcourfing diverfly afterwards, of all thofe extraordinary Accidents. A Man would think, that a Sepulchre, thus hardly attained, fhould not eafily again be loft : But it happened otherwife to this unquiet King, not deftined to reft, either in his Life, or after his Death. For, in the Year 1562, when Caftillion took the City of Caen, with thofe broken Troops that efcaped at the Bat- tle of Dreux ; certain favage Soldiers of divers Nations, led by four diffolute Captains, beat down the Monument, which King William his Son had built over him, and both curiouf- ly and richly adorned with Gold and coftly Stones. Then they opened his Tomb, and, not finding theTreafure, which they expected, they threw forth his Bones with very great Derificn and Defpight. Many R?:glijh Soldi- ers were then in the Town, who were very curious to gather his Bones ; whereof fome were afterwards brought into England, Here- by the Report is convinced for vain, that his Body was found uncorrupt, more than four-hun- dred Years after it was buried. Hereby alfo it is found to be falfe, that his Body was eight Feet in Length. For neither were his Bones proportionable to that Stature (as it is teftified by thofe who faw them) and it is otherwife re- ported of him by fome, who lived in his Time ; namely, that he was of a good Stature, yet not exceeding the ordinary Proportion of Men. * Of his Sons. And. 454 We Life of King And this was the laft End of all his For- tunes, of all that was mortal in him befides his Fame ; whofe Life is too much extolled by the Normans, and -no lefs extenuated by the Englijh. Verily, he was a very great Prince ; full of Hope to undertake great Enterprifes, full of Courage to atchieve them ; in moft of his Actions commendable, and excufable in all. And this was not the leaft Piece of his Ho- nour, that the Kings of England, which fuc- ceeded, did account their Order only from him. ; not in Regard of his Victory m England, but generally in Refpect of his Virtue and Va- lour. For his Entrance was not by Way of Con- queft, but with Pretence of Title to the Crown ; wherein he had both Allowance and Aid from divers Ghrijlian Princes in Europe. He had alfo his Party within the Realm, by whofe Means he prevailed againft the oppofite Faction (as Ctffar did againft Pompey) and not againft the intire Strength of the State. Again, he didnotfettlehimfelfintheChairof Sovereignty, as one that had reduced all Things to the proud Power and Pleafure of a Con- queror, but as an univerfal Succeflbr of former Kings, in all the Rights and Privileges which they did enjoy. He was received for King by general Confent; he was crowned with all Ceremonies and Solemnities then in Ufe; he took an Oath in the Prefence of the Cler- gy, the Nobility, and of much People, for Defence of the Church ; for moderate and careful Government, and for upright Admi- niftration of Juftice. Lajlly, during the whole Courfe of his Go- vernment, the Kingdom received no univer- fal Change, no Lofs or Diminution of Honour. For, neither were the old Inhabitants expelled, as were the Britons ; neither was the King- dom either fubje&ed or annexed to a greater ; but rather it received Increafe of Honour, in that a lefs State was adjoined unto it: The Change of Cuftoms was not violent, and at once, but by Degrees, and with the filent Approba- tion of the Englijh ; who have always been in- clinable to accommodate themfelves to the Fa- fhions of France. The Grievances and Oppref- fions were particular, and with fome Appearance either of Juftice, or of Neceflity for the com- mon Quiet ; . fuch as are not unufual in any William the Firflr. Government moderately fevere. So the Change was chiefly in the Stem and Family of the King ; which, whether it be wrought by one of the fame Nation (as it was .in France by Pepln and Capett) or by a Stranger, (as in the fame Country by Henry the Fifth, and Henry the Sixth, Kings of England) it bring- eth no Difparagement in Honour; it worketh no eflential Change. The State ftill remained the fame, the folid Body of the State remained ftill Englijh ; the Coming in of many Nor- mans was but as Rivers falling into the Ocean ; which change not the Ocean, but are confounded with the Waters thereof. This King had by his Wife, Matilda, Daugh- ter to Baldwin, Earl of Flanders, four Sons, Robert, Richard, William, and Henry : He al- fo had five Daughters, Cicely, Con/lance, Ade- la, Margaret, and Eleanor *. Robert, his eldeft Son, firnamed Courtcuife, by Reafon of the Shortnefs of his Thighs, fuc- ceeded him in the Duchy of Normandy. He was a Man of exceeding honourable Courage and Spirit, for which Caufe he was fo efteem- ed by the Cbrijlian Princes in the great War againft the Saracens, that, when they had fub- dued the City and Territory of Jerufalem y they offered the Kingdom thereof firft unto him. Yet afterwards, either by the Malice of his Fortune, or for that he was both fudden and obftinate in his own Advice (two great Im- pediments that Valour cannot thrive) he re- ceived many Foils of his Enemies, which {hall be declared in their proper Place. Be- fore the King made his Defcent into England^ he gave the Duchy of Normandy unto him : But whether he did this only to teftify his Confidence, or whether afterwards his Purpofe changed, being often demanded to perform this Gift* he would neither deny, nor accom- plifh his Word, but interpofed many Excufes and Delays ; affirming, that he was not fo furely fettled in England, but the Duchy of Normandy was neceflary unto him, both for Supply for his Services (which he found, like Hydra's Heads to multiply by Cutting off) and alfo for an allured Place for Retreat, in Cafe he mould be overcharged with Extremi- ties. Hereupon Robert, unable to linger and pine in Hopes, declared openly againft him in Arms. Philip,, King of France, was ready to * To thofe ftiould be added a fixth Daughter, named Gundred, who was married to William de Warren, a Nobleman ofNoraiaiufyt and afterwards the firft Earl of Surrey in England. put Tie Life of King William the Firft. put Fuel to the Flame ; who, as he never fa- voured in his own Judgment the profperous Increafes of the King of England, fo then he both in Dominion and I was vigilant to embrace all Occafions either to abate, or limit the fame. And thus Robert, 455 telling, that lie ftiould enjoy the Honour of both his Brothers in Time, and far excel them 'ower. Whether this the fame. both encouraged, and enabled by the King of France, invaded Normandy, and permitted his Soldiers licentioufly to wafte j to fatisfy thofe by Spoil, which by Pay he was not able to maintain. At the laft he encountered the King^ his Father, in a fharp Conflict, before the Caftle of Gerbery, wherein the King was unhorfed, and wounded in the Arm ; his fe- cond Son, William, was alfo hurt, his Soldiers defeated, and many of them {lain. And albeit Robert, fo foon as he knew his Father by his Voice, alighted forthwith, mounted him upon his own Horfe, and withdrew him out of the Medley ; yet did he caft upon his Son a cruel Curfe, which lay fo heavy upon him, that he never profpered afterward in any Thing, which he .undertook. And although after this he was reconciled to his Father, and employed by him in Services of Credit and Weight, yet did the King often bewray of him an unquiet Conceit, often did he ominate Evil unto him : Yea, a little before his Death he openly gave forth, < That it was a miferable Country which " fliould be fubjecl: to his Dominion, for that " he Was a proud and foolifti Knave, and to 4< be long fcourged by cruel Fortune." Richard * had erected the good Expectation of many, as well by his comely Countenance and Behaviour, as by his lively and generous Spirit. But he died young by Mifadventure, as he was hunting within the New-foreft, be- fore he had made Experiment of his Worth. Some affirm, that he was gored to Deatfi by the Deer of that Foreft, for whofe Walk his Father had difpeopled that large Compafs of Ground : Others report, that he, as he rode in a Chace, was hanged upon the Bough of a Tree by the Chops ; others more probably do write, that he perifhed by a Fall from his Horfe. He was buried "i&WincheJler, with this Infcription : Hie jacct Richardus, flius Wil- lielmi fenioris, Berniae Dux. William did fucceed next to his Father in the Kingdom of England. To Henry, the King gave, at the Time of his Death, Five- thoufand Pounds out of his Treafure ; but he gave him neither Dignity nor Lands; fore- was devifed upon Event, or whether feme do prophefy at their Death, or whether it was conjec-turally fpoken, or whether to give Con- tentment for the Prefent, it fell out afterward to be true. For he fucceeded William in the Kingdom of England, and wrefted Normandy out of the Pofiefiion of Robert. Of thefe two I mail write more fully hereafter. His Daughter, Cicely, was Abbefs of Caen in Normandy. Conftance was married to Allen Fergant, Earl of Britain. Adela was Wife to Stephen, Earl of Bids, to whom he bare Stephen, who, after the Death of Henry, was King of England. Margaret was pro- mifed in Marriage to Harold ; me died before he attained the Kingdom, for which Caufe he held himfelf difcharged of that Oath which he had made to the Duke her Father. Eleanor was betrothed to Alphonfo, King of Gallicia ; but me defired much to die a Virgin : For this fhe daily prayed, and this in the End me did obtain. After her Death, her Knees ap- peared brawny and hard, with much Kneel- ing at her Devotions. Afluredly it will be hard to find, in any one Family, both greater Valour in Sons,, and more Virtue in Daughters.. In the Beginning of this King's Reign, ei- ther no great Accidents did fall, or elfe they were obfcured with the Greatnefs of the Change : None are reported by the Writers of that Time. In the fourth Year of his Reign, Lanfrank, Abbot of Caen in Normandy, but born in Pavia, a City of Lombardy, was made Arch- bifhop of Canterbury ; and Thomas 3 a Norman^ and Canon, of Bayonne, was placed in the See of York. Between thefe two a Controverfy did arife, at the Time of their Confecration, for Priority in Place : But this Contention was quieted by the King, and Thomas, for the Time, fubfcribed Obedience to the Arch- bilhop of Canterbury. After this they went to Rome for their Palls, where the Queftion for Primacy was again renewed, or, as fome af- firm, firft moved before Pope Alexander, The Pope ufed them both with honourable Refpe;-week, the King honoured his Son Henry with die Order of * Now called Luxate. &c; but becaufe it was not altogether their own. This Year in a Province of Wales called Rofs^ the Sepulchre of IVawyn, otherwife cal- led Gaiven, was found upon the Sea-fhore. He was Sifter's Son to Arthur the Great^ King of the Britons ; a Man famous in our Bri- tifi Hiftories, both for civil Courtefy, and for Courage in the Field. I cannot but efteem the Report for fabulous, that his Body was fourteen Feet in Length. I do rather conjec- ture that one credulous Writer did take that for the Length of his Body, which haply might be the Length of his Tomb. It is conftantly affirmed that the Ground, whereon the Engli/h and the Narmans did combate, doth fhew, after every Rain, mani- feft Marks of Blood upon the Grafs ; which if it was not a Propriety of the Soil before *, it is hard now to affign, either from what na- tural Caufe it doth proceed, or what it fhould fupernaturally portend. * For it is remarkable that fome Soils always look reddilh after Rain. N. B. The other two Lives Jhatt be publijhed with all convenient Speed. An Anfwer to the French Declaration of War, in Alliance with the Dutch and Danes , in the Year 1665. London , printed for the Author, in 1665-6, on a Broad-fide. TH E Heavens look big with Wonder, and inform Our Expectations of fome prefent Storm. French, Dutcb^ and Dane too, all at once ? Why thett 'Tis Time to fhew that we are Englijbmen. They fay, at Foot-ball, Three to One is Odds j But this is nothing, for the Caufe is God's* Have at them all, we care not where we come, Since gracious Heaven is reconcil'd at Home. Courage, brave Briton^ then, we do no more But fight with thofe whom we have beat before. And now, methinks, much better may we, fince We fight for fuch an all-accomplifh'd Prince, Who the World's Conqueft is as fair to get As Alexander^ like himfelf, the Great. Talk not of Ten to One, pitiful Story, Alas ! The Odds dees but increafe the Glory : Befides An Anfwer to the French 'Declaration of War, &c. Befides the EngKJh from their Anceftry Derive themfelves the Heirs of Vidfory. Z5&/ Where mould the Sons of Honour, if they die, But in the Field, the Bed of Honour, lie ? The World will know, when Time (hall ferve, we dare Gome out, and meet that Prince of Pitch and Tar * j Bring your Wind- felling Laplanders too, do, Sure we (hall deal f with you, and board f you too ; And you will tell us, when this comes to pafs, Your Bergen Bus'nefs no fuch Bargain was. Danes ! We don't fear you ; come, alas ! ye know Our Women beat you once ;, and fo may now. Nor value we that Kingdom of Kick-flaws ||, We come not to receive, but give them Laws j We fliall provide 'em fuch a Fricafee Of Legs and Arms , they'll fcarce be glad to fee. They now muft underftand with whom they cope, A mighty Prince **, and not a miter* d Pope -ft j One that will otherwife the Matter handle, With glitt'ring Swords, and not Be//, Book, and Candle j One that (hall anathematife you worfe, Not to pronounce, but execute your Curfe. He'll bring you "Jeggery Home to your Door ; Inftead of J Bulls you'll hear his Cannons roar ; And I make bold to tell you in the Clofe, Although no Popes, we'll make you kifs our Toes. An EngKJh Monarch |||| (Monfieur) no new Thing, Has fent his Son to fetch him a French King j If ye fufpeft, or fcruple our Report, Enquire at Poittiers, CreJJy, Agincourt , That Place *** never to be forgotten, where The Prifoners more than we that took them were : The French (hall know it too, as we advance, 'Tis we, not they, fight for the King fff of France. Ye boaft of Gold and Silver, an<* fuch Stuff, We'll bring you Pockets for it fure enough. And, if we meet ye on the foaming Source J|J, We'll have a Word or two of deep ||j||| Difcourfe. A Fig for France, or any that accords With thofe Low-Country Leather- Apron Lords. * The King of Denmark, to whom Norway is fubjeft, from whence comes our Pitch and Tar. f Two Epithets intimating that, although we trade with him for Deal and Boards, yet we are able to deal, or behave manfully in Fight with him, and upon Occafion board his Ships. J Viz. When they in one Night confpired to cut all the Dani/h Men's Throats throughout England, thereby to deliver their Country from their Government ; upon which Account it is faid, that the Englijh- men have ever fmce given the Women the Wall, and the moft honourable Places at all rimes. \\France. Of Soldiers flain in Battle. ** The King of Great-Britain. j-f Alluding to the Difpute which then fubfifted between the French King and the Pope. t% Pope's. (HI Henry V. ! At which Place the Englijh have given the French total Overthrows in Battle. * * * Agincourt. H-f Becaufe the King of Great-Britain ftill maintains his Title of King of France. tft The Sea. ||| Equivocally fignifying bothyfo'w and on the Sea ; for the Deep is the Sea, $ The Dutch. M m m 2 The The Cafe of the Bifliop of Rofs, Refident of the Queen of Scots ; who was feized and committed to the Tower by Queen Elifabeth, for traiterous Practices, and Endeavouring to raife a Rebellion againft her *. Folio, containing four Pages. RI D O L P H O, the Florentine, who was fent to follicit the Queen of Scots Affairs beyond Sea, had com- municated to Charles Bayliff, a Netherlander, the Queen of Scots Servant, all his Tranfa&ions with the Duke d" Aha ; and had given him Letters, written in Cyphers, for her, the Spanijh Ambaflador, the Duke of Norfolk, Rofs, and the Baron of Lum- ley, made up in one Packet ; which Baylijf brought over himfelf, though Rofs had ordered him to leave them with the Governor of Ca- lais to be conveighed over. But, as foon as Bayli/'wzs arrived at Dover ', he was apprehended and imprifoned, and the Pacquet fent to the Lord Cobham, Governor of the Cinque-ports. Rofs was the firft that had Notice of it, who managed his Bufinefs fo induf- trioufly and cunningly with the Lord Cobham, that the Packet was delivered to him, and ano- ther Packet made up of other obfolete Letters delivered to the Council ; and this Bayliff was acquainted with. But however, being put to the Rack, he confefled fome Things, and a- mongft the reft, that a Pacquet of Letters was come to Rofs's Hands. Nor was Rofs ignorant of this, who prefently fent away Cuthbert his Secretary, and left his Cyphers and what elfe might do him any .Prejudice, among his Friends ; fo that, when Sujftx, Burle'igh, Mild- may, and Sadler made a careful Search in his Houfe, they found nothing, nor could they get any Thing out of him .by Queftions, who ftifly maintained, that an Ambaflador was not to be accountable to any but his Prince. How- ever, the third Day after he was committed to the Cuftody of the Biftiop of Ely, and a While after conveighed to the Ifle of "Ely. * Which is in fome Meafure applicable to the Cafe of the Marquis de Botta and M. de CbetareKe, Am- baflador at the Court of Ruffia from Trance, and detefted of treafonable Practices againft the Czarina. They But fince by the Confeffion of all, even of the Duke of Norfolk himfelf, the Bifhop of Rcfs was charged as principal Contriver of the Bufinefs, they entered into a ferious Confulta- tion what fhould be done with him, being an* Ambaflador ? For, whilft he, after the Man- ner of other Ambafladors, thought he might lawfully promote the Intereft of his Prince by any Methods, and that, by the facred and in- violable Privilege of Ambafladors, he was not to be accountable to another's Jurifdi&ion ; he had already committed many Irregularities, by raifing Rebellion, and holding Nocturnal Ca- bals with the Earl of Southampton and others ; and now lately with the Englljh Fugitives ia the Netherlands, the Duke and is there kept Prifoner, can have his Agent ; and whether that Agent can be reputed an Ambajfador ? They anfwered : ct If fuch a Prince have not forfeited his nay, and to leflen our own 469 Trade and Navigation. Thefe ill beyond the King's Intention, raifed fuch a Jealoufy, and fpread fuch a Damp upon the Englijh Subjt-as, *hat it was unhappily turn- ed into one of the unjuft Occasions of the Civil War : Which indeed began more out of Hatred to that Party, than out of any Difaffeaion to the King. The People thought themfelves too much under French Counfels, and a French Miniftry, or elfe, they could never have been drawn afide into that great Rebellion. This Intereft, when fufpeaed to prevail, brought the King into urgent Difficulties ; and in the Midft of them the Aid and Afliftance, which that Intereft offered him, did but the more effeaually weaken him. On this Side the Water, the French Services betrayed him j and on the other Side, the French Policies were at Work to deftroy him. And indeed, as Queen Henrietta had a mighty, if not a fupreme Influence over King Charles's Counfels, fo did her Mother, Mary de Medicis, who came over by her Invitation, adminifter great Caufe of Jealoufy to this Na- tion. ' The People (fays the fame f Hiftori- * an I mentioned before) were generally Male- ' content at her Coming, and wifhed her far- ' ther off. For they did not like her Train ' and Followers, which had often been obfer- ' ved to be the Sword or Peftilence, fo that ' fhe was beheld as fome Meteor of ill Signi- ' fication. Nor was one of thcfe Calamities * thought more the Effba of her Fortune than * Inclination ; for her reftlefs and unconftant * Spirit was prone to embroil all wherefoever 1 fhe came. And befides, as Queen Henrietta ' was extraordinary aaive in raifing Money, * among the Roman Catholicks of this King- dom, to enable King Charles to make War c againft his Subjeas of Scotland, fo was fhe ' extreme bufy in Fomenting the unhappy c Differences between his Majefty and his Eng- 4 li/b Parliament.' 1 The French, fays the Earl of Clarendon J, * according to their Nature, were much more ' aaive and more intent upon blowing the * Fire. The former Commotions in Scotland ' had been raifed by the fpecial Encouragement, c if not Contrivance of the Cardinal Ricbtlieu -, * Dr. Kenneths Sermon, Page 9 and 10. -f- H. UEjlrange's Annals of King Cbarlet, Page 158. | Hiftory of the Rebellion, Vol. II. Page 71, 72, 73, 74. * and 47 A View of$e Reign of King Charles the Firft. Notion of Foreigners, many Englifl) fepara- ted from the Church, the Council- Board connived at, whilft the Bifhops did fome A&s of Reftraint, with which thefe Con- * and by his Activity all thefe Diftempers were ' carried on till his Death, and by his Rules * and Principles afterwards. Since the Be- 4 ginning of this Parliament (in 1640) the * French AmbafTador, Monfieur la Ferte, dif- 4 fembled not to have notable Familiarity with * thofe who governed moft in the two Houfes, * difcovered to them what foe ver he knew, or * could reafonably devife, to the Prejudice of * the King's Counfels and Refolutions ; and * took all Opportunities to leflen and under- * value the King's Regal Power, by applying 4 himfelf on publick Occafions of State, and * in his Majefty's Name, and to improve his ' Intereft to the two Houfes of Parliament, * which had in no Age before been ever * known. Betides thefe indirect Artifices c in the French Ambaflador, very many of the * Hugonots in France were declared Enemies c to the King : And, as this Animofity proved * of unfpeakable Inconvenience and Damage * to the King, fo the Occafion, from whence * thefe Difaffe&ions grew, was very impru- * dently adminiftered by the State here. Not 4 to fpeak of the Bufuiefs of Rochelle, which, * though it ftuck deep in all, yet moft imput- * ed the Counfels of that Time to Men that 4 were dead, and not to a fixed Defign of the * Court : They had a great Quarrel, which * made them believe, that their very Religion * was perfecuted by the Church of England. 4 Queen Elifabeth, finding and well-knowing what notable Ufes might be made of the * French, Dutch, and Walloons, who, in the 4 Time of King Edward the Sixth, tranfplant- * ed themfelves into England, enlarged their * Privileges by new Conceflions ; drawing by 4 this Means great Numbers over, and fuffer- ing them toenjoy the Exercife of the Refbrm- * ed Religion after their own Manner : And * fo they had Churches in Norwich, Canter* * bury, and other Places, as well as in London ; * whereby the Wealth of thofe Places marvel- * loufly increafed. The fame Charters of Li- * berty were continued to them, during the ' peaceable Reign of King James, and in the 1 Beginning of this King's Reign. Some few 4 Years before thefe Troubles, when the Power * of Church-men grew more tranfcendent, 4 and indeed the Faculties and Underftandings * ofLay-Counfellors more dull, lazy, and un- * aftive, upon Pretence that the French, Dutch, 4 and Walloons exceeded the Liberties which 4 were granted to them, and that, under the * gregations grew generally difcontented, and c thought the Liberty of their Confciences to ' be taken from them ; which caufed in Lm- * don much Complaining of this Kind, but 4 much more in the Diocefs ol Norwich, where * Dr. Wren, the Bifhop there, paflionately * and warmly proceeded againft them ; fo ' that many left the Kingdom, to the Leflening * the wealthy Manufacture there of Kerfeys * and narrow Cloths. And, whereas in ' all former Times, the Ambafladors, and all * Foreign Minifters of State, employed from ' England, into any Parts where the Reformed 4 Religion was exercifed, frequented their * Churches, gave all poffible Countenance to * their Profeflion, and particularly the Am- ' bafTador Lieger at Paris, had diligently and * conftantly frequented the Church at Charen- 4 ton, and held a fair Intercourfe with thofe of * that Religion throughout the Kingdom, by 4 which they had ftill received Advantage. 4 The Contrary to this was now with great 4 Induftry pra&ifed, and fome Advertifements, 8 if not Inftru&ions, given to the Ambaflador 4 there, to forbear any extraordinary Com- c merce with the Men of that Profeflion. 4 And the Lord Scudamore, who was the laft 4 ordinary Ambaflador there, before the Be- * ginning of this Parliament, not only decli- 4 ned Going to Charenton, but furnifhed his * own Chapel with fuch Ornaments as gave * great Offence and Umbrage to thofe of thd * Reformation there, who had not feen the like : Befides that, he was careful to publifh * upon all Occafions, that the Church of Eng- 4 land looked not on the Hugonots as a Part 4 of their Communion : Which was likewife * too much and too induftrioufly difcourfed at 4 Home. They of the Church of England, 4 who committed the greateft Errors this 4 Way, had undoubtedly not the leaft ' Thoughts of making Alterations in it, to- * wards the Countenancing of Popery, as has ' been uncharitably conceived ; but unfkilful- ' ly believed, that the total Declining the In- * tereft of that Party, where it exceeded the * neceflary Bounds of Reformation, would 4 make this Church of England looked upon * with more Reverence. And fo 'the Church * of England, not giving the fame Countenance to A Flew of the Reign of King Charles the Firft. 471 to thofe of the Religion in Foreign Parts, < have a publick Chape}, and Priefts and Mafs which it had formerly done, no fooner was for the Queen and her Houfhold. This gave difcerned to be under a Cloud at Home, but an Opportunity of open Refort to all Papi/ls, thofe^ of the Religion Abroad were glad of Foreigners and Natives ; this gave Shelter c and Prott&ion to Swarms of Jefuits and o * ther Emiffaries from Rome i This gained an * Intereft at Court for Pardons and for Pa- tents of Profit and Preferment to the leading Roman Catholicks ; this brought over one or c two Nuncio's from the Pope, to attend upon c the Queen. In fhort, this did give Counte- c nance to Popery ; and therefore did caft a ' Damp and Dread upon many fincere Prote~ 'Jlants ; and did put them into fuch terrible * Apprehenfions of the Romans coming to take c away their Place and Nation, that this Strength of Fear too much began the Civil * War, and helped to carry it forward to the * innocent and facred Blood ftied upon this c Day.' In all thefe, Dr. Kennet fpeaks with the moft authentkk and faithful Historians : * The ' Jefuits, Seminary Priefts, and other Recufants, * fays f H. UEftrange, prefuming Protection, ' by Reafon of the late Match, contracted fo ' much Infolence, that at Winchefter, and ma- ' ny other Places, they frequently pa fled through * the Churches in Time of Divine Service, ' houting and ho-lo-ing, not only to the Dif- ' turbance of that Duty, but Scorn of our Re- ' ligion j yea, and one Popijh Lord, when the ' King was at Chapel, was heard to prate on ' Purpofe louder, in a Gallery adjoining, than ' the Chaplain prayed, whereat the King was ' fo moved, that he fent this MefTage to him : ' Either let htm come and do as we do, or elfe ' I will make him prate farther off.' In the Year 1627, a notable Difcovery was made of a College of Jefuits at Clerktnwell t of which the fame % Author gives us this Ac- count. * The firft Information was given by ' one Croffe, a Meflenger to Secretary Coke 9 c whereupon he fent the Sheriff to attack them ; c who, coming with a formidable Power, found * all the holy Foxes retired, and fneaked away ; c but, after long Search, their Place of Security ' was found out, it being a Lobby behind a * new Brick-wall wainfcotted over j which ' being demolifhed, they were prefently unken- nelled, t& the Number of Ten. They found ' alfo divers Letters from the Pope to them, the Occafion, to publifh their Malice againft her, and to enter into the fame Confpiracy, againft the Crown , without which they could have done little Hurt to the Church. * Many tender Lovers of their Faith and Country, fays Dr. Kennet *, might well de- plore theUnhappinefs of that Alliance, with France, which gave no fmall Occafion to the Calamity and the Curie of this Day : For it was from thence, that did arife the Appre- henfions and Fears of Popery. Popery that irreconcileable Enemy, not only to our Re- formed Faith and Worfhip, but to our Civil Rights, Liberties and Properties, to our ef- tablimed Laws, and to our fettled Conftitu- tion. It was for this wife and good Rea- fon, that our firft Reformers would never bear with any exprefs Toleration of Popery, nor with any long Connivance at it. That excellent young Jo/tab, King Edward VI, would not difpenfe with his own Sifter to have publick Mafs in her own Family. Queen Elifabeth indulged them no longer than while there were fome Hopes to reclaim them. Her next Succeffor, King James, was a Champion againft Popery, and ftrenu- oufly oppofed it, both as a wife Governor, and a learned Writer ; and this gave Peace and Happinels to the greateft Part of his Ad- miniftration : But, when toward the Decline of it, he fell into a Treaty for a Match with Spain, and, during that Treaty, did in a Manner fufpend the Laws againft the Pa- pi/Is, and gave his Subjects an Occafion to believe, that one Article of that Match was to be a Toleration of Popery. This gave fuch univerfal Jealoufy and Difcontent to his People, and the Parliaments of them, that it threatened apparent Danger ; and, if that Treaty had not broke off, and thereby eafed the Minds of. People, we know not what might have been in the End thereof. For certainly his Royal Son, the Martyr of this Day, might juftly impute many of his Troubles to thefe Fears and JeaJoufies of Popery: And they really began with the French Alliance, where one Article was to Dr. Kennet's Sermon, Page i r, 12, 13, 14. Annals of King Ctarltis Reign, in the Year 1625* Page J Page 75. A View of the Reign of King Charles the Firft. 172 * impowering them to erect this College, under c the Name of Domus Probations (but it pro- ' ved Reprobation^} Sanfti Jgnatii ; and their * Books of Accounts, whereby it appeared they c had Five-hundred Pounds per Annum Contri- ' button from their Benefactors, and had 4 purchafed Four- hundred and fifty Pounds, per * Annum* Among their Papers, fays * Mr. RuJJxvortb, was found a Copy of a Letter written to their Father Rector at Bruffels, difcovering their Defigns upon this State; of which I fiiall tranfcribe thefe remarkable Paflages : Let * not the Damp of Aftonifhment feize upon * your ardent and zealous Souls, in the Appre- hending the fudden Calling of a Parliament : * We have notoppofed, but rather furthered it. You muft know, the Council is engaged to affift the King by Way of Prerogative, in Cafe the Parliamentary Way (hould fail. * You fhall fee this Parliament will refemble * the Pelican, which takes a Pleafure to dig * out with her Beak her own Bowels. The Election of Knights and Burgefles has been ' in fuch Confufion of apparent Faction, as * that which we were wont to procure hereto- 4 fore, with much Art and Induftry (when the * Spanijh Match was in Treaty) now breaks * out naturally, as a Botch or Boil, and fpits and fpews out its own Rancour and Venom. That great Statefman, the Count of Gundo- * mar, had but one principal Means to further his great and gdbd Defigns, which was to * fet on King James, that none but the Puri- * tan Faction, which plotted Nothing but A- narchy, and his Confufion, were averfe to * this moft happy Alliance and Union. We ' fleered on the fame Courfe, and have made ' great Ufe of this Anarchical Election, and * have prejudicated and anticipated the great * One, that none but the King's Enemies, and * his, are chofen of this Parliament. We have * now many Strings to our Bow, and have * ftrongly fortified our Faction, and have ad- 4 ded two Bulwarks more. Now we have * planted that Sovereign Drug Arminianifm, ' which we hope will purge the Proteftants * from their Merely. The Materials, which build up our Bulwark, are the Projectors and Beggars of all Ranks and Qualities: Howfo- ever, both thefe Factions co-operate to de- ^ Collections, Part I, Page 474. ftroy the Parliament, and to introduce a new Species and Form of Government, which is Oligarchy. Thefe ferve as direct Mediums and Inftruments to our End, which is the Univerfal Catholick Monarchy. Our Foun- dation muft be Mutation, and Mutation will caufe a Relaxation, which will ferve as fo ma- ny violent Difeafes, to the fpeedy Deftructi- on of our perpetual and infufferable Anguifh of Body. The Arminiam and Projectors af- fect Mutation : This we fecond, and inforce by probable Arguments. In the firfl Place, we take into Confideration the King's Ho- nour, and prefent Neceffity ; and we fhew how the King may free himfelf of his Ward, as Lewis the Eleventh did. And for his great Splendor and Luftre he may raife a vaft Reve- nue, and not be beholden to his Subjects, which is by Way of Impofition of Excife. Then our Church Catholicks proceed to (hew the Means how to fettle this Excife, which muft be by a mercenary Army of Horfe and Foot. For the Horfe we have made that fure i they fhall be Foreigners and Germans, who will eat up the King's Revenues, and fpoil the Country, though they mould be well paid. In forming the Excife, the Country is moft likely to rife ; if the mercenary Army fubjugate the Country, then the Sol- diers and Projectors (hall be paid out of the Confifcations ; if the Country be too hard for the Soldiers, then they muft confequently mutiny, which is equally advantageous to us ; our fuperlative Defign is, to work the Protejlants as well as the Roman Catbolicks to welcome in a Conqueror.' All this is confirmed by the Teftimony of the Earl of Clarendon : The Papijts f, fays that illuftrious Hiftorian, who had for many Years enjoyed a great Calm, grew unthrifty Managers of their Profperity : They appear- ed more publickly ; entertained and forced Conference more avowedly, than had been known before. They were known not on- ly fecret Authors, but open Promoters of the moft grievous Projects. The Priefts had forgot their former Modefty and Fear, and were as willing to be known, as liftened to : Infomuch as a Jefuit at Paris, defigning for England, had the Impudence tovifit the Am- balfador there, and offering his Service, ac- f Hiftory of the Rebellion, Part I. Book If. quainted A View of tie Reign of 'King Charles the Fir ft. 47 3 quainted him with his intended Journey, as 4 are not always able to make the People fol- if there had been no Laws for his Reception. ' ' And, (hamefully to countenance the whole Party, an Agent from Rome refided at Lon- don in great State. They had publickly col- lected Money to a confiderable Sum, to be by the Queen prefented, as a free Gift from his Catholick Subjects to the King, towards Carrying on the War againft the Seals, which drew upon them the Rage of that Nation : In a Word, they behaved themfelves fo, as if they had been fuborned by the Scots, to deftroy their own Religion. Let us now liften to a Foreign * Hiftorian, who has publifhed his Revolutions of England^ with the particular Approbation of the lateKing James, and who, being a Jefuit, cannot be fu- fpected of Partiality to the Protejlants. ' The Scots, fays he, finding themfelves fo ftrongly fupported, had no fooner received an An- fwer from the Court, than there arofe a thou- fand confufed Voices, crying out that all was loft ; that the King, not contented with ha- ving taken away from the two Nations both their Liberties and Goods, defigned to lay a Yoke on their Confciences, and make an abfolute Change in Religion. Thefe Com- plaints had not moved the Generality of People, nor rendered the Government fuf- ficiently odious, according to the Wifhes of the Difcontented, had it not been infmuated befides, that the King made great Advances to Popery, and refolved to make his Subjects embrace it. Nothing was more falfe than this Report. Charles was a Proteftant by Inclination, and never loved the Roman Catholicks ; but that very Report, tho' falfe, had fuch Appearances of Truth, as made it eafily believed. We muft do the Queen the Juftice to fay, that (he Lad, during all her Life, a true Zeal for the Reftoration of the Catholick Faith in England, and for the Honour of the King her Hufband : But it cannot be denied, that fometimes fhe prac- tifed that Zeal with fomewhat more Impe- rioufnefs, than the Time allowed. Acted [by that Spirit, which refults from the Blood of thofe abfolute Monarchs, of whom their Subjects require no other Reafon for their Commands, than their Will, me did not'fufficiently confider, that (he reigned in a Country, where the moft folid Reafons low the Opinion of thofe who govern them. 4 So limited an Authority, and which mufl ba 4 managed with Art, was looked on by the 4 Queen as a Slavery, from which (he ufed all 1 her Endeavours to free the King her Huf- 4 band and herfelf. Therefore, without much 4 regarding the Nicety of the Nation, fhe had 4 conftantly near her a Nuncio from the Pope, 4 of whofe Character and Functions none at * Court were ignorant. She entertained an 4 open Correfpoudence with the Popijh Lords ; * fhe loudly, and fometimes roughly, made herfelf a Party in any Thing wherein the 4 Romijh Church was concerned ; and having 4 with her a great Number of Ecclefiafticks, 4 who had been reftored to her by the Peace, 4 and who, fome of them, had more Piety than 4 Prudence, (he had frequent Difputes with 4 the moft zealous ProteJIants, wherein the 4 King, who loved her tenderly, indulged her 4 Humour, and even took her Part, when 4 fhe defired it of him. This Conduct of 4 Charles, in Relation to his Queen, had alrea- 4 dy made him fufpected of not being too good 4 a Protejlant, whatever he did to appear fuch, 4 when the Zeal he fhewed for the Underta- * king of Archbifhop Laud, viz. the Introdu- 4 cing the Englljh Liturgy \n Scotland, increafing 4 that Sufpicion, gave Occafion to his Ene- 4 mies to publifh, that he was a Roman Catbo- 4 7/V^,and that, in Concert with that Prelate, he ' made it his Bufinefs to reconcile England to ' the See of Rome. The Conduct of Laud was < fuch as made thefe Sufpicions probable : For 4 tho' every Body agrees now, that, like the 4 King his Matter, he was a zealous Stickler 4 for the Protejlant Sect, yet there was then 4 Reafon not to think fo of him, by the Fond- * nefs that Prelate had for Ceremonies ; by ' the Advice he gave to young Students, to 4 read the Fathers, rather than the Prcteftant 4 Divines ; by his Denial to admit the Deci- 4 fions of the Synod of Dort ; and much 4 more than all this, by the Conduct of the 4 Earl of Stra/ord, Lord-Lieutenant of Ire- 4 land, his intimate Friend, and Confident of * all his Defigns. That Prelate had pro- 4 cured him the Government of Ireland, in 4 Hopes he fliould fecond his Projects ; and 4 that Lord, wifely forefeeing that Laud would * raife all the Prefbyteriam againft the King, Father D'Orkans, his Revolutions of Eng'and. Vol. III. pag. 29. Oo o railed A View of the Reign of King Charles the Firft. 474 raifed an Army in that Ifland, to maintain the Royal Authority ; and though he was a Proteftant, as well as his Mafterand Friend, he had done the Roman Catbolicks the Ho- nour to believe them better affected to their Prince, than the reft : And therefore had compofed his Army of them. What the Jefuit advances concerning Arch- bifhop Laud> may be further illuftrated by what Dr. Jfthvood fays * of that Prelate, That c fcarce any Age has produced a Man, whofe ' Actions and Conduct have been moreobnoxi- c ious to Obloquy, or given greater Occafion ' for it. There was, adds the Doctor, one * Thread that run through his whole Accufa- ' tion, and upon which moft of the Articles ' of his Impeachment turned : And that was, ' his Inclination to Popery^ and his Defign to c introduce the Romijh Religion : Of which ' his immortal Book againft Ftjher, and his * Declaration at his Death, do fufficiently ac- * quit him. And yet not Protejlants only, ' but even Roman Catholicks themfelves were ' led into this Miftake ; other wife they would * not have dared to offer one in his Port a ' Cardinal's Cup, as he confefles in his Diary * they did twice. The Introduction of a ' great, many pompous Ceremonies into the ' Church ; the Licenfing fome Books that ' fpoke favourably of the Church of Rome, and ' the Refufing to licenfe others that were writ ' againft it, were the principal Caufes of his * being thus mifreprefented : And, indeed, his * Behaviour in fome of thefe Matters, as like- * wife in the Star-chamber, and HiglvCom- ' miffion-Court, can hardly be accounted for, * and particularly his Theatrical Manner of ' confecrating Catharine Creed Church, in Lou* * don ; which is related at Length by Mr. ' Ru/hworth, in the Second Part of hisHiftori- cal Colleaions, Vol. I. p. 72. By all thefe it plainly appears, that the Doubts and Fears of Popery were not ground- lefs, and according to Dr. Kennel's Aflertion, * That they loft an orthodox and moft regu- * lar Prince the Hearts of too many of his * People } and almoft robbed him of the next valuable Blefling, his Good-Name. For,. t upon his tender Compliance with his intirely beloved Royal Confort, his Enemies took 'Ad vantage to mifreprefent him for a Papi/1 j ' though this was a Calumny falfe and malf-' * cious.' In the Third Place, f Dr. Rennet mentions the Jealoufies, the Thoughts and Dread of Op- preiTion and illegal Power, among the leading Caufes of the King's Murder : For, as he wife- ly remarks, * Tyranny and Oppreffion feem in ' their Nature made to hate, and, yet to help ' forward one another. And former Princes * did rarely infringe the Charter of Publick * Liberties, without hurting themfelves, and ' leaving a Wound upon Monarchy itfelf. For * the leaft Attempts towards Slavery and ex- ' orbitant Power raifed up the Appearance ' of a Yoke, that our Forefathers were not a- ' ble to bear, and we are their Off-fpring. Doctor Rennet is far from thinking, that ' King Charles ever propofed to injure the ' Birth-right of his Subjects : But adds he, f how happy had it been for the Peace of that * Reign, if even Doubts and Sufpicions had * been wanting, if the Body of a good-natu- ' red Englijh People had but thought them- 4 felves fecure in their legal Rights and Te* ' nures, for then they could never have been ' feduced into that unnatural Rebellion. They ' muft of Neceflity firft believe, that their Li- * forties and Eftates were in fome Danger, and, ' under that Profpect and Perfuafion, they ' muft have been drawn in, for the Meaning, ' at leaft, of Self-prefervation. How happy, ' if no Tonnage or Cuftoms had been exacted, * without a Bill to be eafily obtained for them ! ' If no Awing into Loans and Benevolence, if * no Projecting extraordinary Supplies, with- * out the readier Aid of Parliament ; and * efpecially if no Levyingof Ship-money to the * Surprife and Burthen of the People, who ' never had a Notion of Taxes, but as of Mo" * ney given by their own Confent ! Thefe ' Hardships (to call them by that Name only) 'did ferve to exafperate the Minds of the * People, and did prepare them by Degrees to ' be led out firft in Riots and Tumults, and 4 then in Troops and Armies, againft their * lawful Sovereign. And though it is certain, * that the King himfelf did not haftily con- ' trive or command any of thofe hard Mea- 1 fures ; but he had his Minifters to propofe * them, and his very Judges to approve them ; f yet, good Prince, he anfwered for the Ac- -a Memoirs, p 61. f See his Sermon, p. count, 'A View of tie Reign of King Charles the Flrft. * count, and at the Foot of it, with invinci- * ble Patience paid down his Royalty and his * Life.' In all this the Reverend Divine fpeaks with the moft faithful and impartial Hiftorians. In this perplexed Difficulty, fays * one of thefe : * At length his Council agreed to fet that great 4 Engine his Prerogative on Work : Many ' Projects were hammered on that Forge, but * that, which the Council ftuck clofeft to, was * the Iffuing of a Commiffion, dated the Thir- * teenth tfOflober 1626, for Raifing of almoft * Two- hundred Thoufand Pounds by Way of ' Loan ; and, the more to expedite this Levy, * the Commiffioners were inftructed to repre- * fent to the Subjects the deplorable Eftate of ' Rochelle. Thefe were plaufible Infinuations : ' But all would not fmooth the Afperity of * this illegal Tax; Rochelle and all other foreign ' Confiderations muft {land by, when inbred ' Liberty is difputed ; fo that the almoft Moiety ' of the Kingdom oppofed it to Durance. Up- ' on this Account of Refufal, Prifoners, fome * of the Nobility, and moft of the prime Gen- * try, were daily brought in by Scores ; I ' might almoft fay by Counties, fo that the * Council-Table had almoft as much Work to * provide Prifons, as to fupply the King's Ne- ceffities.' " The Afleffment of the general 44 Loan, fays f Mr. Rujhwortb, did not pafs Paris upon a yew in Amfterdam, payable to 4 the feid other Prifoner Jacob Martinet.' Adding, ' That his Servant knew nothing of * the Secret, but only was employed to carry *-.the Letters betwixt Martinet and him, and * -the (aid Monfieur Rayon. And that he * knew nothing of the Defign till Martinet * drew him into it, and afTured him, that 4 there was the like Defign in moft of the 4 Towns of Holland. 1 Being defired to give Account of the Defign kfelf, he gave it thus.: 4 That the faid Mat-. 4 tinet and he were to let in a great many 4 French by Threes and Fours, under the Noti- * on of Deferter?, from the French Army, and * that, before-hand, they were to provide fe- * veral private Lodgings for them to be ready 4 upofc Call. In the mean Time he and Mar- * tinet- were to provide a great many Firelocks, under the Pretence of buying them, in Or- der to fell them again to the new raifcd Re- en, That, when they had Army, at the fame Time^ was to fall down ' with all Diligence and Force upon the Fron- tiers of Holland.' He further acknowledged, * That he doubted not but the French were tampering with fome in moft of the Towns - of Holland to the fame Efto ; and that he knew, there were feveral great Sums of 4 Money returned by Bill to Amjlerdam to 'this End, and that there were feveral A- * gents up and down Amji'erdam, Rotterdam, 4 Jkrgrw, Upfom, the Bujh, Utrech't, Leyden, ' and all other Towns in Holland, who were * bufy in making Intrigues to betray the re- c fperive Towns to the French for feveral 4 Sums of Money, and Promifes of great Pre- 4 ferment.' Cornelius Reolands^ being found Guilty upon his ConfefJIon, was removed, and immedi- ately thereafter Jacob Martinet, the other Pri- foner, was brought to his Tryal. Who flout- ly denied he knew any Thing of a Defign to betray the Town of Sluys into the Hands of the French, or that he had ever entertained Cor- reipondence with Monfieur Rayon, or Mon- fieur de Terry, to that or any other Effect. Whereupon Reolands's Servant, with whom the above written Letters were found, was pro- duced againft him as an Evidence ; who, be- ing fworn^depofed, * That he had received the Letters, which had been taken about him at Ojlend, from his Mafter Reolands, and that he the faid Jacob Martinet was pre- fent, when his Mafter gave them him, and that Martinet defired him to return as foon as jpoffible, giving him a half Piftole to drink, 'An Account of a Confpiracj to betray Holland to France, &c. < faying, that, if he got a good Anfwerof fome < Money Bufmefs he had written about, he, * the Deponent, fhould be well paid. Martinet brifldy denied that he ever had feen this Witnefs, or had been in Company with Reolands but once in his Life, about fix Years ago. The Evidence, immediately in open Court, required two Men, whom he knew, to de- clare, if they did not feveral Times fee his Maf- ter Reolands and Martinet together at the Mau- rice Head Tavern in Sluys ; who upon Oath de- clared they had often feen them both go into, and come out from that Tavern, they two all alone, and that within lefs than thefe two Months. Notwithstanding all which, Marti- net flood firmly to his Denial. At length the Declaration and ConfeJJion of his Accomplice Retlands was read before him, whereat he feemed to be much ftunned, hav- ing often changed Colour, the Time of the Reading it. But, infifting in his Denial, and the Law not allowing the Confeflion of one Accomplice to be fufficient Proof, he was ad- judged to be put to the Torture. Whereup- on all Things being ready for it, his Courage failed him, and he told the People appointed to put it in Execution, that he would confefs all he knew of the Affair he was charged with, before the Judges. Being thereupon called into Court, he free- ly confeffed, ' His being upon a Plot with Reolands to deliver up die Town of Sluys to the French, after the Manner contained in Reolands's Confeflion, with this particular Circumftance, that in a Letter, written to him by Monfieur de Terry, Secretary of War under the Duke of Luxemburgh, he was pro- mifed ten-thoufand Livres more than was to be given to Reolands, together with a Place in the Prefidial Court of Sedan, worth three-thoufand Livres per Annum.' And thereafter being defired to decypher the Letter written in Cyphers found about Reolands 's Man : He freely did it in thefe Words, as was dicta- ted by him from the Letter given him in open Court. SIR, E have fully concerted the Manner we are to act here, in delivering up the Town ; and it refts only, < that you be as ready to effectuate your Part * at a precife Time to be appointed, which .. both Mr. Reolands and I think to be moft proper fometime in the Middle of May next, becaufe the Army of the States will not be in the Field till the End of that Month at foon- eft ; you fee what I venture to ferve fo great and generous a Prince, and it is but a fmall Part of what I would do to ferve him. Be fure you, by the Bearer, adjuft the exact: Time and Way of your being in a Readinefs to accomplish your Part of the Defign ; and I think it were Time, that fome of thefe Soldiers Should be Stealing in, as you know. After Receipt of yours, we will be every Day making one Step or other to forward the Thing : And though I doubt not but by the fame Bearer you will fend the Bill as you promised ; fo I aflure you, I am more perfuaded of the Reafonablenefs of having a greater Sum ready in fome Hand, to make Ufe of for gaining others to our Intereft, as as perhaps the Affairs will require. I need not fay more, but commit my Fortune to your Conduct, who am SIR, Sluyi 1690. Your faithful and bumble Servant, Jacob Martinet, Thefe Confeffions of both Jacob Martinet and of Cornelius Reolands being again read in open Court, they both of them received Sen- tence in thefe Words : f Forafmuch as you Jacob Martinet, and you Cornelius Reolands, are by your own Confeflion, and other legal Proofs and Let- ters, found Guilty of holding a Correfpon- dence with Monfieur Rayon, Colonel of a French Regiment in the French King's Ar- my, and with Monfieur de Terry, Secretary of War under the Marfhal Duke of Lux em- burgh, in Order to betray the Garifon and Town of Sluys to the French for a Sum of Money, agreed to be paid by the faid Mon- fieur de Terry, to you Jacob Martinet, and to you Cornelius Reolands, for doing thereof. By which Action the whole Province of Holland and neighbouring Provinces would have been in eminent Hazards of being there- upon ruined by the French Army ; therefore the Court does hereby adjudge you the faid Ppp 484 An Account of a Confpiracy to Jacob Martinet, to be taken back to Prifon, and thence, upon the Sixth of May Inftant, to be drawn upon a Cart to the publick Market-place of this Town, and there to be hanged up by the Neck on a Gibbet, and, being near dead, to have your Bowels rip- ped up, and thereafter, being fully dead, to have your Body divided into four Quarters, to be difpofed of as the Court fhall after- wards think fit, and your Head to be fe- vered from your Body, and affixed upon the very fame Gate of this Town which you defigned to open to the Enemy. Like- wife the Court adjudges you the faid Corne- lius Reolands, to be taken back to the Pri- fon, and, upon the faid Sixth of this Inftant May, to be taken to the faid Market-place of this Town of Sluys, and there to be hang- ed up by the Neck upon a Gibbet until you be dead. And this we give for a final Sen- tence againft you both, wifhing God may (hew Mercy to your Souls'. According to this Sentence, upon the faid fixth Day of May Inftant, the faid Jacob Mar- tinet was brought to the Place of Execution, where he behaved himfelf very impenitently, and refufed to fpeak to the People, and had the Sentence executed upon him as aforefaid. After him came Cornelius Reolands, who, both in Prifon, and at the Place of Execu- tion, carried himfelf very devoutly and penitently : And, asking Leave if he might fpeak to the People, he exprefled himfelf in Words to this Purpofe, a Copy whereof he had given before-hand to the Sheriff' or Scapen that attended him. Good Chriftian People, I Am brought here juftly, for Defigning to betray my Country to a Foreign E- nemy for a Sum of Money j I confefs myfelf Guilty of the Crime, and I beg God's Forgivenefs and your Forgivenefs for it, and am willing to die for it, as I juftly de- ferve. I muft fay, I did for fome Months refift the Offers that were made me by the unhappy Man that is gone before me j but betray Holland to France, csV. at length my Wants prevailed with me to accept what I thought would rid me out of them. This I do not fay to excufe myfelf in the leaft ; God forbid I mould. And as I confented to betray this Town, fo I did promrfe to do another Villainy, which in- deed I forgot to tell my Judges at my Try- al ; and it was, to fee if I could- prevail with any Captains of Ships r to- betray their Ships to the French, for which I was to receive Money from the French Secretary of War to give to thofe Captains. I hope your Dif- pkafure againft me for fo villainous Defigns will end, when I have fatisfied Juftice with my Blood. I earneftly beg the Affiftance of your Prayers for me, in this my Agony 5, and I commit my Soul to God, hoping to be faved by the Merits of Chrift, my Re- deemer'. Having delivered himfelf thus, and heard the Minifter that waited on him pray, and having prayed himfelf, he was juft going to be turned off, when, pulling up the Handker- chief that was over his Eyes, he faid, ' Good People, there is one Thing my Confcience obliges me to tell you with my laft Breath, and it is this : I am afraid there are ma- ny fuch Defigns in Hand, up and down this Country, like this, for which I fuffer ; and I wifh there may be fome effectual Means to prevent them j for I allure you the French Agents are very bufy every where, and they fpare no Money to obtain their Ends. I have no more to fay, but again beg earneftly the Afliftance of your Prayers : And I commit my Soul to God'. Having thus faid, he was turned over the Ladder, and his Body afterwards, by Order of the Magiftrates,. was given to his Friends to be buried. Thus we have one fad Example more of the ill Effects of the French Money towards our Country and Commonwealth ; but we hope God will difappoint all their Defigns, and bring their Accomplices to juft Punifh- ment. A Pro- (485) A Propofal for an equal Land-tax ; humbly fubmitted to Con- fideration. London^ printed in the Year 1691. H$uarto y containing fourteen Pages. The Inequality of the Land-tax prefently appeared, even at a Time when the Legijlature^ by a Pound-rate, thought to have remedied all the Jnconveniencies, which afore-time had attended that Affeffment ttpon the Subjeft ; and that, which was calculated for the Good of the Whole, was by the zealous Loyalty of one Part, and the crafty Referved- nefs of the Party that oppofed the Revolution, turned to the greatefl OppreJJion of the true-hearted Proteftants, and to the real Advantage of thofe, who rather than fairly contribute, in Proportion, with their Fellow -fubje ft s, to with/land our common Ene- my, would rifque the Lofs of their all by apajjive Concurrence to ruin our Religion , LawSj and Liberties. For, upon fo fair a Propofal to fettle the Land-tax by a Pound-rate, they, who wijhed well to their Country and the Proteftant Efta- blijhment, gave in a juft Eftimate of the intrinfick Value of their Ejlates, and were ajjejjed according to their faid Valuation, and continue fo to be even to this Day ; tbo* in many Places, through various Accidents, as, the Falling of Rents, and the Want of Tenants, they are obliged, by a Re-affeffment, to raife a Fourth or a Fifth more than the current Affeffment is enabled for. But thofe, that waited an Opportunity to recall a Popifli Governor, gave in, fome a Half, others a Third, and fame only a Quarter of the intrinfick Value of their Ejlates, and were, and continue to be affej/ed only according to that fallacious Valuation ; and it is againjl this Grievance, which was early perceived, though not yet remedied, that this Pamphlet was written^ and, I think, propofes a good Method to fettle it upon a better Footing. p" MI ^ H E R E is a great and urgent to pay Double and Treble, in Proportion to- o- Neceflity, at prefent, of raifing ther People ? And many a poor Gentleman great Sums of Money j to which muft be ruined, if thefe Rates continue, the common People of England, A Remedy for this Evil hath been nobly af- - we may fafely prefume, would tempted already, in Parliament, by bringing willingly contribute their utmoft j and Matters the Payments fo a Pound- rate. And furely it might be fo ordered, that their Affiftance would cannot be denied, but that the Taxes of two be very .confiderable. But fome would have Shillings in the Pound, and three Shillings in the Gentry take the whole Burthen upon them- the Pound, were the faireft that ever were felves and a few others ; and would have this granted. Nor hath there been any Thing done Money raifed by a Land-tax, which Way will in England more becoming a Parliament. But very probably be followed. Here it is confef- that, which was well defigned, was fo villain- fed, that, though this Tax prove heavy, yet up- oufly executed (I mean in the Aflefling) that on this great Occafion it would be borne with even thofe Taxes proved ftiamefully unequal. Chearfulnefs, if it were made equal ; but the So that, notwithftanding all the Care that was monftrous Inequality of it, as the Rates are taken, fome Men paid Double and Treble to o- now, is more grievous than the Tax itfelf. thers. Not that much Land was alTefled above What can be a greater Heart-breaking, than the true Value, for that is not complained of ; bur v 486 A Propofalfor op but, while fotne were aflefied to the Full, ochers were sifsffed at the Half or third Part, b.v which Meanathey, that w^re affeifcd to the Full,. paid. Double or Treble. For Example : If there be three Farms of equal Value, that is, each of them worth three- fcore Pounds a Year ; and one of thefe is duly rated ajt three-fcore Pounds, the Second unduly at Thirty, and the Third at Twenty ; in this Cafe the Firft pays Double to the Second, and Treble to the Third. Yeu wilt-fay, tfea*, to rectify this Matter, we mgft raife all thofe that are under-rated, and thereby have all Lands aflefied at their juft and full Value. In Anfwer whereunto, I con- fefs, that, if this Thing were done, we might eafily have equal Taxes j whether they were laid by the Pound-rate, or by a Sum certain upon each County. But all the Skill, afld all the Difficulty is, to get this Thing done. The ordinary AffefTors will never do it ; for Ex- perience hath taught us, that Men will ftrange- ly fwear and forfwear, to fave themfelves and their Neighbours from being fcrewed up. And it hath been propofed already, to take a more effectual Courfe by rewarding Informers ; but that Way doth not pleafe. Some would have a Tax by the Pound-rate, and the King to name the Commiffioners j but I doubt it will not he convenient for his Majefty, or Men deputed by him, to have any Hand in fcrewing up People ; others would have fuch a Tax farm- ed out, and the Farmers to try their Skill ; but a Tax fit to be farmed out ihould be of fome Continuance ; whereas this muft be paid at once, or within a fhortTime : Befides, thefe Farmers and Commiffionjers muft do their Work by the Help of Informers j who, as I have faid before, are not pleafing. Moreover, go which Way you will, this Raifing and Screwing of People is a harfh and odious Buft- nefs, and goes againft the jHair, fo that it will be found extremely difficult. But the Defign 6f the Propofal, here offered, Is not to raife any Body; but only to eafe thofe that are overcharged, and who pay above their Portion. Which is a Thing fo equitable and fo favourable, that there is good Reafon to hope that no Man will be fo inhuman to oppofe it. Confidering withal, that none are to have this Eafement, unlcfs they make their Cafe fo plain that no Doubt can be made of it. The Propbfal hath .been briefly mentioned al- ready in the Project of a Defcent upon France, ,and more at large it is this : equal Ldnd-tax. n I. That a Land-tax bo granted, the fame with that vjkifh wa^ granted this -loft Year (the Amount whe.r.eaj is, Wi know, about fevcntten- hundred thou- fand Pounds) and that the fame Proportions ~be laid upon the Jeveral Counties^ and upon each particular Alan. II. Provided* nevetthelefs, that no Man le ob- liged to pay above two Shillings in the Pound, of the true and full yearly Value of his Land. III. That, in order hereunto, all Per fans ag- griawl,^ that. u % ..alL that are ta pay above that Proportion, may complain to fuch Commiffioners as the Parliament Jhall pUafe to nominate for each Count IV. That thefe Commit/loners, upon clear Proofs in Writing of the true Value of the Land, Jhall make juji Abatements, and Jhall fettle the Complainants 'fax at the fajd Proportion of two Shillings in the Pound. V . That the Commiffioners caufe all thefe De- pojitions, and their Orders upon them, to be fair- ly tranfcribed into a Book, and fo tranfmit them to the Committee, which the Parliament Jhall pleafe to appoint for this Service. VI. That this Committe of Parliament Jhall infpeft the faid Depofitions and Orders, and Jhall dijallow the Order S, if the Evidence feem not clear > or alter them as they fee Caufe. VII. All Orders and Abatements made by the Commiffioners to Jland good, unlefs, and until they are difallowed by the Committee of Parlia- ment. VIII. No Proof to be admitted, but by writ- ten Depofitions j even the Duality and Credit of the Witneffes, if there be Occafion for it, to be proved in Writing. Thus I have laid open the whole Defign ; which aims at nothing but to relieve the Op- prefled. Here will be good Store of Informers, but, of all that lever were, they will be the moft innocent ; for every Man muft inform for him- felf. And he may eafily do it with Effect ; for there is nothing more eafy, than for any Man to (hew plainly the true Value of his Land. If the Land be let, or have been lately, at a Rack-rent, it is eafy to (hew what that Rent is or was ; and the Tenant's own Oath will be good Evidence, if he can alfp fwear, that the whole Tax muft be allowed by the Landlord, which the Law directs, if there be no Cove- nants to the Contrary. Alfo the fame Thing may A Propofalfor an equal Land-tax. may bfe proved by the Landlord's Steward or Bailiff, or any Servant that knows If the Land be let for Lives oY Years, and at an Under- rent; it may be (hewed what the Rent is, and, likewife, what Fine was paid, and for what Term. But, if the Land be a Man's own, and was never let, there muft be more ado^ though even then the Thing will not be greatly difficult. It will give a great Light, if a Surveyor fwear to the Quantity ; (hewing alfo how much of it is common Field, and hoW much Inc'lo- fure ; likewife, how much is Meadow, Arable,; Paftifre, and Wood. Then others muft prove the common Rate of thofe Sorts of Land, hi that Place and Neighbourhood. .Arid fub'ftah- tial Neighbours may make Oa'th, what they believe and judge to be the true Value of the particular Land in Queftion. Alfo the Party may (hew, at what Rate he bought fhe Land, if he hath lately bought it ; or at what Rate he hath offered it to be let or fold. In fhort, there are many Ways to make out a Thing of this Nature,, if -it bfe true. . But to palliate a falfe Value is very difficult, fo as to give clea? and full Satisfaction ; without which, there muft no Relief be expected by the Complain- ants. I inuft now anfwer a Queftion concerning this Matter j and likewife two Objections. The Queflion that may be afked is this : What is the Meaning of t Us 'Committee of Par* liament, wUcb^ according to tbefe Proposals, muft controul the Commiflionets of 'the Counties ? And I anfwer, that the Meaning is ; That the CommifEoners may take greater Care to do equal and righteous Things, when they find that their Proceedings muft be feen and examined by others j whereas they would be apt to take too much Liberty, if it (hould be only known to themfelves, what Methods they follow, and upon what Grounds they go. But yet, in all Likelihood, the Committee will not much alter what the Commiffioners have done. The firft of the Objection is : That the Thing here propofed is exceeding labo- rieus. 1 anfwer : 487 That the Bringing Taxes to ah Equality is fo glorious an Atchievement, that we ought to (pare for no Pains to compafs it. Nor Is it only noble and beneficial, but alfo of abfo- lute Neceffity. If fhe equal Dividing ths com- mon Booty be necejjary to Pirates and Buccaneers^ the equal T)ijlribution of the publick Burdens is much more to a State ; faith a late Author. But, 'moreover, as this Work is great, fo there wrff fre many Hands to do.it. Thfe Country Comm?flT:oners will divide thfmielves, as they ufed to do in the Cafe of Affeffments. And the Committee of Parliament, which will be numerous, will name feveral Sub-commit^ tees ou't of their own Number, and (hare the Work to 'them, who, amongft them, mnft perufe the'' Books fent from the Counties ; and report to 'the whole Committee, what they difallow and what they doubt of. The Tran- Tcribing the Depositions into thefe Books may feem a tedious Bufinefs, and of too much Time. But even here fo many Hands may be employ- ed, as will make quick Work. For feveral Men . may be at the fame Time tranfcribing upon loofe Sheets, and then thofe Sheets be made up in a Book. 1 ndeed, there mould be two Books, one to be fent to the Parliament, the other to be kept in the County. All this Writing to be paid for, by thofe, for whofe Benefit it is done, according to the Length and Depofitions that concern them. And it is much if it coft any Man five Shillings. The fecond Objection is : That by thefe dbatements, according to the Pro- pofals here offered, the Tax will fall /bort. In Anfwer to which I muft acknowledge, That the Tax will fall fhort, at leaft, half a Million ; but if the publick Occafions require it, this may and muft be made good by a farther Tax / which by this Time will be pretty e- qual. And, furely, it is much fitter, that the whole Nation (hould bear this further Burthen by an equal Tax, than that Part of the Na- tion (hould bear it, by having the Inequality continued upon them, and by paying above their Proportion. It is confefled, that, when all is done that hath been here propofed, there will ftill re- main. .. 488 A Proposal for an main fome Inequality ; for, as the Rates are now, there are many that, to the laft great Tax, pay under two Shillings in the Pound ; and there is nothing here offered to raife them. We muft therefore be content, at leaft at pre- fent, to let them enjoy this Advantage. Let them pay twenty Pence, or eighteen Pence, or lefs, while others pay two Shillings. But that fome fliould pay but twenty Pence, or eighteen Pence, while others pay four, five, or fix Shil- lings, or more ; fo that fome are at Eafe, whilft others are deftroyed } is too unreafonable, and ought to be endured no longer. You will aflc, What Injury is it to me, if my Neighbour be eafed ; I anfwer, the Injury is, that I am not eafed too. And, if he pay below his Proportion, I muft pay above mine. And, by the undue Eafing of him and others, the Tax falls (hort of what it would otherwife be ; fo that the publick Occafions call for fur- ther Taxes, of which I fliall bear Part, and ftill above my Proportion. If fome Part-own- ers ftiould pay lefs in Proportion than others toward the Ship's Charge, it would be a plain Wrong to thofe Others. And fo it would be, if fome Lands in a Marfh mould, for main- taining the Sea Walls, pay but fix Pence an Acre, when other Lands pay twelve Pence. It hath been faid, that, though a Tax were laid, as hath been here propofed, yet there would be ftill fome Inequality. But the next Tax after might bring Things more even. For it might be granted for the fame grofs Sum, with this Provifo that none pay above one Shilling in the Pound ; with the fame Methods for giving Eafe. And this Tax would make good what the other falls Qiort, for both thefe Taxes will amount to three Shillings in the Pound ; which is very near the true Proportion, that all Lands fliould pay the Tax now on Foot. Thus, by the Way that hath been here pro- pofed, there muft be two Steps to arrive at the Reformation intended. But I conceive, upon further Confideration, that the Thing may be clone at once, and that the firft new Tax may be at the former Rates, provided that none pay above one Shilling in the Pound. Which will be the fame Thing in Effect, as a Tax of twelve Pence in the Pound, with a new and fure Method to have it equally aflefled. This Tax may, by the good old Word, be called equal Land-Tax; a Sttbfidy ; and the Parliament, now, and at other Times, may pleafe to grant either one Subfidy, or Part of one, or a Subfidy and a Half, or two or three Subfidies or more, ac- cording as the publick Occafions require. But ftill, after all hath been done, the Taxes will not yet be exactly equal. For there are divers, as I am well informed, that do not pay fix Pence a Pound to the great Tax * now up- on us. 1 leave thefe to be further confidered, and, in the mean Time, though they do not pay to the full, yet they will pay three Times as much in Proportion, as they did formerly. I have all this While been driving at Equali- ty ; but there is an Equality fo unequal, that I cannot but declare my Senfe againft it j and that is, that Houfes fliould bear equal Propor- tion with Lands, for which there is no Reafon, asevery Man's Reafon will tell him. They ought, therefore, to be abated a fourth or a fifth Part. If the Parliament fhall not think fit to en- ter upon this great Work at prefent (though it is every Man's Work, and would be foon done) they may however, by a fhorter Way, give fome Relief (if they pleafe) to thofe that are opprefled in the Land-Tax j that is, to thofe that pay plainly above their Proportion. And this may be done, by making the Sum of the Tax, next granted, to be fomething lefs than the laft, and then diftributing this Abate- ment among the Counties, that are now no- torioufly overcharged, the other Counties con- tinuing as they are. Thus, whereas the laft Tax was for about Seventeen hundred thoufand Pounds, the next may be for Fifteen or Fourteen hundred thoufand ; which is Two or three hun- dred thoufand Pound lefs. And then the op- prefled Counties, which Counties are well known, may have their monthly Payments abated, in fuch Proportions as the Parliament fhall find meet. The Raifing either of Men, or Counties, is fuch a Noli me tangere^ that there is no Meddling with it ; but there is freat Reafon to hope, that the Giving juft afe, to thofe that want it, will meet with no, Oppofition. For my own Part, I have no particular Concern in this Matter. I am in a County that is not like to be eafed j and I pay about three Shillings in the Pound ; which is near the true Proportion : But I wonder the Counties, that are concerned, have not peti- tioned all this While, In fuch a Cafe as this, Three Shillings in the Pound. even A Propofal for an equal Land-Tax. even clamorous Petitions would be excufable. There is another Confideration about Taxes, Which I recommend to thofe worthy Perfons who have a Hand in granting them ; and that is, that the Payments be not made too quick. We know that the prefent great Tax (to fay nothing of thofe precedents) is paid with ex- ceeding Difficulty. And fuch another Tax in the Neck of it, to be paid likewife forth- with, it is doubted would occafion extreme Dif- trefles. When a Man hath bled much, if you go to take a further great Quantity from him, at once, and prefently , it may prove fatal, his Body cannot bear it : But, after a While, his Blood being recruited, and fupplied, you may take more without Hurt or Danger ; efpecially if you do it by Degrees. And it is juft fo with our Nation in Point of Taxes. We could pay a moderate Tax for many Years, and be little the worfe ; and People would have Room, and Time, to fupply all by In- duftry and Parfimony, the two great Promo- ters both of private and publick Riches. But our Money, of late, hath been fwept away fo faft from us, little of it returning, that it hath not only fheared from the Landlord a good Part of his Rent, but alfo difabled the Tenant from paying the reft, the Market be- ing dead, and no Money ftirring ; and then the Cities, and Towns, muft needs, as they do, find a grievous Deadnefs of Trade ; fo that a general Poverty hath fuddenly over- whelmed us. We could better pay two Millions in four Years, than a Million and a Half in one Year, In which firft Way, the War might be main- tained by Taxes, that probably would be paid in Time of Peace, when we mall be better able to do it: Alfo his Majefty's prefent Oc- cafions will be as well provided for this Way, if there be a Credit given upon thofe future Payments. You will fay, this will draw on Intereft. But I anfwer, that the Intereft will not do us fo much Harm, as the Relpite will .do us Good. In this Affair we muft confider, -not only what is beft to be done, but alfo, and more efpecially, what we are able to do. Perhaps, it were beft to pay ready Money down ; but, if we cannot do it, we muft be glad to take Time, and allow Intereft : And it is better to have upon us, for fome Years, a Burden we xan bear, than to be crufhed at once by a Bur- den we cannot bear, VOL. IL Q.qq 4*9 If it be an Advantage to lend Money to the Publick above the common Intereft, it is a- mong ourfelves, and any one that will may have it. There is alfo this Convenience, that all thofe Lenders will be firmly engaged to wifh well to the Government. I would not have us follow the Example of Holland, where their whole ftanding Revenue is anticipated for a great many Years, by vaft Sums of Money taken up at Intereft ; and there are many Families, that live upon the conftant Intereft of Monies lent to the State. But I hope we mall never be brought to fuch Neceflities j and I would have our Dealings, in this Kind, to be for moderate Sums, and a moderate Number of Years. We may remember, that, in King Charles's firft Dutch War, the Parliament gave at once two Millions and a Half; but to be paid in fome Years : So that what is here offered, in this Matter, is, even in England, no new Thing. But, what if this War continue next Year, and we muft raife more Money ? How, and upon what, mail the Tax be laid ? My An- fwer is, That, if there be a Necefiity for it, it may be a concurrent Land-Tax ; or the Tax may be pufhed further on, upon fome Years to come : That is, after the End of the four Years before-mentioned. It cannot be denied, but that the Ways now mentioned, and efpecially the laft, will draw on more Intereft. But, to make this Intereft eafy, it is further humbly propofed : T- Tl}at a Land-Tax be granted, fuppofe for a Million of Pounds^ payable at the End of five Yeari, 2. That, upon the Credit of it, the King 'be enabled to give Tallies, or Tickets, of One hundred Pounds each, amounting in the iMolt to Ten-thoufand. 3. That thefe Tickets be made current, ac- cording to their Value, by Aft of Parliament. 4. That thefe Tickets be Pieces, or Plates, or Medals of Silver, coined, or Jtamped, in the beji Manner, f avoid Counterfeiting, and each having its Number fairly fiatnped upon it. 5. That each of them be affixed, sr appended^ under a Seal, to a 'Pocket-Book. 6. In this Book Jhall be written, to whom, and. by whom, the Ticket was fiyfl delivered^ with all the .^JJtgnments afterward* 7. That 490 -A Profofal f or an 7. TJyat no Man {hall be obliged to take them at firjt from the King, but with the Allowance of Five per Cent, nor Jb all the King's Receivers be obliged to take them back at tkeir full Value ; till after a Year from their firji Delivery. 8. That, when tbcfe Tickets are brought in, at the End of the five Tears, they, that bring them in, jhall likewife have the dlloivance of Five per Cent. So that they are firji taken at Ninety-five Pounds, and paid back at laji at a Hundred and five. 9. If any of thofe Tickets be loft, yet he that had it, to have the Benefit of it at the five Tears End, he proving that it was delivered or affigned to hi?n, and there being no Proof that it was farther affigned. 10. The Form of the Pocket-Book may be this* Number One. March I, 1691. Delivered to A. B. of the City of London, Merchant By Me C. D. the Officer's Name. April 17, 1692. Affigned to Sir E. F. of S. in the County of Kent, Knight By Me A. B. June 24, 1692. Affigned to G. H. of the City of London, Goldfmith By Me J. K. Executor of Sir E. F. Here now is Money taken up for the pub- lick Service, at Ten per Cent, for five Years, which is Two per Cent, yearly. The firft Five per Cent, will take the Tic- kets cleverly out of the King's Hands, with- out any Appearance of Hardfhip to the Sub- ject, and it will fet them fairly a-float. The Five per Cent, at laft will fecure thofe that take them from being left in the Lurch j it will make them not afraid, but defirous, to have them at the five Years End ; and it will keep up their Value and Reputation during the whole Time. Thefe Tickets will be a Treafure that can be neither ftolen, nor loft; for they will be of no Value, more than the Medal, fave only to thofe who have the Right to them. They will be a good Supply for the Money we have lately loft, and Money will then be lefs needful. Great Sums will be paid with Tickets, and lefler Sums with Money. Perhaps, hereafter, when we have feen the Way of it, we may, in, the fame Manner, equal Land-Tax. take up greater Sums, at eafier Intersft,. and for more Years. But, I doubt, it will net be convenient, that the Amount of thefe Tickets mould ever exceed the Half of our running Cam, though we could have them without Intereft. A mo- derate Quantity of them will impede our Mo- ney ; but too great a Quantity would drive it quite away. I muft add one Thing more to the forego- ing Part of this Difcourfe ; and that is, that, when a Land-Tax is granted, there mould a Poll-Tax go along with it : That fo, the whole Kingdom being concerned, every Man in it may contribute fomething. The Land- Tax draws hard from thofe that have Eftates, and the Poll-Tax will draw fomething (though a general Excife would infenfibly draw more) from thofe that have them not. And furely when the Men of Eftates bear the Main of the Burden, and put their Shoulders to it ; it is but reafonable, that the common People alfo mould each of them lend a Finger. They ought not therefore to complain, if, for every Shilling in the Pound which the Land-Tax rifes to, there be Twelve-pence a Head laid upon Men, and upon the Women Six-pence. Thus a great Difference is here made, as it ought, between Women and Men. For there is no Reafon that Women fhould pay equal, when they do not get half fo much. And I have the rather defigned them fome little Eafe in this Matter j becaufe I think our Nation hath been too valiant, in making hard Laws againft Women. When I (peak of fo much a Head, my Meaning is, that it mould be upon all alike, both high and low. Or, if any Difference be made, it mould be only fome fuch Difference as this, that Gentlemen, and all fo reputed, mould pay Double or Treble to common Men. It feems a great Miftake, that a Poll-Tax mould run high upon Degrees, and Titles, and Dignities, efpecially if a Land-Tax likewife be then on Foot ; for, generally, they, that have Titles, have alfo Eftates, which pay to the Land-Tax. If a Land-Tax come to two Shillings in the Pound, and there be a Poll-Tax proportionable, a common Perfon pays two Shillings for his Head, and a Knight of a Thoufand a Year pays a Hundred Pounds for his Eftate j and it feems very hard, that he fcould Jl .JOtf Defigns of France againft England and Holland difcwmd. 49 1 fhould pay ten Pounds more for his Title, and Dignities, is of all others the moft unjuft, Why fhould we lay more upon thofe, that becaufe it is the moft unequal. It is very un- have their Load already ? equal and unjuft, that an Efquire, not worth And, though there were no Land-Tax on a Hundred Pounds, fhould pay as much as Foot, yet a Poll-Tax, that runs upon Titles one worth Five-thoufand a Year. The Defigns of France againft England and Holland difco- vered : Or the Intrigues of that Crown, for the utter Ruin of both thofe Nations laid open. With Allowance *. ADVERTISEMENT to the READER. IHefe Papets (which were intended to be publijhed before this 'Time, had the been open for fuch Truths] plainly difcover the cunning Intrigues, wicked Defigm, nchriflian Praftices of the French King, for the Overthrow of England and Hol- land, and with them the Proteftant Religion. If this Account be (as if is hoped) approved of, a further Information may be expefted from the fame Hand. HE NR Y the Eighth, King of Eng- land, did, in his Time, caufe a Medal to be ftamped with a Hand ftretched out of a Cloud, holding a Balance in equal Poife, where- of both the Scales reprefented Spain and France, with this Motto : Cut adhtsreo praeft, i. e. My Alliance weighs it down. It feems, that Prince well knew his own Might ; whereas now England may be compared to an Ox, who, being infenfible of his own Strength, quietly fubmits himfelf to the Yoke. Evi- dent it is, that England has many Advantages beyond other Kingdoms, but especially this, that, being an Ifland, it can eafily fecure itfelf againft any Foreign Force ; they, that intend an Invafion againft it, muft be obliged to crofs the Seas, and ftruggle with the Winds and Waves, and all the Hazards and Dangers of that unftable Element, befides a very potent Fleet, which alone is fufficient to deter their hardieft Enemy from any fuch Defign. Now, this being fo, it is manifeft that the King of Eng- land (having Peace, and a ftric~l Alliance, with Holland) can over-balance the Party he dc- figns againft. This is a Truth, France is fo fully con- vinced of, that, notwithftanding the great Antipathy there is between both Nations, he has hitherto fpared nothing, and is ftill turning every Stone, to take off England from its true Intereft, and to engage it on his Side, or, at leaft, to oblige it to ftand Neuter, and to be an idle, unconcerned Spe&ator of the horrid Tragedy the French King ats upon the Theatre of Europe, becaufe he well knows that England is better able to prevent it, and fpoil his Sport, than any other State or King- dom whatsoever, and refcue Europe from the univerfal Slavery he prepares for it. Would the King of England only be pleafed to open his Eyes, faft clofed with the inchant- ed Slumbers of the French Dalilah, to take a View of his own Strength, and true Intereft, he fhould foon find himfelf making another Figure amongft the Princes of Europe, than of late Years he hath done, and with Eafe mount that high Degree of Power and Glory, Suppofed to be printed Anno i66. Quarto, containing twelve Pages. 2 of Defigm cf France againft England and Holland difcovered. 49 2 of being the profefled Umpire of the Univerfe, the Sovereign Mediator and Decider of Con- troverfies, and the Giver of Peace to all Eu- rope, which France, in a vain Bravado, pre- tends to, when indeed he is the foleTroubler of it. To arrive at this tranfcendent Pitch of Grandeur and Authority, two Things only (which the King of England may do when he pleafes) are requifite. The Flrft is, That his Majefty do comport himfelf fo, as to engage the Love of his People, and keep a right Un- derftahding between him and his Parliament. And the Second, that he enter into a ftricSt Alliance with Holland, living in fincere Ami- ty, perfect Union, and good Correfpondence with them, in order to their common Defence and Security. The Former of thefe is very eafy, and the King will do it, as foon as he fhall refolve to de-fire nothing of his Parlia- ment, but what is agreeable with the Laws of ^he Realm, which, by his Coronation-Oath,, he is obliged to obferve and maintain ; and the Latter will be found to be o abfblute Necef- fity, as foon as the King of England fhall plcafe to flop his Ears to the falfe Suggeftions of France, and ftifle thofe Jealoufies and Re- fentments, which, his. Emiflaries daily buz into his Head j there being nothing to fear for England from the States^, whofe Defire is not to enlarge their Dominions, (as France does) by invading thofe of their Neighbours, but only to keep what God has given them, and to maintain their Subje&s in the Liberty they now enjoy. This France fo well knows, that he leaves no Stone unturned to prevent it, and conti- nually fends forth fome crafty turbulent Spi- rits to fow the Seeds of Divifion and Mifun- derftanding bet-ween the King and his Parlia- ment. Thus the Spirit of France v?zs at Work, toexafperate the Epifcopal Party againft the Presbyterians,^ and again the Presbyterians j and other Nonconformtfts^ againft them, mak- ing them believe that the Bifhops favoured Po- pery, and would not fail to prove Turncoats,, as foon as a favourable Opportunity fhould be offered them, and that the King did incline the fame Way, with a Thoufand like Suggef- tions'} which fo fet the People againft the King} and filled the Parliament with fuch Jealoufies, that they often granted his then Majefty but very little of what he demanded^ and gave him fo much Work at Home, that he had no Leifure to confider what was do- ing Abroad. It was France that firft kindled the Civil Wars in the Time of Charles the Flrjl, which coft England fo much Blood, the French Ambafiador,. that was then at that Court, boafting at his Return from thence, That he had kindled a Fire in England, which Jhould not be quenched of a long Time, and that the Englifh, for twenty Tears to come, would not be in a Condition to cJaim any Thing of France. To the Kindling of this unhappy Flame, one Father Jofeph, a Capuchine Friar, did much contribute under-hand, by Means of. the Papijis,. efpecially thofe that were in the Parliament's. Army. But, now fince the King * of England has thought good to change his. Religion, France alfo has altered his Battery,, and turned all his great Guns againft the Church of England:, and fo far are the Minds of Men irritated againft x>ne another, that his Britijh Majefty will not, this good While, be. in a Condition to look any where elfe but at Home, where he is like to meet with fo many Croflings and Thwartings of the Defigns he is . carrying on, that he will find it a hard Mat- ter to break through them, and accomplifh the Thing he aims at, and fo zealoufly affects. And, whilft thefe Heart-burnings continue be- tween the King and his People, he will be forced to be continually upon his Guard, and to keep his Forces about him, and caft about his Thoughts how to raife a Fund to maintain them, and thereby give an Opportunity to France to poflefs himfelf of the Low-Coun- tries,, and of Spain f too, in Cafe that King fhould chance to die, which happy Hour, France, with a great, deal of Impatience, looks for. As for the fecond Point, viz. a League with the United Provinces, and a right Un- dcrftanding and good Correfpondence be-- tween thofe two Governments, to oppofe all Powers that would invade and trouble the Peace of Chriftendom, it is certain that the States, for their Parts, would moft gladly em- brace the Propofal, if they faw any Likelihood of engaging therein with Safety, and being feconded upon Occafion ; of which, indeed, there is but little Probability, as long as Af- * ing Jama the Second. f This came to pafs in Regard to Spain, .us here propheficd. fairs The Defigni of France again/I England and Holland difcovered. 493 fairs fhall continue, in the Condition wherein Memory, was fo fenfible of what is here ak they are at prcfent.' This ia.lt.vd is the Thing, ledged,"that me told Monfieur de Sully, the which, of i'i others, France would be very French King's Ambaflador at her Majefty's Court, That neither France, nor England^ nor any other Prince, or State whatfoever, ought to lay any Claim to the Low- Countries , and that fhe would never fuffer the King, his Mafter, to make the leaft Attempt that Way. Upon which Monfieur de Sully fent Word to his Mafter, Henry the Fourth, That, notwith- loth to fee, becaufe the hearty Union of thefe two Governments would, in all Probability, put a Stop to the French King's Undertakings, overturn all his Dcfigns, and put him into an utter Incapacity of attempting any Thing againft lihe Peace of Nimeguen y or the Truce with the Emperor. But France carries a watchful Eye to prevent this capital Inconve- ftanding the cppcjite Sentiments of the nience, and that by an afliduous Fomenting his Majefty might, by Means of great Forces, and Cherifhing Feuds, and Animofities, be- keep his Friends within their own Bounds, and tweenthofe two Nations, and Improving every pojfifi him/elf cf fitch Territories and Cities Occurrence to this Purpofe; of which we in the Low-Countries, as Jhould be necejfary to have a frefh Inftance in the Buftnefs of Eon- join France and the United Provinces wholly tarn, which bad been- long ago made up, but and infeparably together : Which was, (faid he) the only Way to reft ore France to its primitive Grandeur and Glory, and pitch it above the reft of Chriftendom ; for if, by any Means, the Provinces of Luxemburg, Juliers, Mark, Mons, Aix, and Cleves were once united to France, there was no Doubt, but the reft of the Country would be forced ta fslloiv their Ex- ample, being deprived of all Communication and Correfpondence with the reft of the World. Sure it is France has always inclined this Way, fince they have obferved, that they could not compafs their Defign by Italy^ as the Romans of old ; which Conqueft, tho' it be the Inte- reft of all Princes of Europe to prevent, as much as in them lies; yet it is evident that thefe two States, who are nearer at Hand, and can better do it,, are the m oft of all concerned to put a Stop to the Progrefs of the French in the Low-Countries^ which would not fail to be attended with difmal Confequences to them, as before mentioned. As for Spain, it is a Bo- dy deprived of the Ufe of its Limbs, and to which nothing remains but that of its Tongue, Means, fhould join Newport and Qftend * to . viz. To pray and intreat its good Friends and Allies not to forfake it. But none can do more than England, towards the Prefervatiorv of the Low-Countries ; and, if his Brltijh Ma- fefty had not promifed to ftand ftill, Luxem- burg would ftill be in the State wherein it was formerly, and a Bone for France to pick. The French King is fo well aware of this, that he takes all the Care he can to keep the- that France- (who finds it beft Fifhing in troubled Waters) thinks it more for his Inte- reft, that it mould remain, undetermined ; which is the very Reafon why it was never made an End ( of,: but kept. as a Referve for a Quarrel upon Occafion,. That there can be nothing fo evidently deftru&ive. of the French Defigns, as this Union between England and Holland, is very apparent ; England can, when it pleafes, overturn the Projects of France againft the Spanijh Netherlands ; neither could that King ever have taken Luxemburg, if the late King of EngJand'hzd. had the leaft Incli- nation to oppofe him in that Attempt ; but the French King fo well knew how to take him by the blind Side, that he did not perceive the Mifchief till the City was takem It was a ca- pital Error for England to part with Dunkirk, a Place that opened a PafTage for them to France and the Low-Countries ; but it would make the Matter much worfe, if all thofe Countries mould be fain to fuhmit to the Ty- ranny of Lewis the Great, and he, by this Dunkirk ; for then would Flujhing follow by Confequence,, and that King be put into a Condition to difpute the Sovereignty of the Sea with his Britijh Majefty, and deftroy the Navigation and Commerce of this flourifhing Kingdom.. Having got thus far, he would proceed to an intire Conqueft of the United Provinces ; which Point being once gained by him, England would have but little Rea- fon to flatter itfelf with the Hopes of a better Ix>t. Renowned Queen Ettfabeth, of King of England on his Side, or, at leaft, to remain Neuter, in Cafe he will not declare himfelf for him. To which Purpofe he fpares * As the Scheme was laid by the Fnnd; King this Summer^ 1 744, IK tiling Defigns of France agalnfl England and Holland difcovered. 494 nothing, neither Prefents, Penfions, nor Arts, to keep all fafe on that Side. But, alas ! this Money, and thofe Prefents of France, are like a Snake hid under Rofe-leaves. This is a fmiling Lip, which hereafter will prove a deadly Sting. They are iron Chains, gilded over to deceive the Eyes of thofe who now admire what hereafter they will have Occafion to lament, if they d'o not betimes difcover the Cheat of him, who defigns to inflave them. England fubfifts by balancing the Crown of France and Spain, and keeping them in equal Poife ; wherefore it muft needs be the Intereft of that .prevent the L,ow-(Jountnes from becoming Occafion to the Over-weight of France, left, by this Means, it fhould be incapacitated to maintain the Balance of Europe for Time to come. For if ever, by ill Fortune, the French King Ihould make himfelf Mafter of all the Seventeen Provinces, as it is his great Aim, .and may eafily be brought to pafs, if the States be not feconded, What Condition will Eng- land then be in ? France will be ftronger than they at Sea, and in the Indies, and confequently interrupt their Commerce and Navigation, by keeping a great Fleet Abroad, efpecially in the Channel, fo that nothing {hall be able to ftir out of the Englijh Havens, but by their Leave ; and, upon the leaft Occafion, the total Conqueft of England muft needs enfue, and that with- out Remedy, there being No-body in a Con- dition to ftave off their final Ruin. Moreover, the true Intereft of England is to Jceep France low, as well to preferve the Do- minion of the Sea, as to find a favourable Oc- cafion to recover thofe ancient Dominions the French King keeps from them, as are the Dukedoms of Bretagne, Normandy, Poiftou, Languedoc, nay France itfelf ; for of the Mar- riage of the King of England with Margaret, Daughter to Philip the Fair, was born Henry the Fifth, King of England, who had the fame Right to France as the Dauphin has to Spain. The three Sons of King Philip the Fair, viz. Lewis Hutin, Philip the Tall, and Charles the Fair, died all without IfTue Male ; and it was not till after this, when the King of England profecuted his Right to the Kingdom of France, that the Salick Law was made, upon a Speech of the Bifliop | of Beauvais's in the Aflembly of the States, in whith he endeavoured to make out from an Allufion to that Place of the Gofpe!, 7he Lilliesfpin not : That the Crown of France ought not to fall to the Diftaff. But that Law could not prefcribe to Time paft, but only to that which was to come, and con fequently could not invalidate the King of England's Preten- fions. After this, Henry the Fifth, entering France with a powerful Army, and having defeated the French in feveral Battles, married Catharine, Daughter to Charles the Sixth, and, in the Year 1441, it was concluded, that Henry (hould be King of France. Ifabella alfo, who was Queen of France, and Mother to Catharine Kingdom, by all Means poflible to Queen of England, made her laft Will in Fa- the Low-Countries from becoming an vour of her Son- in -Law, declaring him there- in the fole Heir of all her Eftate and of the Crown, which increafes the juft Pretenfions, and ftrengthens the Rights of England to the Kingdom of France. Had the French King but half the Pretenfi- ons to England, which the King of England has to France, the World would foon hear of no- thing but Manifefto's to prove them juft, as he calls all he does. So that the King of England ought upon all Occafions, and in all Refpecls to fufpect France , and to beware of him as a moft dangerous Ene- my, who flattered and humoured his late Ma- jefty *, only to lull him afleep, that he might play his Game without being difturbed or inter- rupted by him, who, whenever it fhall pleafe him to mind and be true to his own Intereft, will undoubtedly carry the greateft Stroke in the Affairs of Europe. It is therefore no Wonder, that King Ltwit the Fourteenth fpared nothing that might fup- ply the Neceflities or provide for the Pleafures of the late King Charles the Second, as Monfieur Barillon and the Dutchefs of Port/mouth can witnefs. But I muft tell you, that the French King confiders No- body, whether Prince or private Perfon, any further than as they may be ferviceable to promote his own Ends ; yea Virtue itfelf is not efteemed by him, except it go Hand in Hand with his Intereft. Do but confider what Account he made of the Princes and Prince/Fes of England in Cromwell's Time ; Were they not obliged to quit France, and to feek for Entertainment elfewhere ? And it is notorious, that he never contributed any Thing towards the late King's Reftoration, till it was paft his Skill to hinder it. * King Charles ike Second. So door. Count de Caravas, one of thefe Spies of great Note, though, in my Judgment, of as little Ufe, was not fo cautious, who, coming from Court, would go into the Ambaflador's at the Fore-door, in the Middle of the Day, to communicate to him his Collections. Two Perfons, whom I know to be Jefuits, though in the Garb of Officers, refort every Day to the Prince's Rifing, Dinner, and Supper, and con- tinually attend the Court, where they have fo many Friends, or at leaft fo much Cunning, as to be able to procure their Catkolhk Friends fome Employment, who are all Emiflaries of France, and wholly devoted to the Service of that King. Others have put themfelves to ferve even in the Kitchin, where fuch Sort of Cattle are very dangerous. Therefore, I conclude, that both the States and Prince of Orange ought e- ven in all Refpe&s, and at all Times, to be very cautious of the wicked and unchriftian Maxims and Defigns of France, the King himfelf being a falfe and perjured Perfon, who, under Pre- tence of eftablifhing the Roman Catholick Re- ligion every where (though by his wicked Life and Breach of Faith he denies all Religion) has no other Aim, but to extend his Dominion to the uttermoft Bounds of Et:r:p:, and to that End to deftroy firft all the Proteflant Princes, and then the Roman Catholick too, that fb he may caufe himfelf to be proclaimed not the Emperor of the Romans only, but of all Europe ; and certain it is, that nothing can ferve him as a Bridge to the Unwerfal Monarchy, but Hol- land, which, from his t'trfailles, he looks up- on with a moft envious Eye. So that the Statti and People of thofe Provinces have great Rea- fon to mind the Advice of our Saviour to the Jew s : Watch, for you know not what Hour the Thief will come. To which I add : Be ready, therefore, to oppofe him when he Jhall come to break into the Houfe, and ufurp his Neighbour's Territo- ries ', and be fur e to look upon France as a fworn Enemy to Republicks, and the Plague and Scourge of all that will not yield their Liberties up to him. True it is, he fears the States, more than he loves them; Care, therefore, muft be taken, to be always in fuch a Condition as may ftill keep him fo, and to make him know himfelf, whenever he (hall fo far forget himfelf, as to meddle with what he has nothing to do. All the Remonftrances made by Count d'dvaux, as foon as he fees the States putting themfelves in a Pofture of Defence, muft not be minded, as being merely upon Defign ; for we may be fure that Minifter would not make them, were it not for the promoting of his Matter's Inte- refts. R r r 2 A fliort A fliort Hiftory of the EngHJh Rebellion. Compiled in Verfe, by Marchamont Nedham^ Author of Mercurius Pragma- tkus. London^ printed in 1 66 1. S^uarto^ containing thirty- feven Pages. "t Hen as we liv'd in Peace (God wot) A King would not con- tent us ; But we, forfooth, muft hire the To all-be~Parliament us. Then down went King and Bifhops topj On goes the holy Wirk, Betwixt them and the Brethren blue, T' advance the Crown and Kirk. But when that thefe had reigned a Time,. Robb'd Kirk, and fold the Crown > A more religious Sort up climb, And crufh the Jockies down.. But now we muft have Peace agauv Let none with Fear be vext ; For, if without the King thefe reign,. Then high down they go next. A Peace r a Peace, the Country cries,.. Or elfe we fhall be undone j For this brave War we thank the wife Confiding Men of London. Sure now they may, as well as we, Know how to value Quiet, "When th' Army comes their Guefts to be, For a Twelvemonth's Cam and Diet.. Free Quarter is a tedious Thing, And fo is the Excife. None can deliver us but the King, From this damn'd Dutch Device. The Parliament hath ferv'd feven Years j True Vengeance then we fee, Upon feign'd Jealouiies and Fears j For yet they are not free. Long Peace a Plenty did beget, And Plenty brought forth Pride ; Through Pride to Faction Men were fetr In Parties to divide. The" newrformed Priefts firft led the Way,-. And faid it vros no Sin, By Force to drive the King away, And draw the City in. The Lords and Commons they confent; To what each Rabbi faith ; And fo the Catholick down went, T' advance the publick Faith. This brought a War and Taxes on v T' inflave a free-born People : And now the Work is thus far gone, , Next have at Crown and Steeple. . Our wife Reformers, brave and gay, Have ta'en a goodly Courfe, To fight, to feaft, to faft and pray, And milk each honeft Purfe. The Crown's Revenue goes to Wreck,. While they fing Hymns and Pfalms ; And, rather than themfelves will lack, The King muft live on Alms. We are, the learned Synod fays, The Church of England's Nurfe, Who make them blefs the Sabbath-days, And all the Week to curfe. The Plough ftands ftill, and Trade is fmall ; For Goods, Lands, Towns, and Cities, Nay, I dare fay, the Devil and all, Pays Tribute to Committees. A Scot The Hiftory of the Englifh Rebellion. 501 A Scot and Jefuit, join'd in Hand, Firft taught the World to fay, That Subjects ought to have Command, And Princes to obey. Thefe both agreed to have no King ; The Scotchman he cries further, No Bifhop ; 'tis a godly Thing States to reform by Murther. Then th' Independent, meek and fly, Moft lowly lies at Lurch, And fo, to put poor Jocky by, Refolves to have no Church. The King dethron'd, the Subjeds bleed f The Church hath no Abode ; Let us conclude they 're all agreed,. That fure there is no God. Our States -men (though no Lunaticks, No Wizards, nor Buffoons) Have fhewn a hundred changeling Tricks,.. In lefs than three New-moons* The Devil's Foot is cleft (Men fpeak) And fo (God knows) are they : The Factions rule by Fits, then take Their Turns, and run away. They vote, unvote, and vote with Noife What they cry'd down before, As ready as if London Boys * Were knocking at the Door.. To-day an Tndepend Outfide ; And then a Scstch To-morrow ; Thus muffle and cut, they do divide Our Wealth, whilft we know Sorrow.. O happy Treafon ! See how Wealth Is made their Heaven ! They fwell With Pride ; and live by Blood and Stealth, As if there were no Hell ! No Sadducees but muft confefs, Thofe Mcnfters, which are told, In Story, are rifen now no lefs Prodigious than of old. Both Cain and Judas back are come, In Wizards moft divine ; God blefs us from a Pulpit-Drum, And a preaching Catiline. They feed upon a Kingdom's Curfe,. And prey upon a King ! The Dev'l provide a fecond Courfe, And then a Voider bring. Now, Charles^ thy Conqueft is compleat, And all the World mail fee, That God, which guides the Royal Scot, Will thy Avenger be. O Houfe of Commons, Houfe of Lords, Amend before September : For 'tis decreed, your Soldiers Swords Shall then you all difmember. But like fair Chapmen 'twas well done, To give you Time and Day To caft Accompts ; for, one by one,. They will you foundly pay. The Kingdom all in Pieces torn ! Your Time is fairly fpent ; To make yourfelves a very Scorn, Your King but Jack-a-Lent, Now, now, we fee 'twas for the Crown The Houfes both did fight : For, fince the Cavaliers are down, They put the King to Flight. The Adjutators, ftern and proud, Said, he mould have no Quarter, Becaufe he is a King ; and vow'd To make the Saint a Martyr f. Their Officers cry'd, Hail, O King j The reft made Mocks and Scorns ; The Houfes Vinegar did bring, And all did plat the Thorns. Thus crucify'd, Great Charles did live As dead, is gone away : For Refurre&ion, God will give A new Cor'nation-Day. * This refers to the Petition of the tumultuous Rabble cf the Ltndon Apprentices againftthe King and Bifhops. \ r-ee tl.e DhTenting Miniflers Vindication of therrfelves. from the horrid and deteftable Murder of King Cbarlti the 'Firjt, as it immediately follows this hiltoiy. Roufe Hi/lory of the Englifti Rebellion: Roufe up ! King Charles hath mifs'd the Snare Laid on his Royal Feet ; Let th' Adjutators now take Care Each for his Winding-flieet. The Army rendezvoufed are, And do they know not what ; The Scots and they are like to jar, Let us thank God for that. The Houfes know not what to think ; The Cits horn-madded be : They muft be whipt, until they ftink, A joyful Sight to fee ! Thus, Cavaliers, caft up your Caps, And tell the Rebels plain, That Charles, in fpight of all their Traps, Shall fhortly rule again. For Liberty, and Privilege, Religion, and the King, We fought ; but O ! the golden Wedge ! That is the only Thing. There lies the Cream of all the Caufe ; Religion is but Whig ; Pure Privilege eats up the Laws, And cries, For Kings a Fig. The Houfes may a Cbrijlmas keep, The Countrymen a Lent j The Citizens (like filly Sheep) Muft faft, and be content. Then where is Liberty (I pray) With Juftice, Truth, and Right ? Sure they and Confcience fled away With Charles, to th' Ijle of Wight. Gape, gape for Peace, poor Countrymen ; The Members mean to treat : And we fhall fee fair Play agen, When they no more can cheat. The King fliall come to Weftmlnfter 9 It may be to his Grave ; Or, of a glorious Prince, muft there Be made a Royal Slave. But 'twere more wife to let him reign Out of his People's Sight, For Fear he fhould bring Peace again, And put them in a Fright. Sure Martin lay in of a Clap, And Say himfelf did dote ; The Devil too wore a fick Cap, When th' Houfes paft this Vote. Come, let us live, and laugh away The Follies of this Age ; Treafon breeds Care ; we'll fmg and play Like Birds within a Cage. Fetters are th' only Favours now The Houfes give (we fee:) And, fince the King them wears, I vow 'Twere Bafenefs to be free. Then let us all our Sorrows drown In Sack and merry Glee : Ye Citizens of London Town, What jolly Slaves are we ! For Common-prayer, ye have Excife, Free-quarter too is coming To pay you for your Mutinies, Feafts, Covenants, and Drumming* No Puritan, no Popijh Prieft, Nor Protejlant now fhall be ; Nor Law, but to live as we lift, 'Tis Heaven thus to be free. Could Babylon's great King now fit In Council with our Nation, He were the only Man to fit Us with a Reformation. The glorious golden Idol then Might fhine in each Dominion ; Both Factions and their Brethren Would foon be one Opinion. Away, thou Pagan Cavalier, This God muft not be thine ; But, for the Saints at Wejlminjier, Whofe Souls are more divine. Live, drink, and laugh, our Worthies may, And kindly take their Fills j The Subjects muft their Reckonings pay, The King muft pafs their Bills. No Princes now, but they ; the Crow Is vanifh'd with our Quiet ; Nor will they let us ufe our own Devotions and Diet. All The Hijlory of the Englifh Rebellion. 53 All Plums the Prophets Sons defy, And Spice-broths are too hot ; Treafon's in a December-Pye, And Death within the Pot. ChriJlmaS) farewel ; thy Day (I fear) And merry Days are done : So they may keep Feafts all the Year, Our Saviour fhall have none. O happy Nation heretofore, When Seas our Walls have been ; Unhappy now we fee no Shore, But are all Sea within. Fa&ions, like Billows, rage and toft, And Death mounts ev'ry Wave j Yet in this Storm we are fo crofs, We will no Pilot have. Juft fuch a Tempeft feiz'd upon Blefs'd Paul, the Scripture fays, When he had feen no Sun nor Moon, Nor Stars, for many Days* Our Sun and Moon no Beams create, Our Stars difpers'd we fee : Such as was his, will be our Fate, We muft all fhipwreck'd be. A glorious Prince this Parliament, The King fhould be, did fwear ; But now we underftand they meant In Heaven, and not here. Let them invade the Throne, and part His Crown, and vote his Fate ; Yet know, in each true noble Heart, He keeps his Chair of State. Princes may be, like other Men, Imprifon'd, and kept under A While, as Fire in Clouds, but then At length appear in Thunder. And, as in hidden Caves the Wind Sad Tremblings doth create, So Monarchs, by their own eonfin'd, Caufe Earthquakes in the State. Farewel the Glory of our Land ; For, now, the Free-born -Blades Our Lives and our Eftates command, And ride us all like Jades. Faith and Religion bleeding lie, And Liberty grows faint : No Gofpel, but pure Treachery And Treafon make the Saint. Oh ! 'tis a heavenly Caufe (I trow) Which firft baptiz'd the Round-head In noble StrafforcTs Blood ! but now Muft on the King's be founded. Yet know, that Kings are Gods on Earth ; And thofe, that pull them down, Shall find it is no lefs than Death To tamper with a Crown. 'Tis true, as Harry Martin faid, The Scots away muft pack ; The Cov'nant fhall afide be laid, Like an old Almanack. Come then, and buy my new, true, new, New Almanack moft true, Such Accidents of State to fhew, The like no Age e'er knew* Since that we loft our King and Laws, Since Jealoulies and Fears, Since Peace, pure Truth, and this foul Caufe, It is full feven Years. Poor Charles purfu'd in Forty-one, Unking'd in Forty-feven ; The Eighth will place him on his Throne, In Earth, or elfe in Heaven. Three Kingdoms brought to a fine Pafs, Whilft that our Saviours rule, The Country is become an Afs, The City but a Mule. Each Univerfity now pines, The Church may hang and rot ; They banifh all our true Divines, The Lawyers too muft trot. Come, Sirs, more Sacks unto the Mill, More Taxes, more Free-quarter ; 'Tis fit our Laws be your bare Will, And the Excife our Charter. God fpeed the Plough; plague Rooks and Crows, And fend us Years more cheap ; For, I am fure, whoever fows, The Houfes * mean to reap. Of Parliament. Money v 504 Money, the Soul of Man and Wit, But yet no Saint of mine ! While th' Houfes vote, and Synod fit, Thou ne'er (halt want a Shrine. Reforming is a dull Device, Dreads nought but Strife and Rage ; Thou putt'ft us into Paradife, And bring'ft the golden Age, Thou art Religion, God, and all That we may call divine ; Thy Temple is Wejlmlnfler-ball^ And all our Priefts are thine. Tufh, tell not us the Way to Heav'n, Thou juggling Clergy-Elf, Thai felt'ftthe World at Six and Sevens; Money is Heav'n itfelf. _ Betwixt thofe Atheifts feign'd of old, And ours, there is no Odds ; For both this one Opinion hold, That Fear did firft make Gods. Hell now is thought an idle Dream, To fright Men from their Crimes \ Religion but a crafty Theme, Made to bug-bear the Times. The Bible and great Babel's Whore May both together burn ; JFor the religious Fit is o'er, Now they have ferv'd their Turn. Only one Text may 'fcape their Hands, Since they have ta'en fuch Pains To lay their Lords in iron Bands^ And bind their Kings in Chains. Copernicus, thy learned Skill We praife, fince we have found The Truth ; for now doth Heav'n ftand ftill, Whilft that the Earth runs round. See how the Wheel of Providence Back old Confufion brings ! Cafhiers us at once of a Prince, To plague's with petty Kings. They fay, the Saints all Rule muft take, And others muft have none j Their Privilege it is to make A Footftool of the Throne. *The Hi/lory of the Englifli Rebellion. The Laws o'th'Land fay, Charles mu&. reign; And Confcience pleads his Caufe ; But Confcience is a Thing moft vain, Their Gofpel eats up Laws. Never fuch Rebels have been feen, As fince we led this Dance ; So we may feaft, let Prince and Queen Beg, a-la-mode de France, Let Confcience pine, and cry, 'Tis ftrange, We'll fay, 'Tis bravely done ; To make the King take, in Exchange, A Dungeon for a Throne. Away with Juftice, Laws, and Fear ; When Men refolve to rife, Brave Souls muft fcorn all Scruples, where A Kingdom is the Prize. Then let us what our Labours gain Enjoy, and blefs our Chance j Like Kings, let's domineer and reign, Thus, a-la-mode de France. King and no King was once a Play, Or Fable on the Stage j But fee ! it is become this Day The Moral of our Age, Newcajlle was the firft beft Scene ; Then Holmby, Hampton-Court ; Next, from a Palace to a Den Tranflated, to make Sport. Each State-Buffoon a Part did take ; Some plaid the Fool, fome Knave ; But ftill the Plot was laid to make Their King a Royal Slave. Brave Actors 1 we admire your Skill ; Your Play none underftands ; Yet, make an Exit when you will, We all mail clap our Hands. At Weftminjler two wond'rous Beafts, This Day *, are to be feen, Call'd Liberty and Privilege ; (God fave the King and Queen.) Say, Monfters ftrange, what Kin are ye To Tygers, or the Lion ? For Shame, boaft not your Pedigree From the fweet Sons of Zion. Mf.rck 14, 1648. This The Hijiory of the Englidi Rebellion'. 505 This Liberty firft whelp'd the Caufe ; The Caufe then lay at Lurch, To gull the City, damn the Laws, And quite cafhier the Church. But Privilege (O monftrous Thing !) Eats up poor Cavaliers \ Feeds on the Gentry and the King j But next have at the Peers. Once more the Kingdom lies at Stake ; No Matter, then, who wins : Two Schifmaticks the Wagers make, And now the Game begins. The Scots and Sects, two godly Cheats, Debar both Ace and Sice 3 To rook each other with fine Feats, They both bring in falfe Dice. The Firft throws for the Covenant j Next, who (hall rule and fway; For Jocky now doth fwear and rant, He'll have no more foul Play. Trre Sectaries ery'd, Have at all,' When firft the Dice were thrown ^ But, rather than the Scots (hall brawl, They'll part Stakes in the Crown. The Devil's Reign isihort, though fierce Then let our Mufick found ; The Drawers all the Hogfheads pierce, And make the Healths go round. here's a Health to the King in Sack, To the Houfes in fmall Beer ; In Vinegar to th' crabbed Pack* Of Priefts at Weftminfter. Next, to revive our fainting States, Fill out fome Aqua-int Ye deadly Sev'n, farewel ; For, fince you're all excis'd, we muft Pay dear to purchafe Hell. What, though the Factions are agreed The Kingdom ftill to cheat ? Do what they can, it is decreed The King fliall come and treat, S f f 2 Come $0$ The Hifory of the Englifh Rebellion. Come from the Dungeon to the Throne , (Great Charles] and quell the Rage Of th' Iron World ; with Thee alone Revives the Golden Age. Thofe very Saints, which joy'd thy Fall, And faid thy Day was done, Will now, like Perjian Pagam, all Adore the riling Sun. No more wrapp'd up in Clouds remain, Secluded from the Nation ; May thou an j thine (hine bright, and reign ; A glorious Conftellation. It is decreed, great Prince, thy Fate Should check their damned Plots ; Though London jade it for the State,. And bandies at the Scots. The Prejbyters now fain would ride, And (hew us t'other Feat ; Therefore, tc quell the Saint's high Pride,.. They fay the King (hall treat. Were he in their Hands, the Tojvn's their own, The Houfes too muft wtwk, To vote the Independents down, And mount the Rafcal Kirk. * % :jV/.\ -ily'r !:# b-.& -Ho itiirtT Away, ye juggling paltry Crew. Of we II > affected Knaves; Rather than free your Sovereign, you., Yourfelves will live like Slaves, Stand to't, ye Lords, we'll ftand to you*.. And clip the Commons Wings j Let not the Lev'ling Rafcal Crew, Thus domineer like Kings. The Lower is the Upper H0ufe v And, hath been fo feven Years ; Your Votes they value not a Lpufe, Ye Antichriftian Peers. They give you many a rattling Peal, And bait you one by one j For, fliould a Treaty take, their Zeal And Saintftips are undone. My Lords, of Gotam, not of Greece, Your Wifdoms I (hall fmg ; And fell you ali for Pence a-prece, If you reject your King. No Camel, like the London Breed, To drudge, pray, pay, and feaft j, In Body, and in Purfe, to bleed j., O 'tis a patient Beaft ! If you'll needs pray, pray ftay at Homej . Tell God your fad Condition j 'Tis Popijh to the Sa'iats to come And put up your Petition. This wond'rous Idol of the^ State The Stomach hath of Rell' y Like Moltch it Mankind doth eat, And quick devours like Hell.., As th' Horfe- Leech (Giv.e) it ever cries And rages like the Dragon ; As the old Serpent it is wife ; But it muft fall like Dagon. Would you know why the Plague has ceas'd" Thefe laft fev'n Years now fpem ? Becaufe GOD knows no greater Peft Than this fam,e Parliament. 'fc'O-^l !^*> fl Ilifr'L A ^^ How many Thoufands hath- itfwept Of Bodies, Souls, and Gold ! King, Church, and People, none except, Have all been bought and fold. Our merry Pipes, for Trumpets thrill ; Our Tabers chang'd to Drums ; Princes are brav'd by Jack and Jill, Wat Tilers and Tom,. Thumbs. 'Tis Time thofe Bags, which caus'd the War,-. Should make the War to ceafe j For the States Mufick is to jar, But our beft Mufick's Peace. Now (hall the King enjoy his own j And that new Virtue, Treafon, Whereby the Saints do claim the Crow;v Be baffled with, high Reafon. Great Charles, thy Virtues I defire, Not Solomon's, nor his Stores ; For who can tell moft to admire His Wifdom or his Whores ? His Vices fo eclips'd his Grace, That Wranglers cannot tell, Whether as yet they may him place. In Heaven, or in Hell. But Hiftwy of the Englifh Rebellion. 59 But all that was in him Divine, And more, to thee is giv'n ; That, where fo many Graces fhine, A Prifon muft be Heav'n. Another Blow ! will not the Scot, And loyal Englijh do ? Sure, Jove himfelf is of the Plot, An Independent too. Is he a King, and will he fee Rebels aiTault the Crown ? Had they but Hands to reach, 'tis he Should next refign his own. I* he a God ? And (hall this Tribe Go on, as they begin ? Atheifts will fay, they do him bribe . For Privilege to fin.'. If thefe be Saints, 'tis vain indeed To 'think there's Good or Evil ; The World will foon be of this Creed, No God,.no King,' no Devil. Of all thofe Monfters which we read . In Africk, Inde, or Nile* None like to thofe now lately bred Within this wretched Ifle. The Canibal, the Tyger fell, . Crocodile and Sycophant The Turk, the Jew, and Infidel, Make up an Englijh Saint. By thefe were Lijle and Lucat crown'd j Two Worlds, both great and good j For Men, Arts, Arms, were all here drown'd I'th' Deluge of their Blood. The Trump of Fame's too low and weak, , That of the general Doom Is only fit their Praife to fpeak; The World to be their Tomb. The Treaty holds ; and Tome Men are Convinc'd the Wars will ceafe ; Fond Folk ! To think the Men of War Will e'er endure a Peace. Go bid the Sett quit Englijh Ground, The Swede the German Air j Holland obey the Spanijh Crown, The Pepe leave Pete r's Chair. Woo the great Statefman to his Grave, Preach Gofpel to the Jew s ; To Turks, that Mahomet's a Knave, Platonict Love to Stews. Let Citizens loath facred Things, Prejbyters Pride and Eafe ; When thefe are done, make Saints love Kingsy And then we may have Peace. See in what Glory Charles now fits, With Truth to conquer Treafon ; And prove he is the King of Wits, The World, himfelf, and Reafon. Angels, bear Witncfs, GOD looks down," The Graces to attend ; Sure none but Devils then will frown Upon a bleffcd End. Ten hundred Thoufand loyal Hearts, AM bleeding at his Fate j As many Wifhes from all Parts Fly round his Chair of State. Come then, ye dirty fainted Elves, Worfe than Church-window Paint 5 By this fair Glafs abhor yourfelvcs, Learn here to be a Saint. The King the four great Bills muft pafs, And none but Saints are free ; Th' Irijh and Cavaliers, alas ! Muft th" only Rebels be. New Lords, new Laws, new Saints are we, Religion's in a fine Pickle ; When 'tis refolv'd the Church (hall be A Three- years Conventicle. Militia too, they needs muft gain, Thofe pretty carnal Tools : For Paul's old Weapons they difdain, , As fit for none but Fools. Thus Royal Charles lets to Leafe, Lays Sword and Scepter down ; To (hew he values us and Peace Above a glorious Crown. G.ive me the Dragon's Gall for Ink, His Sting to be my Pen ; To blaft the Scot, and make him ftink, . Worfe. than the Dregs, of Men. See The Hiftory of the Englifli Rebellion. 510 See now the Reformation -Wirk, For which they made us bleed 5 Is tocafhier King, Church, and Kirk, On this and that Side Tweed. Let them with Egypt's Plagues be croft, Yet ftill find new and worfe; And, fmce I have Job's Patience loft, Give me his Skill to curfe. At .Home and Hell may they e'er dwell ; And for quick PaiT'age thither, As they have juggled all full well, So may they hang together. Let me be Turk, or any Thing, But a Scotch Calvinlft ; Firft he damn'd Bifhops ; next his King ; Now he cafhiers his Chrift. Code Faith, Sir, they the Pulpit bang, But let their Gofpeldown ; For the old Saviour needs muft gang, Now a new one's come to Town. The Saints, whom once their Mouths did curfe, Dear Brethren are and Friends ; Which proves their Zeal a Stalking-horfe For knavifh-godly Ends. Then rail no more at Antichrift, But learn y.e to be civil ; And, fince ye have King Cromwell kiis'd, Shake Hands too with the Devil. Since they have damn'd all Saints of old, No new (hall be for me ; Like Jews, they worfhip Gods of Gold, Their King they crucify. Were he the King of Kings, his Crown Could not be fafe from Foes ; Like Jefuits, they no Gofpel own, But Murther and Depofe. Like Turks, their Heav'n lies all in Senfe, In Wenches, Tarts, and Jelly ; No Hell they fear, when parted hence j They ferve no God but Belly. All this, and more, by Jove, is true, If they the Treaty ceafe, To juggle with the Lev'lling Crew That cry, tfo King, no Peace. No Lord, no Knight, no Gentleman, For Honours now are Crimes ; The Saints will form us, if they can, All to the Prim'tive Times. Brave Days, when Adam was a King Without Crown, Lands, or Riches ! So, ftripp'd of Royal Robes, they'll bring Great Charles to Fig-leave Breeches. Princes with Ploughmen Rank {hall pafs j Ladies, like the firft Woman, Muft fpin, or elfe be turn'd to Grafs, Now all Things are in common. Thus Cov'nanting and Levelling Three Kingdoms have o'erthrown, And made all Fellows, with their King, A Foot- ball of the Crown. Tell me, thou Prefbyterian Afs, Why thou at firft didft jar ? * Thy pee vim Plea, No Bifhops, was The firft Ground of the War. Next, to thy Shame thou did didft combine With the Sectarian Routs ; Our Charles (hould be no King of thine, Or but a King of Clouts. Both King and Bifhops thus exil'd, The Saints, not yet content, Now with frefh Flames of Zeal grow wild, And cry, No Parliament. Well may we then this Maxim prove, Treafon no End can know, But levels at the Gods above, As well as thofe below. Hark, how for Peace the Kingdom groans, That warr'd they knew not why ! Yield then, or elfe the very Stones Will out againft you cry. For Shame, ye Baftard-Saints, give o'er, Or elfe the World will think, Your Mother is great Babel's Whore, If Blood you love to drink. The State's grown fat with Orphans Tears, . Whilft Widows pine and moan ; And tender Confcience, in fev'n Years, Is turn'd t' a Heart of Stone. Return, The Htflory of the EngHfh Rebellion. Return, hard Hearts, the Treaty ends, Our Breafts with Hope do fwell j Your -Bags are full, then let's be Friends, Or bid the World Farewel. Nor Gods above, nor Gods below, Our Saints (I fee) will own ; Allegiance is Rebellion now, Treafon to wear a Crown. Nor King, nor Parliament, will pleafe, 'Tis Gofpel to rebel : Nay, they'll remonftrate againft Peace, Be it in Heav'n or Hell. Pluto, beware, (to thee they come, When here their Work is done :) For they'll break loofe, and beat up Drum, And ftorm thee in thy Throne. Then John-a-Leyden, Nell, and all Their goblin ghoftly Train, (Brave Rebel Saints triumphant) fhall Begin their fecond Reign. Brave Reformation ! now I fee, London's a blefled Place, To find the Saints chearful and free, And nurfe the Babe of Grace. Let yellow Boys ne'er tempt their Sight Of Valour with the Sources, For the tame Slaves will never fight, Till they have empty Purfes. Come then, ye loufy, wanton Wags Of fainted Chivalry, And free their poor condemned Bags That groan for Liberty. March on, boon Blades, here's Store of Cafh, Their King they will not pity : Then fpur them on, and foundly lafh Thefe Dull-men of the City. Dull Cuckolds ! we are dainty Slaves, And well may be content, When thirty Fools, and twenty Knaves, Make up a Parliament. The)' banifh all Men in their W5ts r Vote King, Lords, all Offenders ; And authorife the phrentick Fits Of our Long-fword State-menders. 'Tis No/Ps own Brew-houfe now, I fwear ; The Speaker's but his Skinkcr : Their Members are, like th' Council of War, Car-men, Pedlars, and Tinkers. Fine 'Journey 'Junto f pretty Knack / None fuch in all paft Ages ! Shut Shop ; for, now the godly Pack Will next pay you your Wages. Gone are thofe golden Days of Yore, When Chri/hnas was an High-day, Whofe Sports we now fhall fee no more j 'Tis turn'd into Good-Friday. Now, when the King of Kings was born, And did Salvation bring, They ftrive to crucify in Scorn His Viceroy, and their King. Since th' ancient Feaft they have put down, No new one will fufnce ; But the choice Dainties of a Crown y Princes in Sacrifice. No Powers are fafe, Treafon's a Tilt, And the mad Sainted-Elves Boafr, when the Royal Blood is fpilt, They'll all be Kings themfclvcs. Like jolly Slaves, ye goodly Knaves, We'll bid th'old Year Adieu: Old Sack and Things muft pafs away, And fo fhall all your new. Now for a No-King, or a New ; For th'Old, they fay, fhall pack ; The New may ferve a Year to view Like an old Almanack. New Houfes, new ; for th' old ones dote,. And have been thrice made Plunder j The Saints do vote, and s<5r, by Rote, And are a Nine-days Wonder. Then let us chear, this merry New-year ; For CHAR LES (hall wear the Crown : Tis a damn'd Caufe, that damns the Laws, And turns all upfide dowJi. The The Diffenting Minifters Vindication cf themfelves, from the horrid and deteftable Murder of King Charles the Firft, of glorious Memory. With their Names fubfcribed, about the Twentieth of January ^ 1648, ISAIAH Ixii. i . For Zions Sake I will not 'hold my Pe&cv, >and for *Jerufa- lems Sake I will not reft^ until the Righteoufnefs thereof go forth as Brightnefs,) and the Salvation thereof as a Lamp that burneth* PROVERBS xxiv. 21, 22. My Son^ fear thou the Lord and the King^ and meddle not with them that are given to Change. For their Calamity jhall rife fuddenly^ and who knoweth the Ruin of them both ? London^ printed in the Year MDCXLVTII. ^uarto y con- taining fix Pages, IT cannot be unknown how much we, and other Minifters of this City and Kingdom that faithfully adhered to the Parliament, have injurioufly fmarted un der the Scourge of evil Tongues and Pens, ever fmce the firft Eruption of The unhappy "Diffe- rences and unnatural War between the King and Parliament, for our Obedience to the Com- mands and Orders of the honourable Houfes, in their Contefts with 'his Majefty, and Con- flicts with his Armies. We are not ignorant of the over-bufy Inter- meddlings of Prelates and their Party hereto- fore, in over-ruling Civil Affairs to the great Endangering of the Kingdoms, and of this in particular, when private Interefts, ambitious .Designs, Revenge, or other iinifter Ends, en- gaged them beyond their Sphere. "Howbeit, it cannot reafonably (as we conceive) be 'denied, that Minifters, as Subjefts^ being bound to o- bey the Laws, and to preferve the Liberties of the Kingdom, and having an Intereft in them, end the Happinefs of them, as well as others,, may, and ought (without incurring the juft Ccnfure due to Bufy- bodies and Incendiaries) to appear, for Preferving the Laws and Liber- ties of that Commonwealth, whereof they are Members, efpecially in our Cafe, when it was declared by the Parliament, that all was at Stake, and in Danger to be loft. No, nor, as Minifters, ought they to hold their Peace, in a Time wherein the Sins of Rulers and Ma- giftrates, as well as others, have fo far provok- ed God, as to kindle the Fire of his Wrath agairtft The Eiffenting Mint/ten againft his People. And yet, for this alone, the faithful Servants of God have, in all Ages, through the Malice of Satan and his Inftruments been traduced as Arch- incendiaries, when only their Accufers are indeed guilty of both laying the Train, and of putting Fire to it, to blow up a Kingdom. And Ahab and his Sycophants think none fo fit to bear the Odium of being the grand Troubier of Ifrael, as Elijah. Thus, the Popijb Device was, to charge the Gun-powder Trea- fon (had it taken Effect) upon the Puritans ; and, if you believe Tertullus, even a Paul is a peftilent Fellow, a Mover of Sedition throughout the World, a Ring- leader of a SecJ, and what not, but what he is ; yea, Chrijt himfelf (tho' a Friend to Monarchy, even of Heathenifti Rome) is proclaimed an Enemy to C&far, fo open a Way to his Deftruction, by their Ma- lice, who never cared for the Intereft of Cafar. Wherefore, although with us, who have had Experience of like Ufage, // be a fmall Thing to be thus judged of Men, when we regard only our own particular Perfons ; for, if they call the Mafter of the Houfe Beelzebub, how much more thofe of his Houjhold? Yet when we confider, how much it concerns the Honour of our Maf- ter, and the Good of all, to preferve our Mi- nifterial Function immaculate (our good Names being in that Relation as needful to others, as a good Confcience to ourfelves) we dare not but ftand by and aflert the Integrity of our Hearts, and the Innocency of all our Actions (in Reference to the King and Kingdom) for which we are fo much calumniated and tra- duced. This we are compelled to at this Time, be- caufe there are many who very confidently (yet moft unjuftly) charge us to have been formerly inftrumental, towards the Taking away the Life of the King. And becaufe alfo there are others, who in their fcurrilous Pafquils and Libels (as well as with their virulent Tongues) prefent us to the World as a bloody feditious Sett, and traitorous Obftruftors, of what all the godly People of the Kingdom do earnejlly de fire for Eft a- blijhing of Religion and Peace, in that we ftick at the Execution of the King, while yet we are (as they falfly affirm) content to have him con- vitled and condemned \ all which we muft and do from our Hearts difclaim, before the whole World. VOL. II. Vindication of thetnfehes. 5 1 3 For, when we did fit ft engage with the Par- liament (which we did not till called thereunto). we did it with loyal Hearts and Affection to-' wards the King, and his Pofterity. Not in- tending the leaft Hurt to his Perfon, but to flop his Party from doing further Hurt to the Kingdom ; not to bring his Majefty to Juftice (as fome now fpeak) but to put him into a bet- ter Capacity to do Juftice : To remove the flick- ed from before him, that his Throne might be ejla- blijhed in Rightecufnefs ; not to dethrone, and deftroy him, which (we much fear) is the ready Way to the Deftruction of all his Kingdoms. That which put on any of us at firft to ap- pear for the Parliament was, The Proportions and Orders of the Lords and Commons in Parlia-, ment ( June 10, 1642) for Bringing in of Mo- ney and Plate, &c. wherein they allured us, that whatfoever (hould be brought in thereupon, fhould not be at all employed upon any other Occafion, than to maintain * The Proteftant Religion, the King's Authority, his Perfon. in his Royal Dignity, the free Courfe of Juf- tice, the Laws of the Land, the Peace of the Kingdom, and the Privileges of Parliament, againft any Force which (hall oppofe them.' And in this we were daily confirmed and en- couraged more and more, by their many fubfe- quent Declarations and Proteftations, which we held ourfelves bound to believe, knowing many of them to be godly and confcientious Men, of publick Spirits, zealoufly promoting the com- mon Good, and labouring to free this King- dom from Tyranny and Slavery, which fome evil Inftruments about the King endeavoured to bring upon the Nation. As for the prefent Actings at Weftminjlcr % fince the Time that fo many of the Members were by Force fecluded, divers imprifoned, and others thereupon withdrew from the Houfe of Commons (and there not being that Conjunc- tion of the two Houfes as heretofore) we are wholly unfatisfied therein, becaufe we conceive them to be fo far from being warranted by fuf- ficient Authority, as that in our Apprehenfi- ons they tend to an actual Alteration, if not Subverfion, of that which the honourable Houfe of Commons, in their Declaration of April 17, 1646, have taught us to call, The fundamental Conftitution end Government of this Kingdom, which they therein affure us, if we uruierftand them, they would never alter. Ttt Yet 5'4 *fhe DiJJenting Mimflen Vindication of themfehes. Yea, we hold ourfelves bound in Duty to God, Religion, the King, Parliament, and Kingdom, to profefs before God, Angels, and Men, that we verily believe that which is fo much feared to be now in Agitation The Taking away the Life of the King, in the pre- fent Way of Tryal, is, not only not agree- able to any Word of God, the Principles of the Protejlant Religion (never yet ftained with the leaft Drop of the Blood of a King) or the fundamental Conftitution and Govern- ment of this Kingdom ; but contrary to them, as alfo to the Oath of Allegiance, the Pro- teftation of May 5, 1641, and the ' folemn League and Covenant ; from all or any of which Engagements, we know not any Power on Earth able to abfolve us or others.' In which laft, we have fworn with Hands 'fted up to the moft high God, That we fhall with Sincerity, Reality, and Conftancy, in our feveral Vocations, endeavour, with our Eftates and Lives, mutually to preferve and defend the Rights and Privileges of the Par- liaments, and the Liberties of the Kingdoms, and to preferve and defend the King's Maje- fty's Perfon and Authority, in the Defence of the true Religion, and Liberties of the Kingdoms ; that the World may bear Wit- nefs with our Confciences of our Loyalty, and that we have no Thoughts or Intentions to diminifh his Majefty's juft Power and Greatnefs.' And we are yet farther tied by another Ar- icle of the fame Covenant : ' Not to fuffer ourfelves, diredly or indirectly, by whatfo- ever Combination, Perfuafion, or Terror, to be divided or withdrawn from this blefled Union and Conjunction, whether to make Defection to the contrary Party, or to give ourfelves to a deteftable IndifFerency, or Neutrality, in this Caufe which fo much con- cerns the Glory of God, the Good of the Kingdoms, and Honour of the King ; but (hall, all the Days of our Lives, zealoufly and conftantly continue therein againft all Oppo- fition, and promote the fame according to our Power againft all Lets and Impediments whatfoever.' And this we have not only taken ourfelves, but moft of us have by Com- mand of the Parliament admmiftered it to o- thers, whom we have thereby drawn in to be as deep as ourfelves in this publick Engage- ment. Therefore, according to that our Covenant, we do in the Name of the great God (to whom all muft give a ftricl: Account) warn and ex- hort all who either more immediately belong to- our refpe&ive Charges, or any Way depend on our Miniftry, or to whom we have adminifter- ed the faid Covenant (that we may not by our Silence fuffer them to run upon that highly pro- voking Sin of Perjury) to keep clofe to the Ways of God, and the Rules of Religion, the Laws and their Vows, in their conftant Main- taining the true Reformed Religion, the funda- mental Conftitution and Government of this Kingdom (not fuffering themfelves to be fe- duced from it, by being drawn in to fubfcribe the late Models, or Agreement of the People, which directly tends to the utter Subverfion of the whole Frame of the fundamental Govern^ ment of the Land, and makes Way for an univerfal Toleration of all Herefies and Blaf- phcmies, directly contrary to our Covenant, if they can but get their Abettors to cover them under a falfe Guife of the Chriftian Religion) as aifo in Preferving the Privileges of both Houfes of Parliament, and the Union between the two Nations of England and Scotland, to mourn bitterly for their own Sins, the Sins of the City, Army, Parliament, and Kingdom, and the woful Mifcarriages of the King himfelf (which we cannot but acknowledge to be many and very great) in his Government, that have coft the three Kingdoms fo dear, and caft him down from his Excellency into an horrid Pit of Mifery, almoft beyond Example. And to pray that God would both give him effectual Repen- tance, and fanctify that bitter Cup of Divine Difpleafure, that the Divine Providence hath put into his Hand ; as alfo that God would re- ftrain the Violence of Men, that they may not dare to draiu upon themfelves 9 and the Kingdom, the Blood of their Sovereign. And now, we have good Reafon to expect that they who brought us under fuch a Bond, and thereby led us into the Neceffity of this prefent Vindication and Manifeftation of our Judgments, and Difcharge of our Confciences, mould defend us in it. However, we refolve rather to be of their Number that tremble at his 'Terrors who is a confuming Fire, and will not fail to avenge the Quarrel of his Covenant, upon all that contemn it, than to be found a- mong thole who defpife the Oafh by breaking bis Covenant (after Lifting up the Hand) although it had *Tbe Dffinfittg Minlflen had been made but in Civil Things only, and that with the worft of Men. C. Surges, D. D. Preacher of the Word, in Paul's, London. Will Gouge, D. D. Paftor of Black-friers. Edmund Stanton, D. D. Paftor of KingJJon. Thomas Temple, D. D. Paftor ofBatterfey. George Walker, Paftor of John Evangelijl. Edmund Calamy, Paftor of Aldermanbury. 'Jeremiah Whitaker, Paftor of Magdalen's, Ber- mondfey. Daniel Cawdrey, Minifter of Martin's in the Fields. William Spur/low, Minifter of Hackney. La. Seaman, Paftor of Allhallow's, Bread- Jlreet. Simeon AJhe, Minifter of Michael's, Bajing- Jhaw. Thomas Cafe, Minifter of Magdalen's, Milk- Jlreet. Nicholas Proffet, Minifter at Fofters. *Thomas Thorowgood, Minifter at Crayford. Edward Corbet, Minifter of Croyden. Henry Robourough, Paftor of Leonard's, Eajl- cheap. Arthur Jackfon, Paftor of Michael's, Wood- Jlreet. James Nalton, Paftor of Leonard's, Fojler-lane. Thomas Cawton, Paftor of Bartholomew's, Ex- change. Charles Offspring, Paftor of Antholin's. Samuel Clark, Minifter of Bennet's, Fink. Jo. Wall, Minifter of MichaeFs, Cornhill. Fran. Roberts, Paftor of the Church at Auf- tin's. Matthew Haviland, Paftor of Trinity. John Sheffield, Minifter of Swithin's. J'Filliam Harrifon, M i n ifte r of Grace- church, JVilliam Jenkyn, Minifter of Chr if} -church. Vindication of themfefoes. 5 1 5 John Finer, Paftor of Botolph's, Aldgate. Elidad Blackwell, Paftor of Andrew's, Under- Jhaft. John CroJJe, Minifter at Matthew's, Friday Jlreet. John Fuller, Minifter at Botolph's, Bijhopfgate. ^William Taylor, Paftor of Stephen's, Coleman- Jlreet. Peter IVitbam, Paftor of Man's, Wot>djlr>&< Fran. Peck, Paftor of Nicks!a?* t Aeons" Chr'tftopher Love, Paftor of Anne's, Alderfgate. John Wallis, Minifter of Martin's, Ironmonger- lane. Thomas Watfon, Paftor of Stephen's, Walbrook. William Wictim, Paftor of Andrew's, Hub- bard. Thomas Manton, Minifter of Stike Newing- ton. T'homas Gouge, Paftor of Sepulchres. William Elachmore, Paftor of Peter 's, Ctrnhtil. Robert Mercer, Minifter of Bride's. Ralph Robin/on, Paftor of Mary's, Woolnorth. John Glafcock, Minifter at Under/haft. 'Thomas Wheatley, Minifter at Mary's, Wool- church. Jonathan Lloyd, Paftor of James's, Gar lick - hithe. John Wells, Paftor of Olave's, Jewry. Benjamin Needier, Paftor of Margaret's, Mofes. Nathaniel Staniforth, Minifter of Mary's, Bo- thaw. Stephen Watkins, Minifter of Mary's, Overies. Jacob Tice, Paftor of Botolph's, Billing/gate. John Stileman, Minifter at Rotherhitbe. Joftah Bull, Paftor of North Cray. Jonathan Devereux, late Minifter at Andrew's, Holbourn. PaulRuffell, Preacher at Hackney. Jojhua Kirby, Minifter of the Word. Arthur Bar ham, Paftor at Helen's. Ttt 2 The The very Beggars Petition againft Popery ; wherein they la- mentably complain to King Henry the Eighth of the Clergy : 9 *!.' Of their abominable Covetoufnefs and Oppreffion, in fe- vera! Particulars, from 3, to 13. 2. Of their infatiable Lechery, being Devils at Women ; and how they apply themfelves, by all Sleights they may, to have to do with every Man's Wife, Daughter, and Maid (as 'well Ladies, as meaner P erf ons, when they come in their Way) from 13, to 17. 3. They brought in Theft with them, and nou- rifhed it under them, 17. 4. That they baffled all Laws, that none could take Hold of them, tho' they ravifhed Men's Wives and Daughters (which that curfed Crew would be at again, tho not in that feeming holy Method, but now in an open, odious, debauched Way, like infernal Incubuffes, who now have naturalifed Succubuffes for their 'Turn, &c.) for the Law was too weak to hold them ; they making fuch as. begin with them quickly to ceafe profecuting them, 18. 5. An Example hereof, fee in the Bifhop of London, 19. 6. Tho' the Statute of Mortmain was made to prevent giv- ing them any more, yet ftill they got more than any Duke, $ 20 and 21. 7. Their yearly Exactions came by curfed Pretenfions of praying People's Souls out of Purgatory, We. 22. 8. This Doctrine of Purgatory was always oppofed by godly, learned Men, 23 and 24. 9. Their hellifh Policy, in not fuffering the New Teftament to be translated in the Mother-Tongue, left their Hypocrify and Cheating fliould be difcovered, 25, 26. 10. The Impudence of Dr. Allen, and Dr. Pforfey, fined to the King, but after- wards therefore' amply rev/arded by the Clergy, 27. 11. The Reafon of this was, becaufe the Chancellor was one of them, viz. a Clergyman, 28. 12, The Cheat of giving Lands> wry Beggars Petition againft Popery. 517 Lands, or Money, to the Church for the Poor, or Maffes, 30. 13. They petition to turn thefe Blood-flippers out to labour and get them Wives of their own, 31. 14. The Be- nefits and Advantages of fo doing, &c. 31, 32. T/oefe Ar- guments^ and the like, prevailed with this King to caft off the Popes Author ity y and why any jhould be fo foolijhly wicked^ as to think to return us to it, / know not\ moft certainly they will find themfelves deceived^ with a Ven- geance \ &c. Prefented to King Henry the Eighth^ in the Twenty-ninth Year of his Reign, Anno Dom. 1538, eight Years before his Death, and now printed, verbatim, from a very old Copy, only mending the Authography, for the Eafe of the Reader, making the feveral Sections, and collecting the fore- going Contents. Worth perujing by both Papift and Pro- teftant, for the one to fee how his Forefathers and he have been^ and are^ gulled \ and the other to fee how he is like to be eternally abufed^ if he either through Fear of Death, or otherwife, embrace Popery. Folio, containing fix Pages, with a wooden Cut in the Title, reprefenting King Henry the Eighth on his Throne, and a Committee of Beggars prefenting their Petition. To the KIN G, our Sovereign Lard. O S T lamentably complaineth, difpofed People of this your Realm is not their woful Mifery unto your half enough to fuftain them ; but that, for Highnefs, your poor daily Bede- very Constraint, they die for Hunger. men *, the wretched, hideous 2. And this moft peftilent Mifchief is come Monftcrs (on whom fcarcely for upon your faid poor Bede-men, by theReafon Horror anv Eye dare look) the foul, unhappy that there is (in the Times of yocr noble Pre- Sort of Lepers, and other fore People, needy, deceflcrs pafled) craftily crept into this your impotent, blind, lame, and fick, that live on- Realm another Sort f (not of impotent but) ly by Alms; how that their Number is daily offtrong, puiffant, and counterfeit-holy, and fo fore increafed, that all the Alms of the well idle Beggars, and Vagabonds, which, fince the This is an ancient Word, fi unifying a poor Alms-man, who pray da'.ly for their Benefaftors, derived from ti.e Saxon W ord Biddtn, to pray. + Seeiheindtfcribed in the feconci \. 1 one 5 j g *Tbe wry Beggars Petition agalnft Popery. Time of their firft Entry, by all the Craft and Wilinefs of Satan, are now increafed under your Sight, not only into a great Number, but alfo into a Kingdom. 3. Thefe are not the Herds (or Sheep] but the ravenous Wolves, going in Herds-Cloth- ing, devouring the Flock ; the Bifhops, Ab- bots, Priors, Deacons, Archdeacons, Suffra- gans, Priefts, Monks, Canons, Friars, Par- doners and Somners : And who is able to num- ber this idle, ravenous Sort, which (fetting all Labour afide) have begged fo importunately that they have gotten into their Hands more than the third Part of all your Realm : The goodlieft Lordfhips, Manors, Lands, and Ter- ritories are theirs. Befides this, they have the tenth Part of all the Corn, Meadow, Pafture, Grafs, Wool, Colts, Calves, Lambs, Pigs, Geefe, and Chickens. Over and befides the tenth Part of every Servant's Wages, the tenth Part of the Wool, Milk, Honey, Wax,Cheefe, and Butter. Yea, and they look fo narrow- ly upon their Profits, that the poor Wives muft be accountable to them for every tenth Egg, or elfe me getteth not her Rights at Rafter^ fhall be taken as an Heretick; hereto have they their four Offering-days. 4. What Money pull they in by Probates of Teftaments, privy Tithes, and by Men's Offer- ings to their Pilgrimages, and at their firft Manes. Every Man and Child that is buried muft pay fomewhat for Maffes and Dirges * to be fung for him, or elfe they will accufe the Dead's Friends and Executors of Herefy. What Money get they by Mortuaries f, by hearing of Confeffions (and yet they will keep thereof no Counfel) by hallowing of Churches, Altars, Super-altars J, Chapels, and Bells, by curfmg of Men, and abfolving them again for Money, 5. What Multitude of Money gather the Pardoners || in a Year ? How much Money get the Somners (i. e. Parators] by Extortion in a Year ? By citing the People to the Com- miffaries Court, and afterwards releafing the Appearance for Money. Finally ', the infinite Number of Beggars Friars, what get they in a Year ? 6. Here, if it pleafe your Grace to mark, ye fhall fee a Thing far out of Joint ; there are within your Realm of England Fifty -two thoufand Parifh-Churches ; and this ftanding, that there be but ten Houfholds in every Pa- rifh, yet are there Five-hundred thoufand, and Twenty-thoufand Houfholds ; and of every of thefe Houfholds hath every of the Five Orders of Friars a Penny a Quarter for every Order, that is, for all the Five Orders Five Pence a Quarter for every Houfe j that is, for all the Five Orders Twenty Pence a Year for every Houfe : Sum- ma y Five-hundred thoufand, and Twenty- thoufand Quarters of Angels ; that is, Two- hundred and fixty thoufand Half Angels ; Sum- ma, One hundred and thirty thoufand Angels ; Summa totalis. Forty-four thoufand Pounds, and Three-hundred and thirty-three Pounds, Six Shillings, and Eight Pence Sterling : Whereof, not Four-hundred Years paffed, they had not one Penny. Oh grievous and painful Exactions, thus yearly to be paid, from the which the People of your noble Predeceffors, the Kings of the ancient Britons , ever flood free. 7. And this will they have, or elfe they will procure him that will not give it them to be taken as an Heretick. What Tyrant ever opprefTed the People like this cruel and vengc- able Generation ? What Subjects fhall be able to help their Prince, that be after this Fafhion yearly polled ? What good Chriftian People can be able to fuccour us poor Lepers, blind, fore, and lame, that be thus yearly opprefled ? Is it any Marvel that your People fo complain of Poverty ? Is it any Marvel that the Taxes, Fifteenths, and Subfidies, that your Grace, moft tenderly of great Compaflion, hath taken a- mong your People, to defend them from the threatened Ruin of their Common-wealth, * The Dead Ofce in the Church cf Rome, which begins with Din'*e me, Domine, &c. f A Mortuary was a G-ft left by a Man, at his Death, to his Parifh- Church, for the Recompence of his perfonal 'I ythes, and Offerings, not duly paid in his Life-time. J Th.fj are fquaie Stcnes, to be removed at the Krieft's Fleafure, to fay Mafs upon ; by fome called portc.bk A tars. " || Thofe employed by the Tope to grant Indulgences. $ Before the Cwqu'eft : For X''i!liam the Conj.eror, having engaged the Pore to countenance his unjuft Ijivafio.i upon this .fle, in Ke:un% oppreffedthe Subjects in this Manner, to gratify die Pope. The wry Beggars Petition again/I Popery. have beert fo flothfully, yea painfully, levied ? Seeing that almoft the uttermoft Penny that might have been levied, hath been gathered before, verily by this ravenous, cruel, and in- fatiable Generation. 8. The Danes , neither the Saxons, in the Time of the ancient Britons, mould never have been able to have brought their Armies, from fo far, hither unto your Land to have conquered it, if they had at that Time fuch a Sort of idle Gluttons to find at Home. The noble King Arthur had never been able to have carried his Army to the Foot of the Moun- tains, to refift the Coming down of Lucius the Emperor, if fuch yearly Exactions had been taken of his People. The Greeks had never been able to have fo long continued at the Siege of Troy, if they had had at Home fuch an idle Sort of Cormorants to fine. The an- cient Romans had never been able to put all the whole World under their Obeifance, if their People had been thus opprefled. 9. The Turk y now in your Time, mould never be able to get fo much Ground of Cbrif- tendom, if he had in his Empire fuch a Sort of Locufts to devour his Subftance. Lay then thefe Sums to the aforefaid third Part of the Pofleflions of the Realm, that you may fee whether it draw nigh unto the Half of the whole Subftance of the Realm, or not j fo fliall you find that it draweth far above. 10. Now let us then compare the Number of this unkind, idle Sort unto the Number of the Lay-People, and we mail fee whether it be indifferently drifted or not, that they mould have Half ? Compare them to the Number of Men, fo are they not the hundreth Perfon. Compare them to Men, Women, and Chil- dren, then are they not the four-hundreth Perfon in Number. One Part therefore, in Four-hundred Parts divided, were too much for them, except they did labour. What an unequal Burden is it, that they have Half with the Multitudes, and are not the four-hundredth Perfon of their Number ? What Tongue is able to tell, that ever there was any Common- wealth fo fore opprefled, fmce the World be- gan? n. And what do all thefe greedy Sort of fturdy, idle, holy Thieves with thefe yearly Exactions that they take of the People ? Truly nothing, but exempt themfelves from the Obe- 519 dience and Dignity from your Grace unto them ; nothing, but that your Subjects mould fall into Difobedience and Rebellion againit your Grace, and be under them ? As they did unto your noble Predeceflbr King John, which, becaufe that he would have punifhed certain Traitors that had confpired with the French King to have depofed him from his Crown and Dignity (among the which a Clerk called Stephen, whom, afterwards againft the King's Will, the Pope made Bifhop of Canterbury, was one) interdicted * his Land. For the which Matter your moft noble Realm wrong- fully (alas, for Shame !) hath flood tributary, not to any kind, temporal Prince, but unto a cruel, devilifh Blood-fupper, drunken in the Blood of the Saints and Martyrs of Chrtft ever fince. Here were a holy Sort of Prelates, that thus cruelly could punim fuch a righteous King, all his Realm, and Succeflion, fordoing Right. 12. Here were a charitable Sort of holy Men, that could thus interdict an holy Realm, and pluck away the Obedience of the People from their natural Liege Lord and King, for his Righteoufnefs. Here were a blefled Sort, not of meek Herds, but of Blood-fuppers, that could fet the French King upon fuch a righte- ous Prince, to caufe him to lofe his Crown and Dignity, to make Effufion of the Blood of his People, unlefs this good and blefled King, of great Companion, more fearing and lament- ing the Shedding of the Blood of his People^ than the Lofs of his Crown and Dignity, a- gainft all Right and Confcience, had fubmit- ted himfelf unto them. O Cafe moft hor- rible, that ever fo noble a King's Realm and Succeflion mould thus be made to ftoop to fuch a Sort of Blood-fuppers ! Where was his Sword, Power, Crown, and Dignity become, whereby he might have done Juftice in this Manner ? Where was their Obedience be- come, that mould have been fubject under his high Power, in this Matter ? Yea, where was the Obedience of all his Subjects become, that, for Maintenance of the Common-wealth,, mould have holpen him manfully to have re- fifted thefe Blood-fuppers to the Shedding of their Blood ? Was it not altogether, by their Policy, tranflated from this good King to them ? Excommunicated, Yea, 520 1 3. Yea, and what do they more ? Truly, nothing but apply themfelves, by all the Sleights they may, to have to do with every Man's Wife, every Man's Daughter, and every Man's Maid j that Cuckoldry fhould reign over all among your Subjects ; that no Man fhould know his own Child, that their Baftards might inherit the Poffeffions of every Man, to put the right begotten Children clear befide their Inheritance, in Subverfion of all Eftates and godly Order. Thefe be they, that by their Abftaining from Marriage do let the Ge- neration of the People, whereby all the Realm, at length, if it fhould be continued, mall be made defert and uninhabitable. They mean, that for this Sin of Whoredom God's Vengeance would fall on the Land. 14. Thefe be they that have made an hun- dred Thoufand idle Whores in your Realm, which would have gotten their Living honeft- ly iu the Sweat of their Faces, had not their fuperfluous Riches elected them to unclean Luft and Idlenefs. Thefe be they that cor- rupt the whole Generation of Mankind in your Realm ; that catch the Pox of one Woman, and bear it to another : Yea, fome one of them will boaft among his Fellows, that he hath meddled with an hundred Women. Thefe be they that, when they have once drawn Men's Wives to fuch Incontinency, fpend away their Hufbands Goods, make the Wo- men run away from their Hufbands, yea, run away themfelves both with Wife and Goods, bring both Man, Wife, and Children to Idle- nefs, Theft, and Beggary. 15. Yea, who is able to number the great and broad bottomlefs Ocean Sea-full of Evils, that this mifchievous and finful Generation may lawfully bring upon us unpunifhed ? Where is your Sword, Power, Crown, and Dignity be- come, that fhould punifh (by Punifhment of Death, even as other Men be punifhed) the Felonies, Rapes, Murders, and Treafons * ^* committed by this finful Generation ? Where v *kjis their Obedience become, that fhould be un- ^ . deryour high Power in this Matter ? Is it not -; v altogether tranflated and exempted from your ' Grace unto them? Yes truly. What an in- ;| finite Number of People might have been in- creafed, to have peopled the Realm, if thefe Sort of Folk had been married like other Men ? What Breach of Matrimony is there brought very Beggars Petition againft Popery. the World began among the whole Multitude of the Heathen. 1 6. Who is fhe that will fet her Hands to Work to get three Pence a Day, and may have at leaft twenty Pence a Day, to fleep an Hour with a Friar, a Monk, or a Pi ieft ? What is he that would labour for a Groat a Day,' and may have at leaft twelve Pence a Day to be a Bawd to a Prieft, a Monk, or a Friar ? What a Sort are there of them that marry Priefts, fovereign Ladies, but to cloak the Priefts Incontinency, and that they may have a Living of the Priefts themfelves, for their Labour ? How many Thoufands doth fuch Lubricity bring to Beggary, Theft, and Ulenefs, which mould have kept their good Name, and have fet themfelves to Work, had not been this exceflive Treafure of the Spiritu- alty ? What honeft Man dare take any Man or Woman in his Service, that hath been at fuch a School with a fpi ritual Man ? 17. Oh the grievous Shipwreck of the Corn- I monwealth ! which in ancient Time, before r the Coming in of thefe ravenous Wolves, was fo prosperous that then there were but few Thieves ; yea, Theft was at that Time fo rare, that Cajar was not compelled to make Penalty of Death upon Felony, as your Grace may well perceive in his Injiltutes. There were alfo at that Time but few poor People, and yet they did not beg, but there was given them enough unasked. For there were at that Time none of thefe ravenous Wolves to afk it from them, as it appeareth in the Afts of the Apojiles. Is it any Marvel, though there be now fo many Beggars, Thieves, and idle People ? No truly. 1 8. What Remedy? Make Laws againft them ? I am in Doubt whether ye be able : Are they not ftronger in your own Parliament- Houfe than yourfelf ? What a Number of Bi- fhops, Abbots, and Priors are Lords of your Parliament? Are not all the learned Men in your Realm in Fee with them, to fpeak in your Parliament-houfe againft your Crown, Dignity, and Commonwealth of your Realm, a few of your own learned Council only ex- cepted ? What Law can be made againft them that may be available? Who is he (though he be grieved never fo fore) for the Murder of his Anceftor, Ravimment of his Wife, of his Daughter ; Robbery, Trefpafs, Maim, Debt, in by them ? Such truly, as was never fince or any other Offence, dare lay it to their Charge. 'The very Beggars Petition again ft Popery. 521 Charge, by any Way of A&ion; and, if he do, 21. What Law can be made fo ftrong a- then is he, by and by, by their Wilinefs, ac- gainft them, that they, either with Money or uarfo, containing thirty Pages. The good Intention of this Pamphlet, and the mafterly Way of Reafoning ivilb whicb it is compofed* and, in Particular, the too often Nece/ity to declaim againft that Ca- cocbemy of tbe -popular Preachers or Court-Flatterers, recommend it to the Curicus ; and, as it is moft fearce, a few of them only having efcaped the Injuries _ /~< r ^._i._ XT. Covenant of Grace, which the Father hath made with us in him ; or otherwife than is fuitable to the Rules of Edification towards all, without Offence and Partiality towards any. If then I fhould ftep beyond this Line, and take upon me, through fome Infight into State- defigns, to play the Statift towards the People, to fway their Inclinations to fome earthly Byafs, for certain Ends, which Chrift hath not bid me profecute in his Hufbandry, I know not how I fhould be able to anfwer it unto my own Con- fcience in his Prefence : For my Spirit would tell me, that to play the Huckfter with the Truth, to corrupt the Word of God, and not to handle it in Sincerity and as of God, is not the Part ef a faithful Servant of Chrift ; there- fore, as I would not have any to judge of me, I mail never take upon me to judge of any Man's fecret Intentions in handling the Word, and mixing heterogeneal Matters of publick Concernment with his Sermon; Every one ment upon any Man's Confcience to take No- tice of State-matters, further than otherwife is incident to the Minifterial Function in an or- dinary Way, I fuppofe he may walk fafely towards God, and without Offence towards Men, in Matters of greateft Scrupulofity. But for a further clearing of Scruples, which may be incident in this Kind, I (hall put a Cafe, which, in evil Times before the Wit- neffes be killed, faithful Miniftcrs, in their Warfare againft the Beaft, may, and will be put unto. Let us then fuppofe, that it fhall be made a Crime worthy of Death, to fpeak againft any human Conftitutions, which Au- thority fhall fet up in God's Worfhip, altho' never fo contrary to the exprefs Word of God, as in the Bifhops Times fome were made Offenders for a Word, and a Pretence, taken from any fmall Thing which feemed to contradict Authority, was enough to out a Man from his Place whom they called a popu- lar A Cafe of Conference refohed, &c. lar Preacher ; not fo much becaufe the Thing deferved Outing, but becaufe any Occafion would ferve to filence a powerful and faithful Minifter. In fuch a Cafe, the Queftion is, How far a confcionable Minifter 53 is bound to appear in Oppofuion to the Sanctions of Au- thority ? To this I {hall anfwer, Flrfl, That, in fuch a Cafe, where God's Word is clearly oppofite to the Sanction of Man in Matters of his own Wormip, no Man may with a good Con- fcience be indifferent, connive, or feem to give Way unto the Ellablimment thereof willing- Jy, for this would be a Lukewarmnefs in God's Service. Secondly, No Man can give an exact Rule to another, what, on fuch Occasions, as may fall out in Reference to his Flock, or againft his Adverfaries, he mould do, to quit himfelf, and not betray the Truth, or the Souls of his Flock, unto the Power of Seduction, becaufe Circumftances are infinite ; therefore Men are to ftudy general Rules, and muft in Particulars be left unto the Directions of God's Spirit, who doth oftentimes call forth his Servants to the Battle upon fmaller Occafions, to fight as effectually as upon greater ones ; and, in fome Men, the human Imprudencies of their fpiritual Zeal may be as ufeful, in God's Way of ordering the fame, as the greateft Prudence of others. Thirdly, Altho* a faithful Minifter may nei- ther connive nor (hew any Compliance with that which he knows to be clearly oppofite to the Will of God, but muft be zealoufly affect- ed and bent to ftand out againft it, in the Sphere of his Calling ; yet he is not ob- liged, either at all Times to fet himfelf o- penly againft it ; or to appear in fuch a Way of Contradiction unto it, which may give the Adverfaries of the Gofpel fome Advantages, which they lie in wait to take againft him, from the Manner of his Oppofition or Con- tradiction : Therefore it is lawful at all Times, and in fuch Cafes very expedient, to ufe Prudence, and by fome fpiritual Stratagems to defeat the Enemies of their Advantages ; which may be done fometimes by declining a direct and open Contradiction of that which is the act of Authority ; and by ufing another Way of oppofing the fame, which may be as effectual, and yet not liable to any Excep- tion. For there are two Ways of handling all Matters of Doctrine and Practice, the one is Pofitive, the other Negative ; the Negative is to refute and contradict that which ano- ther dpth affert or pradtife, condemning it as an Error or a Fault. The Pofitive is to con- firm and declare our own Opinion as a Truth ; and if this be done effectually, in a Matter wherein our Affertion doth by a clear Confequence make void the Error, or over- throw the Practice of our Adverfary, it is no lefs profitable to bear Witnefs to the Truth, than a direct Reproving of Vice by an exprefs Condemnation thereof ; by this Me- thod then, a faithful Minifter may prudently decline a Snare laid to entrap him, if hefhould prefume to be fo ftout, as to contradict that which is exprefly eftablifhed ; and yet may zealoufly and effectually clifcharge his Cwi- fcience, and preferve his Flock from Error, by a pofitive Delivery of the Truth, which, beins; entertained from God's Word, will be liable to no Exception, and yet deftroy the Error, and difcover the Fault of thofe that abuie their Authority in all Men's Minds, and al- tho' the Confequence be not exprefly made, or the Thing to be condemned once named. Thus then, in Matters of State, which Au- thority may perhaps fet on Foot directly, in, Oppofition to the Kingdom of Cbrift, to make Men guilty, that (hall openly contradict it, zealous Men may decline an open Contradic- tion ; and, by afferting ftrongly that Matter of Religion or Worfhip, which is oppofite in its Nature to that Matter of State, which Au- thority would fettle, quit their Confcience ful- ly ; and, without naming the Thing, which may not not be profeffedly condemned, yet overthrow it in all Men's Minds. He that did affert ftrongly from the Word of God, that the Lord's Day is to be kept holy to God in ipiritual Duties, to enter into his Reft, and mind him alone without any other Thoughts > and that all Profeffors are bound in Confcience to intend this, as they defire to partake of his Holinefs, and that the Neglect of this Duty is a Forfeiture of that Holinefs, which God in his Covenant, by the Ordinance of that Day doth offer to us : He, I fay, that did ftrongly make out this, to be a Truth which cannot be controuled, did fully condemn and refute the Book of Sports on the Lord's. Day, which was fet up by Authority *, al- though he never did once name it j and fo, in * Of King James I. and afterwards by King Charles I. X X X 2 A Cafe of Conference refofaed, cc. all other Cafes, Something may be done of like Nature, when Adverfaries lie in wait to find Occafions of making Men Offenders, if they dare feem to be directly Oppofites to that which bears the Name of Authority. Alfo the The/is of a Matter may be fo fully handled, that the Hypothejis need not to be once named, but all Men will be able to make the Applica- tion thereof by themfelves. The defenfive Po- jftures in Fencing are eafier and fafer than the Offenfive ; and he that is fo well (killed there- in, that his Adverfary, by aflaulting him, gain nothing elfe but Wearinefs to himfelf, and the Spending his Strength in vain, will, in the End, have an eafy Conqueft of him. And, to cure Difeafes there are two Ways, either by the Strengthening of the vital Spirits in the natural Conftitution of every one, or by the Purging out of evil Humours i if Na- ture can be fo well fortified by Cordials or Fer- mentations, as to caft out that which is noxi- ous by itfelf, it is far better and fafer than to ufe Purgations, which always bring fome Trouble, and weaken the Spirits for a Time. Thus it is alfo with the beft of Reproofs and Cenfures upon the Minds of natural Men. Verbum fapienti fatifeft. The Lord direct us wifely to walk in the Light, and, by the Pow- er of it, to difpel the Power of Darknefs, that we may (hine without Blame in the Midft of a crooked and perverfe Generation : Let us pray for the Spirit of Promife, which will di- rect us in all Truth, and the God of Truth and Peace be with you : In him I (hall reft Tour abjured Friend in Chrift, J. D. The Vow which J. D. hath made, and the Covenant which he doth enter into with God, in Reference to the National Covenant of the Kingdoms. Sent to London from the Hague, the 2ift of December, 1643. f "i"* H E Tie of my Confcience to the Pro- X feffion of the Gofpel, whereby I am jnade a Subject of Jefus Chri/t, the King of Kings, Partaker of the Privileges of the Kingdom of Heaven, and a free Citizen of the fpiritual Jerufakm^ doth bind me to bear Witnefs unto the Truth, to join myfelf unto the Profeflbrs thereof, and to fubfcribe my Name unto the Lord, to ferve under his Banner, for the Prefervation and Enlargement of his Church, till he receive all the Heathen for his Inheritance, and the uttermoft Parts of the Earth for his Pofleffion. Therefore, accord- ing to the Nature of the Minifterial Function, wherein God hath fet me, and the Vows which I have formerly made, to exprefs my Faithfulnefs towards him, and my blamelefs Dealing free from Partiality towards all MCB, and chiefly towards thofe of the Houfhold of Faith: I conceive myfelf obliged to anfwer the Call which is given me, whereby I am re- quired to contribute Help towards the publick Edification of the Church, whereof I am a Member. I declare then in the Prefence of Almighty God, who (hall judge the Quick and the Dead, at the Day of his glorious Appearing, that I have no Ends in this Undertaking, but thefe Fir/l, To fatisfy my Confcience in the Du- ties which I owe to Chrift in his Kingdom a- mong all, and chiefly Evangelical Cbrijliam^ and more particularly amongft thofe of my National Church. . Secondly, Ta (hew my Fidelity unto my lawful Sovereign, to the Kingdoms, and to the Peace of both in the Profeflion of the Gofpel. And, Thirdly ) To endeavour the Edification of all my Evangelical Brethren at Home and A- broad, who are diftrefTed for Want of mutual Love, and peaceable Affections, and diffracted by Reafon of uncharitable Jealoufies, paflion- ate Injuries, and injurious Miftakes. There- fore my Aim, in this Enterprife, is, and (hall be, without all Mixture of human Refpedts, to procure, fo far as God (hall enable me in the Way of my fpiritual Calling, a Remedy to thefe Evils ; and, to this Effect, having renew- ed my Covenant with Almighty God, and the Vows by which I am folemnly obliged to the Rules of my Profeflion ; I have anfwerably to the fame lifted up my Hand to Heaven, and fworn to the moft high God, as followeth : Fir/l, That in the Miniftry of the new Co- venant of everlafting Life and Ptace, which God hath gracioufly erected with Mankind m Jffm Cbrift) and, according to the Analogy of Chrijlian A Cafe of Confcience refofaed) &c. 533 Faith,| clearly taught, and the Rules of phanenefs, and whatfoever (hall be found con- trary to found Doctrine, and the ChriJIian Duties, exprefly commanded in Holy Scripture ; and, by the undoubted Principles of fmcere Dealing, manifeftly revealed in the Confcience of every one," and ufeful for Edifi- cation, and Avoiding of Offence in the Com- munion of Saints : I (hall fmcerely, really, and conftantly, through the Grace of God, en- deavour to preferve every where, but more efpecially in the Church of Scotland, and to ad- vance towards Perfe&ion, in the Church of England and Ireland, the Reformed Religion, iiV the free and publick Profeffion and Practice of the Doctrine, Worfhip, Difcipline, and Government thereof, according to the Word of God, and the Example of the beft Reform- ed Churches; and (hall, by the Means aforefaid, furthermore endeavour, as I (hall find Oppor- tunity, to bring the Churches of God in the three Kingdoms to the neareft Conjunction and Uniformity that may be evangelically ob- tained in Religion, Confeffion of Faith, Form of Church- Government, Directory for Wor- (hip and Catechifings, that they, and their Po- fterity, may as Brethren, live in Unity of the Spirit, through the Bond of Peace, in Faith, and Love amongft themfelves, and correfpond amiably with Foreign ProteJIanti, that the God of Peace, Love, and Unity may delight to dwell in the Midft of them. That, by the Means aforefaid, I (hall in like Manner, without worldly Refpecb, and Re- fpe&ing of Perfons, endeavour the Rooting out of t all Plants, which the Heavenly Fa- ther hath not planted, and more particular- ly that I (hall labour to extirpate all human ufurped Power over the Church of God, and the Conferences of Men, tending to lead them in a lordly, tyrannical Way to depend upon the Will of Man, by a blind Credulity, and forced Obedience in Matters of Faith, and religious Practice, whether it be called now Popery or Prelacy, by the Titles of Arch- bifhops, Bifhops, their Courts, Chancellors, Commiflaries, Deans, and Chapters, Arch- deacons, and fuch like Ecclefiaftical Officers depending upon that Hierarchy, or by what Name foever it may or (ball be called here- after. And that, in like Manner, I (hall la- bour to extirpate all Superftition, and all Here- fies condemned by the Primitive General Councils of the true ancient Church ; all Schifm, chiefly amongft evangelical Proteflants, who have c'aft off the Papal Yoke j all Pro- Power of Godlinefs, left I partake of other Men's Sins, and be in Danger to receive of their Plagues, that the Lord may be one, and his Name one, not only in the three Kingdoms, but in all the Kingdoms of the Earth. Thirdly, That I (hall by the Means aforefaid, in the fame Sincerity, Reality, and Conftancy, according to my Calling, endeavour, with my Eftate and Life, to preferve the Rights and Privileges of the Parliaments, and the Liber- ties of the Kingdoms, which are fundamental and necefTary for the Confervation of the Pub- lick State ; and that I (hall alfo preferve and defend, with my Eftate and Life, the King's Majefty's Perfon and Authority, to which I am bound by the Oath of Allegiance, as to the Head of the Publick State, in the Prefervation and Defence of the true Religion and Liber- ties of the Kingdoms, that the World may bear Witnefs with my Confcience of my Loy- alty, and that I have no Thoughts or Inten- tions to diminish his Majefty's juft Power and Greatnefs. Fourthly, That Khali, with all Faithfulnefs, endeavour the Difcovery of all fuch as have been, or (hall be Incendiaries, Malignants, or evil Inftruments, by hindering the Reforma- tion of Religion, dividing the King from his People, .or one of the Kingdoms from another, or making any Factions or Parties among the People, contrary to the Tenor of the National League or Covenant, that they may be drawn from the Error of their Ways, and brought to Repentance, or otherwife to publick Tryal, and receive condign Punifhment, as the De- gree of their Offence (hall require or deferve, or fupreme Judicatories of both Kingdoms rt- fpec-tively, or others having Power from them to that Effe&, (hall judge convenient. Fifthly, And whereas the Happinefs of a bleffed Peace and Union between the King- doms, denied in former Times to our Proge- nitors, is, by the good Providence of God, granted to us, and hath been lately concluded and fettled by both Parliaments, I (hall, ac- cording to my Place and Intereft, endeavour that the Kingdoms may remain conjoined in a firm Peace and Union to all Pofterity, and that Juftice may be done upon the wilful Op- pofers thereof, in Manner exfrefied in the precedent Articles* 534 -^ C a fe f Conference rejbhed, &c. Sixthly, I fhall, alfo, according to my Place and Calling, in the common Caufe of Reli- gion, Liberty, and Peace of the Kingdoms, aflift and defend all thofe that enter into the Rational League and Covenant, in the Main- taining and Purfuing thereof, and {hall not fuffer myfelf directly or indirectly, by whatfoe- ver Combination, Perfuafion, or Terror, to be withdrawn and divided from this blefled U- nion and Conjunction, whether to make De- fection to the contrary Part, or to give myfelf to a deteftable Indifferency, or Neutrality, in this Caufe, which fo much concerns the Glory of God, the Good of the Kingdoms, the Ho- nour of the King, and the Welfare of all Evangelical Churches, which I {hall labour to bring to a good Correfpondency, and brother- ly Affection with the Churches of the King- doms, and one with another ; and fo, all the Days of my Life, fhall zealoufly and conftant- ly continue, againft all Oppofition, in this En- deavour of publick Edification, Peace, and Re- concilement of Proteftants, not leaving off to promote more particularly the National Caufe according to my Power, againft all Lets and Impediments whatfoever ; and what I am not able to fupprefs or overcome by myfelf, I fhall reveal and make known, that it may be timely prevented or removed. All which I {hall do as in the Sight of God. Seventhly ', And, left, in the Ufe of the forefaid Means for the Profecuting of thefe Endeavours, as well towards thofe of my Nation, as towards other Evangelical Churches, 1 might either unadvifedly give, or others might colourably take Offence and Scandals at me, from whence Inconveniencies in this Work, as Tares in a good Field, may grow up, and choak the Fruits thereof, for Want of Circumfpection and Care, to determine the Way and Manner of Proceed- ing, by neceflary Rules tending to Edification ; therefore,, I fhall faithfully endeavour to fliape my Courfe in all Things conformable to the Life of Jefm Chri/l, the Captain of this War- fare, whofe Footfteps I am bound to follow, and whofe Life is the Rule of Righteoufnefs ; and, to fpeak more particularly of this, I fhall order the Ways of my Proceedings by thefe Rules : Things of Darknefs, and the Tricks of world- ly Wifdom. II. I fhall not meddle out of my fpiritual Calling, with Matters of State, nor fuffer my Minifterial Gifts to ferve Politicians for world- ly Ends. III. My Way fhall be wholly Evangelical, that is to fay, fitted to prepare the Minds of Men to entertain the glad Tidings of the Gof- pel. And, to this Effea, I fhall feek out and propofe the Counfels and Means of Peace by the Truth, bearing Witnefs thereunto, as it {hall be revealed to me, and exhorting and perfuading indifferently all to re- ceive it. I fhall not ftrive, nor cry, nor lift up my Voice in the Streets ; that is to fay, I fhall not entertain the contentious Cuftom of bitter Railings, and confufed Difputings, by odious Cenfuring and Condemning of others, to lay open their Faults ; but rather ftudy by loving Admonitions to redrefs them. I fhall not break the bruifed Reed, nor quench the fmoaking Flax ; that is to fay, I {hall bear with the Weak and fupport the Feeble, not pleafing myfelf, but, condefcend- ing to Things of low Degree, befitting the Ca- pacity of the Simple and Ignorant, I will la- bour to heal the Breaches of their Spirit, and carry their Burthens, till God fend forth Judg- ment unto Victory. If I be wronged, I {hall not intend Revenge, or requite Evil for Evil, or give Way to evil Surmifes, or make finifter Reports of my evil Will known, but rather fhall cover their Faults, fo far as may be without Detriment to the publick Caufe, and the neceflary Clearing of my own Innocency. In a Word, I fhall do nothing to another, which I would not have done, in the like Cafe, unto myfelf; and what I would have done by others to myfelf, I fhall firft do it unto them. Laftly, I fhall always be ready to go with- out the Camp, to bear the Reproach, and par- take of the Crofs of Jefus Chrift. I. I fhall walk in the Light, doing all Things openly ; and being defirous to come to the Light, and approve my Ways to the Confci- ence of every one, I {hall reject all hidden And, becaufe, not only the Kingdoms, but all Proteftant Churches and Evangelical States, and every one that liveth therein, are guilty of many Sins and Provocations againft God and his Son Jefus Chrt/i, as is too manifeft by the prefent DiftreiTes and Dangers, the Fruits thereof befalling to all, as well at Home as A- broad ; Great News from Drake'* and Raleigh'* Gbofts. 53 $ Prefence of Almighty God, the Searcher of all Hearts, with a true Intention to perform the fame unblameably, as I (hall anfwer at the great Day, when the Secrets of all Hearts (hall be difclofed. Moft humbly befeeching the Lord to ftrengthen me and all thofe that enter into the like Refolution by his holy Spirit for this End, and to blefs all our Defires and Pro- ceedings of this Kind, with fuch Succefs as may be Deliverance and Safety to his People, and Encouragement to other Chriftian Churches, groaning under, or in Danger of the Yoke of Antichriftian Tyranny, to join in the fame or like Affociation and Covenant, to the Glory of God, the Enlargement of the Kingdom of Jefui Cbri/1, and the Peace and Tranquillity of all Chriftian Kingdoms and Commonwealths. Amen. broad ; therefore, I propofe and declare before God my unfeigned Defire to be humbled for my Sins, and for the Sins of my Brethren in thefe Kingdoms, and in the Churches at Home and Abroad; efpecially that we have not all valued, as we ought, the ineftimable Benefit of the Gofpel ; that we have not la- boured for the Purity and Power thereof, and that we have not endeavoured to receive Chrift in our Hearts, nor to walk worthy of him in our Lives, which are the Caufe of other Sins and Tranfgreflions fo much abounding among all. And my true and unfeigned Purpofe, De- fire, and Endeavour is for myfelf, and for all others under my Power and Charge both in Publick and in Private, in all Duties I owe to God and Man, to amend my Life and theirs, and to go before others in the Example of a real Reformation, that the Lord may turn a- way his Wrath and heavy Indignation from all his People, and eftablifh the Churches and the Kingdoms in Truth and Peace. And this Covenant and Vow I make in the / have fold and fubfcribe myfelf, J. D. Loyalty, attended with great News from Drakes and Raleigtts Ghofts. Prefenting the true Means whereby Britain may be recovered from her Maladies, and obtain a lafting Hap- pinefs, Honour, and Renown. In an Heroick Poem. Barcl. Arg, containing j o magnis tandem exauditu Piorum Vota DeuSy nunc alma Salus^ nunc Secula curat Omnipo tens. - - London, printed for the Author, in 1705. fixteen Pages, To 536 Great News from Drake** and Raleigh'* Ghofts, To the QJJ E E N. May it pleafe your Majefty, rH E Senfe of my Unworthinefs would have difcouraged me from this hid Addrefs, had not your Majefty affured the World of your moft gracious Condefcenfion t& forgive greater Trefpaffes. Moft gracious Sovereign, My plain Mufe has herein been favoured to reprefent the mature Conceptions of feme of your Majefty' s loyal Subjetts, who are defervedly efteemed amongft the moft wife and under/landing Perfons, and fuch who have merited: from the Crown equal with moft> ; which, if his late Majefty bad lived a few Days longer, would have been apparent to all. I humbly crave Pardon for this Prefumption, and beg the Honour of your Ma- jefty 9 s gracious Acceptance hereof, praying (with all loyal and dutiful Subjects) for your Majefty' s long and profperous Reign, to the Glory of God, and the Proteftant Re- ligion, which is, and jball be the conftant and moft hearty Petition of, Your Majefty's Moft loyal And moft obedient Servant, JOHN S AJ> L E R. H A D not the Sov'refgn of the Globe took Care, Ev'n on the Precipice of black Defpair, To fend us a Deliverer of our Me, Who chang'd the gloomy Scene and made us fmile ; [Illuftr'ous Naffau *, that bright rifing Sun] Britannia had been ruined and undone f. A new Meridian Light he did ere& ; And by diffufive Rays of Heat protect ; Chacing away the frightful Shades of Night, When arm'd DeftrudSon ftood in all our Sight. Look ! look ! what fplendid Form does now furprife, Moving with com'ly Gate before our Eyes ? Each Step it foftly does to us advance ; Looks not with pale, but (hining Countenance ; * So graceful, that the near approaching Sight, I Inftead of Terror, does command Delight, f And to a fweet Compofure does invite. J ? William Prince of Orange. f By a Popljb King and Council. Great News from Drake'* and Raleigh^ Gboflt. 537 Drake's Ghoflr. Forth from that fweet Place where blefs'd Shades do dwell, To my dear Albion * I am fent to tell : Kind Heav'n for her has Bleffings treafur'd up, The Hieroglyphick is this golden Cup j This Cup of Confolation in my Hand, Britannia f Now be wife and underftand. When the proud daring Pow'rs of Spain combin'd f, And in a frightful grand Armado join'd j Which they Invincible did proudly call ; Old Belzebub could not forbear, and all Th'infernal Fiends, who then began to grin, To fee his Subjects toiling in their Gin, And cornpafs'd in When Platuj mufter'd up his furious Legions Through all his fulph'rous, dark, and fmoky Regions, Drawn forth in Line of Battle, to invade Thy Land : And when his Grenadiers, with Spade, Thought with one mighty Thruft to (hovel down This Ifle into the Sea, with Nod and Frown ; Propitious Heaven all their Meafures brake, And by a Word of full Command befpake, Befpake me J for the Inftrument, and gave A Mandate that I (hould Britannia fave. The famous Queen Elifabeth then reign'd, Whofe Admiral I was ; and (when obtain'd This joint Commiffion) Heav'n did then infpire, And taught me to prepare new Works of Fire || ; Wing'd with a thund'ring Vengeance, and fuch Roar, Such Defolation as ne'er known before. Moft of their floating Cydope Ifles then flew Up, through the wounded Air, in open View ; While fome funk down in Neptune's wat'ry Grave, With Shrieks to th'Virgin Mary , them to fave. The Eccho weary'd was with frightful Sound, More dreadful than rous'd CerVrus Barkings, round The Gulph of Scylla and Charybdis (where Tremendous Horror and Amazement flare On one another with erected Hair.) The Spant/h Monarchy was then o'erthrown ; And looking round for Help, but finding none, Sunk 13 c. are fituate in the WejI-InMes. j- A common Name for any Country rich in Gold and Silver Mines ; an Epithet taken from Gene/is ii. ver. 1 1 . J Gundamore was the Sparifa Ambaffador at the Court of England, who procured Rakigtfs Death. {j The Gofpel preached by Proteftattts. Two Pagan JJeities. Y y y 2 Anil 540 Great News from Drake'* W Raleigh' J Ghofts. And Lewis *, to thy rich imperial Crown, 7 Shall bow ; court all thy Favours, fear thy Frown : 7- While Europe ftands amaz'd at thy Renown, * And ail Earth's Monarchs, who {hall know thy Fame, Will then rife up their Blefllngs to proclaim, When they fhall hear Britannia's awful Name. Now let the dreadful Doom of James the Fir/1 f , (Who all his Popifh Succeffors fore curft) Light on thofe black infernal Minds, who join ^ This Enterprife to break ; or fhall repine V Againft this Deed, which Heav'n's broad Seal does fign. C Brand with perpetual Stigma all, all thofe "\ Who thy Felicity in this oppofe, ( And treat 'em as thou would'ft thy greateft Foes ; f And they no lefs deferve all good Men's Hate, J Who of ftrange Mountain Bug-bears do relate, Nigh Darien ; (like thofe wicked Spies of old, T Who of tall Anakims round Canaan told) v Confronting Providence with Brow moft bold. f Shake off thy Charms, and from deep Sleep arife ; And take the timely Counfel of the Wife : Thick Scales from thy blind Eyes will then drop off, And thy deaf Ears unftopp'd ; whilft all who feoff, Infulting o'er thy Maladies, will find That Heav'n's flow Mills will them to Powder grind", Shake off thy ftrong intoxicating Charm, And thyfelf with fix'd Refolution arm j I'll be thy Conduit (Britain's Martyr's Ghoft) And bring thy Navy fafe to Darien's Coaft. I'll hafte ; and, at your Sovereign's Call, prepare A Figure, which all England's Foes will fear. Nor can the Shades (tho' happy) take full Reft, } 'Till Britain's of her Paradife poffefs'd, / Where fhe, with Peace, Trade, Honour will be blefs'd, f [Raleigh'* Gbojl vanijbes, &c. J. Kind Heav'n affift us, rightly to improve This noble Magazine of treafur'd Love. O cleanfe our drowfy Souls from filthy Dregs, Screw up- our craz'd 'Theorbo's dufty Pegs, And let each founding Heart-ftiing tuned be To a moft fweet melodious Harmony. And to a fervent Soul-transforming Praife, Since Heav'n, refolves by fuch endearing W^ays ^ Britannia** Griefs to heal, and her to Glory raife. j Moft welcome News thefe happy Shades do bring, Who, by Divine Inftru&ion, know the Thing, *The King of 'France. f Who was poifoned by the Duke tf Buckinglant. See p. 6. Vol. II. That Great News from Drake'* and Raleigh % s Gbofts. That timely will prevent the Nation's Woe ; Who is Britannia's Friend, and who her Foe. Not like the doubtful Oracles of old, But, with Love's Freedom, modeft, plain, yet bold, They tell, wherein our Happinefs confifts ; Removing from our Eyes the ftrange inchanting Mifts. O, honour'd England ! fure thy Fame will fpread, And, in thy Adverfaries *, ftrike a Dread, Since two fuch Men f rife from the Dead to heal With Sympathy, as if both did feel Our Griefs ; and all the happy Shades likewife Confulted, how to make us great and wife- May all thofe Paralites an Entrance find In Strombolo's and JEtna's Mouths J, who blind Our Nation's Eyes, by their Satanick Arts, To hide true Underftanding from our Hearts, Now let's no longer rub our feft'ring- Sore, Lanc'd by great Raleigh to the very Core ; But wait in Patience 'till we underftand What glorious Anne will fay, and what command. The Vapours, which did late infect our Air, Depart ; and our late Clouds do difappear ; We'll hafte to Court, in Hopes to gain the Royal Ear.. And may we, when we next together meet, With News celeftial, one another greet. Mean While, to ftrengthen our Aflurance, we Illuftrious Anne will view ; whom all do fee Encompafs'd round in Heaven's dear Embrace, j\ Shining with Glory from its fmiling Face, > Which crowns her both with Majefty and Grace* ^ And, tho' great NaJ/au's Abfence made it Night, Soon after rofe this more refplendent Light. Of equal Honour to the Britijh Throne, With J'^illiam or Eli'za^ fhe is known ; Who does with new advancing Luftre fhine^ And lives the Terror of the humbl'd Sein. We've feen her Arms, Great-Britain's Crofs difplay, While baffl'd France does own, our Anna's Ray Did, by the Brightnefs of her dawning Reign, Juft entr'ing on the Globe, and late began, What e'er their tedious Monarch wrought, exceed, And taint his Grandeur by one fmgle Deed, And pull the fading Laurels from his Head. Spain, f As Drake and Raldgb. $ Stremlolt and &tna are two burning Nor 54? Great News from DrakeV and Raleigh'* Ghofts, Nor will, 'till fhe the mighty Work has done, 'J Sheath up, and the conteiled Balance won, > And finifh what the great Na/au begun. tfo\ The treach'rous See of Rome, and haughty France, She now has put in a confounding Trance, Which, in all joyful Hearts, does now infpire New Confolations from a Heav'n-born Fire; And into ev'ry loyal Breaft inftills What with new Love and Admiration fills. To France and Rome (he is the fterling Mirror Of Heart-diftrading Grief, and thundering Terror. Let Vlgo fpeak, if any Strength be left In thefe, who of their Senfes were bereaft, 'f-Y\ J. And, breathlefs, hid themfelves in Mountains Cleft. Let France tell, who Anne's Banner view'd with Dread, When Marlborough her victorious Army led Up to the fhaken Empire, to defend From Lewis's ftrong Invafion ; and did fend All his flain Hoft to their infernal Place, And did his captiv'd Generals Pride abafe. Mar/borough, fo great and brave, he gave 'em Light From his loud Cannons Flames (in Dufk of Night) For decent Burial of thofe Warriors all, Who durft afpire to grafp th' Imperial Ball, The Diadem and Scepter (to enflave All Europe) thus, he fent thofe Hectors to the Grave. Let their fad Ghofts arife to tell th' Alarms, oiy t Which fmote France deaf and dumb thro' Britain's Arms, In Spight of Maintenon's * delufive Charms. j Since Rome and France proclaim it certain Death To fpeak of this great Conqueft but one Breath, Let thofe Shades rife, tho' they but once appear Not now to tell the News which all Men hear, But to torment, and ftrike 'em dead with Fear. x We'll give 'em Leave Te Deums now to fing, Since welcome Poft fuch glorious News does bring. If Lewis means at next Campaign to thrive, Le-Cbefe f his Prayers backwards now muft ftrive, (Tho' in much Shame/and Ridicule) to mumble, While Moon-blind Fops with aching Gizzards grumble. * Lewis the Fourteenth's Mifbrefs. f Lewis the Fourteenth's Confeffor.' i: Proceedings of their Majefy's Forces, Sec. 543 Victorious Anne, in a triumphant State, Her publick Hallelujah's twice has founded, And, when a third Time fhe (hall confecrate ImmanuePs * Praife, may fhe then be furrounded With th' univerfal Harmony of all, In Shout, for France and Rome's tremendous Fall. And may fhe reign in Peace and Honour, 'till Time all the facred Prophecies fulfil A Signet in God's Heart ; a Plague to Hell : And (with his Royal Highnefs f) ever dwell, Ever, in Beatifick-Vifion-Place ; In the eternal (dear and full) Embrace Of great "Jehovah^ t6 behold his Face. * Amen> Amen, * Jtfm Cbrifi. f Prince George of Denmark, Queen Ai.ns Confort. A true and faithful Relation of the Proceedings of the Forces of their Majefties, King William and Queen Mary^ in their Expedition againft the French^ in the Carribbee Ijlands y in the Weft-Indies : Under the Conduct of his Excellency Chrijlopher Codrington, Captain-General and Commander in Chief of the faid Forces, in the Years 1689 and 1690. Written by Thomas Spencer^ Junior, Secretary to the Ho- nourable Sir Timothy Thornhill^ Baronet, to whofe Regiment he was Mufter-Mafter, and fupplied the Place of Commif- fary. London^ printed in 1691. ^uarto^ containing four- teen Pages.. To the Right Honourable Ed-ward Ruffel, Admiral of their MajefHes Fleet for the Year 1691, Treafurer of their Majeflies Navy, and one of the Lords of their Majefties moil Honourable Privy- Council. Right Honourable, I Might jujlly imagine mrfelf to be thought rude and impertinent, ivhen I firft prefumed to tender this Account to your Honour ; and I jhmild never have adventured upon fo great a Bddmfi, if 1 had not thought it really my Duty to prefent it to your Honour's 44 Proceedings of their Majtftys Forces View : And, tie Reafon which moved me to it was, becaufe the mofl notable Aftions here- in related, as the Taking of St. Chriftophers, and St. Euftace, were the immediate Sue- cefs of Part of that Royal 'Navy, which your Honour ww happily commands in Chiefs I mean that Squadron commanded by Admiral Wright in the Weft-Indies, without which it had been utterly impojjible for the Englifh to have enterprifed anything in thofe Parts : For their Majejlies Ijlands there were fo depopulated by a raging Mortality, that the furviving Inhabitants were even bar raffed with a daily Fatigue to defend themfehes. Upon this Motive, joined with the Consideration of the innate Generofity, which is gene- rally found in all Perfons fo Nobly and Honourably descended as yourfelf; but is fo pecu- liar to the' mcft Noble Family of Bedford, and with which (as you are a principal Branch thereof, fo} you are principally adorned ; / firft ajjumed the Boldnefs to addrefs ycur Honour with a Copy of this Relation ; and the high Favour you were pleafed to vouchfafe me, in your Perufal and Approbation of it, when it was a Manufcript, hath .encouraged me not only to fend it to the Prefs, but hath alfo emboldened me to implore your Patronage to countenance it, with whisb it will be fufficiently honoured and defended, and may boldly appear in Publick. But, for the Return of fo high an Obligation, as it Iran- fcends the utmoft of my Hopes to accomplijh, fo I mufl confefs my Incapacity to make any farther Advances towards it, than an bumble and grateful Acknowledgment, which Jh all ver be paid with tbeftrifteft Obfervance, by him who craves JLeave to fubfcribe himfclf, Right Honourable, Your Honour's Moft humbly devoted and obedient Servant, r H E Defign of this fmall Treatife is to give a fuccinft Relation of the Proceedings of their Majefties Forces, in the Car ibbee- Ijlands ; and, in a plain and compendious Method, a faithful Narrative of the moft re- markable Tranfadlions, from the Beginning of the War, to this prefent Time : Only I muft defire to be excufed, in the Omifllon of noting the particular Days of the Month in fome Places, the Lofs of fome Papers having forced me to be lefs exact in the Performance of that, than I could wifh ; but, as this is not abfolutely material and per fe, but only cir- cumftamial and per Reddens, I prefume it may the more eafily be pardoned. But, before I fall upon the intended Matter, "I think it not amifs to mew the firft Grounds and Heafons of the Differences which hare hap- Thomas Spencer. pened in thofe Parts. Be pleafed then to know, that the Ifland of St. Chrjftophen hath former- ly been a Stage of War between the Englijb and French : But, of late Years, Matters be- ing accommodated, and the Ifland divided be- tween them, they have each of them lived under their own Government, and an Act of Neutrality hath pafled by the Confent of both their Kings, to the Intent they might there enjoy a quiet and unterrupted Peace, notwith- ftanding any Wars that might happen between the two Crowns in Europe : But the French, being a fickle and inconftant People, broke through all thofe Confiderations ; and, before the Wars were proclaimed between England and France, prompted by fome private Ani- mofities of their own, and animated by the In- ftigations and Impulfions of fome Irijh upon the Ifland, in the Month of July, 1689, en- tered again/1 tie French in the Caribbee I/lands, in 1689 and 1690, tered the Englijh Ground with Fire and Sword, forcing the Inhabitants to fly to the Fort for their Safety. The Englijh, being in this Diftrefs, applied themfelves to the Government of Barbados* for Afliftance ; upon which Application, the Honourable Sir Timothy Thornhill, Baronet, offered himfelf, to go at the Head of a Regi- ment to their Relief; to which the Governor, Council, and Afiembly affenting, the Drums beat up for Voluntiers, and, in lefs than a Fortnight, there was raifed a Regiment of feven- hundred able Men, all which (the commiffi- oned Officers excepted) were fitted with Arms, fcfc. for die faid Expedition, at the Coft and. Charges of the Ifland of Barbadoes, conveni- ent VefTels being alfo provided, for the tranf- porting them to the Ifland of St. Chrijlopher's, All Things being in a Readinefs, they em- barked and fet Sail on Thurfday the Firft of Au- guft ; and, on Monday following, being the Fifth of the faid Month, they arrived at the I- fland of Antigua^ where they received the un- welcome News, that the Fort at St. Chrijio- pber's was furrendered to the French, on Mon- day the Twenty-ninth of "July, upon Articles, and the Englijh fent off to the adjacent Ifland of Nevis. Affairs being thus ftated, Sir Timothy Thorn- 'kill knowing his Strength to be inconfiderable to attack an Ifland fo well manned and forti- fied as St. Chri/fopher's ; and the Government of Antigua alfo folliciting him to continue with them till the Arrival of the Englijh Fleet, which was daily expected ; he agreed to their Propofals, and landed his Regiment there, quartering them in the Town of Falmouth. After a Month's Continuance in the faid Ifland, Lieutenant -General Codrington fent three Sloops, manned with fourfcore of Sir Timothy's Regiment, under the Command of Captain Edward Thome, to fetch their Majefties Subjects, with their Goods and Stock, from the Ifland of Anguilla, where they were miferably abufed and deftroyed, by fome Irijh which the French had put on Shore amongft them : Be- fore, and during Sir Timothy's Stay in Antigua, the Indians of the neighbouring Iflands, who were in League with the French, landed feve- ral Times upon the faid Ifland, killing thofe Inhabitants that lived near to the Sea (to the Number of ten) and then making their Efcape in their fwift Periaquas, notwithftanding the VOL. -II. 541 beft failing Sloops were fent in Purfuit of them ; but, by the Diligence of the Licutenant-Ge- neral, in placing Guards at all the Bays and Landing-places, thofe Incurfions were after- wards prevented. About the Middle of September, a French Privateer, landing at Five Ijlands, near Anti- gua^ had taken off fome Negroes ; and, in his Going away, met with two Englijk Sloops, one of which, after fome Refiftance, he took j the other, making her Efcape, came in, and gave an Account of the Action ; upon which, Sir Timothy fent out two Sloops, manned with a Company of Grenadiers, under the Com- mand of Captain Walter Hamilton, who next Day brought her in with her Prize : On Board the Privateer (befides thirty French) were fix Irijh, who were tried by a Court-martial, and four of them defervedly executed. At this Time, a dreadful Mortality raging in the Ifland of Nevis, efpecially among the Men, which had reduced that Sex to a Moiety of its ufual Number, forced the Inhabitants to make their Addrefles to Sir Timothy, who now had received a Commiffion for Major-General, to bring his Regiment down thither for their Defence, their Ifland lying within two Leagues of St. Chri/fopher's, and in daily Expectation of being attacked ; the Major-General weighing their Neceflity, after the Violence of the Di- ftemper was abated, in the Month of Novem- ber, removed his Regiment thither, incamp- ing them upon a commodious Plain, clofe ad- joining to a River. In the Beginning of December, the Lieute- nant-General, coming down to Nevis, called a General Council of War, in which it was de- termined, that the Major-General, with three- hundred of his own Regiment, and two-hun- dred Nevifians, fhould go down and attack St, Martin's and St. Bartholomew's, two Iflands be- longing to the Enemy, in which they reared conliderable Quantities of Stock, for the Sup- port and Maintenance of other their Sugar I- flands ; in order to which Expedition, the Ma- jor-General, on Sunday the Fifteenth of the faid Month, put his Forces on Board the Veflels provided for them, being one Brigan- tine, and nine Sloops ; and, on Monday the Sixteenth, he himfelf embarked, and the Fleet fet Sail for the faid Iflands. On Wednefday the Eighteenth, in the Morning, we paffed by St. Bartholomew'- 's, and, about Four in the Af- Z z z ternoon, 546 Proceedings of their Majefty's Forces being within four or five Leagues of Stakes, fix Feet high, and four Feet diftant ; the Intervals being filled with Earth, and ternoon ^ St. Martin's, *we efpied a fmall Sloop (landing tip towards us ; but, upon Sight of us, (he tacked, and put into one of the Bays : When we came up with the Bay where (he lay, the Major-General fent one Lieutenant Dowden, with three Files of Men in a Boat, to go up to her and board her, and, if (he were float- ing, to bring her out j when the Boat was got near on Board, the Enemy, who lay hid in the Bufhes on each Side, the Bay being land- locked, fired very thick upon them, forcing them to retreat, two of them being wounded. The Major-General, being very defirous to have the Sloop, after it was dark, fent thirty Men in four Boats and Canoes, under the Command of Captain Walter Hamilton, agaia to attempt the Bringing her out ; but the E- nemy difcovered them, and fired hotly upon them ; the Canoe, which Captain Hamilton was in, rowed clofe up to the Sloop, and found her run on Ground ; the Men, being all gone out of her, fo were forced to leave her, and return to their Veflels : Captain Hamilton received two Shots in one of his Legs, about four Perfons more being wounded, but none killed ; that Night we (rood off and on, as though we defigned to land in the Morning. The next Day being the Nineteenth, there was a Council of War held by the Officers on Board the Brigantine, wherein it was deter- mined, firft to attack St. Bartholomew's, and accordingly the Sloops flood up in the Night to the faid Ifland : The next Morning before Day, Major John Stanley landed with four- fcore Men, notwithdanding the Oppofition of the Enemy, and beat them out of their Bread- works, and by Break of Day he had planted his Colours upon a Battery they had, confid- ing of two great Guns : All the Forces being landed, the Major-General ordered them to take three feveral Ways ; himfelf leading his own Guard of Gentlemen Reformadoes, with two Companies more, through the Body of the Ifland. After a Mile's March, we difco- vered a large Fortification, which appeared to be well manned ; but the Major-General, run- ning down bravely with his Men, fo difheart- ened the Enemy, that, after they had given us two or three Vollies, they quitted it, and fled into the Woods. The Fortification was qua- drangular, confiding of about two Acres of Land, encompaiied v ith double Rows of a wide deep Trench without it ; on each Cor- ner there was a Flanker, in one of which were planted four great Guns ; the Entrance into it was a Lock, admitting but one at a Time ; in the Middle of it was the Governor's Houfe, and a Guard-Houfe for the Soldiers ; al(b a large Cidern with Store of Water ; feven or eight Barrels of dried Salt Fi(h, with Bread proportionable, and two Barrels of Powder : It was fituated in a Bottom, by the Side of a Lane, through which we were to pafs to- come at it, and on the other Side was a very high Hill. After we had entered it, the Ma- jor-General fent this Relator with four Files of Men, to gain the Top of the Hill j which he did, finding it fortified with two yeat Guns, loaden and primed, with the Match lighted, and feveral Bags of Partridge-fhot ly- ing by them, but the Enemy wans in fo much Hade, they did not day to fire them upon us. About four Miles didant from the Fortifi- cation, upon the Side of a Hill, there appear- ed a large white Building, refembling a Fort, to which the Major-General fent three-hun- dred Men under the Command of Colonel Charles Pym, with Orders, if he found it drong, to fit down before it, and wait his Coming. About Two of the Clock, the Major-General (leaving a fufficient Guard in the Fortification) marched up thither with the red of his Forces ; andj when we came to it, we found it to be only a Stone Platform, laid fhelving for the Conveyance of the Rain Wa- ter into the Cidern ; the Ifland being dedi- tute of Rivers, Wells, or other Conveniencies of fredi Water, the Inhabitants are forced to make Ufe of all Advantages to catch the Rain, each Houfe being furnimed with one or more of thefe Ciderns, fame of them capable of holding twelve or fourteen Tuns. There we incamped that Night, and the next Day (the Twenty-fird) we marched back to the Forti- fication. On Sunday the Twenty-fecond, in the Morn- ing, two Captains of tbe Enemy came in with a Flag of Truce v bringing Articles from their Governor, upon which they offered to fur- render themfelves ; which, when the Major- General liad perufed, he returned an Anfwer. to him in Writing, and alfo by two Gentlemen,, who fpoke French, which he fent to him, that his againft tie French in the Caribbce JJlands, in 1689 and 1690.' 547 liis Terms were denied ; but, if he would come in with the Inhabitants, with their Arms and Ammunition, within three Days, he fliould find him a Gentleman ; but, if he flood out longer, he was to expect no Quarter : That Night the Gentlemen returned to the Camp with an Anfwer from the Governor, that on Wednefday he would come in ; but he could not fconer, becaufe fome of the Inhabitants were hid in Woods, to whom he could not communicate his Defign before that Time. On Monday and Tuejfday (the Twenty-third and Twenty-fourth) we marched round the Ifland, burning all the Houfes as we parted a- long ; the Inhabitants in fome Places firing upon us from the Woods, but without any Damage. On IVednefday (the Twenty -fifth) we efpi- ed a Flag of Truce coming toward us, with the Governor, and a great Company of the Inhabitants ; upon which, the Major-Gene- ral, having his own Company of Guards in the Fortification, and the reft of his Forces drawn up round it, fent the two Gentlemen, who were before with him, to meet the faid Go- vernor j and, at the Entrance into the Forti- fication, he was received by Lieutenant-Colo- nel John Thomas, and by him conducted to the Major-General, who fat in the Houfe (which rather refembled a Pigeon-houfe, than a Governor's Pavilion, as the French termed it ; for it confifted only of one Room about twelve Feet fquare below, and another above) he was accompanied by a Friar, and fome of his Officers, all which were received with great Civility by the Major-General, and ma- While we were thus bufied in facking this Place, Colonel Hewetfon landed v/ith three- hundred Antigua Men upon another Ifland be- longing to the French^ called Marigalanta^ beating the Inhabitants into the Woods, burn- ing their Town, nailing their Guns, demo- lifting their Fort, and returned to Antigua with "the Plunder of their Ifland. During our Stay upon St. Barthclcmei'Ss, we had an Addition of eight or nine Sloops, with about fifty Men, from fome of the neigh- bouring Iflands, which the Major-General made Advantage, of; for, on Sunday the Nine- teenth of January, he fent the Brigantine with nine Sloops, the like Number that had been there before, under the Command of Captain Walter Hamilton, to alarm the Ifland of St. Martin's, and the next Morning to make a falfe Attack on the windward Side : After Captain Hamilton was gone down, the fame Day the Majcr-General embarked with all his Forces in the other Sloops, and in the Night fet Sail for the faid Ifland, and the next Morning, the Twentieth, landed all his Men on the Leeward-fide, without any Oppofition, the Enemy having drawn all their Forces to the other Side of the Ifland ; only, after the firft Company was landed, about twenty of the E- nemy fired upon them from a Breaft-work, but were foon beat out of it. When all the Forces were landed, they marched intire through the Body of the Country, and, after two Miles March, were drawn up in a con- venient Plain, the Enemy being in Sight, and, as we thought, advancing towards us : After we had continued an Hour in this ny Compliments pafTed between them : After Pofture, the Enemy retiring;, had fired a great fome Difcourfe they went to Dinner, and the Major-General fo well warmed the Friar with good Madera Wine, that he fpoke Latin fo fluently upon Tranfnbftantiation, that he con- founded himfelf in his own Argument. The Prifoners, who came in, were between fix and feven Hundred, all which were tranfported ; the Governor, with the Men, as Prifoners to Nevis ; the Women and Children to St. Cbrif- topher's ; all the live Stock was alfo carried up to Nevis, with the Negroes, Goods, fcfr. The Major-General returned the Governor fome of his Negroes, his Horfe, Arms, Ap- parel, &c. to be carried for him to St. Cbrif- topher's. In taking this Ifland, we had about ten Men killed and wounded. Building upon a Hill, about a Mile diftant, which feemed to be a Fortification ; upon which, the Major-General marched up to it with the whole Body, but found it to be only a large Houfe, which they had burnt, becaufe it fliould not ferve us for Shelter ; but the ftone Walls, which remained ftanding, how- ever, proved ferviceable to us, in covering us from their Shot. There was a large Ciftern of Water, but they had rendered it unfit for Drinking, by throwing Salt into it ; a Pond alfo, that was adjacent, they had poifoned with Tobacco. We had not been long here, before the Enemy began to fire upon us from a Breaft- work, where they had two great Guns planted upon a Hill a Quarter of a Mile diftant, there Z z z 2 being 548 Proceedings: oftbeir Majeflfs Forces being a clear Valley between us j on the left Hand low and bufhy Ground, and on the right, a Ridge of Mountains, with a very thick Wood : The Major-General fent Cap- tain Birt, with a Company of Men, to gain the Top of the higheft Mountain, which had the Command of the Poft we were at ; which being done, he left an hundred Men, under the Command of Captain Geoffery Gibbs^ to maintain that Poft, and marched back into the Plain, with the reft 6f his Forces, to fecure the Avenues, and hinder the Enemy from coming upon our Backs : Being come down in- to the Plain, himfelf, with feveral Officers, and about an Hundred Sentinels, went to drink at a Well, where, while they were drinking, they received a Volley of about thirty Shot from the Enemy, who lay hid in the Woods ; but it pleafed God, though they ftood clofe one by another, there was but one Man hurt. Withdrawing from thence, Major John Stanley was fent with a Party to rout them out of the Woods ; which he did, beating them from two ftrong Breaft- works they had upon a Saddle between two Hills, oppofite to thofe we had before gained, in which Works he pofted himfelf. The Paflages being both Ways fecured, the Major- General incamped with the Body in the Middle of the Plain that Night, and the next Morning, the Twenty-firft, our twobrafs Field- pieces, with Carriages, and two iron ones without were brought on Shore ; the iron ones were planteu in the Plain, but the Brafs were drawn up to the burnt Houfe, where our Body was now incamped, and about Three in the Afternoon we began to play upon the Enemy. In the Evening, Captain BartMo- mew Sharp was fent with one Company of Men, to cut a Path through the Wood, that we might make an Attack upon the Enemy that Way ; for in the Valley they had four great Guns planted dire&ly againft the Road ; but, being without Carriages, they could not bring them to bear upon us as we lay ; Cap- tan Sharp had made no great Progrefs in his Work before he was difcovered, and fo hotly dealt with, that he was forced to retreat ; all Day the Enemy kept Firing upon us from their Breaft-work, both with their great Guns and fmall Arms, but in the Night they filently quit- ted it. The next Morning, the Twenty- fecond, leaving thirty Men at the burnt Houfe, under the Command of James Smith, we marched over to the Breaft-work and demolifhed it, and alfo their Line, which run down to a Well in the Valley near their four great Guns, which we nailed, together with the other two above. Continuing our March about a Mile farther, we came to a fine Plain, encompafled with Orange and other Fruit-trees, where we in- camped, there being Store of Cattle grafmg ; at the Upper-end of it were three fmall Houfes, in one of which were found Blood, and Dref- fings of fome wounded Men, and we under- ftood by two Prifoners which we took prefent- ly after, that they had near twenty killed and wounded. The next Morning, the Twenty- third, the Major-General leaving this Relator with a fuf- ficient Guard in the Plain, to take Care of the Plunder ; he marched with the Body againft their chief Fort, about two Miles diftant, which he took without any Lofs, having but one Man wounded, the Enemy quitting their Fort af- ter a fmall Refiftance; it confifted of fix great Guns mounted upon a Platform without Car- riages, with Banks of Earth thrown up. Af- ter he had nailed and overthrown the Guns, he proceeded in his March about four Miles farther, and then incamped in a pleafant Valley, where was a Houfe and Garden belonging to the Friar; there they found the Governor's Horfe faddled and bridled, he having left him and fled into the Mountains with the Inha- bitants. This Day, Major John Stanley march- ed over the Hills on the other Side the Ifland, and engaged a Party cf the Enemy, beating them out of their Breaft-work, and demolifh- ing it ; at Night he returned to his Poft on the Saddle. The Twenty- fourth, the Major-General continued his March round the Ifland without any Oppofition, and at Night returned to the burnt Houfe, where he again incamped } the Plunder being alfo removed thither. On Saturday Morning, the Twenty-fifth, we faw three great Ships, a Brigantine and a Sloop, ftanding in with the Ifland, and about Noon we underftood by fome Prifoners, which we took, landing out of the faid Sloop, that it was M< nfieur Decafs, come down from St. Chri/lopber's, with feven- hundred Men, to de- fend the Ifland againft us, who they heard had been upon St. Bartholomew's, and they thought us to be yet there. The Major-General im- mediately again ft the French in the Caribbee I/lands, in 1 689 and 1690. mediately commanded away Guards to all thofe Bays where he thought the Enemy would land ; bur they, feeing our Sleeps, perceived we were already upon the Ifland, and fo came not to an Anchor, but gave Chace to our Sloops who made the beft of their Way to get clear ; one of them, in great Danger of being taken, run herfelf a ground, but was again hauled off by the Enemy, but the Men were all got out of her. The Matter of one of the Sloops being at the Camp, when the Prifoners were brought up, who gave this Account, the Ma- jor- General difpatched him with an Exprefs to jfntigua, to acquaint the Lieutenant- General with our Condition, and* defire him to fend fome Ships to our Afliftance. Decafs ftood off and on all Night, and in the Morning, the Twenty-fixth, coming clofe in with the Shore, he fired feveral Guns, to give the Inhabitants Notice of his Arrival ; a- bout Noon he came to an Anchor, before the windward Part of the Ifland, hanging abroad bloody Colours. The Inhabitants, encouraged by the Coming of thefe Ships, came down out of the Mountains, and, finding their Fort un- manned, they again took Pofleflion of it, re- planting and drilling their Guns. In the Night Decafs landed his Soldiers, which the Major General having Advice of, brought his brafs Field- pieces from the burnt Houfe into the Plain, and planted them on the right and left Wing of the Body, which was there in- camped j "the iron Pieces being planted before towards each Road, having placed ftrong Guards upon the Saddle, at the Burnt-houfe, and the Mountain which commanded it. In this Pofture of Defence we continued the Twenty- feventh, Twenty-eighth, and Twen- ty-ninth, the Enemy not daring to attack us ; they had now three Ships more come down from St. Chri/1 after' s 9 which joined with De- tafs. On ITjurfday, the Thirtieth, in the Morn- kig, arrived Colonel Hewetfon from Antigua with three Ships, which the Lieutenant- Ge- neral had Tent to our Afliftance. The French Ships at an Anchor, perceiving Engli/h Colours, weighed, and flood out to meet them. About Noon they engaged, and after four Hours Dif- pure, with little Damage on our Side, the ^French bore away, our Ships alfo ftanding off all Night, but in the Morning, theThirty-firft,. they returned. The French Ships alfo appear- 549 ed in Sight, but kept off at a Diftance. The Major- General, having fent the Plunder and Field- pieces on Board, ordered all his Out- guards to quit their Pofts, and march down into the Plain, in order to embark ; which the Enemy perceiving, marched down like- wife, and both Parties engaged, to the great Lofs of the Enemy, who was beaten into the Woods in Confufion. The Major- General made an honourable Retreat, and embarked fafe with all his Men, except about ten who were killed in the whole Action, and three who were taken Prifoners, by being afleep in one of the Breaft- works, when our Men quit- ted them ; one of them made his Efcape and got down to the Sea- fide, and a Boat went and brought him off clear ; the other two were af- terwards exchanged. There \vere about twen- ty more wounded, which with the reft arrived fafe at Nevis, on Sunday Morning the Second of February. After the Major-General's Regiment re- turned up to Nevis, the Inhabitants of the faid Ifland, conf.dering the Service they had done, and their Willingnefs to continue in their De- fence, againft the expected AfTaults of a neigh- bouring Enemy j in the Month of dpril, 1 690, they allowed the faid Regiment Pay, fo to con- tinue for fix Months, except the English Fleet fhould amve, and then to be allowed Pay but one Month after the Arrival of the faid Fleet ; which happened in June following, at which Time, Preparations being made for an Expe- dition againft St. Chri/iopher's, by all the Lee- ward C0n^Iflands, they brought theirForces down to the Ifland of Nevis, which was ap- pointed to be the Place of general Rendezvous, it lying moft convenient for the faid Purpofe j. and upon Monday the Sixteenth of June, 1690, by the Command of his Excellency Cbriftopber Codrington, who had now received a Commif- fion from their Majefties King Jf^iUiam and Queen Mary, for Captain- General and Com- mander in Chief of all their Leeward Caribbee Iflands, there was a general Mufter in the Ifland of Nevis, of all their Majefties Forces raifed for the faid Expedition againft St. Chrijlopber'sy which, according to the Mufter-rolls given in, appeared to be as follows, viz. In the Duke of Bolton's Regiment, under the Command of Lieutenant General Sevea- hundred,. Proceedings of their Majejlf In Major-General ThornbM's Regiment, un- der his own Command, Five-hundred. In the dnttgua Regiment, under the Com- mand of Colonel Williams, Governor of the laid Ifland, Four-hundred. In the Montferat Regiment, under the Com- mand of Colonel Blackflone, Governor of the laid Ifland, Three- hundred. In the two Nevis Regiments, under the Commands of Colonel Pym and Colonel Ear/, Six- hundred. In the Marine Regiment, being a Detach- ment out of the Frigates, under the Command of Colonel Kegivin, Commander of the Af- fiftance, Four- hundred. In the Captain- General's Guard, under the Command of Colonel Byam, One-hundred. In all, Three- thoufand Men. Forces Upon Tuefday and Wednefday, being the Se- venteenth and Eighteenth of the faid Month of June, we embarked for the faid Expedition ; and upon Thurfday, the Nineteenth, we fet Sail from Nevis with our whole Fleet, confiding of ten Men of War, two Fire-ftiips, twelve Merchant-men, and about twenty Brigantines and Sloops ; and the fame Evening we came to an Anchor before the Ifland of St. Cbrijlopher's in Frigate-bey. In the Night eight of our Fri- gates weighed, and fell down three Leagues to the Leeward, to amufe and harrafs the Enemy, and the next Morning they returned. That Day we plied our great Guns from fome of the Frigates, which lay neareft in with the Shore, upon the Enemy in their Trenches, and received fome Shot in Exchange, from a Battery of five Guns they had there, but without any Damage on our Side. That Night there was a Council of War held on Board the Admiral, by the General Of- ficers and fome of the Prime Commanders, ac- cording to the Refult of which, Major-General Tbornhill, with four-hundred of his own Regi- ment, and a Detachment of one- hundred and fif- ty out of the Regiments of Montferat, Nevis, and Antigua, between two and three of the Clock next Morning, being Saturday the Twenty- firft, landed with the Forelorn, the Field-mark being Matches about their left Arms, at the little Salt-ponds, about a League to Windward of the afore- faid Frigate-bay, without any Op- pofition ; the Enemy baring left that Place un- guarded, by Reafen of its Situation, it lying at the Foot of an almoft inacce/Tible Hill, over which they thought it an Impoflibility to march. This fteep Afcent we mounted by a Path frequented by none but wild Goats, and in fome Places fo near a Perpendicular, that we were forced to ufe our Hands as well as our Feet in climbing up. About Break of Day we gained the Top, where we received a Vol- ley of about feven or eight Shot, from fome ' Scouts there placed, who immediately, upon their Firing, retreated ; which wounded us two brifk Commanders, one of which died of his Wounds foon after. The Major-General, leav- ing one Company to fecure the Pafs upon the Hill, led his Men down about a third Part of it, before they were difcovered by the Enemy, who now began to fire brifkly upon us from their Trenches, wounding feveral of our Men; and the Major-General himfelf received an un- fortunate Shot through the Small of his left Leg, which obliged him to ftay the Binding of it up ; but his Men, running down brifkly up- on the Enemy, and flanking them in their Trenches, and the Duke of Bolton's and the Marine Regiments landing at the fame Time at Frigate-bay, in which Action Colonel Keg- win received a mortal Wound, forced them to quit their Poft in Diforder, and leave us Mafters of the Field ; we found fourteen of them dead, we having loft half the Number, befides wound- ed Men. All our Forces being landed, and the Major- General with the wounded Men fent on Board, the Army was drawn up into four Battalions; the Duke of Bolton's Regiment, in the Van, was ordered to take the Roa3 adjoining to the Sea; the Major- General's Regiment, under the Command of Lieutenant- Colonel John Tho- mas, in the Body, was ordered to march through the Country ; and the Antigua Regiment was commanded to march at a Diftance, as a Re- ferve to the Body ; the other four Regiments were to keep their Pofts, and wait for farther Orders. After an Hour's March, the Duke of Bolton's Regiment encountered a fmall Par- ty of the Enemy, and foon put them to the Rout ; immediately after thofe French Compa- nies which ran from Frigate-bay, joining with the reft of their Forces, which were gathered from all Parts of the Ifland, were advancing upon our Body ; they having much the Ad- vantage of Ground, and three to one in Num-* her j and, after a (harp Difpute of half an Hour, they again/} the French in the Caribbee IJland^ in 1 689 and \ 690. 551 they had almoft furrounded us ; but Colonel Williams, coming up with the Referve, and giving them an unexpected and vigorous Af, fault, fo encouraged the Major-General's Re- giment, that they prefied refolutely on, and beat the Enemy out of the Field in Confufion ; one Part flying to the Mountains, and the reft betaking themfelves to the Fort, which former- ly belonged to the Englijh. Orders being fent to the four Regiments at Frigate-bay, to march up, and the Duke of Bolton's Regiment alfo meeting us, the whole Army was drawn up into an intire Body, and the Soldiers were permitted to drink by Companies, at the adjacent Wells and Cif- terns. While the Army was thus refrefliing, the Cockfwain of the Mary Frigate came with Ad- vice to the Captain- General that, the Frigates having fallen down before the Town and Fort of Bafterre, the Enemy, after Firing two or three Rounds, had ftruck their Flag, fet the Town on Fire, and quitted it j but, by the Diligence of the Seamen who came on Shore from the Frigates, it was happily extinguifhed. Upon which Advice, the Captain- General marched immediately away to the faid Town, with Intent to quarter the Army therein for that Night ; but, the Enemy having left Store of Wines and other Liquors behind them, and fearing the Diforders it might breed a- mong the Soldiers, he altered his Refolutions, and only making a Halt there, and placing his own Company of Guards in the Mais-houfe, commanded the Army to march to the Jefuiti Convent, lying about a Mile above the Town, where being again drawn up, and Orders given to lie by their Arms all Night, Gentries were placed, and fome Parties fent to drive in Cattle, there being Store of Flour, Bread, &c. in the Convent. The Night proved very wet, it raining without Intermiffion till Morning ; but the Officers generoufly fhared the Weather with the Centinels, fcarce any, except the General Officers, going into the Convent for Shelter. The next Morning, being Sunday the Twen- ty- fccond^ the Com mifiary- General having fe- cured the Liquors in a convenient Store- houfe, the Army marched down to the Town, and free Liberty was granted them to plunder it i Wine and Brandy being alfo diftributed to them, by the refpe&ive Commifiaries of each Regiment. The Fort here confifted of fixteen Guns, which they had nailed and fpiked, but, by the Diligence of our Men, they were again cleared. In the Afternoon, a Detachment of one-hundred and fifty Men, out of the Antigua Regiment, was fent under the Command of Major Guntkorpe, to gain and fecure a Pals, which was thought to be pofleffed by the Ene- my, lying in the Way to the Englijh Fort ; but, when they came, they found it quitted. Monday, the Twenty-third, we continued all Day in the Town ; and in the Evening the Country was in Flames all round, being fired by the Englijh Negroes who came from the Mountains, where they had lain fince their Matters the Englijh were beaten ofF the Ifland. On Tuefday, the Twenty- fourth, we began our March towards the Fort, and that Night incamped about three Miles from it, having the like Fortune of rainy Weather, without any Means to avoid it. This Day the Frigates weighed from Baftcrre, and fell down to Old Road) where they came again to an Anchor. Wednefday, the Twenty-fifth, we continued our Camp at Old Road, and the Wheelbar- rows, Shovels, Pickaxes, &V. were brought on Shore. On Tburfday Morning, the Twenty- fixth, we marched within a Mile of the Fort, and incamped under the Covert of a high Hill, a Detachment out of Colonel Earl's Regiment being fent under the Command of Captain. fFilliam Butler, to fecure the Top of it. On Friday, the Twenty-feventh, the Ma- ry's two Chace-guns, fix Pounders, were brought on Shore, in order to be drawn up to the Top of the Hill, and the Marine Regi- ment under the Command cf Colonel Kirkby y , Commander of the Succefs ; Colonel Kegwin, being dead of his Wound he received in Land- ing, was employed in cutting and clearing a Path for the Drawing them up. On Saturday and Sunday, the Twenty-eighth and Twenty- ninth, the Marine Regiment fo vigoroufly purfued their Bufinefs, that they had drawn the Guns to the Top of the Hill, and planted them upon a Platform they had laid for them, with Bafkets of Earth thrown up for a Covering from the Enemies Shot, it lying open to the Fort. On Monday Morning, the Thirtieth, Powder, Shot, &V. being carried up, they began to play upon the Fort, the very firft Shot doing Execu- tion,; Proceedings of their Majefty's Forces 552 tion,Smd the Frigates alfo, weighing from Old Road, flood down to the Fort, and battered againft it ; the whole Army at the fame Time marching into a deep and wide Ditch, between the Hill and the Fort, within Mufket-fhot of it. In the Afternoon, the Frigates flood up again to Old Road, but the Guns from the Hill kept playing inceflantly till Night, at which Time we began our Intrenchments, running, from the Ditch where we lay incamped, a Trench, with a Half-moon ac the End, capa- ble of holding four-hundred Men. On Tuefday, the Firft of July, one of the Nevis Regiments and Part of the dntigua Re- giment, were fent under the Command of Colonel Charles Pym, to take a fmall Fort of the Enemies about three Miles diftant from the Camp, which they fuccefsfully furprifed, taking about fifty Prifoners in it. This Evening, Lieutenant - General Holt having given Orders to the Out-centries that were placed towards the Fort, to fire, without Challenging, at any who (hould come that Way ; himfelf afterwards, riding by them in the Twilight to view the Works, was (hot into the Body, by one Gibbons, an Irijhman, who was one of the Gentries; he returned to the Camp and languifhed long of it with little Hopes of Recovery ; Gibbons was afterwards tried by a Court - martial, but after a full Hearing acquitted. On Wednefday, the Second, thofe Guns on the Hill proving fo ferviceable, there were four more of a larger Size drawn up ; but, one of \them fplitting at the firft Time of Firing, and the reft being incommodioufly planted, they were no more made.Ufe of. This Day four Companies of the Enemy marched out of the Fort, and drew up before the Gate, but in a Quarter of an Hour they marched in a- gain. The Half-moon being now finifhed, we run another Trench about a Quarter of a Mile below it, able to contain the Jike Number of Men ; and, at the like Diftance below that, we began another, wide enough to draw the Carriages of the great Guns through. The third, fourth, fifth, and fixth Days, we continued in the Day-time quiet in our Trenches, in the Night running on with our Works j the Enemy firing Day and Night upon us with great Guns and fmall Arms, but doing us little Damage j but the Guns on the Hill galled them excesdinfUy, leaving no. Corner of the Fort unfearched. Some Hundreds of the Enemy being out in the Mountains, headed by one Monfieur Pi~- nelle, Parties were fent daily abroad, com- manded by the Officers in their Turns, to fcour them out ; and on Monday, the Seventh, the Major- General, his Wound being well healed, went himfelf at the Head of two- hundred Men, upon the fame Defign ; but could not meet with the Enemy to erigage them, they lurking fometimes in one Place, and fometimes in another. On Wednefday, the Ninth, he returned to the Camp, with fome Prifoners, many Negroes, and great Store of Cattle. After the Major- General's Return, Proclamation being made, by Beat of Drum, in feveral Places of the Ifland, by the Command of the Captain- Ge- neral, that all, which would come in within three Days, (hould receive his Protection, to fecure their Perfons from the Outrages of the Soldiers ; feveral Families furrendered them- felves, to many of which was alfo granted Li- berty to return to their Houfes, and keep fome fmall Stock till farther Orders. Monfieur Pinelle, alfo, fent in a Flag of Truce from the Mountains, to acquaint the Captain- General, that he could not come in without Leave from the Governor ; but, how- ever, he aflured him, he would remain quiet, and give free Paflage to any of our Men he (hould meet with. The Tenth and Eleventh, we continued in our Trenches, which we had now run within Piftol-fhot of the Fort. Over-againft the Gate we had an Half-moon, on which we planted feveral Colours. On the left Hand of the Half- moon was a Battery raifed for fix great Guns, two eighteen Poun- ders, and four twelve Pounders ; but, before they were mounted, on Saturday, the Twelfth, about One in the Afternoon, the Drums beat a Parley in the Fort, and four Perfons march- . ed out with a Flag of Truce ; they were met in the Pafture between our Trench and the Fort, by Major Legard, and by him conduct- ed to the Captain- General ; and, after fome Treaty, Hoftages were given on hoth Sides, one of the Majors continuing with us, and Lieutenant- Colonel Nott was fent to them ; Captain Hamilton alfo going with him as an Interpreter. But,notwithftanding the Trea- ty* againfl the French in the Caribbee I/lands, in 1689 and 1 690. 553 ty, the Captain- General continued his Works, joining our Trench to the Enemies Trench, through which they ufed to come from the Fort to the Well ; our Gentries were placed under the Walls, and at the Gate of the Fort, and that Evening our Guns were alfo mounted upon the Battery. About Twelve of the Clock in the Night, there was a Canoe let over the Fort- walls, it being fituated by the Sea- fide, which run on Board a Sloop that came clofe in with the Shore, under the Covert of the dark Night j our Men let fly a whole Volley upon them, which made them haften away. Captain Ha- milton came to the Gentry at the Fort-gate, and ordered him to acquaint the Major- Ge- nera!, that there was a Ship feen offj upon which this Relator was difpatched away to Old Road 9 to give Admiral Wright Notice of it, but, in the Interim, a Brigantine was fent in Purfuit of the Sloop ; the Admiral immediately ordered two Frigates to weigh, and put out in Search of the faid Ship and Sloop ; which they did, and the next Day, the Thirteenth, returned without feeing any Veflels. During the whole A&ion upon this Ifland, there were two Frigates that cruifed about, to take any French Veflels which might arrive there, either by Defign or Chance, but they met with none. On Monday^ the Fourteenth, the Fort was furrendered to the Captain- General, upon the fame Articles that it was before delivered up to the French. After the Enemy marched out, and the Englijh Flag was put up, the King's and Queen's Healths were drank, and the great Guns three Times fired, three Vol- lies being alfo made by the whole Army. The Fort was quadrangular, confifting of four Flankers, with a Curtain between each ; on each Flanker were mounted five Guns ; the Walls, were of Stone, about twenty Feet high, furrounded with a deep Ditch twelve Feet wide, over which was a narrow wooden Bridge. In the Middle of the Fort were two Mounts thrown up for Batteries ; there was alfo a Well, but, upon Firing the Guns, the Water would inftantly dry away. There was Store of Provifion, Liquors, and Powder, but they wanted Shot. In Retaking this Ifland, we had about an hundred Men killed and wounded ; the Ifland in general is very ftrong, there being feveral VOL.' II. fmall Fortifications and Breaft-works all a- round, except where it is naturally fortified with Hills or Shoals. The Inhabitants were about eighteen-hundred Men, befides Women and Children, and Negroes, all which, ex- cept the Negroes, which were to be divided as Plunder, were tranfported to the Ifland of Hifpaniola j only fome particular Perfons had the Favour granted them to be carried up to Martinico. After a Week's Refreshment, the Major- General, on Sunday, the Twentieth of the faid Month of July, embarked with his own Regiment in the Sloops, and the Marine Re- giment on Board the Frigates, and fet Sail for the Ifland of St. Eujlace ; and the fame Evening, lying before the faid Ifland, he fent Captain Hamilton on Shore, with a Flag of Truce, to fummon the Ifland to furrender, who returned with an Anfwer from the Go- vernor, that he would defend it to the ut- moft. The next Morning, the Twenty-firft, the Frigates began to batter againfl the Fort, and the Major-General landed at the fame Time with his Men under a high Clift, which they afcended ; being got up, they had not march- ed far, before they perceived fome Dutch Co- lours in the Woods ; upon which a Party was fent to difcover them, who returned with an Account, that it was Colonel Scorer, the Governor of the Ifland for the Dutch, when the French took it, with one- hundred Men under his Command, who came from Saba, and landed there three Days before ; but, not having Strength enough to take the Fort, in- to which the Inhabitants were fled, he de- figned to get what Plunder he could, and fo go off again. He refufed to join with the Major- General, becaufe he was firft landed, and fo accordingly went off" the next Day. The Major- General proceeded in his March towards the Fort, and incamped within Muf- quet-fhot from it, under the Rifing of a fmall Hill. The next Day the Marine Regiment land- ed, and, the Shovels, Pickaxes, &c. being brought on Shore, they began their Intrench- ments, running their Trench along by the Fort, within Mufquet-fhot from it. After five Days Siege, the Enemy fent out a Flag of Truce, with Articles ; but they were fo high in their Demands, that the Major- General refufed them, and returned an An- 4 A fvver Proceedings of their Majeftfs Forces, &c. 554 fwer,. If they did not defcend to more reafon- able Terms, within three Days, he would grant them no Quarter. Within the prefcrib- ed Time, they came out again with a Flag of Truce, and furrendered themfelves and their Forr upon Quarter for Life, and to march out with their Baggage. Their Fort con- tained fixteen great Guns ; it was furround- ed with double Rows of Stakes, the Inter- vals filled with Earth, and without that ftrong Palifadoes, and on the Outfide of them a deep Ditch, over which was a narrow Bridge leading into the Gate, admitting but one at a Time ; the Befieged were about fixty Men, St. Chri/topber's, before that Ifland was re- taken, there met with their Wives and Fa- milies ; and, after that Ifland was retaken, they were defirous to live under an Englijh Government ; upon which the Captain Ge- neral gave them Liberty to return to their Ifland, tranfporting them thither, and grant- ed a Commiffion to one Captain Le Grand, a former Inhabitant among them, to be their Governor, and to keep and defend the Ifland in the Name and Behalf of their Majefties, King William and Queen Mary, under which Government it ftill continues. In the latter End of Qftober, this Relator's the Women and Children being fent off fome Concerns calling him Home to England, he Time before; they had a Well for Water, and about twenty Barrels of Flour, fome fait Fifli and Pork, and a fmall Quantity of Ammuni- tion ; they behaved themfelves very brifkly, during the Siege, efpecially the Governor, who was very a&ive in Firing the great Guns, In Taking this Ifland, we had not above eight Men killed and wounded. The Major- General, leaving one Company upon the Ifland, left the Caribbee Iflands ; the Captain- Gene- ral having then iflued out Orders for the muf- tering their Majefties Forces, and getting them in a Readinefs to embark upon a farther Ex- pedition, againft Guadalupe, and other French Iflands, leaving a Garifon upon St. Cbrtfto- pber's, under the Command of Lieu tenant- Co- lonel Nott. Thus you have a brief and plain Relati- under the Command of Lieutenant John Mac- on of the Succefs of the Englijb Arms in the Arthur, returned to St. Cbrtftopher' 'i with the whole Fleet, carrying the Inhabitants Prifoners thither, and afterwards tranfporting them to Hifpaniola. Lieutenant Pllkinton was after- wards fent down with a Company out of the Duke of Bolton's Regiment, to relieve Lieutenant Mac- Arthur, and he ftill continues there for the Defence of the faid Ifland.' The Inhabitants of the Ifland of St. Bar- tholomew's, who were brought up Prifoners from thence to Nevis, being, fent down to Caribbee Iflands, and it may reafonably be con- cluded, that, as the Englijh Affairs there have hitherto been happily profperous, fo, being under the Management and Conduit of fuch prudent and active Generals, and promoted by the For ward nefs of the Soldiery, but princi- pally by a Divine Blefling attending upon- their Endeavours, they will foon put a fuc- cefsful Period to thofe troublefome Wars, and root the French Intereft out of that Part of the World. The ( 5S5) The Laws Difcovery : Or a brief Detection of fundry notori- ous Errors and Abufes contained in our Englijh Laws, where- by Thoufands are annually ftripped of their Eftates, and fome of their Lives.' By a Well-wifher to his Country. London, printed in 1653. Quarto, containing five Pages. The Author was a Gentleman born to a fair Eft ate, by Degree a Barrejler, who, part- ly through Sicknefs, and partly for Confcience, deferted the ProfeJJion of our Laws, as epidemically evil ; he fpent divers of bis laft Tears in fupervifing the Defers thereof : Amongft many Grievances, wherein be defered Redrefs, perfonal Imprifonment for Debt was one, and the Infufficiency of our Laws, for Charging the Debtor's. Eft ale, another : therefore, feveral of thefe Jubfequent Proposals tend chiefly for Securing of Creditor:, out of the Debtor** Eft ate, whereby the Debtor's Perfon may go free. W Hereas the Lands of a Copy- holder, who is a Tenant at Will, according to Cuftom, are not fubjeft to Extent in his Life-time, nor liable to his Debts in the Hands of his Heirs ; it were con- venient that fome plenary Aft were made for Redrefs hereof, fecuring the Lord's Fine, -and preferving the Cuftom of the Manor. II. That Leafes taken for other Men's Lives, whether in Pofleflion of the general or fpecial Occupant, may be fubjefted to Payment of Debts ; the Creditor, whofe Mo- ney bought the Leafe, or preferred it from Sale, hath better Right thereto, than either of thefe Occupants. Such Defefts as thefe pro- teft Heirs in Burrough Englijh ; alfo when Lands fall to the youngeft Son of a .Copy- holder j neither of thefe can be charged upon Anceftors Bonds, becaufe not Heir-general at Common Law. HI. That an Heir of a Tenant in Tail may be liable to pay his Father's Debts. IV. That fome Remedy be ufed for Pay- anent of Debts, where Parents purchafe Lands in their Children's Names, with other Men's Monies. V. That where Heirs alien Lands before Aftion brought by the Creditor, they may pay fuch Debts, and not leave the Creditor to a Suit in Chancery in fuch plain Cafes. VI. That the Creditor, for Securing his Debt, have Liberty to charge the Heir and Executor, both together ; becaufe it is uncer- tain which is beft able to pay ; if he recover of one, the other may ftay his Suit. VII. That younger Brothers, and Grand Children enjoying Lands upon Deicent, be lia- ble to pay Debts. VIII. That Coheirs in Gcroelkind, where Brethren inherit equally, may all, as well as the eldeft, be liable to pay Debts ; alfo that Lands, left in Truft for Children, be liable to Payment of Debts. IX. That Creditors have Liberty to extend more than Half the Debtor's Lands for Pay- ment of Debts, which cannot be done at pre- fent. 4 A2 X, Whereas 556 The Laws Difcovery, &c. X. Whereas rich Debtors get their Lands extended by one Creditor or other, thereby to defraud the reft ; therefore, that, as Leafes, Goods, and Bankrupt Lands are fold, fo where the landed Debtor will not fell, within con- venient Time, that the Creditors fhould have the Debtor's Lands to fell and difpofe of, re- turning the Overplus to the Debtor, or elfe that fome other convenient Remedy be ufed herein. XI. That there were fome Place in every Shire for Registering all Leafes, Bargains, Conveyances, Statutes, Judgments, Recogni- fances, and the like, which any Way concern the Lands in that Shire ; in former Times, XVIII. To help the Creditor for Matter Care hath been ufed for Recording of Bargains, of Proof, that the Debtor, or what others Sales, and Statutes, within fix Months, but the Creditor or Judges think fit, may be exa- mined upon Oath, as in Cafe of Bankrupt. and Selling of Eftates, unlefs Executors, or the like, give fufficient Security to fuch Commif- fioners for the abfolute Payment of all Debts, and that all Debtors be paid alike j this Courfe might very much help Orphans, alfo the juft Payment of Debts and Legacies ; likewife it were good fome ftrift Laws were made a- gainft Imbezzling any Part of fuch Eftates. XVII. That infolvent Debtors be freed from Imprifonment, or elfe detained fome fhort Time at the Creditors Charge, till their Caufe be determined, and that their Eftates be feized for Satisfaction of Creditors. none at all for Leafes, Feoffments, Deeds of Covenants to ftand feized to Ufes, with Leafes and Releafes after them. XII. That Writs to take a Debtor be diri- gible, particularly to one, and generally to all other Sheriffs or Juftices within England. XIII. That the Privileges and Abufes of Palatines, which extremely hinder Payment of Debts, be laid by with us, as they are in Por- tugal. XIV. That, in regard Attachments prevent Arrefts and Bloodfhed, they may be ufed as well in other Parts of England, as at Lon- don. XV. That, as was ufed by the Antients, a- gainft San&uary-men, fo inftead of Appear- ances, Notice by Juftices of the Peace, or the like, may be given or left ; and, in Cafe of Contumacy the fecond or third Time, Pro- cefs may be made againft the Offender. This would prevent thofe Grievances by Outlawry, alfo the great Expences in Chancery, the A- bufes in Palatinates Privilege, the Exchange and Fairs from Arrefts avoided, Tryals by E- jettione firma, and Abufes by under Sheriffs. XVI. To prevent the Abufes practifed in Wills anJ Adminiftrations, that, in every great Town or Hundred, Handing Commiffion- ers ihould be chofen by th^ Neighbourhood (and fvvorn before fome Juftices) for Seizing XIX. For the Encouragement of Merchants, and fome fpecial Manufactures, as at Antwerp, fome Immunities from Arrefts, at leaft for fmall Sums, be conferred on the Profeflbrs. XX. Whereas poor Men can feldom put in Bail, for Want whereof, they fuffer un- heard many Months Imprifonment, till their Day of Hearing comes, and are thereby often utterly ruined ; therefore for Prevention, that the Plaintiff" by his own Oath, or of fome credible Perfon allowed by the Judge, declare the Truth of the Caufe ; wherein, if he failed, the Prifoner, giving Authority for his Appear- ance, to be difmifled without Bail ; or which is better, that the Judge be authorifed to de- termine of Law, Fad, and Equity, to avoid the Formality and Charge of Pleading. XXI. That no Perfon be held to Bail, who hath offered to pay without Suit of Law, neither fhould his Perfon be liable to Execu- tion. XXII. Whereas, by that barbarous and fenfelefs Law of Prefling to Death, rich and landed Men are encouraged to fteal, and Ac- ceftaries wholly efcape ; therefore, if fuch Man- ner of Offenders were attainted by Verdict, fuch Inconveniences might be prevented. XXIII. Whereas by Clergy many Times Mur- derers, and notorious Thieves, are but warm- ed Laws Difcovery, &c. cd a little in the Hand, becaufe they can read ; and another for a Sheep, or Trifle, is hanged, not for his Offence, but becaufe he cannot read : Therefore it were requifite, that this fenfelefs and barbarous Character, which ad- mits of much Knavery, and cannot be read by every good and able Scholar, were banifhed, as well as French, Latin, and Court-band, efpecially in fuch Cafes which concern Men's Lives. 557 be totally repealed, and thereby thofe antient local Cuftoms confirmed in Behalf of the Te- nants and Inhabitants. XXVIII. That the uncertain Fines of Co- pyholders may be reduced to a Certainty, ei- ther of an eafy yearly Rent, or moderate Fine j alfo that the like might be done, in fervile Tenures and Heriots j this would prevent ma- ny Chancery Suits and Oppreffion by Lords. XXIV. That Perfons, accufed for Life, be permitted Council, in Regard their Fears ren- der them often both fpeechlefs and unadvi- fed ; bare Accufations are not fuch fufficient Condemnations, as to deprive any (though in- nocent) of Council in fuch Extremity. XXV. That there may be but one Statute for one Matter, and Repeals made total, not in Part, fo that Men may know what is in Force, what not, and live under fuch Laws, as it is poffible to know, which now they can- not. XXVI. That Reverfioners have free Power to difpofe of their Eftates without the Tenants Confent : This would both prevent many Chaneery Suits, and fecure Purchafers. XXVII. That the Statute of Merton may XXIX. That the Suborner, as well as the corrupted Witnefs, fhould be ftigmatifed and difabled for future Matters ; alfo, that whofo- ever unjuftly takes away another's Teftimony, by making him a Party, mould lofe his Suit, if proved : This is an old Chancery Trick. XXX. That Tryal by Combate may be fupprefled as a reafonlefs Law, and unwarran- table by God's Word. I Have narrowly epitomifed the Author, partly becaufe others have (efpecially Mr. William Leech) treated at large upon fome of thefe Grievances ; and partly, that, as a Compendium of many neceflary Mementoes, it might produce an active Remembrance, in all true-hearted Englishmen, and worthy Patriot* ef their Country. An ( 558 ) An Enquiry into the Phyfical and Literal Senfe of that Scripture JEREMI AH viii. 7. The Stork in the Heaven knoweth her appointed Times ; and the Turtle, and the Crane, and the Swallow obferve the Time of their Coming, &c. Written by an eminent Profeflbr * for the Ufe of his Scholars, and now publifhed at the earneft Defire of fome of them. Printed by y. H. no Date. Duodecimo, containing Thirty- fix Pages. H E whole Place is a Rebuke to Man, who mould beft know, and therefore moft readily perform, the Law of bis Creator, written in his Nature ; this is the Theolo- gical Scope, wherein he is upbraided by brute Creatures, that better obferve their Inftinc"b. But our prefent Enquiry is of the Phyfical and Literal Senfe, efpecially of thefe Words [in the Heaven] -where the Stork feems to be and refide, when /he knoweth her appointed Time of her Return unto this our Earth. The Que- ftion is, JVhence come the Stork, and the Turtle, the Crane, and the Swallow, when they know and obferve the appointed Time of their Coming ? For the probable Solution of which Que- ftion,/?r Things deferve fome particular Con- fideration, being of the Number of thofe wonderful Works of God, Which feem to be propofed to be fought out of all them that have Pleafure therein, Pfal. cxi. 3. befides the Theologico-Moral Defign of convincing un- natural Sinners. I . The Kinds or Species mentioned. And they are Fowls ; not but Beafts, Worms, and Fifties have their Seafons and Months, in which they may be found (as is faid of the Wild Aft^ Jer. ii. 24.) But their Abfence and Coming is not fo remarkable, becaufe, for the moft Part, they are known and obferved by Men, whither they make their Recefs j where- as, in divers Sorts of Fowls, their Abfence is fuch, that we know not whither they go, or whence they come, but are, as it were, mira- culoufly dropped down from Heaven upon us. Nor are thefe particular Kinds of Fowls, mentioned, all thofe that do obferve thofe Sea- fons ; but it is probable, they were the moft remarkable in the Holy Land ; but we have divers Sorts befides, of which we (hall take Notice, the rather becaufe they are more fa- miliar to us than fome of thofe here mentioned ; and fo we can better obferve their Phenomena, that may afford us fome Light in this Matter: Such are the Winter- Birds that breed not here, as the Woodcock^ and Wind-lbrujh (or the Redwing Wheenerd) Whindle ; for fo many Names it has in divers Countries) Field-fare^ Snipe, &c. And the Summer Birds, that breed here, as the Nightingale, the Cuckow, Mar lot, &c. which may be added to the Swallow, mentioned in the Text, a Breeder in our own Country, and the Stork, a Breeder in our Neighbour Countries, of which we may ob- tain certain Knowledge and Intelligence ; but the Crane is an Exotick, and preferved fome- times amongft us only as a Rarity. Mr. Cbarlu Morton. See Calamy's. Continuation, Vol. I. Pag. 21 f. 2. The An Enquiry into the Phyjical and Literal Senfe of Jeremiah viii. 7. 4. The Second Thing to be confidered of for Seafons, and for Days and for Tears, Gen. i. 14. For, according to the Accefs and Recefs of thefe Lights, fo as their Irradiations are more direct or oblique, to any Part of the Earth, or as they vary their mutual Afpecls one to the other, fo is their Influx upon the Earth, or any other Body among the Heavens of like Compofition, to caufe fuch Changes in the Effluvia, as gives Diftin&ion to thofe brute Creatures, in this or that Seafon, fo or fo to provide for themfelves ; that is, while the Effluvia, or Steams, or the other Things requifite for thefe Animals, are congenial to their Temperament, it intimates to them, to abide where they are ; but, when an offenfive Alteration is made, it commands them to be gone, and fliift for themfelves ; fo that the Ordinances of Heaven (as they are called, Job xxxviii. 33.) that is, the fettled Order of Motions and Influences of the Heavenly Bo- dies, and the regular and uniform Acls of Nature by Agents and Patients joined with that common Law of Nature, given by InftincT: to every Thing to preferve itfelf ; thefe two to- gether do conftitute that Law which is here called, the Appointments of their Seafons, to which Law they readily yield Obedience, not out of Religion, as reafonable Creatures do, or mould (Religion, rather than Reafon, being- according to the Opinion of fome learned Men, the eflential Difference) but out of Ne- ceflity of Nature, and by thofe Shadows of Reafon, which many brute Creatures have. 4. The lajl Thing to be confidered, is, The Place whence they come, and whither they go ; which is the main Enquiry, and gave Occafion to this Exercitation. Concerning fome Brutes, that keep Sea- fons, it is known to Men, where they make their Recefles, or what is become of them, when they are abfent from us. I ftiall men- tion fome Particulars in their feveral Kinds. 1. And /7r/?of Infects, and almoft all Sorts of Flies ; we know they are plentiful with us in the Summer ; but where are they in the Winter ? Some in their Leeds or Eggs, as Siti- worms, Butterflies, &c. fome in their preg- nant Dams, as Bees, JVafps, &c. which hide themfelves all Winter in fome warm Place, and in the Spring lay their Eggs, which, by the Warmth of their Bodies, and Temper of the Air, are after hatched in great Abundance. 2. Divers Sorts of Pi/bfthsve their Seafons, fome whereof are River- Fifh, that go up into the finaller Brooks to breed, as Salmon, Trout, them, is, 'Their Knowledge of the Seafons : This is an Inftinft, or implanted natural Fa- culty, whereby they take Notice of the Changes of the Air where they are, or the Steams of the Body where they refide, or the Alteration or Abatement of their daily Food, or the Changes arifing from one or more of thefe in the Temperament of their own Bodies, whereby they are invited to change Quarter, in order to obtain what is more fuitable to them, or to avoid what is offenfive. I will not fuppofe that they ratiocinate in the Matter ; yet I will not deny, but they have true Senfe and Perception, and moved by fomething there- in more than Mechanifm. Without Dogma- tifing, as it may be propofed a Problem, or PC- rifma, to be confidered, whether the Souls of Brutes are not more than rarefied, or inflamed Matter ; and whether it will not fuit well enough the Harmony of the World, that Spirits created fhould be of three Sorts ; fome that mould have no Relation to the Matter, as Angels ; fome that mould bear Relation to Matter, but without Dependence (unlefs quoad aftum informandi) as the reafonable Souls of Men ; and fome that fliould bear Relation to Matter, with Dependence (quoad ejje^ fieri, & eperari] as the Souls of Brutes. Certainly, if this were granted, there would be one Step more (not yet taken Notice of ) to advance the Throne of the higheft Perfection, and no fuch Chafm, and vaft Diftance between Things fpiritual and corporeal, that there need to be Vehicles invented to join them together in one Compojitum. And truly, if Immortality be not fo much theRefuIt of Immateriality, as of the Decree and Defignation of the firfl Caufe, the moft confiderable Argument that I know is difmounted, that it cannot better this Hypo- thefis, if any one would make bold to afTert it. %.The Appointment of their Time. This is not like the Appointment of Days, or Months, or New-moons, or Sabbaths to the reafonable Creatures, who have both Notions of Time, and a Power to difcern and diftinguifh the Parts thereof ; all which is denied to Brutes. But it is only the Settlement of the Order and Fixation of the whole Frame of Nature, that which was at firfl made, and afterward fecured by the Promife, Gen. viii. 22. IVhile the Earth remains, Seed-time and Harveji, and Cold and Heat, Summer and Hunter, Day and Night jhall not ceafe. -This Diverfity is derived from the Lights in the Heaven, fet for Signs and 560 An Enquiry into the Phyfical and Literal Senfe of Jeremiah viii. *f. &c. and after go down into the greater Ri- vers, as Trouts, or as low as the Mouth of the Rivers, into the very Sea, yet not fo far but they may now and then have a Guft of frefli Water, as is obferved in the Salmon, which, being marked when they were young Spawns, and caft into the Rivers, have gone down in- to the Sea, and returned again full grown with their Marks into the fame River. Some are Sea-fim, that come in great Shoals at certain Seafons, as Mullet, Mackarel^ Herring, Pi!' chard, and many more j but thefe, having the wide Sea to travel in, do remove North and South either for the fuitable Warmth of the Water, or the fuitable Food which fuch Warmth doth produce. 3. Divers Kinds of Beafts have alfo their Removes ; thefe having not fo great a Scope to range in, as being confined to the habitable Parts of the Earth, where Man alfo refides (the Fear and Dread of whom was placed in them all, Gen. ix. 2.) Therefore thofe that are natural, or that are wild, do at Times go farther from the Prefence of Men, when they have Convenience of Covert and Food, or when they breed, the better to hide and fecure their Young j but, when they are {heightened in thofe Conveniencies, they are forced to appear nearer, by fpreading further to feek for Fo- rage ; but even then they take the Opportuni- ty of the Night, wherein they may be beft con- cealed j this is excellently celebrated, Pfal. civ. Ver. 1 8, 20, 21, 23, 24. The high Hills are a Refuge for the Goats, and the Rocks for Conies. Ver. 20. Thou make/1 Darknefs, and it is Night, wherein all the Bea/ls of the Foreji do creep forth. Ver. 21. The Sun arijeth, they gather themfelves together, and lay them down in their Dens. Ver. 23. Man gseth forth unto his Work, and to his Labour, until the Evening. Ver. 24. O Lord, how manifold are thy Works ! in Wifdom hajt thou made them all. 4. But the Fowls of the Air are moft remarkable in their Sea- fons, as is before noted ; their Removes are at a greater Diflance, by the Convenience of their Wing, and they have a larger Scope than the Fifties themfelves, who have the whole Ocean to wander in. The Sea is wide and deep, yet not as the Air, that compafieth the Sea and Land, nor fo paflible in any Part as the Air is fuppofcd to be in fome Parts there- of: For, if the Opinion be true, that Gravita.- tion is from the Magnetifmof the Earth, thm, the more remote from the Earth, the kfs i> the Gravity, and by Confequence the more eafy Paflage j for then the Bird, employing lit- tle or none of his Strength to bear up its Weight, may ufe it all in Promotion whither it would tend. Then (beyond the Atmofphere) the Air is thin, and makes lefs Refiftance, and does fo at leaft compenfate the Want of Den- fity to thruft the Wing againft j therefore the whole Strength of the Biid is referved only for the progreffive Motion, and by Confe- quence that Motion there muft be abundantly more fwift and eafy, than it can poffibly be here below in the j/ttmojphere. Before I do propofe a direct Anfwer to the Quejlion, Whither thefe Fowls do probably make their Recefs, I muft lay down fome Pojlulata or Prolegomena ; fuch as, 1. That the Creator made the Univerfe for the Manifeftation of his own Glory. 2. That, in order thereunto, he has endow- ed the rational Creature (Man] with a Capa- city to obferve, fearch out, and celebrate his Power, Wifdom, and Goodnefs in his Works. 3. That, fmce the Fall, the ordinary Me- thod of Man's underftanding any Thing of the Works of God, is by Induftry in Senfe, Obfervation, Experience, Induction, and the Communication of thefe Things from one Man to another. 4. That muft be acknowledged as true, or at leaft moft probable, that is moft eafily dedu- cible from Man's Experience and Obfervation of the Phenomena of Nature. 5. That thofe Phenomena do yield Ground for Opinions more ftrange, weak, or va- riable, not fo much from the Diverfity of Appearances, as of Obfervation from whence principally they derive their Denomination of Phenomena ; therefore, when Men fpeak of new ones, upon which they ground new Ar- gumentations and Opinions, they are not (for the moft Part) new Things in Nature, but old Things newly taken Notice of. 6. New Obfervations may be made in one Age, that are not in another, by the Hints that one Age gives to another, whereby human Reafon (being ftill the fame in all Ages) works on upon former Obfervations, foas what is be- gun, in one Age, may be perfe&ed in another ; and the fame may hint fome Things imper- fectly to the next, that may be left to them to perfect, and fo onwards : Ita res accendunt lu- mina rebus. 7. Whence \An "Enquiry Into the Phyfical and Literal Senfe of Jeremiah viii. 7. 7. Whence it follows, there may be a fo- ber Senfe of that Saying \_Senefcente Mundo ado- lefcunt ingenia'] the older the World, the wifer; not that new Opinions arife from Affectation of Novelty, or proud Contempt of the An- cients ; but, granting their Wit and Induftry to be equal, yet we may foberly fay, their Opportunities were not fo ; for latter Ages have the Obfervations of the former, and their own to Boot. 8. That all Manner of Sciences have im- proved, and are ftill improving, is maniftft e- nough to any that are not overweening of Thsfe Things premifed, I fay, it is not im- poffible, that divers of thefe Fowls, which make fuch Changes, and obferve their Seafons, do pafs and repafs between this and the Moon, which is theneareft Concute heterogeneous, or earthly Body of the Planets i which will ap- pear, if we confider, their own entertained Conceits, or imperti- nently fuperftitious towards dead Heroes, and from hence are Enemies to all Reforma- tion j as if envying that any Thing (hould be done well, that was not done by them and their Anceftorsj or as if this muft needs reflect upon them, as carelefs or unfkil- ful. 9. Tnat many little Things in Nature are of great Importance, and become the moft admirable (and God's Wifdom therein) when their End and Ufe come better to be difcerned. One would admire to think, why God fhould create Eclipfes to appear only at certain Times. The Thing in itfelf is a very Toy, a Non-entity, a Privation, a Shadow of fhort Duration, and no more in Nature tlv.n the Putting my Hand between my Eye and the Candle, and yet this little Darknefs gives Light to all Aftronomy and Chronology ; for by this Men only are furethat their Hypothcfes in the main are more than doubtful Conjectures, God making Ufe of this contemptible Mote (as a J'efcue) to teach Men to read the Heavens, and it enables Man (that little Pigmy on a Mole -hill) to meafure and comprehend at fuch a Diftance fuch vaft Magnitudes and Motions. This is noted to prevent the Sneer of fume that poffibly may be at our Enquiry after the Habitation of a Woodcock. 10. I do fuppofe, that the Hypothefis of Co- pernicus is reafonable, and may be real, without any Contradiction to Scripture, namely, That the Moon' sBody (as alfo of the other five Planets^ is of a Ccmpofitiin like cur Earth, and may have in it dry Land and Heater, Mountain* and Vallies, Fountains, Streams, Seat, &c. and about it an dtmofphere of Vapours and Fumes from its Bcdy, Clouds, Rain, &c. like this Earth we inhabit, and by Confluence convenient Entertainment for thcfe l^wli, in Cafe they anive thither. 'V O L. II. i. If thefe Birds did, in the Time of their Abfence from us, refule any where in this Earth, it is likely, that fome one would, in one Age or other, have difcovered the Place ; but I cannot, from any Record of the Learned, or diftinct and reafonable Account of other Men, find that there is any Man has feen them out of their Seafons ; and therefore I conclude, they are no where in this our Earth ; for, de wn entibus Cjf non apparentibus eadem eji ratio. It is true, indeed, I have heard Stories of no fuch Certainty as a Man's Mind may acquiefce in them : One tells me of * Swallows lying in * clay Lumps in the Bottom of Rivers;' which I cannot perfuadc myfelf to believe, becaufe the Water and Earth 'arc too cold Quarters, in the Winter, for fuch Summer Birds : Befidcs, if they mould have no Occafion for Breath, while they lie in their Sweeven, or Winter- fleep, yet, in, the Spring-morning, when they fhould awake, it is fcarce conceivable, how their Feathers fhould be in a Trim to lift them out of the Water. Others tell us cf ' Heaps of Swallows lying in the Clefts of the Rocks ' near the Sea ;' but I never yet could fpL-ak with any one that ever faw them fo, though I have lived many Years near the Sea : And alfo, methinks, it is very ftrange, that no curious Perfons, inquifitive into the Nature of Things, fhould procure any of thofe fleeping Swallows, to obferve the Progrefs of Nature concerning them. The like I have heard of the Cuckow, found in hollow Trees j but it is only Ru- mour, and no more of Woodcocks : I have been told, that one wcs taken on JWidfwn- w-day, but he was all loufy: This (if true) might be ; perhaps the poor Creature was fick, or wounded, at the Time he fhould have been gone, and fo, perhaps, was left behind his Fellows. And, ir.di.ej, I have often wonder- ed, that none, who might have Opportunities for it (as a walled Garden, with a Brook run- ning through it) have, by pinioning then?, preferred fome of thefe alive all the Year long, cfpecially in thofe Parts where they are moft plentiful, and fometimes of very little Value. 4 B Of 562 A Of Snipes and Fieldfares, I have heard of young ones found in defolate Moors, and Nor- thern Parts; but then the fame Reporters tell us;** 'It is but very rare, and fcarce one Neft * m many' Years has been found : ' But what is this to the Multitude we have, efpecially of the Fieldfare, which come in mighty Flocks ? As to the Wind-thrufh, I never yet heard of any, that pretended to know any diing of their AtLde, Cf Breed. ' -,.\<\-t . -.-. xH- ; i. 2. Confider their Coming, which is fo fud- den (as to divers of the Knds) that it is as if they dropped d6wn upon us from above : In Woodcocks, efpecially, it is remarkable, that, updn a Change 6f Wind to the 'Ejift, about ^Ih'atloivs-tidC) they will feem to have come all'ih' Jr'Njjjjht j. for, though the former Day none' are ' to be found, yet the next Morning the^" wflf be in ; ever^ Bufri : f fpeak of the fff/t-oC England^ where they are moft plen- tiful : Nor is it obferyed^ that they are in the Eaflern Parts fooner than in the moft Wef- tern ; nor that they fly Weftwards, when they areflufhed, or raifed to the Wing, more than, to any other Quarters ; whereas, if they came from any earthly Coaft, it is likely, their Ten- dency to fpread themfelves farther would be from thofe Coafts, from whence they came : They come not in Flocks, as Fieldfares and Redwings, 'but are fprinkled fingly all over the Country, and in fome Parts are twenty for one what they are in others, efpecially where are Plenty of Springs and woody Sides of Hills ; and perhaps Mineral 1 Streams may contribute to the Attraction of them. It may, therefore,' be fuppofed they hover aloft, where the Attraction is weak; and, though they may come all together to the ut- moft Parts of the Atmofphere, they may there difperfe themfelves to take a Guft of the Air, and, when they meet with Steams that are agreeable, they forthwith drop right down to the Place that beft pleafes them. One fmgle Bird, in his Difperfion, over-fhot himfelf, and, it feems, rambled too far out of his Way ; for I have heard this remarkable Story : ' A Ship out at Sea, farther from Land 1 than any Birds ufe to be found, difcovered' * a Bird aloft in the Air, hovering over them, * as High as they could difcern ; which Bird * defcer.ded towards them, and made divers 4 Rings over the Vcfiel, and at laff lighted ' on the Deck : It was a Woodcock, fo wea- of Jeremiah viii, 7. " ried tliat they took it up with their Hands.' This Relation I had from the Rev. Mr. Thomas Trailers^ of Cornwal, who received it from the Captain, or Mafter, of the Veflel, a Man of good Credit and Undcrftanding : He faid alfo, ".It. came not from any Coaft, but down " right from above ; and (if I do not mifre- " member) it was more Southerly, than any " fuch Birds ufe to be found." Now, if this be true (as I have no Reafon to doubt it, it either mews the Creature to come from above, or at leaft thus much, if it come from any remote Part of the Earth, it firft mounts above the Attraction of the. earth- ly Globe, before it begins its Journey towards us : Which if it be gained, it fairly helps our Suppofal, as is before noted ; for, if there be fuch an Attraction (wru'ch is called Gravity) and it have Bounds in a certain Height, then it may as well ferve their Going to the Moon, as to fome other Parts of the Earth. As to the Fieldfare and Redwings,' they feem alfo to come as fuddenly upon a Change of the Air ; but it is moft on a Northern Wind, and therefore they may be thought to come from the Northern Parts of the Earth ; and, by Confequence, it doth not fo clearly evince our Hypothefis upon this Confideration, though it may help it well enough upon fome other Confiderations. This is to be noted of them, that they fly very high at their firft Coming (as doth the Swallow) and this may help a little, efpecially as to die Attraction of the Earth. 3'. Confider the different State of thefe Fowls, in their firft Coming, to what they are afterwards. This is noted of the Woodcock, that, when it firft comes, the Tafte of its Flefh is quite another Thing from what it is after- wards ; it is fhort and .tender ; whereas after it eats ftringy, and of a fibrous Flefh, as odier of our Fowls are : And, towards its Going off, it is obferved, if you fhoot a Cock, it will bleed plentifully at the Wounds, which at the Beginning of the Winter it never does ; and then alfo, when it is fo full of Blood, it feems inclined to chufe a Mate for Breeding ; for about Candlemas you (ball feldom flufh a fmgle , Cock out of a Bufh ; which you always do, all the Winter before., From this, the Con- jecture is, that they have anodier Kind of Nourishment, . before they come here, than, what this Earth doth afford,, or elfe. their Flefh wouU 'Jbi "Enquiry Into the Pkyfcal and Literal Senfe ^ Jeremiah viii. 7. 563 r ' r ^ "' - ' or, if (as was faid) is full of Blood, gets Company, would be of the fame Constitution they had Dlodd at their firft Setting out, it ferved them for a Viaticum, and was fpent in their Nourishment, throughout their long Journey ; and that their Feeding here prepared them for Breeding elfewhere, wHithcr they travel with the Companions of their Choice. 4 Confider the Flying of thefe Birds, while they abide among us : It is rrfjinifeft, that the Woodcock and Redwing matte very mort Flights, when they are ftirred ; it is alfo mani- feft, that thofe of them, that are found near the Sea-more, do never, when difturb'ed, offer towards the Sea, bat fhelter th'emfelves again, as foon as tlfey can, on the Land : Befides, it may be obferved, that the Wing of that Fowl, proportionable to its full Body, is veryihcon- fiderable to bear it a long Flight, in fuch a Courfe, where is necefTarily required a conftant Support of its Weight. Hence, therefore, we conjecture, it never came from any Part of the Earth, that lies be- yond our Seas ; for it would never venture at Rights over any Sea, or confiderable Breadth of Water ; much lefs, that it mould come from Parts remote beyond Man's Travels; therefore, more probably, it is from above, where the Main of the Journey is performed without any Gravitation. As to the Windthrufh (or Redwing) and Fieldfare, it is obferved alfo, what is of the Woodcock, that their Flights are mort, and that they fhun the Seas ; elfe why do they not bet- ter Ihift for themfelves, in a very cold Seafon, by getting over to France, or other warmer Countries, rather than ftarve here, as Multi- tudes of therri do ? From this I conceive, that they are not beyond-fea Birds, nor ever came into this Ifland from another Part of the Earth ; but that they come down directly upon us, when our Land is prefented fair for them, as they vieV it above in the Atmofphere. The Swallow, Cuckow, Stor : k, and the Cther Summer Birds make but fhort Flights and- Returns ; the Swallow, Swift, and Marlet are alm'oft always flying ; and thefe alfo fhuri the Seas, though they fometimes, for Flies, or Drink',- do dip and play over the' frefh Water : Therefore, furely, neither are thefe "ariy' be- yond-fea Birds. 5'.- Confider thefe Fdwls in or near the Times of their Departure: The ' Woodcock and, to which add, is ftronger of Flight, and mounts higher, when moved. The Fieldfares and Red wings gather into great Flocks, fo do the Swallows and Marlets ; and all thefe, except the Woodcock, are wont to make a chearful Singing, or chattering Noife, before they take their Farewel ; their Flights are alfo high, but never over any Sc-a-water, that I can hear of; therefore, I conceive, they leave not the Land to go beyond Sea : Nor is it probable that they hide in the Sand, or feek Lurking-places to fleep in ; for then, methinks, they fhould be more dull and drooping towards their Go- ing to Sleep : No j rather their Chearfulnefs feems to intimate, that they have fome noble Defign in Hand, and fome great Attempt to fet prefently upon, namely, to get above .the Atmofphere, hie and fly away to the other World. But, of all the Remarkables, in this RefpecT:, nothing is more luminous in this Matter than the Proceedings of the Stork in the Low-Coun- tries^ of which I have had this Account : The Stork, when it hath bred, and the Young ful- ly fledged, and the Time of Departure draw- ing nigh, they all (to a Bird) gather together about the Harlem Meer ; then they continue fome Days chattering, and making a great Noife, till the laft are come into their Ren- dezvous ; then, in the Midft of this Noife, there is a fudden Silence for a fhort Time, where, I fuppofe, upon a Signal given, they all rife together, and fly in one great Flock, or Cloud, fetch many great Rounds, firft near the Earth, but after higher, like the fpiral Afcent of a GofT 7 hawk when me lowers, till at laft this great Cloud, that at firft darkened the Air right over the Place of their Afcent, appears lefs and lefs by Diftance, till it utterly disappears. I. And here I call to Mind a Story of Sir Anthony njejgetfs, in his Court and Char after of King James : ' The .King, faith he, being at New-market, delighted much to fly his GofT-hawks at Herons, and thd Mariner of the CohflicTt was- tjiis. : The Heron would mount, and the Haw r k weu]d get much above it ; then, when th.e Hawk; {topped at the Game, the Heron would turn up its Belly, tq receive her with t l\i,s Claws, and (harp Bill j which the .Hawk perceiving, would dodge, and .pafs by % ra- ther than endanger itfelf:, This Pafs being over, both Hawk and'GamV would mount 462 t* 564 -^ Enquiry into the Phyfical and Literal Senfe of Jeremiah viii. 7. to the utmoft of their Power, till the Hawk, being got above, would be at another At- tempt, and after divers fuch AfTaults, by fome lucky Hit or other, the Hawk would bring her down. But, faith my Author, one Day a moft excellent Hawk, being at his Game, in the King's Prefence, mounted with his Game fo high, that both Hawk and Heron got out of Sight, and were ne- ver feen more. Enquiry was made, not cnly over all England, but in all the Foreign Princes Courts in Europe, the Hawk hav- ing the King's Jefies, and Marks fufficient, whereby it might be known, but all was to no Purpoie.' Now, Whither fhould thefe Creatures go, unlefs it were to the Moon ? I confefs, the Hawk and Heron might, being very weary, drop into the Sea, and fo be loft ; tho' this be not very probable, becaufe the Heron's ufual Shift is, not by a Stretch on- wards, but only by Mounting up, and then, when they were weary, they mould drop near the Place where they rofe, which was far e- nough from the Sea : But, as to the Stork, there can be no fuch Thing fuggefted, for then the whole Kind would perifh ; nor is it a Force that makes them mount, as the Heron, but only their own Choice ; furely they feek a Place where they may have a comfortable Re- pofe, but that cannot be any other Land here, for directly upright is not the Way to any Part of this Globe. 6. And lajily, Confider fome remarkable Words in the Text ; one is their tempus iti- neris, the Time of their Journey ; fo, in- ftead of Coming, do the Learned render it : From which thus much may be gained, that Swallows do not lie in the Clefts, as fome pretend, for it is but a fmall Journey for that fwift Flier from the Clefts to the Chimney- tops. It is probable therefore they come from fuch a Di fiance as may deferve the Name of a Journey. The other, and great, Remarkable is, Ci- conia in Gaelis, the Stork in the Heavens ; the Note is, of the Difference between the two original Words O'QiiQ in the Heaven, and CD'OTiTI of the Heaven. Now, whenever in the Scripture other Birds are fpokenof with Re- lation to the Heaven, it is in the latter Word, Fowls of the Heaven ; only this is faid to be in the Heavens, when it knows its Time of re- turning to us, which is not faid of any other, that I know of: Nay, this I know, the for- mer Word is commonly afcribed to thofe Things, that have the Heaven for their proper Place, and as contradiftinft from the Earth. A few of them I fhall mention : Exod. xx. 4. Thcu Jkalt not make any Like- ncfs of any Thing that is in Heaven above, &c. that is, Thou fhalt not pourtray any earthly Thing, to make an Idol of it, or make it a Mean of Worfhip, contrary to Inftitution, nor of any heavenly Body, as the Sun, Moon, or Stars, to be either an Object, or a Mean, but thou fhalt worfhip thy God fpiritually, and immediately, and only as he hath appointed. So, I Chron. xxix. n. All that is in the Heaven and the Earth is thine, i. e. All the Efficacy of terreftrial Bodies, and all the In- fluences of heavenly Bodies are in thy Difpo- fal, therefore thine is the Kingdom of King- doms, O Lord, and thou art exalted as Head above all. So, Pfal. cxiii. 6. IWo dwelleth on high, who humbleth himfelf to behold the Things that are in the Heaven, and in the Earth; i. e. Such is his Majefty, that it is Condefcenfion in him to look down, and take Notice of any of his Creatures. The lofty Heavens, and all thofe luminous Bodies, which we may well admire, yet are infinitely below him, and the Glory of his Throne. Now the Scripture gives us Notice of three Heavens, the Aerial, or Heaven of the Fowls j the ^Etherial, or Heaven of the fixed Stars and Planets ; and the Emfigreum, the Seat of the Blefled, or fpe- cial Prcfence-chamber of the Majefty on high ; here the Apoftle was admitted to behold unut- terable Glories. This laft falls not under our prcfent Confideration ; the Queftion is of the former two, that is, whether the Stork, that is faid to be in the Heaven, be only in the Air > or fome one of the Planets, moft likely the Moon, which is neareft to us; I fay, it feems probable, that other Fowls, that are faid to be of the Heaven, are for a fhort Time in the loweft Aerial, the Heaven, in which they freely, by Flying, wander about j and, that being their Excellency above other Animals, that muft only walk upon the Earth, they are therefore called Fowls of^ or belonging to the Heaven. But in the Heaven feems to be fomething more ; namely, a fteady Abode in fomething that is called Heaven, that cannot be the Air, for fix Months together; therefore, An "Enquiry Into the Pbyficaland Literal Senfe of Jeremiah viii. 7. 56 - tioned it muft be fome folid heavenly Body, fuch as the Moon is found to be. It is true indeed, I find one Place where the Word, in the Heaven, is fpoken of the Aerial Heaven, the Place of Meteors, Pfal. Ixxviii. 26. He caufed an Eaft-wind to blow in the Heaven : But then it is even here to be noted, that this Heaven is the proper Place of the Wind ; but this cannot be fo to the Stork, it cannot have there a Reftir.g-place for fo many Months together ; in the Heaven, indeed, may fignify to be in the Air or At- mofphere ; but then it muft be underftood of fuch Bodies as are by Nature adapted to abide therein, but not of fuch as are there occa- fionally, and for a fhort Space of the Air, for them is a Phrafe of fufficient Dignity. The Sum of all is, the Stork, in its Abfence, is faid to be in the Heaven, therefore it is not in any other Parts of the Earth ; and fince, in the Heaven, fignifies to be in the Air, or in fome one of the heavenly Bodies, and that it cannot abide fix Months in the Air, no more than Noah's Dove, which was as good a Flier, yet wanted a Refting-place for the Soal of her Foot, it remains therefore, that the Stork, and the like may be faid of the reft of Seafon- obferving Birds, till fome other more fit Place can be with Reafon affigned them, does go un- to, and remain in fome one of the celeftial Bodies ; and that muft be the Moon, which is m oft likely, becaufe neareft, and bearing moft Relation to this our Earth,' as appears in the Ctpernican Scheme, yet is the Diftance great enough to denominate the Paflage thither an Itineration or Journey. Objefi* * Great enough, indeed, for it is faid to be Fifty-two Semidiameters of the Earth, which being accounted Twenty-one thoufand, Seven-hundred, and Twenty-three Miles, and three Sevenths about, its Dia- meter is Six-thoufand, Nine-hundred, and twelve Miles ; then its Semidiameter is Three-thoufand, Four-hundred, and Fifty- fix ; this, multiplied by Fifty-two, gives One- hundred and Seventy-nine thoufand, Seven- hundred, and twelve Miles, for the Diftance. of the Moon from the Earth ; now at One- thoufand per Day in One-hundred and eigh- ty Days, which is but two and a Half fhort of Half a Year, he could go but One-hun- dred and eighty-thoufand, which is not fo much more than the Number of Miles men- fo that the whole Year muft be fpent in going and coming at One- thoufand Miles- per Day ; in Two-thoufand of one Half, the Year; in Four-thoufand, a Quarter; and this is as much as can be allowed them, namely, fix Weeks coming, and fix Weeks going, to tarry five Months there, and five Months here. Now, how can it be con- ceived, that any Bird fhould move Four-thou- fand Miles a Day, that is One-hundred and Sixty-fix Miles, and two Thirds, per Hour:' Anfw. This is, I confefs, a difficult Ob- jeclion, and I know not how better to anfwer it, than by giving them a little more Time fcr their Journey, that is, by dividing the Year into three Parts ; allow one Third for Staying here, another one Third there, and the re- maining one Third for their Going and Com- ing, that will be Sixty Days, or two Months for each, then will their Motion be about One-hundred and twenty -five Miles in an Hour; now, I have heard that Race-Horfes have moved at the Rate of five Miles in a Mi- nute ; this comes to Three-hundred Miles in an Hour, if they could continue it : But, if this may feem too much to be believed, let us abate; fay four A4iles is Two-thouiand Four- hundred per Hour, Eight is One-hundred and eighty per Hour, ftill this is more than our Account One-hundred and twenty-five, but Two is One-hundred and twenty, that is fomewhat lefs ; now, if any of thefe be pof- fible by a Horfe, that hath two or three Im- pediments, then it is much more eafy for a Bird, that hath none ; the Horfe is hindered by its own Weight, the Bird hath none be- yond the Attraction ; the Horfe hath Refiftance from the Air, the Bird in the Air meets with no Obftruction ; and perhaps this may be added, that, if there were the Refiftance of the Air, yet the Bird could better make its Way,, not only by the Shape of its Body, fitted for the Pur- pofe, but, becaufe of the Smallnefs of its Di- menfion, proportionable to its Strength ; for it is noted by an ingenious Perfon, that general- ly fmaller Animals are ftronger, proportionable to their Bulk, than ftronger, by the quadruple Proportion. 2. Qbjett. Oh, but, as thefe have no Re- { fiftance, fo they have no Furtherance ; for the very fluid ^ther makes no Refiftance * to the Stork of the Wing (as is before no- 4 ted, 5 66 * ted, whereas the Horfe hath the folid Earth 6 to beat his Heels againft?' An Enquiry into the Phyftcal and Literal Senfe of Jeremiah viii. 7. them, may fhut their Eyes, and fo fwing on raft afleep, till they come where fome Change of Air (as a middle Region about the Moon or Earth) may, by its Cold, awake them. Add to this, that this Sleep fpares their Provi- fions ; for, if, as fome would have it, Cuckows, or Swallows, can lie afleep half the Year with- out Eating, why cannot thefe, in as deep a Sleep, as well for two Months forbear it ? Anf. We will fuppofe (according to our Hypothecs) that, as the Bird afcends out of the Attraction, it accelerates its Motion by the lame Force that, in the Beginning, did ferve to raife it but flowly ; and, perhaps, this Accele- ration may be much as the Defcent of heavy Bodies, by Vertue of Attraction, namely, by odd Numbers (i, 3, 5, 7, 9) for, though there be ftill fome Gravity remaining in the Body, while it is afcending out of the Attrac- tion, yet the Force continues either the fame, or, if it be diminished any thing by Wearinefs, this may be balanced by the Thicknefs of the middle Region, affording better Stroke for the Wing : Now, if (I fay) there be fuch Accele- ration even to the jifEther, where there is nei- ther Help nor Refiftance, yet there it fliall continue in its full Vigour and Velocity, that was acquired in the Afcent, and may, for any thing that appears, hold on to the Moon's Attraction ; but this increafing Swiftnefs may, at its Height, be well fuppofed to tranfcend the Swiftnefs of any Horfe ; and, by Confe- quence, may well accomplifh this long Journey in the Time allowed. 3. Objett. But lhall not the Animal eat c or fleep, all this long Time of two Months ?' Anf. As for Eating, it may poffibly be with- out, in that Temper of the .^Ether, where it paffeth, which may not be apt to prey upon the Spirits, as our lower nitrous Air j and yet, even here, Bears are faid to live upon their Summer Fat all the Winter long, in Green- land^ without any new Supply of Food. Now we noted before, that fome of thoie Birds (and perhaps it may be true of the reft) are very fucculent and fanguine, and fo may have their Provifions laid up in their very Bodies for the Voyage. As to Sleep, it is very probable, that they are in a Sleep, or Sweeven, if not all the Way, between the Attraction of the Earth and, that of the Moon ; to which Sleep the fwift acquired Motions may very much con- tribute; for we fee the like in a Chicken, which if you fwing in your Hand, with its Head under its Wing, you will prefently lay it afleep. Now it is likely, thefe Birds, being there, where they have no Objects to divert 4. Oljeft. < But the Moon goes near round the Earth every Day, or the Earth round itfelf ; and if, from any Part of the Earth, they mould fteer their Courfe to the Moon, they muft make many great Circles round the Earth, to keep the Moon in View ; nay, it is impoflible they mould fo do, if they fhould attempt it ; for, near the Earth, their Courfe muft be twenty-one Thoufand Miles a Day, which can no Way be conceived. Befides, this fpiral Afcending would abun- dantly augment their Way, which is long e- nough befides.' Anf. It cannot be fuppofed, that they at firft direct their Courfe to the Moon, but ra- ther, offended by the Steams of the Earth, do tend directly from it ; and that ftraight Line, it is probable, they purfue, till they come fo near the Moon, that fhe is the faireft Object to draw their Inclination. For, if the Moon hath a Motion in a Month about the Earth, then at the two Months End they will find it in the fame Line of Direction, where it was when they begun their Journey ; for, fuppofe it full Moon at the Place where they began, juft at two Months End it will be full Moon again to the fame Place which they left ; therefore, if they proceed in the fame ftraight Line, they will be fure to meet the Moon in their Way, it being the End of their fecond Period, while they were in their Journey. 5. Objeff. But all this Difcourfe isground- * ed upon the Copernican Scheme, and the new ( Motions- of Philofophy, which are yet under Debate ; but,, if all this be miffcaken, then * fo are all your Conjectures.' Anf. I take, for granted my Grounds, and fo need not difpute them : If any doubt what I fuppofe, I muft refer him to the Authors that on Purpofe have handled thefe Matters, whofe Works when he hath well confidered, perhaps, he The Spiritual Courts epitomifed, &c. he may allow my Suppofition : In the mean Time, he may leave alone th&fe Papers, as whathe is not yet prepared to examine. I know not what elfe may be obje&ed, and this is all, at prefent, I can fay of this Matter : If, from what hath been faid, may be an II- luftration of the wonderful Works of God, any Light afforded to the Letter of any ah~ ftrufe Text, or if but any Incitement to better Abilities to make a further Enquiry ; it (hall compenfate the fmall Pains of him, who pro- fefles himfelf not to affect Novelties, but only defirous to underftand the Truth, and is Tour Friend^ C. M. POSTSCRIPT. IF, notwithstanding what has been faid in Anfwer to the firfl Objection, concerning the great Diftance between the Moon and the Earth, any one fhall -ftill remain unfatif- fietl, I have only this to offer to his Confldera- tion : * Whether there may not be fome con- * crete Bodies, at a much lefs Diftance than the Moon, which may be the Recefs of thefe Creatures, arid may ferve for little elfe but their Entertainment/ Thus we fee many ' ro'cky Iflands in the Sea, that are of no other manifeft Ufe, than for. Sea-fowls to reft and breed upon, and thefe are therefore commonly called Guri-rocks- Now, if there be fuch Glo- bules (or aethereal Iflands) they muft be fup- pofed of fuch Magnitude only, and fet off at fuch Diftance, as their reflexive Light may not reach home to our Earth (tho% perhaps, they may ferve to illuminate our Atmofphere) elfe they would before now have been difcovered ; and yet no farther off", than thefe Birds may conveniently arrive unto them in fuch Time, as may be moft convenient to allow them. This I do fuggeft, becaufe it is as hard for me to perfuade myfelf, that they come from any other Part of this Earth, as it is to perfuade another, that they come from the Moon ; and therefore, if the Moon will not be allowed, fome other Place muft be found out for them. The Spiritual Courts epitomifed, in a Dialogue betwixt two Proctors, Eufy-Eody and Scrape-all^ and their Difcourfe of the Want of their former Employment. London^ printed 1641. ^uarto^ containing : fix Pages with a wooden in ^ Cut in the Title-Page, reprefenting tfie Bifliops-Court in great Confufion. have turned out the Regifter for Extortion, unlefs the IfTue had been, better. Scrape-all. It Ts true Mir. Biijy-body^ but we do riot 'fufler' an feclipfe in the High Com- miuion only,,' but jn all ,qther Courts. Botu- Churcb) that on a Court-Day ufed to be fuller than at a Sermon on a Sundgy, and the Audi-. ence Court in Paul's, where a R^an could not hear with his own Ears'; the Prerogative., Con- fiftory, and Archdeacon's, with the Dean 'and Chapter's Courts,' that were wont to be , croudeii-- WE are utterly undone, this Par- liament hath not only rendered us 1 contemptible to the World, but hath deprived us of our Practice ; the King's Advocate hath not got a Fee for an Ex OJficio Bufmefs this half Year j myfelf have drawn no Articles againft one that repeated Sermons with his Family this Twelve-month ; mv Lord of Canterbury might have fparcd the making of a Table. of Fees,' he needed' not to 5 68 Tke Spiritual Courts epitomifed, &c. crouded like Money into an Ufurer's Bag, are very quiet and peaceable now ; we cannot talk falfV Latin now, but it will be underftood ; we cannot get ten Pounds in Part for the Pro- bate of a Will, as corpulent Mr. Copper-nofe our Brother, the Erglijh Proctor, could ; we cannot put Ponjonhy's Name to Articles, for Incontinency, with the Privity of the Judge, as heretofore we could, and then compound for the Penance ourfelves, as we have done with the Judge before his Sentence. Bufy-body. No more can we fend our Mef- fengers into the Country, that pry into Peo- ple's Actions there, as Alderman AbelFs Spirits would into a Butt of unlicenfed Wine. You know, when many Articles were drawn in the Name of me necejfarii promotoris Officii^ a- gainft any that we knew was rich, upon no Ground at all, but Hope that he would refufe to take his Oath, either to accufe or forfwear liimfelf, if he did rcfufe, then we. would be paid our Fees ; Mr. Advocate, for perufing and fubfcribing the Articles, a Piece, that is, two Fees, when it was all but one Labour ; myfelf for drawing them, running up and down, fending my Man, and twenty Pains more, that, Heaven knows, I never took, my Fees treble, and the Office would be careful e- nough for their Fees ; for Expedition, for ex- traordinary Attendance, Bonds, and twenty Things more, they would not want much of twenty Times their Fees ; and then, he re- foVjand, if hedid not appear, whether he heard of it or no, Dominus eum in fcrlptis excommu- nicavit. Let him appear, when he would, he muft render down his Contumacy Fees, or he remains and is accounted pro excommunicato ; and, when he is reftored Chrijli fidellu.m, he muft pay the Officers Fees ; Faith, fuch Bufi- nefles were pretty Toys. Bufy-body. And I have gained well by a poor VVill, when the Eftate has not amounted to above forty Pounds ; I would perfuade the Executor for Confirmation to prove it per tejles, but firrt it muft be proved in communi forma, and by that Time fome twenty Marks or fuch a Sum would redound to me out of the Forty j I never cared much for an Adminiftration. . Scrape-all. But I did, for I would get more by it, the Inventory (which my Man fhould ingrofs, as if one Word were afraid of ano- ther) the Account and the quietus e/t, and the Gratuity (which I never failed of) than you could by an ordinary Will. All Blooms- bury , Covent-garden, Long-acre, and Beech-lane wcte as fearful of me, as of a Conftable, or Juftice Long j many a Time have I flopped in with them for my Fees, and. have had all Con- tent poffible. I mould have thought it an ill Day in the Vacation, if I had not got a Piece. Bufy-body. Oh, Brother ! you would not believe how I delighted in a Commiflion, which I would go into the Country withal, and expedite ; and, if they would not give me ten WfcUK*M*V 3 U.11U} 11 LI ICY VVUU1U J1UL iilVC IIIC ICJI maining Obftinate, -my Lord's Grace would Pounds for it (which if a Country Prodtor had deal with him, as he did with others, into done, he would not have required above a Piece) Prifon with him, no Redemption. O Money I would not make many Delays for the Mat- Caufes were pure good ones ; a Parfon would fpend more Money, by Delay, than the Be- nefice is worth. We could not endure Ali- mony, many of them were in forma pauperis. Scrape-all. A Pox on them, I had rather the Judge would have given Sentence againft my Client, than beftowed a Pauper on me ; I am fure the Creature, if he followed not his own Bufmefs better than I, he would have a cold Bargain of it ; for my Part, I fitted him, but fometimes he would prefent a George or the like to my Man, and, if he looked after it, fo j if not, Vale pauper. I got very well by aWcnch that has been undone in a dark Entry : Sir 'John would commute her Penance into ten Pounds, towards the Repair of PWs, and then we would {hare it. A Shop-door could not be open on a Holy-day, but the next Sun- day the Church was faluted with a Csram no- many Uelays ter, but have got it taxed by any Surrogate (whom I could perfuade) to twelve or four- teen Pounds j a Motion flies down, and an Ex- communication after it, and fo I lived in as much State zsAugu/lus Cafar; over your Coun- try, Commiflions would afford good Profit. Scrape-all. Faith, Brother, and I have cheat- ed many of my Brethren in the Country, who ufed to fend me up Bufmefles ready roafted ; I would pretend Caveats were entered, an j de- tain the Bufmefs in my Hands a Week longer than the Time, and then make them pay me, as fully for them, as if my Man had ingrolicd them himfelf. Bufy-body. O, but I was as good at an Ap- peal as could be, for, when the Caufe was rxa- dy for Sentence, if I thought ths adverfe Par- ty would- not appeal, if Sentence went agiinli him, I would perfuade the Judge to give Stu tenco A lats Voyage to tence againft my Client, and then I would be fure to appeal, and, \vhcn I had appealed* my Bill would exceed a Taylor's ; there would be Pro fvlicitationei pro fp6rtulagio$ pro privato figillo, and pro twenty Things more, that were never done. A notable merry Fellow had a poor Caufe appealed thrice ; and then the adverfe Party got a Commiflion of Re- view, my Client ftill having Sentence ; which when he told, how his Enemy had appealed fo often, and was yet gone fiirfher \ fays he, I have a Pro&or that will follow to the De- vil, if I whip him with a filver Lafli. And, on my Confcience, I fhould have looked as fcur- vily upon a poor Client as a Beggar does upon a Beadle, or a Whipping-poft : For God's Sake, Brother, how long is it fmce thefe Bleffings failed? Scrape-all. Faith, ever fmce the Parliament begun, or rather before. At the Vifitation at St. Magnus's Church, when Doctor Duck was hunted dry-foot into the Water, wheW, hd* he not dived, the Spaniels would have tore him in Pieces, they catched Hold- of his Legs, and made them fwell extremely ; ever fmce that Time, we have been held in moft fpecial Contempt j your Whores, that would have Holland, &c. hanged themfelves before to pleafe us, now call us civil Villains *, our Law, the bawdy Courts, and they, that have preserved our Bilk, now fhcw them us, and expect Rcftoration ; nay, the ultimum refuglum fails us now : That is, to bring a Boy with fifty or threescore Pounds, and, within a Year or two, turn him away, but keep his Money ; this is a black Tune for us ;' ten Groats given in a Licenfc now make me as jocund as a Gratuity often Pounds would before. Cannot you 'devlfe what Couffe is to be taken ? Bafy-bcdy. Now, if I Could draw a Proni- bition, I would, leave my Sheepskinhood} and convert it into a Buckram Bag ; a JVeftmtn- Jter Attorney lives a King's Life now ; how- ever, I am (if the Oath 6V. mot out of our new Cannons does not flrike us quite )ead) get Acquaintance with Parifli t Glebes, and keep a Horfe that can fmell out a Tenement ; if my Brother Copper-nofe would die once, I ^Tou^l fce made free of the Girdlers, and beg the Probation of Citizens and Aldermens Wills; if all fail me, I will- fly after Doctor Roan into France, and then we will eat Capons and re- vive our Living. By Way of Ridicule, inftead of Civilians. A late Voyage to Holland^ with brief Relations of the Tran- fa&ions at the Hague ; alfo Remarks on the Manners and Cuftoms, Nature, and Comical Humours o the Peopfe ;. their Religion, Government, Habitations, Way of Living. and Manner of treating Strangers, e{pecially;;the Englijk.* Written by an English Gentleman, attending^ the Court of the King of Great-Britain. Printed in 1691: Duodecimo^ containing forty Pages. - io b- 'q ,31 VOL. II. 4 G The 57 A late Voyage to Holland, &c. The Contents or Table of General Matters. The Accidents that fell out in our Voyage, with a more particular Refpeff to his Majefty \ alfo of his Treatment and Reception at the Hague, &c. Seel. II. Containing a De- fcription of the Hague, and the King's Palaces, with the Nature, Humours, and treatment of the Inhabitants. Seel. III. Some further Relations on the Affairs and Tranfaftions at the Hague, with Refyeft to his Majejly, and the fevered Princes. Seel. IV. Containing particular Observations on the Manners, Cujloms, Na- ture, and Comical Humours of the Dutch Boars, or Peafants ; the Nature of their Habitations, Way of Living, and Manner of treating Strangers, efpecially the Eng- lifh. Seel. V. Of the Nature of the Country in General, its Situation, the Way of Trwilling, Expences, &c. Seel:. VI. Of the People of Holland in General, their fever al Ranks and Degrees, with their Manners, Humours, and Difpojitions. Seel. VII. Of their Religion, the different and incredible Number of Seels among the Peo- ple, particularly in Amfterdam. Seel. VIII. Of their Way of 'Trade, Intrigues in. Over-reaching, and Manner of Increafe in Wealth, &c. Seel. IX. Of their Mili- tary Firct* ]>y Sea and Land, with their State Revenues, &c. SECT. T. *Tbe Accidents that fell out in our Voyage, &c. WE departed from London, Thurfday January the Six- teenth 1690, about Nine in the Morning, and came that Night to Gttingbourn \ the next Day, about Noon, we came to Margaret, in the Ifle of Tbanet ; and, the fame Evening, we went on Board the Frigate that carried his Majefty's Muficfc, which lay then in the Road, with the reft of the Fleet, commanded by Admiral Rooke : Early the next Morning, being Saturday the Seventeenth, the King ar- rived from Gravefend, attended by the Dukes of Norfolk and Qrmond, the Earls of Devon- Jhire, Dorfet, and Portland, and other Gran- dees of the Court : About Noon, the Signal be- ing given from the Admiral, the whole Fleet confining of twelve Men of War, feven Yatchs, and many Tenders, fet Sail, with a feir Gale. On Tuefday the Twentieth, we came in Sight of the Coaft of Holland, near the Ifland of Gone ; but, the Weather being dark- ened with Fogs, and the Shore choaked up with Heaps of Ice, piled up one upon another, it was not for us to come near : However, the iKing put himfelf into a Shallop to get to the Land, notwithstanding the Danger that threat- ened him; and, when all the reft were terrifi- ed with the Perils, wherein his Majefty ven- tured his Perfon, and the Seamen themfelves were not in a little Terror, it was obferved, that he himfelf was the only Perfon nothing at all difmayed. In the mean Time, the Fogs grew thicker and thicker, infomuch that we, who were in the Man of War, foon loft Sight of the Shallop where the King was ; and, Night coming on, his Majefty was for ten Hours ex- pofed to all the Injuries of the Air, and the Waves of the Sea, which fometimes came into the Shallop ; fo that the Lords, who were with him, had their Cloaths all covered with Ice : However, the next Morning his Majefty land- ed in the Ifland ofGoree, and went into a Coun- try-man's Houfe, which had no more Room to receive him, and all the Lords of his Train, than one miferable Chamber and a Kitchen ; but it was a welcome Retreat after fo great a Hazard. After the King had fhifted his Lin- nen and his Cloaths, and had been compli- mented by the Magistrate of the Ifland, who offered him his Houfe, which his Majefty re- fufed, he took Coach again in the fame Coach that brought him to the Country- man's Houfe, and went a-board the Shallop again, to land upon A late Voyage to upon the firm Continent j but then he met with new Difficulties, for the fmall Veflel could not get near the Shore for the Ice ; fo that two Seamen were forced to take the King in their Arms, and carry him to the Shallop : At lafr, his Majefty, with our whole Fleet of Tenders, (the Men of War returning for England] ar- rived at a Place called Orangie Poldar ; here his Majefty was complimented by the Prince of NaJJau Sarbracb, Camp-Marmal, the Count of Eerka, the Emperor's extraordinary Envoy, Monfieur Catonna* the Spanijh Ambaflador, the Deputies of the States of Holland, the Prince of Friezeland, Count Horn, and feveral other Perfons of the higheft Quality, who attended him to HouJIaerdike, where he repofed himfelf for fome Hours. It was thought his Majefty would have continued here for fome Days, till all Things were ready for the magnificent En- try, they were refolved to make for him. But he told them, he defired none of thofe Honours, well knowing that the Glory of a Prince does not confift in Appearing, but in Acting. The King therefore went the fame Day to the Hague, and arrived there about Six in the E- vening, accompanied with the Lords already mentioned, and furrounded with the Guards -of the Body. And, in Regard the King's Com- ing was in a Manner a Kind of Surprife, his Entrance was alfo without any Ceremony. So that all that could be done, inTeftimony of the publick Joy, was only by fome Peals of Can- non, and Ringing the Bells. Neverthelels, the Burgefles of the Hague .had prepared, a long Time before, for his Ma- jefty's publick Entry, and had been at confi- derable Charges to make a glorious Appearance ; and all the Towns adjoining had prepared to be prefent at the Solemnity. In a Word, all the Hollanders were willing to fee the King in Publick, and to aflure themfelves, with their own Eyes, that a Prince, whom they love fo infinitely, and of whom the common Enemy had fpread fo many falfe Reports, was ft ill a- Jive, and returned into their Provinces, which obliged the States to intreat his Majefty to make a publick Entry ; which he refufed a long Time, in that fuch Ceremonies were but the Lofs of that Time, which he had refolved to fpend altogether in A&ion. At length, all that they could obtain from the King was, that he would dine about a Quarter of a League from the Hague, at a Houfe of the Ea'rl of Holland, &c. 57' Portland's, and return in his Coach through thfr Midft of the Bargefles, ranged in Files, from the Court to the End of the City ; which wss done on T"hurfday, February the Twenty- fecond, about Four of the Clock in ihe After- noon, to the inexprefiible Satisfaction of the People, all the Inhabitants of the Towns round about being got together ; and perhaps there ne- ver was feen at the Hague fuch a vaft Con- courfe of People. I fhall not fpend Time in defcribinj; all the Particulars of this Entry, which had nothing of extraordinary Magnificence, except the three triumphant Arches, which furpafled, in Beauty and Magnificence, all that was ever made in France, under the Reign of Lewis the Fourteenth, upon the like Occations. There you might fee reprefented the principal Actions of the King, in Honour of whom they were erected, accompanied with feveral Infcriptions and De- vices perfectly correfponding with the Subjects to which they were applied, and which ap- peared to be done by the Hand of a Mafter, There you might particularly fee Europe deli- vered from the Gripes of her Ravifher ; the Liberty of Holland defended and preferved ; that of England reftored ; Ireland fubdued ; and the Protejtant Religion maintained. The - whole Ceremony ended in the Evening with Fire-works in feveral Places of the City, feve- ral Peals of Cannon, and Vollies of fmall Shot difcharged, as well by the Burgefles, as by the Regiment of Trifon which was in Arms, with Bonfires and Fire-works, before the Court : After all was over, they ftill continued giving feveral Teftimonies of their Satisfaction to fee once more a Prince fo highly beloved by the Hollanders; and, in Regard the Whole proceeded from a fincere Affection, there is a great Pro- bability that thefe Rejoicings will long endure. On the other Side, the King manifefted an extraordinary Goodnefs and Affability to all Societies, and private Perfons that came to kifs his Hands. Admiral Trump was one of this Number, and his Majefty honoured him with the Command of the Holland Fleet for this Summer's Expedition ; which was no fooner fpread about the Country, but you might fenfibly perceive an Augmentation of Joy among the Hollanders, for the King's Coming : His Coach was environed with Crouds of People that fol- lowed him where-ever he went ; and by a Thoufand Acclamations teftifad their Satisfac- 4 C 2 tion, A late Voyage to Holland, &c. ton, that William the Conqueror would com- the Prefent, I fhall break off my Relations of mand their Army by Land ; and Trump, who juftly may be called a fecond Neptune, was to command their Fleet by Sea ; and here, for the Tranfaftions at the Hague, and divert the Reader with my Obfervations on the Place. SECT. II. Containing a Dcfcription of the Hague. THIS curious Village and moft delight- ful Place, the Refidence of that augujl Senate, which has been, as it were, the Arbiter of Peace and War to all Europe, whofe Charms are fo great, its Buildings fo ftately and magnificent, and its Streets fo large, rts Shades fo fweet, its Inhabitants fo civil, and fo good - natured, that one may call it the Delight of the World ; it hath three very pret- ty and delightful Meadows on the Side of Delph, and Mountains of Sand on the other Side, to cover it from the Rage of the Ocean, which is not above half a League diftant from it; at the End of which is the fmall Village called Scheveling, which is inhabited chiefly With Fiftiermen, where is a curious hard fandy Shore, admirably contrived by Nature, for the )CDivertifement of Perfons of Quality ; and here, in the Summer Time, the States, foreign Ambafladors-, and their Ladies, &c. in their Coaches and fix Horfes> ride on tire Sarrds for Several Leagues ; the Road from the Hague to this Village is a late made Way, cut through vaft deep Mountains of Sand, paved through with curious Stone, a Work fit for the anci- tertt Rofnans. That Side, which looks to Leyden, hath a Very pretty and large Wood, with curious Walks and Groves, of Oak, Elm, and Lime- Trees, where there is a Park ftored with Va- riety of Deer. The Inhabitants take the Air there in the Summer Seafon, with a Divertife- ment capable to render them envied even a- mong the Gods, moved by this, that the pret- ty Ladies take their Pleafure, without Fear of the fabulous Plunder, fo much celebrated by the Greeks, whereby poffibly they fometimes make them 'real and veritable. The Counts of Holland frequently kept their Courts in this Palace, chiefly moved thereun- to, by the Pleafantnefs of the Place, and its commodious Situation fur Hunting ; our King (when Prince cf Orange} kept his Court at this Place, where lie has a moft {lately Palate, the back Part of which, with the great Hall, fuf- ficiently teftify its Antiquity. There is on the Side of it a great Square, in which Place, on the Side of the Levant, are three magnificent Lodgments, built a few Years fince ; the Do- eles make the Corner, whereof his prefent Ma- jefty, they fay, laid the firft Stone : Over- againft the other Corner, is another Palace, built by Prince Maurice of Najfau, in which are to be feen the Pourtraitures of all the Kings in Europe, with many Curioftties brought from America. The Foorhant Frontifpiece, as well as the Houfes that face the Court on the Side of the Vivier, make by far the pleafanteft Quarter of the Hague, by Reafon of the Large* nefs and Spacioufnefs of the Streets, and the Number of Trees that are planted there ; you "may fee great Numbers of Perfons of Quality of both Sexes refort thither in the Evening, fome in their Coaches, and fome on Foot. The Cloifter of the Jacobines, which was built On the faid Voorbant, at this Day ft ill retains the Name of the Church of the Cloifter. There is another Church, built much after the Form of the Theatre in Oxon, and is fo admirable a Piece of Architecture without, that none within the feven Provinces (or fcarce in the World) is comparable to it ; there are no Pillars within, fo that the Minifter may be feen, in every Place of the Church, by Thou- fands of People without any Impediment. The Counts of Holland's Chapel, which is in the Court, is at this Day a Church for the French Refugees ; there are two pretty Places like Squares, the one before, and the other behind the Court, where all the Houfes refemble thofe of Princes.. The States of Holland refide here, as well the Counfellors of the Provincial Court, as of the Grand Council. The Cities of HoHafrd have built here very magnificent Houfes for their Deputies, of which in my Opinion that of Leyden is 'one of the bcft fituated, and ne^ct the Court- The Ambafladors of Princes, the States. A late Voyage States Allies, have their Refidence here. The Groote Kirck, or great Church, is very fine, in the Midft of which is to be feen the Arms of the famous Knights, the Order of Toy fan D'ore, which plainly (hews, that they there celebrated the Feaft of the faid Toyfon : The Tower is ve- ry high, and its Form is quadrangular, built with Bricks, which may be feen at a vaft Dif- to Holland, &c. 573 tance : In fine, this Place is, at all Times, fo well inhabited by Gentry, and Perfons of the greateft Quality, that, if we confider its Splendor, the Magnificence of its Buildings and Streets, the Affluence of the Nobles, and the Pleafure of Converfe, the Hague is one of the prettied Courts, and the moft agreeable in the Univerfe. SECT. III. Some fur t her Relation on the Affairs and Tranfaftivns at the Hague. AFter the King came to the Hague , few Days paft without the Arrival of fome Princes, or other confiderable Perfons, as well to have the Honour to wait upon his Majefty, as to confer with him about the pre- fent Affairs. It is true that moft of the Princes came incognito , as well to avoid the Difputes of Precedency, as to confer more familiarly together, and without the Ptfterment of For- malities. The Elector of Brandenburg/}, who lay at Cleves for fome Time, in Expectation of the King's Coming, no fooner heard of his Arrival by the Couriers that were forthwith difpatched to give him Notice thereof, but he haftened to the Hague, where he arrived in- cognito, the Twenty-fourth of January. The Duke of IVirtef&ergb, Prince Regent, during the Minority of the Heir, and the Prince his Brother arrived, the Twenty-ninth, and were admitted to the King a littk Time after. The Count of IVindlfgrats, from the Empe- ror, arrived, February the Fourth, and was im- mediately admitted to the King. The Duke of Bavaria arrived the Sixth, about Ten of the Clock at Night, and went to wak upon the King the next Day, about Four o' Clock in the Afternoon, with whom he had a Conference of two Hours long. The Marquis of Caftana- ga, Governor of the Spanish Netherlands, ar- rived the next Day with a jolly Train, of which, however, tut one Part appeared, be- caufe the Princes were incognito. The Land- grave of Heffe-Caffel arrived the Eleventh, lac- ccmpamed by the Count of Lippe, the Baron of Gars, and fcveral other Lords. The Prince of Commcrct, General of the Imperial Forces, arrived, the Fifteenth. The Duke, and one iPrince of Ccurlan^ arrived the next Day. The King regaled the greateft Part of thefc Princes, J was alfo pleafe.l to accept of Entertainments at fome of their Houfes. It would be too long to make a Recital of all thefe Feafts. I {hall only therefore mention, two, to mew what are the principal Ceremo- nies obferved upon fuch Occafions. His Majefty gave an Entertainment to the Elector of Brandenburgh, the Third of Febru- ary, at his Houfe in the Wood ; the King had an Hour's Conference with the Elector, which being ended, they entered into a fpacious Din- ing-room, where was a Table and Cloth hid r with one only fingle Vermeil Furniture (confift- ing of, the gold Plate, fine Napkins, Knife, Fork, and Spoon) and an Elbow-chair, where the King fat down : After that, a Chair was brought for the Eleftor, with a whrte fattiu Cuflaion, md a Vermeil Fiurnitune laid him, like the King's. Then the Kmg 'commanded Seats and Furnitures to be brought for all the reft of the Lords that were prefcnt, who were placed in this Order : The Elector on the King's Right-hand j next to whom fat the Duk of Ormond, the Earl of "Scarborough, Monficur Colbar, and Mon'fieur Dankelman The Earl of Portland fot at the lower End of the Table, juft oppofite to the King ; the Duke of Norfolk on the King's Left-hand ; next to whom fat the Count of Deuba ff^ and then the General Spaen clofed that Side of the Table, next to the Earl of Portland. The firft Health, was begun bv the King, who vvhifpered it foftly to the Elector, and the, Elector to the reft, without Naming it ; after that, the Kin<; began federal other Healths',.- w,hich he carried, to the Elector,- and the Elector to the r-cft, without Naming. The King and. the Elector were ferved each of them- by a Page, all People being put out of the Room, with Orders given to the Guards to let no-body enter. The Drims beat, and the Trumpets founded, when the 574 the King and the Ele&or drank, but not for any of the reft. The Fifth of the fame Month, the King dined with the Ele&or of Brandenburgb, who went out into the very Street to receive him, and carried him into a fpacious Dining-room, where the Table was covered with eleven Fur- nitures; and, in a fhort Time after, the Meat was ferved up. The King fat in an Elbow- chair ; on the King's Right-hand fat the Lord Chamberlain, and then the Earl of Portland ; on the Left-hand of the Elector fat the Duke of Ormond^ and then the other Ixjrds of the Court, without any Diftin&ion of Precedence ; A late Voyage to Holland, &c. federate Affairs ; but all thefe Conferences arc kept fo fecret, that it is importable to pene- trate the Knowledge of them ; nor (hall we underftand the Conclufions, but by the Effects that will follow. The King has fat in the Af- fembly of the States-General, in that of the States of Holland, and in the Council of State j to all which Bodies he exprefled himfelf in moft affec-tionate Terms ; which makes it appear, that his new Dignity has no way leflened the Love and Affection which he had for thofe Provinces. On the Firft of March, the Duke of Zell arrived at the Hague ; and the Duke of Wol- and Monfieur Colbar performed the Office of fenbuttel, his Brother, the Tuefday following. Efquire Carver : The King's Butler was alfo prefent to pour out the Wine. The King was ferved by one of his Pages, and two of his Gentlemen flood behind his Chair. When the King returned, the Elector accompanied him to the very Boot of his Coach. All thefe Divertifements of Entertainment and Pleafure were intermixed with ferious Conferences, his The Elector of Bavaria went the fame Day to dmjlerdam. On the Sixth, the King fet out for Loo, the Duke of Zell going in the Coach with him, and the Elector of Bava- ria followed, the next Day. The Day be- fore, the Elector of Brandenburgh and the Landgrave of HeJJe went ftrait Home, and the reft of the Princes parted with mutual Satif- Majefty being unwilling to lofe a Moment of faction ; and, my noble Lord returning for Confutation for the general Good of the Con- England, I attended on him. SECT. IV. Containing particular Obfervations on the Manners, Nature, and Humours of the Dutch Boors, or Peafants ; the Nature of their Habitations, and Way of Living, THEIR Soil (where they inhabit) is all fat, though wanting the Colour to {hew it fo ; for, indeed, it is the But- tock of the World, full of Veins and Blood, but no Bones in it ; it is a fingular Place to fat Monkies in. There are Spiders almoft as big as fmall Shrimps; their Gardens, being moift, abound with them, and, were they but venomous, to gather Herbs were to hazard Martyrdom. You may travel among them, though you have not a Guide, for you cannot baulk your Road, without the Hazard of Drowning. There is not there any Ufe of an Harbinger. Wherefoever Men go, the Way is made be- fore them, where, if your Foreman be fober, you may travel in Safety ; otherwife you muft have ftronger Faith than Peter had, elfe you fink immediately. A ftarting Horfe endangers you to two Deaths at once, Breaking of your Neck, and Drowning. Some Things the Boors do here, that feem Wonders. It is ordinary to fee them fifh for Fire in Water, which they catch in Nets, and tranfport to Land in their Boots ; where they fpread it more fmoothly, than a Mercer doth his Velvet, when he would hook in an Heir, upon his Coming to Age. Thus, lying in a Field, you would think you faw a Cantle of green Cheefe, fpread over with black But- ter. Their ordinary Pack-horfes are all of Wood, carrying their Bridles in their Tails, and their Burdens in their Bellies. When they travel, they touch no Ground, and, when they ftand ftill, they ride ; and are never in Danger, but when they drink up too much of their Way. The Elements are here at Variance, the fubtile A late Voyage to Holland, &c. fubtile overfwaying the grofler. The Fire con- fumes the Earth, and the Air the Water. They burn Turfs, and drain their Grounds with Windmills, as if the Cholick were a Remedy for the Stone, and they would prove, againft Philofophy, the World's Conflagration to be natural, even fliewing thereby, that the very Element of Earth is combuftible. The Land, that they have, they keep as neatly, as a Courtier does his Beard ; they have a Method in Mowing ; it is fo inter- vened with Water and Rivers, that it is im- poftible to make a Common among them. Though their Country be Part of a main Land, yet every Houfe almoft, that is inha- bited by the Boors, ftands in an Ifland ; and that, though the Boor dwells in it, looks as fmug, as a Lady that hath newly locked up her Colours, and laid by her Irons. A gallant Mafquing-fuit fits not more compleat, than a Coat of Thatch, though of many Years Wear- ing. If it ftand dry, it is embraced by Vines ; but, if you find it lower feated, it is only a clofe Arbour, in a Plump of Willows and Al- ders, pleafant enough, while the Dog-days laft. The Bridge to this is a Fir-plank, with a Box of Stones to poife it withal ; which, with the leaft Help, turns round, like the Execu- tioner, when he whips off a Head : That, when the Mafter is over, ftands drawn, and then he is in his Caftle. It is furc his Fear, that ren- ders him fufpicious ; that he may, therefore, certainly fee who enters, you fhall ever find his Window made over his Door. When you are entered the Houfe, the firft Thing you encounter is a Looking-glafs ; no 575 Knacks of all their Houfes fet together, there would not be fuch another Bartholomew-]? 'air in Europe. Their Beds are no other than Land-cabins, high enough to need a Ladder, or Stairs : Up once, you are walled in with Wainfcot, and that is good Difcretion to avoid the Trouble of making your Will every Night ; for once Falling out, elfe, would break your Neck per- fectly. But, if you die in it, this Comfort you fhall leave your Friends, that you died in clean Linnen. You may fooner convert a Jew^ than to make an ordinary Dutchman yield to Arguments that crofs him. An old Bawd is eafilier turned Saint, than a Waggoner perfuaded not to bait thrice in nine Miles ; and, when he doth, his Horfes muft not ftir, but have their Manger brought them into the Way, where, in a top Sweat, they eat their Grafs, and drink their W^ater, and prefently after hurry away ; for they ever drive, as if they were all the Sons of Nim/hi, and were furioufly either pur- fuing an Enemy, or flying from him. They are feldom deceived, for they truft no-body ; fo, by Confequence, are better to hold a Fort, than win it ; yet they can do both. Truft them you muft, if you travel ; for to afk a Bill of Particulars is to put in a Wafp's Neft j you muft pay what they ask, as fure as if it were the Afieflment of a Sub- fidy. . Compliments is an Idlenefs they were never trained up in ; and it is their Happinefs, that Court-vanities have not ftole away their Minds from Bufinefs, Sailors among them are as common, as Beggars with us : They can drink, rail, fwear, Queftion but a true Emblem of politick Hof- y &V. but, examining their Ufe, a Mefs of their Knaves are worth a Million of ours, for they, in a boifterous Rudenefs, can work, and live, and toil ; whereas ours will rather laize them- felves to Poverty, and, like Cabbages left out in Winter, rot away in the Loathfomenefs of a naufeous Sloth. Moft of them are Seamen born, and, like Frogs, can live both on Land and Water. Not a Country-Urif/ter, but can handle an Oar, fteer a Boat, raife a Maft, and beat you out, in the rougheft Straits you come in. The Ship (he avouches much better for Sleep, than Bed. In their Families they are all Equals, and you have no Way to know the Mafter and Miftrefc,, pitality ; for, though it reflect yourfelf in your own Figure, yet it is no longer, than while you are there before it : When you are gone once, it flatters the next Comer, without the leaft Remembrance that you ever were there. The next are the Vefleta of the Houfe, mar- fhalled about the Room like Watchmen, as neat as if you were in a Citizen's Wife's Cabinet ; for, unlefs it be themfelves, they let none of God's Creatures lofe any thing of their native Beauty. The Lining of their Houfes is more rich than the Outfide, not in Hangings, but Pictures, which even the pooreft of they a Boors are there furnifhed with : Not a Cobler but has his' Toys for Ornament. Were the 'Holland, &c. were in Recommence] loaden with Rings to the Cracking of her 1* ingers. Where the Woman lies in, the Ringle of the Door does Penance, and is lapped about with Li mien, either to fbew you, that loud Knocking may wake the Child, or elfe that, for a Month, the Ring is not to be run at. But, if the Child be dead, there is thruft out aNofegay, tied to a Stick's End, perhaps for an Emblem of the Life of Man, which may wither as foon as born ; or elfe to let you know, that, though thefe fade upon their Ga- thering, yet, from the fame Stock, the next Year a new Shoot may fpring. In fliort, they are a Race of People diligent rather than laborious, dull and flow of Under- ftanding, and fo not dealt with by hafty Words, but managed eafily by foft and fair ; and yielding to plain Reafon, if you give them Time to understand it. They know no other Good, but the Supply of what Nature re- quires, and the common Increafe of Wealth. They teed moft upon Herbs, Roots, and Milks ; and, by that Means, I fuppofe, nei- ther their Strength, nor Vigour, feems an- fwerable to the Size, or Bulk of their Bodies. in "c tr r T* L;rtS ir '"' ;t - - r O j V^. 1 . V . 0/~ ^^ Nature of the Country in General, its Situation, &c. 576 A late Voyage to Miftrefs, but by taking them in Bc-1 together. It may be thoi-e are they \ otherwife Aialky can prate as much, laugh as loud, be a$ bold, and fit, as well as her Miftrefs. Their Women would have good Faces, if they did not mar them with Making. Their Far-wires have fo nipped in their Cheeks, that you would think fome Fairy, to do tiicm a Mifchief, had pinched them behind with Tongs. Thefe they drefe, as if they would fhew you all their Wit lay behind, and they needs would cove/ it ; and, thus ordered, they have much more for Head th in Face. They love the Englijh Gentry well ; and, when Soldiers come over to be billeted among them* they are emulous in chufing of their Gueft, who fares much the better for being liked by his Hoftefs. The Habit of the Men is much after the Tarpaulian Fashion, their Breeches yawning at the Knees, as. if they were about to fwal- low his Legs, unmercifully. The Women are far from going naked, for, of a whole Woman, you can fee but half a Face : As for her Hand, that, fhews her a fore Labourer j which you fliall evejr find (as it FO U R of thefe Provinces, viz. thofe of Holland^ Zealand, Friezeland, and Gro-> ninguen^ are feated upon the Sea, and make the Strength and Greatnefs of this State : The other three, with the conquered Towns in Brabant , Flanders , and Cleves, make only the Outworks, or Frontiers, ferving only for Safety and Defence of thefe. The Soil of the whole Province of Holland is generally flat, like the Sea in a Calm, and looks as if, after a long Contention between Land and Water, which it fhould belong to, it had at length been divided between them : For, to confider the great Rivers, and the ftrange Number of Canals, that are found in this Province, and do not only lead to every great Town, but almoft to every Village, and theln&nity of Sails, that are feen every where, courfing up and down upon them, one would imagine the Water to have (hared with the Land; and the People, that live in Boats, to hold fome Proportion with thofe that live in Houfes. And this is one great Advantage to- wards Trade, which is natural to the Situa- tion, and not to be attained in any Countiy, where there is not the fame Level and Soft- nefs of Soil, which makes the Cutting of Ca- nals fo eafy Work, as to be attempted almoft by every private Man ; and one Horfe fhall draw, in a Boat, more than Fifty can do by a Cart ; whereas Carriage makes a great Part of the Price in all heavy Commodities : And, by this eafy Way of Travelling, an induftrious Man lofes no Time from his Bufmefs, for he writes, or eats, or fleeps, while he goes ; whereas the Time of labouring or induftrious Men, is the greateft native Commodity of any Country. There is, befides, one very great Lake of freih Water ftill remaining in this Province, by the Name of Harlem Maer, which might, as they fay, be cafily drained ; but the City of Leyden^ having no other Way of refreshing their Town, or renewing the Water of their Canals, A late Voyage to Holland, -Canals, but from this Maer, will never con- fent to it. Another Advantage of their Situation of Trade, is made by thofe two great Rivers of the Rhine and Maefe, reaching up, and navi- gable, fo mighty a Length, into fo rich and populous Countries of the higher and lower Germany; which, as it brings down all the Commodities from thofe Parts to the Maga- zines in Holland, that vent them by their Shipping into all Parts of the World, where the Market calls for them ; fo, with fome- thing more Labour and Time, it returns all the Merchandife of other Parts into thofe Countries, that are feated upon thefe Streams. The Flatnefs of their Land expofes it to the Danger of the Sea, and forces them to infinite Charge, in the continual Fences and Repairs of their Banks to oppofe it ; which employ yearly more Men, than all the Corn of the Province of Holland could maintain. They have found the common Sea-weed to be the beft Material for thefe Digues, which faftens with a thin Mixture of Earth, yields a little to the Force of the Sea, and returns when the Waves give back. The extreme Moifture of the Air I take to be the Occafion of the great Neatnefs in their Towns ; for, without the Help of thofe Cuf- toms, their Country would not be habitable by fuch Crowds of People, but the Air would 577 corrupt upon every hot Seafon, and expofe the Inhabitants to general and infectious Difeafes, which they hardly efcape three Summers to- gether, efpecially about Leyden, where the Waters are not fo eafily renewed j and, for this Reafon, I fuppofe it is, that Leyden is found to be the neateft and cleaneft kept of all their Towns. The fame Moifture of Air makes all Metals apt to ruft, and Wood to mould; which forces them, by continual Pains of Rubbing and Scouring, to feek a Prevention or Cure : This makes the Brightnefs and Cleannefs that feems affected in their Houfes, and is called natural to them, by People who think no fur- ther. So the Deepnefs of their Soil, and Wet- nefs of Seafons, which would render it un- paflable, forces them, not only to Exactnefs of Paving in their Streets, but to the Expence of fo long Caufways between many of their Towns, and in their High- ways ; as, indeed, moft national Cuftoms are the Effects of fome unfeen, or unobferved, natural Caufes or Ne- ceffities. The Lownefs and Flatnefs of their Land make it, in a great Meafure, the Richnefs of their Soil, that is eafily overflowed every Win- ter, fo as the whole Country, at that Seafon, feems to lie under Water, which, in Spring, is driven out again by Mills. SECT. VI. Of f be People of Holland, their Manners, Humours, and Difyofitions, &x\ THE People of Holland may be divided into thefe feveral ClafTes : The Peafantt or Boors, who cultivate the Land. The Mariners, or Shippers, who fupply their Ships. The Merchants, or Traders, who fill their Towns. The Renteeners, or Men that live in all their chief Cities upon the Rents, or Inte- refts of Eftates formerly acquired in their Fa- milies : And the Gentlemen and Officers of their Armies. The Firft we have already treated of in a Section by themfelves, in Regard of the giv- ing a more particular Character of their Man- ners and Humours. The Second, the Mariners, are a plain People, but of a very rough Hue ; whether from the Element they live in, or from their VOL. II. Food, which is generally Fifh and Corn, and heartier than that of the Boors : They are fur- ly and ill-mannered, which is miftaken for Pride ; but, I believe, is learnt, as all Man- ners are, by the Converfation we ufe. Now, theirs lying only among one another, or with Winds and Waves, which are not moved nor wrought upon by any Language, or Obfer- vance, or to be dealt with but by Pains, and by Patience, thefe are all the Qualities their Ma- riners have learnt ; their Language is little more, than what is of necefiary Ufe to their Bufmefs ; their Valour is of a Size extraordi- nary, even beyond Comparifon, except with that of the Engli/h Tarpaulin. The Merchants and Tradefmen, both the Greater and Mechanick, living in Towns that 578 A late Voyage to are of great Refort, both by Strangers and PafTengers of their own, are more Mercurial, Wit being fharpened by Commerce and Con- verfation of Cities, though they are not very inventive, which is the Gift of warmer Heads j yet are they great in Imitation, and fo far, many times, as goes beyond the Originals : Of mighty Induftry, and conftant Application to the Ends they propofe and purfue. They make Ufe of their Skill, and their Wit, to take Advantage of other Men's Ignorance and Folly they deal with : Are great Exa&ors, where the Law is in their own Hands. In other Points, where they deal with Men that underftand like themfelves, and are under the Reach of Juftice and Laws, they are the plaineft and beft Dealers in the World ; which feems not to grow fo much from a Principle of Confcience, or Morality, as from a Cuftom or Habit introduced by the Neceffity of Trade among them, which depends as much upon common Honefty, as War does upon Dif- cipline ; and without which all would break ; Merchants would turn Pedlars, and Soldiers Thieves. Thofe Families, which live upon their patri- monial Eftates in all the great Cities, are a People differently bred and mannered from the Traders, though like them in the Modefty of Garb and Habit, and the Parfimony of liv- ing. Their Youth are generally bred up at Schools, and at the Univerfities of Leyden or Utrecht, in the common Studies of Human Learning, but chiefly of the Civil Law, which is that of their Country. Where thefe Families are rich, their Youths, after aCourfe of their Studies at Home, travel for fomc Years as the Sons of our Gentry ufe to do ; but their Journies are chiefly into Eng- land and France, not much into Italy, fel- domer into Spain, nor often into the more Northern Countries, unlefs in Company or Train of their publick Minifters. The chief End of their Breeding, is, to make them fit for the Service of their Country in the Magiftracy of their Towns, their Provinces, and their State. And of thefe Kind of Men are the Civil Officers of this Government generally compofed, being defcended of Families, who have many Times been conftantly in the Ma- giftracy of their native Towns for many Years, and fome for feveral Ages, and not Men of mean or mechanick Trades, as it is commonly Holland, &c. received among Foreigners, and makes the Subject of comical Jefts upon their Govern- ment. This does not exclude many Mer- chants or Traders in Grofs from being feen in the Offices of their Cities, and fometimes de- puted to their Eftates j nor feveral of their States from their turning their Stocks in the Management of fome very beneficial Trade by Servants, and Houfes maintained to that Pur- pofe. The next Rank among them, is that of their Gentlemen or Nobles, who, in this Province of Holland, are very few, moft of the Fami- lies having been extinguifhed in the long Wars with Spain. But thofe that remain are in a Manner all employed in the Military or Civil Charges of the Province or State. Thefe are, in their Cuftoms and Manners, much different from the reft of the People j and, having been bred much Abroad, rather affec-t the Garb of their Neighbour Courts, than the popular Air of their own Country. They ftrive to imi- tate the French in their Mien, their Cloaths, their Way of Talk, of Eating, of Gallantry, or Debauchery. They are otherwife an honeft, well-natured, friendly, and gentlemanly Sort of Men, and acquit themfelves generally with Honour and Merit, where their Country cm- ploys them. The Officers of their Armies live after the Cuftoms and Fafhions of the Gentlemen. Thefe are fome Cuftoms, or Difpofitions, that feem to run generally through all Degrees of Men among them ; as, great Frugality, and Order, in their Expences. Their common Riches lie in every Man's fpending lefs than he has coming in, be that what it will : Nor does it enter into Men's Heads among them, that the common Part or Courfe of Expence fhould equal the Revenue ; and, when this happens, they think they have lived that Year to no Pur- pofe ; and the Train of it difcredits a Man a- mong them, as much as any vicious or prodi- gal Extravagance does in other Countries. This enables every Man to bear their extreme Taxes, and makes them lefs fenfible than they would be in other Places, efpecially in England: For he that lives upon two Parts in five of what he has coming in, if he pays two more to the State, he does but part with what he mould have laid up, and had no prefent Ufe for ; whereas he that fpends yearly what he re- ceives, if he pays but the fiftieth Part to the Publick, A late Voyage to Publick, it goes from him like that which was neceflary to buy Bread, or Clothes, for* himfelf or his Family. This makes the Beauty and Strength of their Towns, the Commodioufnefs of travelling in their Country by their Canals, Bridges, and Caufways, the Pleafantnefs of their Walks, and their Grafts in and near all their Ci- ties ; and, in fhort, the Beauty, Convenience, and fometimes Magnifience of their publick Works, to which every Man pays as willing- ly, and takes as much Pleafure and Vanity in them, as tbofe of other Countries do in the fame Circumftances among the Pofleffions of their Families, or private Inheritance. To conclude this Section, Holland \& a Coun- Holland, &c. 579 try, where the Earth is better than the Air, and Profit more in Requeft than Honour ; where there is more Senfe than Wit ; more good Nature than good Humour ; and more Wealth than Pleafure j and v.here a Man would chufe rather to travel, than to live; fhall find more Things to obferve than define ; and more Perfons to efteem than to love. But the fame Qualities and Difpofitions do not value a private Man and a State, nor make a Converfation agreeable, and a Government great : Nor is it unlikely, that fome very great King might make but a very ordinary private Gentleman, and fome very extraordinary Gentleman might be capable of making but a very mean Prince. SECT. VII. Of their Religion, the Number of Setts among the People , particularly in Amfterdam. THE great Care of this Stale has ever been to favour no particular or curious Inquifition into the Faith or Religious Principles of any peaceable Man, who came to live under the Protection of their Laws, and to fuffer no Violence or Oppreffion upon any Man's Confcience, whofe Opinions broke not out into Expreffions, or Actions, of ill Confequence to the State. A free Form of Government either making Way for more Freedom in Religion; or elfe, having con- tended fo far themfelves for Liberty in this Point, they thought it the more unreafonable for them to opprefs others. The Reman Catbolict Religion was alone cxcepted from the common Protection of their Laws, making Men (as the Law-makers be- lieved) worfe Subjects than the reft, by the Acknowledgment of a foreign and fuperiory Jurifdiction : Yet fuch has been the Care of this State, to give all Men Eafe in this Point, whoafk no more, than to ferve God, and fave their own Souls, in their own Way and Forms; that what was not provided for, by the Confti- tutions of their Government, was fo, in a very great Degree, by the Connivance of their Of- ficers, who, upon certain conftant Payments from every Family, fuffer the Exercife of the Reman Cathollck Religion in their feveral Ju- rifwic'tions, as free and eafy, tho' not fo cheap, and fo avowed, as the reft. This, I fuppofe, has been the Reafon, that though thofe of this Profeflion are very numerous in the Country among the Peafants, and conftderable in the Cities ; and not admitted to any publick Charges ; yet they feem to be a found Piece of the State, and faft jointed in with the reft, and have neither given any Difturbance to the Government, nor expreffed any Inclinations to a Change, or to any Foreign Power. Of all other Religions, every Man enjoys the free Exercife in his own Chamber, or his own Houfe, unqueftioned, and unfpied : And if the Followers of any Seel grow fo numerous in any Place, that they affect a publick Con- gregation, and are content to purchafe a Place of Affembly, to bear the Charge of a Paftor, or Teacher, and to pay for this Liberty to the Publick ; they go and propofe their Defire to the Magiftrate of the Place where they refide, who inform themfelves of their Opinions, and Manners of Worfhip ; and, if they find no- thing in either, deftructive to Civil Society, or prejudicial to the Conftitutions of their State, and content themfelves with the Price that is offered for the Purchafe of this Liberty, they eafily allow it ; but with the Condi- tion, that one or more Commiflioners fhall be appointed, who (hall have free Admiffion at all their Meetings, ihall be both the Ob- 4D 2 fervers, 580 A late Voyage to Holland, &c. fervers, and Wknefles of all that is acted or lence and Sharpnefs, which accompanies the preached among them, and whofe Teftimony r Differences of Religion in other Countries, fhall be received concerning any Thing that pafles there, to the Prejudice of the State ; in which Cafe, the Laws and Executions are as ievere, as againft any Civil Crimes. Thus the Jews have their allowed Syna- gogues in Amjierdam and Rotterdam j and, in the Firft, I think, all Seels, that are known among Cbrijiians^ have their publick Meet- ing-places ; and fome, whofe Names are al- moft worn out in other Parts, as the Brownlfts s^ and others. The Armlnlan^ though they make a great Name among them, by be- ing rather the Diftinction of a Party in the State, than a Seel in the Church; yet are, in Comparifon of others, but few in Nurnber, tho' confiderable by the Perfons, who are of the better Quality, the more learned and in- telligent Men ; and many of them in the Go- vernment. The Anabaptifis are juft the con- trary, very numerous, but in the lower; Ranks of reople, Mechanicks and Seamen, and a- bpund chiefly in North Holland. The Calmnifts make the Body of the Peo- ple, and are poffeffed of all the publick Churches in the Dominions of the State, as well as of the only Minifters or Paftors, who are main- tained by the Publick. It is hardly to be. imagined^how all the Vio- feems to be appeafed or foftened here, by the general Freedom, which all Men enjoy, either by Allowance orConnivance. I believe theForce of Commerce, Alliances, and Acquaintance, fpreading fo far as they do in fmall Circuits, fuch as the Province of Holland* may contri- bute much to make Converfation, and all the Offices of common Life, fo eafy, among fo different Opinions, of which fo many feveral Perfons are often in every Man's Eye ; and no no Man checks or takes Offence at Faces, or Cuftoms, or Ceremonies, he fees every Day, as at thofe he hears of in Places far diltant, and perhaps by partial Relations, and comes to fee late in his Life j and after he has long been pofiefled by Paffion or Prejudice againft them. However it is, Religion may poffibly do more Good in other Places, but it does lefs Hurt here ; and wherever the inyifible ffecls of it are greateft and moft advantageous, I am fure$ the vifible are fo in this Country, by the conti- nual and undifturbed Civil Peace of their Go- vernment, for fo long a Courfe of Years ; and by fo mighty an Increafe of their People, wherein will appear to confift chiefly the vaft Growth of their Trade and Riches, and con- fequently the Strength and Greatnefs of their State, SECT. VIII. Of their Way of Tirade y and Manner of Increafe in Wealth. IT' is evident to thofe, who have read the moft, and travelled fartheft, that no Coun- try can be found either in this prefent Age, or upon Record of any Story, where fo vaft a Trade has been managed, as in the narrow Compafs of the four Maritime Provinces of this Common- wealth : Nay, it is generally efteemed, that they have more Shipping be- longs to them, than there does to the far great- er Part of Europe befides. Yet they have no Native Commodities towards the Building, or Rigging of the fmalleft Veflel; their Flax, Hemp, Pitch, Wood, and Iron, coming all from Abroad, as Wool does for cloathing their Men, and Corn for feeding them. Nor do I know any Thing properly of their own Growth, that is confiderable, either for their own neceflary Ufe, or for Traffick with their Neighbours, befides Butter, Cheefe, and Ear- then Wares. For Havens, they have not any good upon their whole Coaft : The beft are Helvoetjlnys, which has no Trade at all ; and Flujhingue> which has little, in Comparifon of other Towns m Holland.: But Afnjlerdam, that triumphs in the Spoils of Lift on and Antwerp ('which before engroffed the greateft Trade of Europe and the India) feems to be the moft incommodious Haven they have, being feated upon fo (hallow Waters, that ordinary Ships cannot come up to it, without the Advantage of Tides ; nor great ones, without unlading. The Enterance of the Teffel, and Paffages over the Zudder Sea, is now more dangerous, than a Voyage from thence toSpain,\y ing all in bUnd and narrow Channels ; fo that it eafily appears, that k is not a Haven that draws Trade, but Trade that Dutch Remonftrance. that fills an Haven, and brings it in Vogue. Nor has Holland grown rich by any Native Commodities, but by Force of Induftry ; by Improvement and Manufacture of all Fo- reign Growths ; by being the general Ma~ gazine of Europe, and furnifhing all Parts with whatever the Market wants or invites ; and by their Seamen, being, as they have pro- perly been called, the common Carriers of the World. It appears to every Man's Eye, who hath travelled Holland, and obferved the Number and Vicinity of their great and populous Towns and Villages, with the prodigious Improve- ment of almoft every Spot of Ground in the Country, and the great Multitudes conflantly employed in their Shipping Abroad, and their Boats at Home, that no other known Country in the World, of the fame Extent, holds ?.ny Proportion with this in the Numbers of Peo- ple j and, if that be the great Foundation of Trade, the beft Account, that can be given of theirs, will be, by confidering the Caufes and Accidents that have ferved to force and invite fo vaft a Confluence of People into their Coun- try ; the Civil Wars, Calamities, Perfecu- tions, Oppreffions or Difcontents, that have been fatal to moft of their Neighbours for fome Time before, as weJl as fince theiri State began. SECT. IX. Of their Military Forces by Sea and Land, ivith tleir State Revenues. TH E Force of thefe Provinces is to be meafured, not by the Number or Difpofi- tions of their Subjedb, but by the Strength of their Shipping, and {landing Troops, which they conftantly maintain, even in Time of Peace ; and by the Numbers of both, which they have been able to draw into the Field, and to Sea, for Support of a War: By their ccnftant Revenue to maintain the firft ; and by the temporary Charge, they have been able to furnifh for Supply of the other. The ordinary Revenue of this State con- fifts, either in what is levied in the conquered Towns, and Country of Brabant, Flanders, or thePJiine ; which is wholly administered by the Council of State : Or elfe the ordinary Funds, which the Seven Provinces provide every Year, according to their feveral Propor- -VVV ViwHSV-fc "'. Vh!. is- - tions, upon the Petition of the Council of State-,. and the Computation of the Charge of the enfuing Year, given in by them to the States- General. And this Revenue in Times ot Peace, commonly amounts to about one and twenty Millions of Gilders a Year. Their ftanding Land Forces, in Time c? Peace, confift of Thirty- thoufand Horfe a:^ Foot. Their Admiralties, in Time of Peace, main- tain between Thirty and Forty Men of War, employed in the feveral Convoys of their Mer- chants Fleets, in a Squadron of eight or ten Ships, to attend the Algerines, and other Cor- fairs in the Mediterranean ; and fome always lying ready in their Havens for any fuddcu Accidents or Occafions of the. State. TKe- The Dutch Remonftrance concerning the Proceedings and Prac- tices of John de Witt^ Penfionary; and Ruivaert Fan Put- ten, his Brother ; with others of that Fadtion. Drawn up by a Perfon of Eminency there, and printed at the Hague. And Tranflated out of Dutch y Auguft the 3Oth 1672. Lon- don Printed by S. and B. G. and are to be fold by R. C. over-againft the Globe in Little-Britain. ^uarto y contain- ing Thirty-five Pages. Ibis Remonftrance contains fuch Fafts of Treachery in the Guardians of a State, that of all others boafts the weft of its Freedom and Liberty , and was at tended with fuch fa- tal Conferences, even a popular and tumultuous Seizing and Execution of thofe Traitor s> who baa received French Money to deceive and corrupt the Deputies of the People ; and to difable their Nation from making any Rcjjftance to their powerful Enemy , the French King : That, metbinks, the very Remembrance thereof Jhould not only deter every Minifter of that State from thenceforward from Practices of the like Nature ', but call upon the whole States of the United Provinces to exert their Liberty, by bringing fuch Mif- creants to condign Punijhment ; and to be ever in Readinefs to repel their natural Enemy /& French, and to embrace every Opportunity of approving their good Fidelity ', by duly executing thofe Treaties, which the Wifdom of their Forefathers have obtained for the faid Purpofe. And the Seafonablenefs of reprinting this Remonftrance cannot be queftioned, if we confider the following Paffages in a late Memorial prefented on the i*jth of Auguft, N. S. Inftant, by Mr. Trevor, bis Britannick Majefty's Minifter Plenipotentiary to their High Migbtineffes the States-General, at a Time that the faid Republick is attacked in its Barrier by the faid Enemy of France, who has, with little or no Refinance, taken feveral of their Strong-holds ; has threatened and attempted to invade that Power, which not only made them a free People, but has at all Times pro- tetled them in their greateft Diftrejjes \ in which that great Statefman not only remon- flrates the Hazard of the prefent Circumftances, to which the States are reduced, but, with a Pen no ways inferior to the Eloquence of Cicero himfelf, difplays the real Advantage and NeceJJity for their Preservation^ to aft vigoroujly, conformable to their Treaties^ with their faithful Allies againjl their common Enemy : For, fays be, High and Mighty Lords, IT is with great Regret, that, in Purfuance of the prefiing Commands of the King my Matter, I find myfelf obliged to put your High Mightiness in Mind, that the Term prefcribed fo pofitively and clearly, by the Treaty of 1678, for em- ploying your good Offices with the Power, who was the Aggrefibr in the prefent War againft his Majefty, expired fome Time fince, without their having in any Manner procured the Re-eftablifhment of the publick Tranquillity, and without his Majefty's having had the full Benefit of the faid Treaty. His The Dutch Remonftrance. 583 His Majefty is very far from intending to importune yourHigh Mightineffes with Complaints or Reproaches. But what he owes to himfelf and to the publick Security, does not permit him to keep Silence any longer upon the Inexecution of a Treaty, the moft important, and the moft effemial of all thofe which unite his Crown with your State. The King might naturally have promifed himfelf a more expeditious Determination, as well from the known good Faith of your High Mightineffes, which was deubly engaged by the War declared at the fame Time againft the Queen of Hungary, as from the Events with which his Majefty's Requifition has been followed. If good Faith did not permit your High Mightineffes to fee your Allies attack- ed, without Breaking with the Aggreffor, your own Dignity allowed you ftill lefs to fee yourf elves attacked info fenftble a Part as your Barrier, without Refenting it, like 'Sovereigns jealous of their Honour, and attentive to the Prefervation of their Rights. Where is the State which, in fucb Circumftances, would not with Eagernefs and of itfelf \\zvefollicited an Alliance fo powerful, as that to which the King my Ma- iler and the Queen of Hungary do not ceafe inviting your High Mightineffes ? The King hath fet forth, with fo much Strength, in his Letter of the of laft April, which was delivered to your High Mightineffes upon the of the fame Month, the Juftice of his Demand ; your High Mightineffes have yourfelves, as well by your provifional Anfwer, as by the Succours which you have furnifhed to his Majefty, acknowledged in fo direct a Manner the Force of your Engagements, that nothing remains for me to do, but to prefs the intire Accom- plimmentof them. Give me Leave, High and Mighty Lords, to appeal to your own Conviction, whether the Good of the Common Caufe, whether the particular Intereft of the Re- publick, have been fufficiently promoted by this Indecifion, by this cautious Conduct, which an Excefs of Prudence has dictated to your High Mightineffes from the Be- ginning of the Troubles with which it has pleafed Providence to vifit Europe, to this Day, to encourage your High Mightineffes to perfift in the fame Method of Pro- ceeding. To what a Degree has not this Indecifion fruftrated the Effects of your mod wife kefolutions ? To what a Degree has it not rendered ufelefs your beft-placed Ex- pences, and increafed the Neceffity of them ? What Jealoufies, what Umbrage has it not given, and does it not ftill give to the Allies of a good Caufe ? What Difcouragement to the Powers who might in- creafe the Number of them ? With what Preemption does it not infpire our Ag- greffor and his Adherents ? What Facility has it not given them of extending their Views, and bringing their pernicious De/igns to Perfection ? Your High Mightineffes know how very unfuccefsful your Pains and Efforts have been towards finifhing the falutary Work of Peace, the Name of which is fo often proftituted. You know to what a Degree the Ways of Moderation have been ex- haufted, and how far they have been defpifed. It is Time that the long Forbearance of your High Mightineffes Jhould be jufti- fed, by manifefting your true Principles in the Eyes of your Subjefts, of your Allies* and of all Europe. Your High Mightinefles fee your moft intimate and moft powerful Friends, and your own Barrier, attacked at once by the fame Power ; that very Power whidh drove 5 $4 The Dutch Remonftrance. drove the Queen -of Hungary from Vienna, and which made an Attempt upon the Throne of the King my Matter, has now the Command at Menin, at Tpres, at Fumes , after having driven out tbe^froops of your High Mightiness with Fire and Sword. Witt you ftill hefitate whether to confider and treat this Power as our com- mon Enemy ? Will your High Mightineffes fee capital Revolutions happen daily in the moft flouriming Kingdoms, and in the States the lead expofed, without being alarmed at them, and without providing Remedies proportionable to the Evil ? Let us not truft folely to the Juftice of our Caufej the Age in which we live pays Rs- fpect to nothing but Force. Ambition and Greedinefs have already drawn together but too many Powers. Let Virtue, let Honour, let the Principles of Self-Prefervation at Jaft reunite the reft. And if our Engagements, if our Interefts are not fufficient to that End, let the common Danger induce us to take this falutary Refolution ; let that move us to look for our Security, where only it is to be found, in our Union and in our Vigour. ********** The Readinefs, with which your High Mightineffes have already executed the Treaty above-mentioned in all its provifional Points, is a fure Pledge to his Majefty for the Execution of the Whole. More than one cordial Friend, unjuftly attacked, requires it of a faithful Ally. The tottering Syftem of Europe, with which the Independance of your High Migh- tineffes is fo clofely connected, demands it. A Protejtant and free Nation *, the fureft Bulwark of your State againft the Attacks of Powers f that acknowledge no other Tie towards their Neighbours/than the Submiffion to their Wills, or their own Inability to extort it, promifes it to herfelf from a Proteftant Republick, jealous of that Liberty which me has purchafed fo dearly, and who has often been the Pro- tectrefs of that of the Republick. Let not our Actions falfify thefe glorious Titles ; but may our united Efforts once more fet Bounds to Ambition, raife a new Barrier in Defence of the publick Liberties, and bring back Peace, Juftice, and good Order into Europe. Done at the Hague, this iyth of dugufl, 1744. Signed, ROBERT TREVOR. EVERY one, not without Reafon, Yet, if the Reader pleafes ferioufly to confi- ftands amazed, not being able to der the following ReJation, I doubt not but apprehend how it is poflible, that, he will in fome Meafure be fatisfied. in lefs than forty Days, the King of My Opinion then is, that the King of France fhould fubdue above forty France did not make fo great a Progrefs purely Cities and eminent Fortrefles, formerly be- by Force of Arms, but by the Concurrence longing to this State. and Alfiftance of fome Governors of this Coun- A Difgrace to our Nation, and a Blot fo try j (Oh that they had never been fo !) who great, that it is never to be wafhed off from being bought thereto, inftead of Fathers, be- the not fufficiently famous Batavians. came Traitors of our Native Country, which * Great- Britain. { France. Dutch Remonjlrance. 535 to demonftrate clearly we are to confider, That the King of France did no Way fur- prife us, but gave us fufficient Warning before- hand j as well with Words to our AmbafTa- dors, as in Deeds with his great Preparations made by him, beyond any Example, through his whole Dominions ; as alfo by his Maje- fty's erecting feveral unheard of Magazines, as well in his own Realm, as without, nay, on our Frontiers at Nuys. The Preparations whereof were fo great, that an experienced Officer, who hath borne great Commands in the German Wars, as alfo under the King of Swe- den, Denmark^ and other Princes, coming to compliment the Lord of Amerongen, who at that Time was on the Behalf of this State at Cologne* taking an Opportunity to view the forementioned Magazine, declared to me at his Return, that he had never feen nor heard of the like; believing it to be fufficient to con- tain Provifion and Ammunition enough for two, nay three Hundred Thoufand Men. That Jie could not fee this State was con- cerned thereat, afking, moreover, If they did .not intend to defend their Country, becaufe they made fuch fmall Preparations for the De- fence thereof ? That the Afhes ought to be ftirred, and the Fire extinguished, before the Flame grew too big. I confefs, that, at that Time, I little re- Srded this Saying ; becaufe, according to my uty, I cenfured favourably, and expected nothing but Good and Faithfulnefs from our Governors ; but I have, by the forrowful Event, found that I might not, without a good Argument, have condefcended to the forementioned Officer's Opinion. For who knows not that the firft Care of a Governor, for the Defence of his Country, ought to confift, In erecting fufficient Magazines, Fortifying of Towns and Caftles ? Furnifhing the fame Towns, and Fortref- fes, with valiant and faithful Governors and Commanders, fufficient Garifons, Trenches, and Ammunition for War, and efpecially, to deprive the Enemy of as much Ammunition, and Men, as poffible. But let us examine whether any of all thefe Things were done with Vigour, and we mail, to our Sorrow, and irreparable Lofs and Difgrace, rather find the Contrary to have been acted by the wicked and ftrange Directions of thofe cor- rupt Governors: For notwithftanding it was VOL. If. well known, that, at the Beginning of tl.? King of France's Preparations for War, there fcarce was any Salt-petre in Europe, but what was in the Hands of the Netherland EaJl-Iadia Company ; and, notwithflanding it was proffered the State by the faid Com- pany, yet they refufed the fame, and rather defired that it mould be fent to France , and fo ferve as a Knife to cut the Throat of the Netherlands at once j which was not fufficient, for, befides that (inftcad of publifhing Edicts to prevent the tranfporting of Ammunition to the Enemy, which ought to have been their chief Care) they encouraged and maintained the fend- ing of all Neceffaries for War to the Enemy : Of the Truth whereof every one may be af- fured, fmce it may be heard from the Mouth of the Lord 'Jucchen, Governor of IVcfel, yet living in the Hague, that his Excellency, a- bout four or five Months ago, being advifed, in a Letter by a loyal Subject, that four Ships, laden with Powder and Shot, and other Am- munition for War, were coming up the Rhine, to pafs by IVefel ; adding, moreover, the Mer- chants Names, that had fold and bought it, where it was laden, what Powder-mill the Powder came from, and from whom the other Stores, &fr. and that the Mafter of the Ship had a Pafs-port from Cologne ; nay, that it was to be carried to Nuys, into the French Maga- zine ; advifing him alfo, that by Vertue of a certain Order (fent to his Excellency feme Years ago, that, if the Bifhop of Munjhr mould make any Invafion) he would pleafe to flop the faid Ships ; whereupon, going himfelf to the Rhine, he afked, Whether any Perfons had feen fuch Ships pafs by, as were mentioned in his Letter of Advice ? (Becaufe this is a very remarkable Bufinefs, I think, it will not feem amifs to give an Account of the Circumttances thereof.) When one of the Standers-by, an- fvvering, faid, that two fuch-like Ships were paft by, and gone up higher ; that they were laden with Powder, Shot, and other Ammu- nition, which, inftead of being unladen at Cologne, according to the Pafs-port, were car- ried, and put into the French Magazine at JVi/yj : That he had this Account from one of the Matters of the Veflels that were return- ed from thence, very much difcontented that he had been forced to unlade contrary to his Pafs- port. The Governor, hereupon, fending for the forementioned Matter of the Veflel, and hav- 4 E in S 586 : ng underftood the Truth, according to the o ementioned Relation from his own Mouth j m reover, that there was a third Veflel laden with the fame Sort of Goods yet below IVe- f(/, and coming up the Rhine. Whereupon, {laying till the Evening, and not feeing the fad Ship, the Governor, fearing that (he might pafs by in the Night, fent fome Mufqueteers thither, ftri&ly commanding them to enter and flay in the Veflel till it fhould come up to the City, and he fearched by his Excellency : Who, on the following Day, examining the faidShip, found the fame to be laden as before ; when, taking the Pafs-port from the Mafter, he immediately caufed it to be exactly copied j and, keeping the Original, fent the Copy with the Poflr, who went away that Day, or elfe an Exprefs had been fent to the State, or Council of State, whom he informed, in a Let- ter, all v/hat had happened ; and therefore de- fired fpeedy Orders how he Ihould govern him- felf in this Affair. There was, at that Time, but little Pow- der and Shot in JVefel ; fo that the Governor was not a little rejoiced, hoping, that, by this Opportunity, the City would be well provided at a fmallCrrarge to the Country. But, inftead that the faid Ship fhould un- lade there, the Governor received an Order, figned by the Secretary, that he fhould not on- ly free the Veflel which he had flopped, but alfo permit all Ships, that had fuch Pafs-ports, to pafs freely, and unmolefted, on their Way; which his Excellency immediately condefcend- ed to. Two Days after part by another Ship, that had twice as much Ammunition a-board her as one of the former, and from Time to Time feveral others of the fame Nature fleering the fame Courfe. Whilft the Governor, from that Time for- ward, follicited the Council, that the City IVefel, being fo confiderable a Town, and of fuch great Confequence to the State, ought to have Six-thoufand Men in Garifon, and fuf- ficitnt Trenches and Ammunition ; all which the Governor oftentimes requefted in his Let- ters to the Council 'of State ; who, at laft, gave Orders for the making of Trenches a- bout the faid City, and furnifhing the fame with all Manner cf Neceflaries. Euf, inftead of putting a Garifon of Six- thoufand Men h.to the fame, they drew im- mediately Thirteen 'J'rcojs of Horfe, and Dutch Remonftrance. Twelve Companies of Foot, all flout and able Men out of it, and put a few Companies, confift- ing the greateft Part of unexperienced Youths in their Stead j of which the Governor hath often complained ; and, to fecure this confiderable Ci- ty the more to the Enemy, they (under Pre- tence that the Governor jucchen fhould come and give their High Mightinefles an Account in Perfon at the Hague] put in another Governor ; and, how honourably he hath carried himfelf in the Defence of that City, appears by the Event, Exitus ata probant. The like Pre- tence they had to turn other Governors, as ap- pears chiefly by Colonel d'Offery, an Irljh- tnan^ and a Roman Catholick^ whofe Villainies, and traiterous Actions, have been manifefted formerly in his Services under other Princes, and one, whofe Correfpondence with the Ene- my, and notorious Treafons concerning the Bufmefs of Rynberk^ are at large related, in a certain Paper delivered by the Captains Vyten- bogaert and Clark, to his Highnefs the Prince of Orange^ and the Council of the State j and alfo in a certain Apology of the Governor of Bajfem, and a Comment on the Letter from Tondlemonde, all extant in Print, to which I refer you ; wherein alfo you have an Account, how that the Garifons of the City of Rynberk, (notwithftanding it was fo confiderable a For- trefs to this State) were not fufficient to de- fend half the Counterfharps ; and therefore might eafily (by the Treachery of D'O/ery, and the Falfenefs of the Governor BaJJem) be conquered by the Enemies. And indeed, this D'Oj/ery following, forfooth, the Examples of the Honourable Lords and Overfeers of this forementioned Work, in their counterfeit fa- therly Care, behaved himfelf no Doubt fo ho- nourably in the Defence of this City, that he well deferved a triumphant Gallows of a con- fiderable Height, not only for his own Falfe- nefs, but becaufe fo many loyal Officers, which undoubtedly were in Garifon there, were de- luded, by his bafe Defigns and Treacheries, to their utter Ruin. -And, for the better Carrying on of thefe trai- terous Courfes, three Regiments more were fent to Macjlricht^ after it was fufnciently pro- vided, fo that in all Probability the Enemy (finding that Place fo fortified) fhould pafs by there, and come firft to Rynlcrk and Wefcl. At the fame Time when the News came to an Aflembly of a Province, new in the Enemy's Poileifion, that there were three Regiments more We Dutch Remonjiraricei more put into Maejlrlcht, It was faid, that his Highncfs, the Prince of Orange, had writ in a Letter, that he did much wonder, that fuch an extraordinary Care was taken for that City only, whenas it would be more necefTary to look after other Towns, which were of as great Confequence to the State : This I was in- formed by a Perfon, whofe Fortune it was to be prefent at that Affembly. I alfo heard, at that Time, that a certain Governor, being exceedingly troubled, faid, What doth all this tend to ? I do not like the Carriage of Affairs, for we are like to lofe our Country for Want of Men, having Twenty- five Thoufand fhort of what isabfolutely necef- fary. And what was the Reafon ? They made a great Shew of raifmg Men, but they a&ed all Things contrary. For notwithftanding the firft Levies were made with great Trouble out of the Country, and we were affured, that by the many Men that were likewife raifed there by others, the Governors of thofe Places had taken an Oc- cafion ftric-tly to forbid the fame, infomuch that we knew, there was not one Place, nay not one Foot of Land out of our own Domi- nions left, where we were permitted to levy any Forces : Yet, neverthelefs, under a Pretence for the Good of the Country, it was ftrictly forbid by an Edift, not to raife any Men with- in our Dominions, but in fuch Places where, we knew before, there was not a Man to be had. Nay, thefe Officers, (which, for the moft Part were Roman Catholicks] knowing the Unwillingnefs of Men to flay with them, were forced to raife two or three Times the Men that otherwife would have ferved, to the great Exhaufting of the publick Treafures, and their own Eftates : And yet they could not keep fo many of them together, as to make Half a Company at their Place of Rendezvous. Whereupon the Captains making a Complaint to the Governors, that it was a common Practice of the Soldiers, to take their Money, and afterwards to defert their Colours ; and de- firing that thefe Things might be remedied ; they fhrunk up their Shoulders, faying, it was not in their Power to help it. Thefe Difor- ders thereupon of beating of Drums within the Country was left off, and the Difcourfe smongft the Officers being, that Holland had 587 Money enough, and confequently might have Men at all Times. ^ The other great Levies and Treaties with the Foreign Princes, viz. Brandenburgb, Lumn- burgh, and others, were appointed to be, a- gainft that Time, when they hoped and judged that all Things would be loft : Notwith- ftanding it might have been fooner accom- plifhed, and more effectually, the Princes themfelves having proffered their Afliftance. The Ratification of the Treaty, being alfo kept clofe till the laft Hour, deprived our Am- bafladors from making a Conclufion. We may be informed from the Ambafladors, that were fent to Brandenburgh, and now re- fiding in the Hague, that they received the Ratification at Hamborougb, not before the Beginning of July, New Stile. The fame Lords Ambaffadors declare to the whole World, that the States themfelves may juftly be blamed for the fo late Coming; down of the Auxiliary Troops. That at firft his Highnefs the Duke of Brandenburgh was treated withal, as if they would have bought a Difh of Fifh of him. That afterwards his Highnefs, inftead of being preiTed on, advifed our Ambaffador to ftir up his Lords and M af- ters, about the Furthering of Affairs j fay- ing, moreover, My Lord, you have Trai- tors in your Country, Matters are very ill managed there. I am alfo affured, and it may likewife be heard, from the forementioncd Ambafladors, that the Treaty with the Princes of Lunenburgb and Brunfwick was broke ofF only upon a Difference of Five-thoufand Rix- dollars. But note, they would rather want the Fa- vour of thofe Princes, and the Eight-thoufand and feven Men which they would have fent this State. What do you think (faid one of the fame Ambaffadors to me not long fince) if all the Auxiliary Troops had come down in May 9 would the Frenchmen have gotten into our Country with fo much Eafe as they have done ? But, what mall we fay ! it was defigned fo ; Ambafladors were fent to all Princes and Po- tentates, when we were aflured that the Army, by the unhandfome Proceedings of fome, which (hall be namelefs, were all blocked up ; and, how our Ambafladors managed their Affairs in England, I fhall omit to mention. De Groot would alfo have made no better End of his Am- 4E 2 baffy The Dutch Remonftrance. baffy in France^ had he not been feconded by not long before the March of the Enemy, di his Brother-in-law, that honeft Patriot, Mom- courfing to one of his Fraternity, about the Condition wherein the Magazines were, faid, That the Magazine of Holland was fo well fur- nifhed, that, though the Wars continued two Years, it was Sufficient of itfelf, without any more Supplies ; and now, when too late, great Complaints were made, that there was no Place provided, every one calling for Powder, Shot, and other Ammunition for War ; and they were directed to Magazines, which from Time to Time were emptied, and confequently had nothing left ; the faid Lord was afked by his Affociate, Where that great and well furnifh- eft Magazine was, of which his Excellency had boafted of fo much not long before j where- upon fhrinking up his Shoulders, he faid, that his Meaning was, it would ferve to furnifti Hol- land only, but none of the other Provinces j which this Lord, who, a few Days ago, gave me an Account thereof, refented very ftrangely. Nay, that which is more, our whole Army, being before Yflel, was, two Days before Whii- funtide> fo ill provided of Powder and Shot, that, in Cafe of an Attack, they would not have been able to defend themfelves above twen- ty-four Hours. Some of the Deputies upon the Report, which was on Whit/un-monday, that the French had taken Bunck y coming from Nimeguen to follicit the Lords Deputies that were in the Field, for Powder and Shot^ received for An- fwer, That they could not fpare them any j which was alfo told me at the fame Time by a Governor of Nimeguen. But Kirt-Patric&yGbvernor o^Hertogtnbifch^ took better Care for his Government, fending the laft Week a Lift, to the Council of State, of all Things which he wanted. And to fhew that his Highnefs, the Prince of Orange , ufed more than ordinary Care and Endeavours, he fent the Governor, whilft the City, committed to his Care, was blocked up or befieged, to fetch Powder, Shot, and Cannon, which the faid Governor obtained ; but then he could, not find a Veffel that either would or could undertake to carry the fame thither, of which the Governor hath made great Com*- plaints here to feveral Perfons. Now whether this Governor was blinded by the Orders of hrs Mafters, that he could not fee the foremen- tioned Defects before, or whether the Over- feers of our Country's Welfare judged, that it was of fmall Gonfcquence to this State, One Man was not fufficient, therefore we muft have a fecond. In fhort, Affairs were well ordered, our Magazines exhaufted, and the Enemy's rilled. Levies were ordered to be raifed in fuch Places, where we knew it was forbidden and impoffible to be performed ; and where Auxi- liaries were proffered, and might be had with Eafe, thofe were flighted, and put off till fuch Time, as we fuppofed, they would be needlefs and too late, Moft of the GarifonF, and eminent Places, were either very badly, or not at all fortified. Others, which Shame forced them to ftrengthen, wanted one Thing or other, to make them in- fufficient for Defence ; for thofe that had Men enough were unprovided of Trenches and Am- munition, and thofe, which were ftored with Powder, Shot, and other Neceffaries, wanted Men. And thofe Places, which we knew the Enemy would not meddle withal, were croudr ed with more Men than were needful. What lhall we judge of the Eracination of theftrong City and Fortrefs de Graffe, and the Contri- vance, that the whole Garifon marching thi- ther, according to Order, were furprifed by the Enemy, who undoubtedly had Notice thereof, and twenty-fix of their Colours taken from them? Nay, we may juftly ftand amazed, to imagine, how it is poffible, that whole Pro- vinces, as OveryJJel and Utrecbt y mould be de- livered up in one Day. And whereon de- pends that Riddle, that the old experienced Soldiers, which were kept Prifoners in the Churches of the conquered Towns, fliould not be taken Notice of, and yet beat the Drums daily for new Men ; feeming rather willing to give twenty, nay, thirty Gilders for new and unexperienced Men, than for the old ten or twelve, for which they might beranfomed. Who thought ever to have Ifved. to fee thefe Times in our Provinces, that we muft go beg- ging from Door to Door for the Horfemen, and permit them to go away for Want of Money, as hath happened in this Conjuncture in Gro- ningen ; from whence I had Advice thereof from a Perfon, who was an Eye- witnefs there- to. When God. intends to punifh a Country, he deprives loyal Governors of their Wifdom, and permits the Wicked to uie the fame to the Deftrudtion thereof. A certain Member of the States of HoUand, The Dutch Retnonftrance. 589, to preferve this Fortrefs, the Magiftrates for- think of acting any more, if it be poffible for merly were not of that Opinion ; but the a Magpy to leave off Hopping. One of the Lords Deputies of the Field (as Times change, Tempora mutantur & nos mutamur in illis. The King of France needed not to ufe any Force upon the Works, which, with fo much Care and Labour, were made along the Yflel-, for a far eafier Way was fhewn him, to come through the River Rhine, and fo to fall into the Heart of our Country. To which the treacherous Momba was no fmall Inftrument, having fo well ordered that Affair beforehand in France, with his ho- neft Brother de Groot, that by what Means I Jcnow not he was made chief Commander of that Part of our Militia, which were appoint- ed for the Defence of that Station : When this Traitor, inftead of charging his Regiment to be careful in defending their Pofr,, and en- couraging them to oppofe their Enemies, gave Orders to march up within a Mile from Nime- guen, and fo to leave that Station. Which when told to his Highnefs the Prince of Orange, who extremely wondered thereat, an exprefs Order was immediately fent, that they fhould inftantly draw down to the fore- mentioned Station again, and endeavour by all Means poffible to defend the fame. But, before they could approach the fame, the Enemy was above half over the Rhine, fo that our Forces, which were to keep that Sta- tion, were as if brought to their Slaughter, and thofe of diva, his Regiment moft of them flain ; as a Lieutenant, under the Lieutenant- Colonel of this Regiment informed me, as he was coming along with twenty-eight Men which he had picked up from feveral Compa- nies, after the Paffage through the Rhine was opened to the Enemy : Et hinc no bis hodiernte ilia La fry ma. Now whether that great Favourite of the Enemies can, by Means of his Correfpondence, free his Brother-in-Law Momba, from the Pu- nifhment due to him, for the horrid Slaughter occafioned by his Means, and for Betraying of our Native Country, the Time will learn us. But we hope, that his Confcience will check him for his own Villainies, that he will not I was told by an eminent Member of their Excellencies the high and mighty States of Holland) being afked, How Affairs were order- ed,that fuch fmall Endeavours were ufed to op- pofe the Enemy ? he Anfwered, That he could give no other Reafon, but that they had no fe- cret Correfpondence, to give them any Ac- count of the Enemies Defigns, of which they were altogether ignorant. But this Brother, and his Accomplices, had too much Knowledge of the Enemies Defigns, and were too much concerned therewith. For, as I am informed, Momba would en- deavour to clear himfelf by the Letters from the forementioned Lord : And undoubtedly that was the Reafon, that when his Highnefs the Prince of Orange was of Opinion that the Enemy ought to be oppofed fometimes in one, and then in another Place (to which there then prefented good Opportunities) and defir- ing hereon the Advice or Order of the Lords Deputies, he never could get any Thing elfe from them, but fhrunk up Shoulders, and ma- ny Expreffions of Difficulties, never confent- ing, nor abfolutely difapproving of his High- nefs's Propofals ; but all Things in Sufpenfe tied up as it were his Highnefs's Hands, that he could not do any Thing in the Defence of our Native Country. Every one may juflly {land amazed, to con- fider how it is poffible that all Things mould be thus ftrangely carried, when there were and are (till fo many loyal Governors at the Helm. For my Part, I can fatisfy myfelf, when I think on the wonderful Carriage of Officers, and ftrange Government which hath been of late ; to confider the Power and Sway, which that great, and I muft confefs moft wife Penfionary (I could wifli to God that his Wifdom had been employed for the Good of the Country) John de JVitt bore, during the Time of his being Penfionary. Hath not he, under a Pretence of Freedom, brought us into the greateft Slavery of the World ? Were his Intentions from the Be- ginning till the Laft aught eife ? And did his malicious Governing tend to any other End, than to root out and diminifh the Luftre of that illuftrious Houfe of Orange and NaJJau ? I. 59 The Dutch Remonftranci. Is there any one Perfon that can be faid to be ignorant thereof ? Can there be a greater Inftitution of Slavery thought on in the World, than to force the whole State, as it were, a- gainft their Confciences, to fupprefs the Prince of Orange? (Whofe Predeceffors, of bleffed Memory, may, next to God, only be faid to have brought us to this our Freedom, with great Effufion of Blood, and vaft Expence of Money. Nay, to oblige themfelves thereto by Oath. We become Slaves, when we are de- prived of our Liberty, but Slaves of Slaves, nay Slaves of Sin, when we are prevented from doing of Good, and forced by an Oath to do Evil. No Governors were admitted to the Regency, but with taking this Oath j and fo, in the Beginning of their Office, were forced to make themfelves guilty of fo abomi- nable, and, before God and the World, horrid Sin of Ingratitude; a Sin, which not only carries fo many unheard of Oaths along with it, but is alfo the Occafion of fo great Effufion of Blood in our Native Country. A Sin, which can, and may be faid to have given the Almighty God fufficient Reafon utterly to de- prive us again of our fo dear bought Freedom, and bring us to a greater Slavery than ever we were in before. What Man, how prudent foever he be, can apprehend how it is poifible that one Man mould infect and poifon a whole State, wherein there are fo many wife, ho- nourable, and loyal Regents and Lords, to oblige themfelves, and their SuccefTors, as much as in them lay, by an Oath, to fuch a ruinous and ever-crying Sin of Ingratitude ? And yet, neverthelefs, it was done, for, not above eight or ten Days before the ftrange Re- volution, the Penfionary of Harlem was forced, at the Court, to fwear to the forernentioned perpetual Edict. Thus to renew and increafe the crying and blood-guilty Sin of our Coun- try ! I tremble, when I remember, that, fome Years ago, I accidentally lighted on a Book, wherein, inftead of mentioning the Vir- tues of the praife-worthy and never-fuffi- ciently famous Princes of Orange, flood written with an accurfed and devilifh Pen, that there were no Virtues of the Princes to boaft of, but their Vices, as, Whoring, Adul- tery, Drunkennefs, and the like, were at large defcribed, and attributed to every Prince. Who doth not ftand amazed at the Hearing hereof, and the more, when they know, that this was not only fold publickly, but was alfo licenfed, and printed, with Authority front the State ? The Counfellor-Penfionary had fuf- ficiently examined the fame, and fupplied all the Defects, and efteemed the Writer hereof as a loyal Subject, calling him the Defender of the Country's Freedom. But, if any Thing in that Nature had been done to the Prejudice of that long John., or aught had been writ of any of his Relations, Would not the Writer there- of have been profecuted with Fire and Sword, and the printed Paper, or Book, immediately taken and burnt ? What hath not this grand Defigner, with the Help of his Accomplices, and hired Slaves, which he rewarded, by giv- ing them feveral Offices, done to execute his treacherous and wicked Defigns ? See farther. No fooner were the Keys of our native Coun- try (always fo highly efteemed, and preferved, with great Care and Circumfpection) villain- oufly given into the Hands of the Enemy, but we began to help him to open the Gates alfo. Who could ever dream of fuch Actions ? No Books afford the like Example. Peter de Gro.o/,that perjured and difhonourable Wretch, is to make Peace. To which Purpofe he had a blank Commif- fion from the whole State (without any In- ftrudtions according to which he might govern himfelf ) to treat with the Enemy ; and, to fpeak plain, to make an abfolute Agreement for our dear bought Freedom, Religion, and Native Country. It would fooner have feemed to me, and all the World, a Fable than a Truth, had it not appeared plainly out of the printed Letter fent from the Lords, the States of Zealand, who manifefted their Fidelity and great fatherly Care, and alfo declared, that, not without great Reafon they could not confent to fuch an unlimited Power as de Groot had given him ; that it was an unheard of Thing in the Govern- ment of this Country (ipfijfima verba Epiftoltf) to give full Power to a deputed Perfon, to treat with a Potentate ; but much lefs with a publick Enemy : Moreover, faying plainly, that they (Nota bene) juftly fufpedted this con- trary Way of acting, and that it gave them an Apprehenfion that the Enemy would there- by be encouraged to propofe fuch Conditions to fuch a Deputy, which never can nor muft be treated of, viz. their Religion, Freedom, and the lawful Government cf thefe Coun- tries. And, The Dutch Remonftrance. And, how the forementioned three Points would have been maintained by fuch a Depu- ty, who is a notorious Atheift, a Slave to the Enemy, bought to the Deftruion of our whole Government, every one may eafily judge. Juft at the Time when this Commif- fion was rinifhed, and de Groot yet in the Hague ready on his Departure, I had the Ho- nour to fpeak with one of my very good Friends and a Member of the high and migh- ty States of Holland^ who on my curious Queftion of, What News ? Changing his Coun- tenance (as if Things did not go according to his Mind) was pleafed to fay : We fhall in fhort have a Peace, but I fear a forrowful one. De Groot goeth to the King of France , and hath plein pouvour. When asking amazedly, How will it be then ? His Excellency replied, there is a blank Char- ter to be laid before the King, ty is to write. On which I anfwered, Then de Groot is a great Prophet ; for this Morning a certain Lord informed me (as indeed it was true) that the forementioned de Groot, about three Months before, difcourfing with him the faid Lord, faying that our Native Country was threatened with a great and terrible War : De Groot anfwering faid, Pifh ! pifh ! I do not fee any fuch great Difficulty therein ; I do be- lieve that the King of France will at the firft take fome of our Cities, which we cannot hinder him from, but (Nota) I, I de Groot (ftriking on his Breaft) will make Peace with the King of France in the Field about three Months hence. And obferve the Time, wherein he received his forementioned Commiffion, was about fo long after. The Lord, hereupon difcourfmg liberally with me, faid, that he believed the fame, be- caufo- de Groot was a Perfon exceedingly felf-opinionated ; and that not long ago (not 591 tives ; yet I fuppofe in all Likelihood that his chiefeft Aim was that Holland fhould then be feparated from the other United Provinces, and freed as it were from that heavy Burthen, as they are pleafed to call it. And befides, that then they would be freed from all Fears that his Highnefs the Prince of Orange at any Time fhould be made Stadthslder of that Province. One would think it ftrange how it is pof- fible, that any Men (hould be tranfported to fuch Imaginations : But, Quid non mortalia pe flora cogit Auri facra fames ? He was always more for the French, than the Prince's Intereft. This was the Reafon why the Council- Pen- fionary, in the Time of the War with Mun- and his Majef- J?er, durft propofe in a full Aflembly, to make the Duke of furenne Captain- General over our Militia. Ambitious is our Enemy ; and full of Am- bition are alfo thofe Subjects j rather defiring to be governed by a King, than a Prince. But fee how miraculous is the Providence of the Almighty ! Juft when our State was in greateft Danger, and tottering ready to fall down, the Appear- ance of our Deliverance was neareft at Hand : for it pleafed God juft at that Time to throw down that great and fubtle Defigner (which had thus long ufurped more Authority, than ever was aimed at by any of our Princes) and immediately caufed the Prince of Orange una- nimoufly by all the Inhabitants of thofe Coun- tries, to be proclaimed Stadtholdcr of Hol- land, Zealand, and Weft-FrieJland, and to reftore to him all thofe Dignities which his Predecefibrs of glorious Memory ever en- joyed. That great God grant alfo, that as, by Means of his Predecefibrs, with the Expence naming the Time, which I guefled at by his of their Eflates and Effufion of Blood, the Words) he had told his Excellency himfelf, that he fhould certainly conclude a Peace ; ad- ding moreover, that though we fhould lofe, and add a Pearl to his Crown by this Peace j yet, if we examined the Prerogatives and Be- nefits which Holland fhould reap from it, we would not account our Lofs fo great. Though this Lord would not favour me with an Explanation of the aforefaid Preroga- Body of the ancient United Provinces was framed, and, as long as they reigned, kept in a good Order; the disjoined Members may by his Valour and Conduct (wherein we befeech God to affift him, and to free him from evil Counfel, and blefs him more and more daily) be united again. I do certainly believe, that many of our Inhabitants, and alib all good Patriots, will judge Dutch Remonft ranee. judge it convenient to find out all thofe Go- vernors which are guilty of betraying our Native Country, and by fome fevere Pu- niftiment, inflidied on them and their Inftru- ments, as, Momba, D'Offery, and other Go- vernors, Commanders, Captains, and other Officers, and make them an Example to o- thers. But, as to the latter Part, I do not altogether approve of their Opinion ; neverthelefs, with Submiffion to better Judgments, my Senti- ment only is, that it would be convenient to make a ftrit Enquiry into the Camp-proceed- ing of the Governors, and fuch as bore the chiefeft Commands, and had the Charge of defending Cities and Fortreffes, as, Momba, Van Zanten, Baffem y D'O/ftry, and the like : As alfo thofe Perfons, whether Officers, or o- thers, that have been aflifting to the Governors, in executing of their Treacheries, and had daily Correfpondence with the Enemy. And by punifhing all fuch Perfons feverely, according to their Demerits, make them Ex- amples to others. But there ought not fo particular a Regard to be taken of other Captains, and meaner Officers, who cannot be faid to have had the leaft Knowledge of their unfaithful Governors Defigns ; and would have undoubtedly behaved themfelves moft loyally, had they been encou- raged thereto by their Governors, and not been deluded to aft thofe Things which they were made believe would be for the Benefit of the Country, but proved prejudicial ; for which, if any mould be punimed, moft of all the Cap- tains and other Officers, in what Garifon foe- .ver, would be liable thereto. And thofe Cap- tains, which mould be punimed more than o- thers, would be unjuftly dealt withal ; or the State conftrained to an Execution of fo many honeft People, which heretofore have behaved themfelves like loyal Soldiers, for the Defence of their Country, and now only brought thereto by the treacherous, though feeming fair, Pretences and Delufions of their bafe Governors. We have alfo oftentimes feen that Military Perfons, and other inferior Officers, being ac- cufed of fome committed Abufes, and freed from their Punifhments out of a particular Favour, have taken an Occafion in all future Opportunities to ufe more than ordinary En- deavours for the Good and Benefit of the State : Of wh/'ch there are many Examples, whereof one is manifefted at this Time in Captain Buket. I (hould judge, that fome Means might be found, who amongft the Regents is guilty of High-Treafon, and confequendy deferving of Punimment. Efpecially if we confider thofe Maxims that are ufed, and alfo neceffary in our Govern- ent ; that is, that only a few are to be ad- mitted into the Council for private Concerns, either one out of every Province, or elfe more or lefs according as the Bufmefs requires. Be- fides which Perfons, none may have the leaft Knowledge of Things of greateft Confequence, efpecially in Times of War, when the Wel- fare of the State doth not a little depend, that the Regents Defigns againft the Enemy may be kept fecret, and not divulged and brought to the Ears of the Enemy. Which private Confultations were well obferved by the Coun- cil Penfionary, who permitted his Creatures to be of the Privy-Council, and excluded feveral good Patriots, who his Excellency judged would oppofe him in the Carrying on of his wicked Defigns ; and thofe, which he could not ex- clude, he wrought fo upon, that he made them to vote fuch Things as his Wifdom thought fit. And therefore thofe loyal Regents, which fat at the Helm, might now eafily, being un- der the Conduct of his Highnefs the Prince of Orange^ find out with what Malice their wick- ed Brother Counfellors have ordered all Things to the Ruin of our Country, and the Furthering of the Enemies Defigns. Whether in their ill Care for the Fortreffes, badly ftoring the Magazines, granting of un- lawful Pafs-ports for the tranfporting Ammuni- tion to the Enemy, bad Management, and pre- venting the Raifing of Levies, detaining of our Ambafladors, and Ratifications of the Treaties, the ill Performance of them ; moreover in the flrange Conduct of their appointed Go- vernors, Commanders, and others ; and the like bafe Carrying on of Affairs. For, if once the Thread be found, the Bot- tom will foon be unwound. Yet, notwithftanding all which, my Judg- ment is, that the publick Inquifitions and the Punimments ought to be referred, fince un- doubtedly it will be of a dangerous Confe- quence ; partly becaufe that by the manifold Difficulties, which in all Appearance would accrue, the loyal Regents, Fathers of our Na- tive 1 7/j Dutch ive Country, would be prevented from ufmg other Means, which, in this Conjuncture of Time, are more neceflary to oppofe the E- nemy ; and partly, that, when the Treafon is found out, the Punimments muft neceflarily follow. Which my fore-mentioned Opinion I leave to every one's ferious Confideration : How it js poflible, that the Executing of the Punifh-r ments, which undoubtedly would be inflicted on feveral of the fupremeft Governors, which have fo long managed the Helm of our Go- vernment, could be effected, without Fear ofj great Inconvenience to this State, which in this Conjuncture muft by all Means poflible be pre- vented. Thofe, that pleafe to read the Hiftory of Barnevelt, will find, that it is not to be done without great Difficulties ; which neceflarily ought to be diverted and referred to fome o- ther and more convenient Time, when either all Things may be buried in Oblivion, or elfe the Traitors condemned to lofe their Heads, for betraying our Native Country, as the Lords Magiftrates (hall think fit. And therefore is it not abominable that pri- vate Perfons dare daily prefume to do Juftice, nay to inflict fufficient Punifhments on all and every one, whom they but in the leaft fufpect to have been concerned in the ill Management of Affairs ? Which doth no way befeem them. But we will hope that the Prudence of the Lord Stadtholder will prevent the fame for the Future. I am very fenfible, that many Patriots, by this Delay of punifhing the Traitors, fear that, if the Treacheries go unpunifhed, the State will be left in a great Labyrinth, and in Danger of being wholly delivered up into the Enemies Hands ; becaufe, when thofe wicked Traitors are accufed of their Villainies, and fee, as it were, their Punimments before their Eyes, they will ufe all Means poflible to make more and more Confuflon in the Finances, of which there is yet a great Complaint, and in- creafe all other Diforders ; whereby the Ene- my may get Footing alfo in the remaining Pro- vinces r in Hopes that, by that Means, they fhall efcape their deferved Punifhment : Which Fears of the loyal Patriots are not without fome Reafon ; fmce an eminent Perfon was Yefter- day pleafed to tell me, that, in Cafe the Con- fufion in the Finances, and the bad Payment of Monies, which, by the wicked Directions VOL. II. Remonftrance. of the Compt Governors, huthbeen fo long in.. Practice, be not fuddenly remedied, it would prove very prejudicial 'to the State. On which I anfwered his Excellency (wherewith alfo, according to my Judgment, all Patriots may be fatisfied) That his Highnefe was not made a Stadtbolder to catch Fifes ; and, though he did not as yet proceed on an Inquifition 2nd fudden-Punimment of the Traitors, yetr, we might well think, that his Hi^hnefs the' Prince of Orange would, with the Help of many loyal Regents, endeavour, by all Means ^poflible, to gain an exact Knowledge of that malicious Governing, which hath reduced our State to fo deplorable and fad a Condition ; and that alfo he will take fuch Care, that all thofe Compt Governors fhall be bereaved of .all publick Employment, but efpecially for .ever excluded out of the Privy-Council, fo to prevent all future Mifcarriages of Affairs, and fettle all Things in fuch Order, as fhall be moft beneficial to the State. Let us now think on fome Means, whereby ' our native Country may be brought to enjoy its former Freedom, and to know the Light of the Gofpel, which, in many of the torn-orF Mem- bers of this State, is already fufficiently extin- guifhed. We have heretofore, by eftablifhing that curfed Edict, not only refufed to acknowledge our real Governor and chief Magiftrate of our Country, to which Nature and the formerly- received Benefits obliged, and fuffkiently might have forced us to, but alfo defpifed and ex- cluded him with many Oaths. Oh horrid Action! Do we not fee and read, that, when we defpife and difown our juft and loyal Magi- ftrates, God fends wicked and tyrannical Re- gents in their Places I I gcfje tbee a King in mine Anger, and took him aivay in my Jf^rath. Hof. xiii. n. Did there ever any greater Defrruction hap- pen amongft any People, than amongft thofe which hadfhewn themfelves ungrateful to their Princes, and depofed thofe, to whom they owed their Prefervation I If any where, then, it may well be faid to be here, that God, being juftly incenfed, hath, in his Wrath, given a great Part of our Ne- therlands to a King. God grant, that, as that Sin of Urigrr.fe- fulnefs, practifed by our Magiftrates, Which hath chiefly occa^bned a Curfe upon our Coun- 4 F try, 594 We Cop" f a try, is removed by a miraculous Providence, viz. our Magiftrates fuddenly revoking that wicked and perpetual Edict, (hewing a fmcere Sorrow for that bafe Act, to which they were deluded by the wicked Directions of the fore- mentioned Compt Governors, he will alfo be Letter pleafbd to remove all other Troubles from us F And grant likewife, that our Subjects may re- pent of thofe horrid and crying Sins, of which they are guilty, and thereby have incurred God's juft Difpleafure. The Copie of a Piftel or Letter Tyme when he was in Prifoij Quenes Part, the Lady Mar The xiij. of Julye. Si Deus nobifcum^ q m contra nos ? ent to Gilbard Potter ', in the for fpeakinge on our moft true before he had his Eares cut o Anno M.D.Liij. the Firfte of A fixteen uu ift. Duodecimo^ containing 'ages. Poore Pratte, vnfo his Frend Gilbard Potter, the moftfaythful and trew Lou of Quene Mary doth himfalute with many Salutations. S. P. D. WHEREAS thou hafte of late {bowed thy felfe (moft faith- ful Gilbard) to be a true Sub - iefte to Aaaryi Quene of England, not only by Wordes but by Deedes, and for the farther Trial) of thy true Heart towardes her, did offer thy Bodye to be flayne in her Quarell, and offered vp thy felfe into the Handes of the ragged Beare moft rancke, with whom is nether Mercy, Pitie, nor Companion, but his Indignation prefent Death. Thy Promis (Gilbard) is faythfull, thy Heart is true, thy Loue is feruente towardes her Grace ; and, wheras you did promis me faythfullye (when I laft vifited thee in Prifon) To be torne with wild Horfes, thou wouldeft not denye Marye oure Quene, and to that whiehe thou tofore dyd faye, No Denial fhalbe found in thee, fo ftyll do thou continue in the fame Mynde, haue a Refpec~l of thy Confcience. Feare not to faye the Truth ; if thou dye,, thou {halt dye in the Ryght ; Pugna pro patria y Fighte for thy Countrey (fayeth the Philofopher.) For, as it ifcalbe to thi great Honour and Prayfe in this World, and in Heauen, to dye in her Graces Quarell, and in the Defence of thy Countrey ; fo wold it be to the vtter Deftruclion, both of thy Body and Soule, to do the Contrarye. But (O thou true Gilbard) ftand ftiflye in her Caufe, and do thou according to thy laft Promis made me (as I do not doubt but thou wilt) then wil God kepe thee and preferue thee. If thou fliuld dye, thou {halt dye innocent; fo flial you be aflured to poflefle the euerlaftyng Kyng- dom of Heauen. If you fortune to lyue, then {hal it be alfo accompted Praife to thee ; and fully perfwade with thy felfe, that her Grace wil confider thy faythful and true Heart (as fhe hath iufte Occafion.) For, who could haue bene more faythfuller, then thou hafte bene ? What Man coulde haue fhowed him felfe bolder in her Graces Caufe, then thou haft fliowed ? Or who dyd fb valiantlye in the Pro- clamation Tyme, when lane was publijthed Quene (vnworthy as fhe was) and more to blame, I may fay to thee, are fome of the Con- femers therunto. Ther were Thoufandes more thera: fent to Gilbard Potter. 595 yet durft they not (fuche is the obteyne the Crowne, and that it weld pleafe then thy felfe Fragility and Weakenes of the Flefh) once moue their Lippes to fpeake that whiche thou did fpeake. Thou offeredft thy felfe amongft the Multitude of People to fight agaynfte them ail in her Quarell, and for her Honour dyd not fear to runne vpon the Poynt of the Swordes. faythful Subiedt, O true Hearte to Mary our Quene, I can not but wryte of the condign Prayfe that thou deferueft for thys thy Boldnes. 1 may compare thee to Sidrack, Mifack^ and Abdenaga, whych, rather then they wold for- fake their Mayfter, were contented to fufFer the Tormentes in the hoate burnyng Ouen, And as young Daniel^ when he was broughte before fuch a Ruler (as that falfe Duke of Nor- thumberland) rather then to denye his Lord, would fufFer the Paynes of Impryfonment, and to be caft in the Denne of Lions : Even fo (faythful Gilbard) rather then thou wouldeft confente to their falfe and trayteroufe Proclama- tion for lane, when thou dyd hear it, hauyng a clear Confcience, wold not confent to the fame moft trayterous Fa&. And fo little re- garded thy Life, boldly ftode in thy Miftres Caufe, and offered thy Bodye to be imprifon- ed, and to fuffer Death, then to denye our vertuoufe Mary to be Quene. And therfore truft to it, my faythfull Gilbard^ as the God of Sidrack, Mifack, and Abdenago faued them from al Hurt in the hoat bumyng Ouen, that not fo muche as one Hcare of their Heade was perifh- ed : So (hall the fame God faue thee out of the Handes of the cruell Beare, and give hym no Power of thy Lyfe. Agayne as God preferued Daniel when he was caft in the Denne amongeft the Lions, at the Commaundement of the King Nabuchodonofor. And, when he was in the Middefte of them, the Lions playd with him (which was admirable.) So do thou truft to, albeit thou art now in the Denne amongeft De- vourers (I meane vnder the Power of the Beare and ragged Staf) yet the God of Daniel (hall fafely delyuer thee out of all their Handes ; and thee rather, if thou doft ftil continue ftedfaft, and hold on Mary our Quene, and forfake thy Mayfter, no more then Daniel and the Bre- thren did their God and Mayfter. Difpayre not, but lyue in Hope to fe a good Day, and the foner will it come, if we continue in Praier. For my Part, faithful Gilbard, I wyl neuer feafe Day nor Nyght from Praying for our good Mary, that her Grace might once him of his omnipotent Power to ftrengthen and helpe her Grace, Afary, thy Quene and mine, fo fay I to the Death, and to conquere that Beare. So here I (hall deftre thee alfo to offer vp to the Almighty Lord godly Contempla- tions, that (he maye ouercome hir Enemies. For, as the Inhabitants of the great City of Niniue continued in Praier, and clothed them felues in Sackecloth, cafte Dufte vpon their Heades, repented, and bewailed their mani- fold Sinnes and Offences, at what Tyme as the Prophete lonas had preached to them the Deftru&ion of their Citye ; knew that it was Time to do al the fame, els Deftru&ion wold folow : So fhulde we now not feafe praying to God to fend vs Quietnes, and that the La- dy Mary might enioye the Kingdom. For we haue had manye Prophetes and true Preachers, whiche did declare vnto vs, that oure Kinge fhal be taken awaye from vs, and a Tyrant fhal reygne ; the Gofpel lhall be plucked awaye, the right Hey re (halbe difpof- fefled, and al for our Vnthanckfulnes : And thinkeft thou not (Gilbard) the World is now come ? Yea, truely. And what (hal folow, yf we repent not in Tymes. The fame GoJ wil take from vs the vertuoufe Lady Mary y oure lawfull Quene, and fend fuch a cruel Pharao, as the ragged Beare, to rule vs, which (hal pul and pol vs, fpoyle vs, and vtterly de- ftroy vs, and bring vs in great Calamities and Miferies. And this God wil fend vs, and al for our Iniquities. For, yf vnto oure Quene Mary any Euell fhuld happen, let vs fully per- fwade with our felues, that it not for her fmall Sinnes only, but for our euel Liuinges. And this litle Troubles (whiche be greuous to hir Grace) doth chaunfe to her for thy Sinnes and myne, let vs fo thinke. For truely (faythful Gilbard) God is difpleafed with vs 'many Wayes. And here, I dar be bold to fay, that her Grace is more forowful for the Death of King Edwarde her Brother, then (he is glad that (he is Quene. For her Part (good ver- tuoufe Lady) (he would haue bene as glad "of her Brothers Life, as the ragged Beare is glad of his Death. Agamemnon^ the Heathen King, was neuer more vnquieted with his highe Eftate, when he lamented for that he was King ouer fo manye People, as her Grace is nowe troubled to rule and gouerne fo manye euell Perfons. Plato was i euer gladder, when F 2 h: 596 7& Copy of a Ptjlel or Letter, dec. he was exiled from the Kinges Courte, be- to cary Harnes and Artilery, God fend them caufe his Mind was more addict therby, and geuen to the Study of Philofophie, as fhe wold be, if fhe might once be exiled from the Company of fuch Traitours, wherby fhe might be more quieter, and poflefle this hir JfCingdome peafablye. Euen fo I dare ad- uouche, that her Grace was farre quieter, and better contented with her olde Eftate, then now fhe is Quene (yf it had pleafed God.) But now, praifed be Almighti God, becaufe he hath fo prouided vs a right and lawful Ayre, and fo vertuous a Princeffe, to pof- fefs this Imperial Crown of England, and fo are we all bounde highly e to thanke euell to fpede. The good Erie of Arundcl and the Erie of Shrojburye be here ftill ; but, as I am informed, the Erie of Arundel will not confent to none of their Doynges. O God, I moft hertelye defire thee, heare my Praier, kepe and preferue the good Erie of Arundel from the Tiranny of that deuouryng Beare. For, as thou haft from the Beginning endued him with al Truth, fo doth he ftil continue ftedfafte in the fame, like a worthy Noble ; preferve hym, I befeche thee (O my God) and geue hym Grace ftill to ftande ftedfafte. The Erie of Shrojburye beareth hymfelfe equal, God kepe hym, and fend al thofe, that wold him therfore. Truftyng that the fame God the Ladye Mary to be Quene, long Life and wil fhortlye exalt her Grace, and fet her in her perfect Dignitie, and p4ucke downe that lane, I can not nominate hir Quene, for that I know no other Queues, but the good Lady Mary, hir Grace, whorne God profper. I heare fay (faythfull Gilbard) that the true Subject, Sir Edmond Pcckhame, is gone, with al his Power and Treafure, to aflift her Grace, Ex frutlu fcimus quid fit arbor, by the Frute, we may knowe what the Tree is : So by his Frutes, that is, by all his Doinges we may knowe, what he is, howe true and faythful hath he fhewed him felfe to be at al Times to Henry theight, of famous Memory. What Man deferued more Commendation then he ? He neuer robbed his Grace, when he had al the Rule of his Treafure ; he vfed not to bye .Pleafure ; and they which wold not, I wyfhe them the Paynes of Satan in Hell. I have (faythfull Gilbard) fcattered abroad thre of the Bokes more, and two alfo haue I fent into the ragged Beares Campe ; kepe that clofe which thou haft : The World is daungerous : The great Deuell Dudley ruleth, Duke, I fhuld haue fayde ; wel, let that paffe, feing it is oute, but I trufte hefhal not longe. I have proued, if 1 could get a M. of them imprinted in fome ftraunge Letter, and fo a Nomber of them to be difpapfed abroade. Forafmuch (Gilbard) as I perceaue that thou art ftraytly kept, and not fuffred to haue Liberty, Ifhal brieuely vifite the with my Letters from Time to Time. And here, Gilbard, I exhort the to continue in Praier, and to take in good Parte this Yoke, Siluer for fowre Shillinges an Once, and make layd vpon thy Shoulders, and beare this CroiTe the Kinge paye fiue Shillinges fowre Pence (as other falfe Traitours did) but loke, what he payd, the Kinge payde no more. He was euer true and faythfull by Reporte, afwell of al other, as of hys owne Seruauntes. And now for theful Triall of his true Hearte, howe hath he mowed him felfe to her Grace ? Left Houfe, Lands, and al, and gone to help her. Truly, we haue to few fuch faythfull Men. I heare alfo, that ther is come more to helpe her Grace, the Erie of Darbey, the Erie of Oxford, the Erie of Bath, and diuerfe other Nobles, whiche I can not rehearfe nominarly. The God of Hoftes, the God of Abraham, profper them, kepe them, and geue them Power to withftand al their Enemies, and the mooft mighty Lord take Part with them (as 1 do not miftruft) for the Right Sake. I hear no o:her Newes, but that here is continually Preparation, and many Cartes appoynted patiently. For Aduerfity is a good Thinge, and fhall make thee to know God the better. For I truft in the Lord, to liue to fe the Day her Grace to mary fuch one, as knoweth what Aduerfity meaneth, fo fhal we haue both a merciful Quene and King to their Subie<5ls. And wold to God that I might liue (if it fo pleafed her Grace) to haue an other vertuoufe Edward : And God make her Grace fruteful, and fend hir Frute to inherite the Kingdom after her. I promifed you to falute your Frend Robert in your Name ; accordingly I haue done, defired hym to pray with you for our Quene Mary, that it wold pleafe the Lord to giue hir the Crowne, which fhe oughte to haue of Right. And thus, to breuiate my long Pro- cefle, I end, defiryng the (my conftant Gil- bard) not to beholde the Gorgioufnes of my Letters, which be void of al, but to weygh in an equal Payre of Ballans the good Wil of the Writer, r ^^ Verfes Jpokt to the Lady Harley; &c. 597 Writer, who beareth thee no worfe Wil, then Jaft, thou {halt inherit his Kingdom : To the to his owne Soule, prayinge God to ftrengthen which Kingdome, bringe both you and me> thee, and giue thee Grace, to abide faythfull andvs all. Amen. towardes cure moft excellent true and only Quene Mary ; fo (halt thou be aflured to haue Fayre you well, God thy faythfull Frend againe, and, at the Finis. Quod Poore Pratte. Jmprynted at London^ in Tem/lrete, ouer agaynfte the Stiliardes, at the Signe of the Dobbcl Hood, by Htwgbe Singelton *. * At the Time when Lady Jane Grey was proclaimed Queen tf England, who continued in that Royal State only nine Days, in the Beginmog of July, 1553. E R S E S SPOKE TO THE LADY Ifenrietta-CavendiJh Holies Harley y In the LIBRARY of St. Johns COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, [November the pth, Ann. 1719. By Mr, P R I O R. MADAM, SINCE ANNA vifited our Mufes Seat, (Around Her Tomb let weeping Angels wait) Hail THOU, the Brighteft of thy Sex, and Beft, Moft gracious Neighbour, and moft welcome Gueft. Not HARLEY'S Self to Cam and Ifis dear, In Virtues and in Arts great OXFORD'S Heir, Not HE fuch prefent Honours (hall receive, As to his CONSORT We afpire to give. Writings 598 Verfei fpoke to the Lady Harley, &c. Writings of Men our Thought To-day neglects, To pay due Homage to the Softer Sex : Plato and Tu/fy We forbear to read, And their great Followers whom this Houfe has bred, To ftudy Leflbns from Thy Morals given, And fhining Characters, imprefs'd by Heaven. Science in Books no longer We purfue, Minerva's Self in HA R R i E T'S Face We view ; For, when with Beauty we can Virtue join, We paint the Semblance of a Form Divine. Their pious Incenfe let our Neighbours bring, To the kind Mem'ry of fome bounteous King ; With grateful Hand, due Altars let Them raife To fome good Knight's, or holy Prelate's Praife ; We tune our Voices to a nobler Theme, Your Eyes We blefs, your Praifes We proclaim, St. John's was founded in a Woman's Name : Enjoin'd by Statute, to the Fair we bow 5 In Spight of Time, we keep our ancient Vow ; What MARGARET TUDOR was, is HARRIET HARLEY now. An ( 599 ) An ALPHABETICAL IN D E x To the S E c o N D VOLUME of the HARLEIAN MISCELLANY. ACademy (the Quacks) or Dunces Direclo- Aftions, their Number cannot be deter- mined 3 1 A3on, (Sir Roger] &c. put to Death 260 Admiral, the Derivation of the Name of Admiral, 329. Theantient Stiles or Titles of Ad- miral, 330. A Lift of EngHJb Admirals, to the Reign of King James II. 331 Adultery (Half) See Fornication 280 African Company, why complained of by the American Colonies, 361. . See Colonies. 'Agnus Dei, what 125 Alberick, Earl of Hainault, much improved Mons 1 84 Aileron, Son to Clodion the Hairy, King of France, firft built Mcas, 182. His Wars ib. Albert, Son-in-Law to Philip II. King^ of Spain, forti- fied Mom 193 Alehoufe-keepers, Laws concerning them 1 5 Alexander ( Pope) the Sixth, ho w he was ppifoned 399 Alfred Son of King Etbelred, failed in his Attempt to recover his Father's Kingdom, 429. His Eyes were put out by Earl Goodwin ib. Alphonfo (Don) King of Portugal, how abufed by his Brother Peter \\z Alderman, its Signification 443 Alva's (The Duke of) Behaviour and Cruelty to the Inhabitants of the 17 Provinces 396, &c. Ambaffadors, in what Cafes they may be feized, im- prifoned, and punifhed capitally 461 American Colonies. See Colonies. Amjltrdam, the numerous religiousSeds in that City 5 79 Anatomy of a Woman's Tongue 168 Anchors by whom invented 323 Aguilla Ifland. See Caribbee Iflands. Antiquity and Dignity of Parliaments 114 Appellants in King Richard IPs Reign, 23. Their Demands, ib. Were oppofed by 6000 Men under the Command of Robert Vere, Duke of Ireland, 24. They conquar, ib. Confer and agree with the King in the T^wer, ib. Attend upon him to the Par- liament, ib. Clear themfelves of Treafon, ib. De- mand Sentence of Condemnation againfl the King's wicked Counfellors ib. Arlotte, the Mother of William the Conqueror, 422. Her Dream ib. A rk of Noah. See Navigation . Arms taken up in Defence of the Nation againft the Miniftry of King Richard II. 23 Arques (William, Earl of) claims Normandy againfUJ?/- liam the Bajlard,^^. Was fupported by the French King, ib. Their defperate Fight, 424. Were routed ib. Artificers, Labourers, Matters, and Servants, when punilhable i j Arundel (Tho.) Archbimop of Canterbury, ftrenuoufly perfecuted the Lollards, 234. His great Procete againft Sir John Oldcajlle, 241. His foolifh and blafphemous Writing fent to Sir John Oldcaftle in the To-ivtr, 247. Death 260 Atheling (Edgar) how obftrufted m his Claim to the Crown of England, 43 2 . His Incapacity, 433. Af- fifted by the King of Swede/and, &c. invade Eng- land, 445. Gain the Victory at York, but were beat or bought off afterwards by the King 446 AvefneSs (Prince John of) unnatural War with his Mo- ther, 188. Broke his Heart, ib. Was fucceeded by his Son John ib. Authority or Power, whence derived, 2. How far isceflary amongit Men. ib. Autumn, 'An Alphabetical INDEX. 600 Autumn, Advice Concerning Phyfic taken in B. Baccus Bovnty, a Satyr againft Drunkards, 285. His Invitation to Tom Typfay 289 Bacon (Sir Nicholas) his Kindred and Employments, 83. Was Father to Lord Chancellor Bacon, ib. His Charafler 84 Bacons (Sir Francis] Difgrace 402 Bakers, when puniihable l 5 QaldvJn, Earl of Hainault 186,187 Bait's (Bp. John] Chronicle of Sir John OUcaftle 232 BaH'as, a Sort of Wicker-boat in the Weft -Indies 324 Barbadoes, 3 40. How it was firft planted with Sugar, 348.. See Plantations. Bark/lead's Account of the Burial of Oliver Cromwell and King Charles I. 270 Bartholomews (St.) Ifland. See Caribbee t {lands. Baftards, capable to fucceed to their Fathers State in fome Countries 422 Bajlerre (the Town of) taken 551 Bath, why fo called, zq6. The propereft Times to refort thither, 299. How to lodge there, ib. Ad- vice to, and concerning the Choice of Phyficians at Bath 300 Baths of Bath, their Nature, Ufe, and Efficacy, 295. Their Number and Names, 296. To whom hurt- ful, 299, 300. Obfervations on them by Tho. Gui- dott, 306. When firft mentioned by foreign Wri- ters, ib. Some Remarks on thofe that have written concerning thefe Baths, ib. Of what they are im- pregnate, 307. In what their Vertue confifts, 308. Advice concerning the Drinking of the Waters, ib. Thefe Waters eat Iron, 309, 310. Abound with Ochre, ib. See Bath. Bailiff (Charles] feized at Dover, and put to the Rack 460 Beauchamp (Sir John] was excluded the King's Houf- hold 24 Becket (Thomas] compared with Sir John Oldcajlle, 264. His Shrine deftroyed and Bones burnt by Henry VIII's Command ib. Beggars Petition to Henry VIII. againft Popery 516 Bell, called Corfeu Bell, why appointed to be rung 446 Beverly (Sir John] See Adon. Bifhops- Court, Fees to be paid therein for Probats of Wills, &c. 1 1, 12. Called the Bawdy Court, 103. See Spiritual Court. Blake (John] Dean of the King's Chapel and Serjeant at Arms, condemned and executed for Treafon 24 Boats of Reeds and Bulrufhes, 323 . Of Ofier or Wil- lows 324 Bohemia. See James I. and Tom -Tell -Troath. Borgia (C&far] poifoned Pope Alexander VI. 399 Bovines, the Battle fought there by Philip II. of France 2 1 8 Bourtoey (Peter) excluded the King's Houlhold 24 Bow and Arrow, their Ufe brought into England by WH.'iam the Conqueror, 440. Compared with Fire- arms 441 Sawyer defended by Queen EKfalctb, againft theE^rl tifLeicefler 74. Boyle't (Mr.) Ledlure, where and for what Purpofe founded 2 o Brambre (Nicholas] Lord Mayor of London, 22. Exe- cuted for Treafon 24 Brafiers and Pev/terers, when punifhable 1 3 Bricks ir.ay contract a Verticity 327 Brigantines, by whom invented 323 Browne (John) See A&on. Buckhurjt (My Lord) his Extraction, 91. Was very profufe in his Youth, ib. His Character, ib. And Advancement ib. Buckingham (The Duke of) befought King James I. to help the French Protejfanfs, 412. Accufed before King Charles I. by George Eglijhman, 62. The Reafon for this Accufation, ib. Sought the Death of many Noblemen, 63. How he injured both the King and Nation, 64. Is accufed before the Par- liament, ib. His Crimes, 65. How hard to be brought to Juftice, ib. His Power in the State, ib. His Ambition, ib. Why refolved to poifon the Marquis of Hamilton, 66. Engaged the King to propofe a Match between his Niece and the Marquis of Hamilton's eldelt Son, ib. His Pedigree, &c. ib. Procured the Marriage, and had it confummated in the King's Chamber and Prefence at Greenwich, ib. Could not get the Marquis to confirm the Marriage, ib. Threatens Revenge, ib. Was jnfatiable in Malice, 67. Would not fuffer the Marquis's own Son to vifit him in his laft Illnefs, and the Reafons thereof, ib. Would have had the dead Marquis bu- ried the fame Night that he died, ib. Is fufpefted to have poifoned him, and his Directions to the Phy- ficians, which were fent to view the Marquis's Body, 68. How he endeavoured to caft the Poifoning of the Marquis upon the King, 69. His Diflimulation, ib. and 7 1 . How he managed the Son at the Father's Death, and perfuaded him to accomplim the Mar- riage with his Niece, ib. His Behaviour towards the King, 70. Is accufed to the King, ib. Gave the King a white Powder, 71. His Behaviour to the King's Phyficians, &c. ib. Buckingham (The Mother of the Duke of) laid a poifonous Plaifter to King James's Stomach 7 1 Bullen (the Family of) its Original and Grandeur 72 Bull-Feafts, how different from Bull-Baitings 377 Bull (the Pope's) to abfolve Queen Elifaleth^ Subjedls from their Allegiance, when firft iffued out, 8 1 . Its Contents 128 Bullingbroke (Henry of) Duke of Hereford, difgraced by K. Richard II. 25. Sent Sir Pereu and eight others to murder him in Pomfret Caftle ib. C. Campion 1 ?, (Edmund] Faculties from Rome, and his Trial, Conviftion, and Execution, 130. See Jefuits. Canutus, the Means by which he fucceeded in the Con- queft of Eng land 428 Care. See Secretary of State. Carmarthen, a Cuflom-houfe Officer informs Queen Elij'abeth of Frauds in the Revenue, and is protected by her againft her Counfellors ib. rpln^er* (George) miraculous Prefervation 2; C aril bee An Alphabetical INDEX. Carilbee Iflands, General Cbrijlopber Codrington's Ex- Claydon (John) put to Death pedition agairkl them, 1545. A Lift of the Forces 601 260 543 that Expedition 54.9 Catbolicks, within the firil ten Years of Q^ ElifabetlSs Reign, were no more than Church Papijls, 80. Their Priefts Chaftity 239 Cecil (William} Secretary of State to Queen Elifabeth, 80. His Extraction, Place of his Birth, and Edu- cation, ib. Had been Secretary to the Duke of Somerfet, when Protector, ib. His Advancement, ib. See Salisbury. Cecil (Robert) his Extraction and Employment:-, 93. Educated at Court, ib. A great Statefman, ib. His wonderful Intelligence from Abroad, 94,. His Death ib. Celoces. See Brigantines. Charles I. when Prince of Wales, his Difcourfe with Sir y. Hayward, concerning die Imperfections of Engli/h Hiitory and the Means to amend them, 419, &c. Concerning his Burial, 269, &c. His Cha- racter, 420. A View of his Reign, 463, &c. The French Intereft and Alliance was one of the leading Caufes of his Murder, 467 . The Character of his Sons, 468. The Nation's DifguU at his Marriage, ib. The Penance enjoined to his Confort by her 43' 24- 4 Clergy, their Power and Abufe thereof in the R;ign of King Cbarlt-s I. 478. Their Advances to Popery 479 Clergy in London, a Lift of their Mortality, or Impri- fonments, &c. in the Grand Rebellion, 3 73. Tneir Power Clerk. See Market, Peace. Clifford (John] Clerk of the Chapel Royal Cloth makers, when punifliable Cobham (My Lord) See Sir John Oldcaflle. Cobban's (Lord) Dealing with Bifhop Rofs 460 Cocoa does not thrive in Jamaica, 353. The Manner of planting it, 354. How it grows ib Cockboats, or Skiffs, by whom invented 32.5 Colbert (Mr.) charadlerifed 381 Colonies (Englifo) in the Weft -Indies, an Hiftorical Ac- count of their Rife and Growth, 340. What is fuved and gained by the People engaged in thofe Colonies, 347, 355, 357. The Number of People therein, ib. 355. The Difcouragements they lie under, 358. How we came pofleficd of them, 359. Settled, 360. Complain of the African Company, 361. How the Inconveniencies and Difcourage- ments may be remedied Confeffor, 469. The bad Effects of this Match, Commiflions to the Judges of Aflize, how ftiled and titled by the Par Lament after the Murder of King Charles I. I Compafs (the Mariners) by whom invented, 325, 326. Its Ufe by Land as well as by Sea, 3 26. Its V a- riation, ib. Its Caufe 328 Complaint. See Term. Confpiracy to betray Hi Hand to France 481 Conftable, his Office, how he may offend againft Juftice, and for what he ought to be prefentcd by the Grand- jury 1 1 Coopers, when punimable 14 Corfeu. Sec Bell. Cotton, its Value and Ufe, 352. The Manner of planting it, ib. Its different Sorts 353 Covenant (National) See Vow Council. (the Names of the Privy) to Richard II. ^^ Courtiers, to what Dangers fubjedr., q i . How they rife and advance in Favour of their Prince, 52. Their Influence dangerous to a State 56 Courts of Juftice, eftablifhed by William the Conqueror, 447. Spiritual. See Spiritual. Court -Favourites an ill Character 50 Courtney (William) Archbifhop of Canterbury, ftrenuouf- ly perfecuted Wickliff, &c. 234 Courage (En^lijh} commended 4.07 Crane. See Jeremiah viii. 7. Cranfield(S\v Lionel} his Rife to be Ld. Treafurer 402 Cromwell (Oliver] fuppofed to be buried in King Henry VII's Chapel, Wejtminjler, 269. His Body or- dered to be taken up, hanged at Tyburn, and burnt, ib. 270. A Coffin found, with 0/fwr'l Name in- fcribed, ib. The real Place of his Burial, ib. The Manner and Reafon of this Counter- Interment, ib. King Charles I's Body igtiorantly taken up and hang- G cJ ib. and 473. Her Influence over the King's Counfels, ib. The King was betrayed by the French, 470. By this Match were brought in the Fears of Popery, 471 . His Confort's Character and Behaviour, 473. The King fufpected of Popery, why, ib. Of Op- preffion, why, 474. The Prophanenefs and Im- morality in this Reign, 476. He tolerated Sports on the Lord's Day, and its bad Confequences, ib. By whom murdered, 480. See Cromwell. Charles II. King of Great -Britain, why he declared War againft the Dutch, 387 His private League with the French King, to eftablifh Popery in England, ib. Tolerates the Difienters, 388. His Hypocdfy andDiffimulation, ib. Perfuaded by ^-French to attack the Dutch Smyrna Fleet : 392 Charles V, the Emperor, takes and fortifies Tournay 221 Charles VI, King of France, much ennobled the Town of Tournay 2 i 9 Charles the Bald, King of France 2 1 8 Charles the Simple, King of France ib. Charles the Warrior, Duke of Burgundy, adds to the Fortifications of Mons, and wars with France 1 9 1 Charn-ijvood, a Defolution of the Earth in that Foreft 1/8 Cheats of Gaming difcovered Chickley (Henry) fucceeded Thomas Arundell Children, how to be educated by Parents Chilperick I, King of France, fortified Tou/nay Cbrijtopbers (St.) Ifland. See Caribbee-Iflands ^549 Cireera. See Ships of Burden. Civil War and Rebellion, fynonymous Terms 464 Qartndori 's (The Earl of) Account of the Beginning of the Civil Wars, 465, 472. Of the Grievances of King Charles I's Reign 476 96 260 163 216 602 ed at Tylurn by this Contrivance, 271. How dif- covered, ib. His Hypocrify 479 Currier, when punifliable 1 3 D. Dart en 539 Dacafs (Mr.) purfues Lieutenant-General Codrington, 548. Attacked fome Englijb Ships without Suc- cefs 549 Declaration of War (An Anfwer to the Trench} 458 Dennis (-'t ) the Battle fought there between the French and Englijb 195 Defmonde (The Earl of) Head of the Irijh Rebellion, his miferable Death 135 Defmonde (John) the Earl's Brother, his Death and vain Truft in Popijh Relicks 1 36 Dignity. See Secretary of State. Dignity and Antiquity of Parliaments 1 1 4, Difcontents in all Ages, Sexes, States, and Conditi- ons 166 Diffenters. See Minifters. Docket (Sam. the Ferryman of) Dialogue with Will. and Tom 99, &c. Domefday-Book, its Occafion, 447. Where kept ib. Dominion in chief always reierved by the Conqueror in his Grants 447 Doncajter's (My Lord) Negotiations and Succefs at the Court of France, in Behalf of the French Prote- Jtanti 413 Dowries ought to be provided and given by the Publick to Kings Children 76 A Dream 176 Dudley, fo much exclaimed againft as a Robber of the Nation, in the Reign of Henry VII. and was exe- cuted in the Firft of Henry VIII. was Father to the Duke of Northumberland, beheaded, I Maria, and Grand-father to Queen Elifabeth^ Favourite the Earl ofleicejler 78 Duelling, contrary to the laws of God, and deftruc- tive of all Society 21 Dunkirk defcribed, 313, 317. How fortified, 314. Its Bafon, 315. Its Streets and Churches, 316, 3 1 7. The great Church, 317. The Englijb N uns, 318, 320. The Markets, 319. The Manner of burying the Dead, ib. and 320. How they expofe the.Hoft. 330. Its Provifions and Inhabitants 321 E Earth, its Diflblution in the Foreft of Cbamwood, 178. Occafioned by Wind 179 Earthquake in the 15 William I. 457 Ediuard thi Coafe/or kindly received and fuccoured by William Duke of Normandy, to regain his Fa- ther's Kingdom, 429. Is invited to the Kingdom, on the Death of Hardicanutui, by the Nobility, who gave Hoftages for his Safety, ib. His Marri- age, which he never con fum mated ib. Edward the Second (King) depofed for Mifgovern- ment 4 Third of England, great Vicar of the Roman Empire 188 . . . Fourth, depofed by his Parliament 4 An Alphabetical INDEX. (My Lord of) his Extraction, Perfon, and Advancement, 86. Was created Earl of Notting- ham, on his Return from Cadiz, 87. His Cha- rader ib. Egljhman's (Dr. George) Accufation of the Duke of Buckingham to King Charles the Fir ft, and his Rea- fons for fo doing, 62. Much efteemed by the Mar- quis of Hamilton, 63. Sought for by the Duke of Buckingham, ib. Prayed that Buckingham might be brought to Jullice, 64. Hb Petition to the Parlia- ment, ib. The Danger he incurred thereby, 65. Ac- tended the Marquis of Hamilton, all the Time of his Illnefs, 67. Sufpecled that he was poifoned, ib. Upon feeing the Dead Body opened, faid he was poifoned, 68. Demanded a Jury of Phyficians to view the Corpfe H\ Elizabeth's (Queen) Original, 72. The Viciffitude cf her Fortune, ib. Her Perfon, ib. Temper, 7?. Intellectuals and Abilities, ib. How me received the News of her Acceffion to the Throne, ib. The Character of her Favourites, ib. Her Method of Reigning, ib. How me curbed the Haughtinefs and Prefumption of the Earl of Leicejler, 74. Her ac- cullomed Oath, ib. Was abfolute Miitrefs of her Graces, ib. And abfolute in Refolution, ib. Was magnificent and yet frugal, ib. Was moftly hurt by the Irijb Rebellion, 75. What Debts me owed at her Death, ib. Received more Aids than her Pro- genitors, ib. Her Behaviour to her Subjects, ib. Was bleffed with good Parliaments, ib. She always harmonifed with her Parliament, 76. Liftened to her Profit, ib. Retained imirely her Sifter's Coun- cil of State, 77. How fhe u fed them, ib. Found them pliable to her Religion and Actions, ib. When (he began to arm herfelf againft the Pope and his Adherents, 8 1 . Her Charge to Sir John Norrif^ to fend Home Lord Mountjoy, ib. Knowing Parry's Intent to kill her, why me permitted him to have Accefs to her, 83. Plots and Treafons againft her, 123, 125. Executed none for Religion, 124, &c. 126, 131, 136. Overcomes the Rebels, under the Command of the Earls of Northumberland and Weflmor -eland, 129. Her Reafons for the Execute on of Popifh Traitors 1 36, &c. Empiricks dangerous, 300, 301. The Reafons there- of 302 England, Called the Land of Prontife, by the French Protejlants in James the Firft's Time 41 2. Englefeld, one of Queen Marys Privy-Council, was the only one, that withdrew himfelf from Queen Elizabeth^ Council, and went Abroad 77 Epigrams on a Woman's Tongue 175 Efpinoy's (Prince Peter) Mifcondufl loft Tournay, to the Duke of Parma, 224. His Lady's Defence at the Siege ib. Ej/ell (Heer Van) his Voyage to the Indies, 25. Marries, and his unfortunate Voyage to Europe, 26. Shot himfelf 27 Ej/ex (the Earl of) by whom introduced to Court, 89. His Character, ib. His Indifcretions, 90. Was 'An Alphabetical INDEX. Gibbons, a private Sentinal, (hot General Ha!/, tried and acquitted r - 2 Ginger, its Ufe and Manner of Planting 3^3 Girth (Harold's younger Brother) advifes him not to be too forward to give Battle to the Normans, 436. Or, to withdraw himfelf out of the Army, ib. I flain "\Ws challenged by Sir Charles Blount, go. And was wounded in the Duel, ib. His Policy to ruin Sir John Norrii, ib. The Means of his own Deftruc- tion ib. Ethelred, King of England, his Wars with the Danes 428 Eujlace Ifland, fummoned to furrender to Queen Anne, 553. Surrendered 554 Execution of Juftice in England 122 Exercifes, what to be encouraged by the Government 268 Extreme Unftion, See Unftion. F Faculties granted by the Pope to Robert Perfont and Edmund Campion, Jefuits 1 30 Falfhood deceiveth its own Matter 6 1 Famine in England 445, 457 Faftiions introduced from Abroad are injurious to a Nation 432 Fatality, See Predeftination Favourite's (an ill Court) Character 50 Felony (Mifprifion of) what 7 Felonies againft the Perfon of another k -- Poffeffions of others ib. Fernando (Don) Earl of Flanders, his Wars and Mis- fortunes 218 Fevers, the Gout a Prefervative againft them 45 Fifh, Laws concerning it 15 Fitz- Arthur's (Anfelm) Claim of the Ground, and De- nial of a Burial-Place to William the Conqueror, 453. Received three Pounds for the Grave ib. Fitz-Gerala"& (Lord) Penitent Sonnet againft Gaming Fitz- Harris, who he was, and in what employed by the Court 1 1 2 Fitx-Marris, the fecond Traitor in Ireland, his Death 135 ing him to the Conqueft of England Flanders, See Netherlands. Greville (Sir Fou/te) afterwards Lord I Foreigners, it is dangerous to a Nation to advance them to any Offices or Dignity in Church or State 432 Foreft-Laws were tyrannical Fornication (Simple) fome Thoughts thereon Foulface (Philip) Author of Baccus-Bounty Fragment a Regalia- France,' See War with France. Its Defigns againft England and Holland nce of 432 491, &c. Frigates, by whom invented 323 Frigate -Bay 550 Froft (hard) in the Time of William the Conqueror G Gallies with two Banks of Oars on a Side, by whom invented, 323. Of fifty Banks ib* Gaming, its Cherts difcovered, 96. Its bad Confe- quence', 97. A Sonnet againft it, 98. See Exercifes. " .} her Character 469 603 439 3 279 285 70 491, 495 Frederick, Abbot of St. Allans, his Refinanc William the Conqueror, and Punifhment George (Madam St. Gloucejler (the Duke of) the Earls of Arunjel and Warwick march with 20000 Men againft Richard the Second, 23. Give their Reafons, ib. Demand Punifhrnent to be infixed on his traitorous Council ib. God's Death, was Queen Elizabeth's Oath 74 Gondamore (Count) the Span'jb AmbafTador's Influ- ence over King James the Fir ft 4.02 Government of England defcribed 2 Governor, good Inftrudlions for a Governor of a City or Place 266, &c. Governors of the People by whom made, 2. To whom accountable H. Gout, its Honour, Or, the Gout is one of Man's greatett Bleffings, 37. Was not created by the De- vil, 38. Was fent from Heaven to lengthen waft- ing Life, 39. Its Seat in the Body, ib. A Prayer to the Gout, ib. It gives a Man Pain without Dan- ger, ib. Ail that can be rationally faid againil it, 40. How to be acquired, ib. Allows its Patients lucid joyous Intervals, ib. How to behave in a Fit of the Gout, 41. It prefents one with a perpetual Almanack, 42. Is a Help againft the Head-ach, 43. Preferves from Fevers, 45. Compared to Pur- gatory, 46. Is not to be cured, 47. Is not a Difeafe 48 Grand -Juries Duty 6 Grappling-Hooks by whom invented 323 Gregory's (Pope) Letter to the King of France, exhort- terwards Lord Brooke, his Ex- tradion and Character 89 Guns when invented az H 'Hague defcribed, 572. The Tranfadions when King William the Third was there 573 Haine River defcribed 181 Hamilton* (the Marquis of) Love for Dr. Egli- Jbam, 63. Why hated by the Duke of Buckingham, 66. His Right to the Crowns of England and Scot- land, ib. Refufed the Title of Duke of Orkney twice, ib. Agreed to marry his Son to the Duke of Buckingham's Niece, ib. The Marriage was per- formed and confummated at Grettwico before the King, ib. Was blamed for it, and feeks Means to avoid its ^Confirmation, ib. Was over-ruled by Buckingham, ib. His Anfwer to Buckingham, defir- ing the Marriage to be completely confirmed, ib. Holds him at Defiance, ib. Fell fick and would tafte nothing from Buckingham's? nzn&s, 67. His Dif- like to Buckingham, ib. Two of his Servants poi- foned, ib. His Death, it. The Tokens of his being poi Toned, ib. See Fglijhham, 462 Ham&enJ 604 An Alphabetical I N D E X. Hamntwd (Dr ) the Caufe of h!s Death 40, 47 Hanfe, Nelfon, Maine, and Sherwood, Priefts, why put to Death 22; Hafpagines, what. ?r.d by whom invented 323 Haifcrger (Harold) King of Norway, invited to the Clown of England, invade" it, 4^3. Gains a comp'ete Viftcry over the En^lijh Generals, but wa^ himfelfoverrhrovvn and (lain fcon after by Ha- rold King cf England- 434 Harlot, its Derivation 422 Harcld*$ Voyage into Normandy, againft the Liking of King Edward, 429. Swears Fidelity to William Duke of Nvrmandy, as next Heir to the Crown of England ; and promifes to keep the Realm of Eng- land, to the Ufe of the Duke, ib. Bat fets the Crown upon his own Head, 430. Would not hearken to any Proposals from the Duke, ib. His Claim snd the Means he ufed to gain the People's Affection?, ib. and 432. Arms againft the Normans, marched againft Harold Harfager King of Norway, who had invaded the North, whom he overthrew, and flew with his own Hand, 434. Harold's, March againft the Normans, and Meffage to their Duke, 436. Is difTuaded by his Mother, not to fight in Perfon, ib. And his Brother Girth advifed him to delay the Battle, ib. Or withdraw his Perion, ib. He rejefls the Counfel, and why, ib. &c. Ap- points his Birth-Day, the Fourteenth of Oflober, the Day of Battle with the Normam, 437. The Array of his Arrny. ib. How he animated his Sol- diers, ib. The Battle, ib. &c. His Refolution and Courage, 439. The Stratagem that loft his Vifto- ry, ib. Is killed, ib. The Battle was loft to the Normans, and the fcattered Forces were called and led to London by Earl Edwin and Morchard, 440. His Mother offers its Weight in Gold for his dead , Body ; but the Duke reftored it gratis, and dif- graced a Norman Soldier for cutting his Leg, ib. Was buried at Waltkam-Crofs t ib. Reflexions on this Battle ib. Hart's (The Jefuit) Declaration, concerning Pope Quintus's Bull againft Queen Elifabeth 1 3 1 Hatton (Sir Chrifiopher) his Education, how he came to Court, and his Endowments of Mind and Body, 86. Was envious and a mere Vegetable at Court Howard's (Sir John] Difcourfe with Prince Charles, concerning Hiftory 4'9 & c - Hawk (King James the Firfi's\ how it was loft 564 Head-ach, how helped by the Gout 43 Helm, See Rudder-helm. Henry the Firjt, his tyrannical Domination, 3. When honoured with the Order of Knighthood by his Father 457 Fifth, his Behaviour in the Profecution of Sir John Oldcajile 242, 245 Sixth, depofed by his Parliament, 4. Came to the Crown at eight Months old 239 . Eighth, his Wars with Lewis the Twelfth of France, 219. Takes Toiirnay and other Places, ; ^ Built a new Caftle there, and other Buildings, ^ 2O * Burned the Bones of Thomas Becket, 264.. Petition- ed by the Beggars againft Popery qi6 Herefy, See Infidelity. High-ways (Overfeers of the) when punifliablc^ 12 Hilary'* (St.) Tears Ihed upon all Profeflions iyg Hiftory (E>gHJh) why more deficient than other Nations, 419. King Charles the Fhjl't. Obfervati- ons on Englijh Hiftoriam ,, Holland, a Cofifpiracy to betray it to the French, 481. The Defigns of the French againft it, 495. Its beft Policy, 497. A late' Voyage thereto, with. a Defcription of the Country, People, Religion, and Cuftoms 57> 574 &c. Holt (General) how he was mot cr 2 Honeify, the beft Policy 6! Hooks, See Grapp'ing-Hcoks. Howards allied to Queen Elizabeth, how 87 Hugonots, See French Protejlants, and Dr. Wrex. Hungary, the Emperor's Conceflions to the Froteftantt of Hungary 462 Hiinfdown (My Lord) his Extraction and Employ- ments, 87. His Character ib. Huftnnd (Bad) the Pattern offuchaone, 158. A*- monifhed to Unity and Concord, 152. See Mar- riage. James I. (King) would not pardon Murder, 64. Was poifoned by the Duke of Buckingham, and his Mo- ther, 7 1 . Tokens of his being poifoned, ib. His Political Character, 400. Tom-Tell-Troatb's Dif- courfe to him, ib. &c. Encouraged Papijis, 401, 467. Neglefted the Intereft of his own Chifdren, ib. 405. Influenced by Gondamore, 402. Iflued two Proclamations to forbid his Subje&s to talk of State Afiairs, 403. Debafed the Honour of Great- Britain, 404, 467. Was too pacifick, 40 . Reafons why he ought to take up Arms, ib. Grant- ed Leave to furnifh Spain with Ordnance, 406. Mocked by the King of Spain 407. Should have aflifted the Protejiants of France, 409. His beft Method to unite the Hearts of his Englifh and Scot; Subjeds, 417. A View of his Politicks and Mif- government, 467. Why he adhered fo much to Spain 468 James Il's Declaration explained in Verfe 212 Jaauelin t Countefs of Hainault, &c married. Humphry Duke of Gloucejler, in the Life-time of John Duke of Brabant, her lawful Hufband 1 88 Jealoufy injurious in a Marriage State 157 Jenkins ('Sir Leoline) a Stickler for the D. of Tort 99 Jeremiah chap. viii. ver. 7. enquired into, Phyfically and Literally 558 Jefuits, when fir ft came into England, 126. What to do, 124, 129, 138. See Seminaries, by whom, founded, and their Habit, 320. College at Clerken- ivell 47 r Imprecation of God's Juftice dangerous to a Sinner 311 Impudence, An Alphabetical INDEX. Impudence, a neceffary Qualification of a Qnack -o Independents, charged with the Murder of Char/fs I. 4^0 Indico, where it increafeth mo:t, 353. Defcribed, ib. How cultivated ib. Infidelity, Herefy, and Prophaner.tfe, theCaufe of their Incrtail- in Mis Kingdom, 17. Means ufed to pre- vent their Growth, 20, Other Means needful 20 Injuftice dangerous to Kings 62 Inquifiticn fet up by Philip II, in the feventeen Pro- vinces, 393- 1 ke Articles of its Inftitution, 394. Their Cruelty in Holland 396 Inquifitors of Herefies, in the Days of Hen. V, 241. Their Power and Bnfinefs ib. Inventions are not to be reduced to any certain Num- ber 32 John (King) renews King Edward's Laws by Adi of Parliament, and ads contrary to them 3 Iri/h Rebellion under Tyrone, fupported by the King of Spain, and its great Expence to England, 75. Un- der San Jofejpo, an Italian 137 Iron, when it contracts a Verticity , 327. Its Sympa- thy with the Loadftone ib. Julius Cafar conquered Tournay 2 1 5 Juries Grand ; fee Grand-Juries. Juftice, &* Offences; maintains Kings, 62. ItsExe. cution by Queen Elifabeth 122 of God purfues Sinners 6 1 Juxon (Bp.) made Lord Treafurer 478 Kemtefs (Dr.) unjuft Treatment for his Sermon on the 30th of January 463 King, the Meaning thereof, in the Englijb Laws, 6. When a King may name his Succeffor 430 King of England, to whom he is reftrained by Parlia- ment not to grant Pardons, 4. To whom account- able, 5. Concerning his Right to rule, or Title of Law by Inheritance, and Defcent to the Crown of England, 5. Has a Natural and Politick Body, 7. How feduced and mifguided by evil Counfellors and Favourites, 52, &c. How he ought to beftow his Favours, 59. Should make a ftricl Inquiry in- to the Abilities and Virtues of thofe he would employ, ib. How he ought to chufe Counfellors of State, ib. How he may become the Scourge of France and Arbitrator of Europe 492 Kingly Government eftablifhed in England by Brute 208 Kings, Examples for them, 208. Cannot change the Laws, ib. Their principal Moral Virtues, 209. Who are fit to govern, ib. Who have been famous for Juftice, ib. Who have been infamous, ib. Muft be true to their Word, ib. Muft be religious and careful in the Choice of their Counfellors, 210. How they may get and keep the Love of their Subjects, 211. Muft not make War upon every flight Occafion ib. Kit's (St.) Ifland, See St. Cbrijlepber's Ifland Knighthood, the Ceremonies uted for it among the Saxons 458 605 Know/es (Sir Francis) his Iflue, and Quarrel with the Earl of Lticejltr 84 L. Labourers, See Artificers. Lamenefs, and MontJgne"s Opinion thereof 43 Land is the real Wealth of a Nation 343 Land-Tax (Equal) a Prcpofal for it, 485. TheCaufe of the prefent Inequality ib. Lanfrank, an Italian, made Archbifliop of Canterbury, defends his Priority in Place to the Archbifhop of York; received two Palls from the Pope, 45^. The Priority argued on both Sides, 456. How this Difpute ended, and was decreed ib. Language (En-iJJh) Its Perfections, 33. What feems to exclude it from the Title of a Language, ib. Compared with other?, 34. Its Facility, Copiouf- nefs, Sigraficancy, and Sweetnefs, 34, 35. By whom corrupted 36 Lc,ud (Archbifhop) why fufpected of Popery 4^3 Laws (The) Difcovery ; or a Detection of many A- bufes in the Englijb Laws 555 Lawyers, Obfervations concerning them in the Time of the Grand Rebellion 103 Complaint at WeftminJier-Hall, 199. In the Chancery, ib. At the Court of Wards, and Rcqucjls, 2co. For Want of Trade. League (The Triple) How, and on what Account be- gun and concluded, 389. How broken 391 (Catholick) why fo called 403 Leather (Searchers and Sealers of) when liable to be prefented by a Grand-Jury i z Tanned, Offences concerning it 14 Leatbermore's Advice concerning Gaming c,5 Lcicejter, what was done at a Parliament held there in Hen. V's Reign 259 - (The Earl of) quarreled with Boiler, threa- tens him, and is reproved for it by the Queen, 74. His Parentage, 78. His Perfon, 79. His Cha- racter jb. 's (Dr.) Management for the Duke of Buck- ingham, at the Infpection of the Marquis of Hamil- ton's Corpfe 68 Lembi, See Frigates. Lewis XI. How received at Tournay, 219. Confirm- ed its Privileges, ib. His Wars ib. XIV. takes and fortifies Tournay 225 Liberties of England, by whom attempted to be bro- ken, and by whom defended, 3. When and how confirmed 3 Lightning at Norwich, &c. 272 Lincolne (John) Chancellor of the Exchequer 24 Loadftone, its ancient Names, 324. Its Ufe and Properties, 325. When it lofeth its Properties 327 Loan, Means of raifing Money by Loan, when ille- gal 475 Lollards, who fo called, and how perfccuted, 233, 241. What laid to their Charge, 259. Oppreffed by a Parliament at Leicejier ib. tendon burnt 457 London 6o6 London (Will, a Waterman of) Dialogue with Sam and Tom 99 Londoners would have oppofed Will, the Conqueror 44 1 Loquacity, a neceffury Qualification of a Quack 29 X.ove and Luft, the Difference between them 156 Loyalty, attended with great News from Drakes, and Raleigh's Ghofts, a Poem 535, &c. Luft, See Love, and 282 M. Magnes (The) S Loadftone. Maid, See Marriage. Majolo (Count de) See Pra. Malt-makers, when punifhable 15 Margaret, Countefs of Haittault, her Wars with her Son John of Avefnnes 1 8 8 Market (Clerk of the) In what he offends 1 1 Maine, See Hanfe. Marriage and Wiving, or how to chufe a good Wife from a bad, 141, &c. Its Inftitution and Author, 143. Its Excellencies and Confequence and Ufe thereof, 144. Its Signification, 145. At what Years moft convenient, 147. Whether it be belt to marry a Widow or a Maid, 153. Who may lawfully marry, 155. Precepts to be obferved in Wiving or Marriage, 164. See Difcontents, Poly- gamy, Adultery. State, the chief Cancer thereof, 151. See Marriage and Wiving. Married (To the new) Man, a Dedication 168 Martel (Mr.) why confined in the Baflile 382 Martin's (St.) Ifland, See Caribbee I/lands. Martinet's (Jacob) Tryal and Execution 481 Martyrology of the Minifters of the Church of 'England perfecuted by Oliver, Sec. 373 Marfs (Queen) Perfection for Religion, 131. Her Quarrel with the Pope 1 34 Mafts, their Ufe, by whom difcovered 323 Matters, See Artificers. Match of King Charles the Fir ft with a Daughter of France, how hurtful to him and the Nation, See Charles I. Millers, when punimable 1 5 Minifters (111) of State are a great Mifchief 60 - ejefted by the Managers of the Grand Rebel- lion, 373. Diffenting vindicated from the Murder of King Charles I, 512. May not meddle with State Affairs 523 Miner vii, See Nervii. Miniftry (The bad) under Richard II, 22, 24. How they engrofled the King, 23. Of what accufed, ib. condemned and executed 24 Minos, See Navigation. Mifcarriages (The) of King Jame j the FirJTs Reign ; See Tom-Tell -Troath. Mifprifion, See Treafon, Felony. Money, how to be confidered in Regard to the Wealth of a State 342 Monopoly is bad for Trade 362 Mow, its Geography and Hiftory, 180. Where litu- ate, ib. Capital of Huinault, 186. Is furrounded An Alphabetical INDEX. with Waters, 181. By whom firft founded, 182. How then fortified, ib. Deferted by Prince Walbert t firft Earl of Hainault, 183. Reinhabited by St. Waltrud, 183. Improved by Alberick, \ 84. Made noble and free by Charles the Great, 186. Gives Name and Title to an Earl, ib. Was taken by the Emperor Otho, and reftored again by Treaty of Peace, it. Was burnt in the Year 1113, #. Re- built . by Earl Baldwin III, but much improved by Baldwin IV, 187. Several Times taken, 188, 192, 195. How it increafed, after the Year 1436, ib. Better fortified by D. Philip, 189. Is reforti- fied by his Son, 191. And by Philip II, King of Spain, 192. Again by his Son-in- Law Albert, 193. And Philip IV,*King of Spain, ib. And Charles II. King of tya/', it. Was befieged by the French, and relieved by the Prince of Orange, 195. Was taken and completely fortified by Lewis XIV. King of France ib, Moon, Copernicus'* Opinion thereof 561 Mows (Dr.) Opinion concerning the Poifoning of the Marquis of Hamilton 68 Morgans (Sir Henry) Conqueft of Panama 363 Mortification (when neceffary) 2 8z Morton (Nicholas) fent by the Pope to certain Englifo NobJemen to declare Queen Elifabeth an Heretick,, and to ftir them up to Rebellion againft her 12 1' Mortuary, what jig Mountjoy (My Lord) His Extraction, Education, and Perfonage, 92. How and when obferved by the Queen, it. Was provided for by her, it. Was of a martial and roving Nature, ib. See Queea Elifabeth. He brought the Irijh Wars to an End, 93 Mulberry-Trees, how to be increafed and planted, 202; King James I. his Orders concerning the Planting them in England, 203. What Ground is fit for Mulberry-Seeds, 205. How to manage the Plants fprung from the Seeds ib. Murder not to be pardoned by a King 64 N. ,'->-. Nature, when moft pleafed 31, 3 2 Navigation, an Hiftorical Account thereof, 322. By whom invented, it. By whom brought into France and Spain it. Nelfon, See Hanfe. Nervii did firft found Tournay 2 1 5 Netherlands, See Wars, Philip II. Spaniards, when af- fiftedby Q^EIifatetb . 398 Nevil (Alexander) Archbifhop of York, 22. Con- demned and hanged at Tyburn, for High-Treafon Nevis (The Ifland of) See Caribbee I/lands. New, See Queftion. Nicker nicked 96 Normans, their Character 428 Norris (Sir Hairy) why made a Peer, 84. Had fix Sons, all well refpefted by Queen E/ifabetb ib. Norway (a Soldier of) defended Stamford Bridge againft a whole Army, and flew forty of them 435 Novelty, Novelty, how diftinguiflied 3 1 Nufances (Common) are to be enquired after by Grand- Juries jr. O. Oar, its Ufe, by whom difcovered 323 Oath (The) of Queen Elifebeth 74 Obfervations on Queen Elifabetk, her Times and Fa- vourites 7 2 Odd's (Bifhop) bad Character, 45 1 . Governs in the Abfence of William I, expefts to be Pope, is feized by the King's Order and imprifoned, it. His An Alphabetical INDEX. Pc.mphyli 607 3*3 Panama conquered, See Morgan. Pcpifts, See Catbolicks, not perfecuied for Religion See Execution of Juftice. Behaviour in the Reign of King Charles f. Paracelfus, why he did not make himfelf immortal 40 Pardoners, who ,jg Parents muft educate their Children 163 Parifhes, their Number in England, at the Conqueft Riches difcovered and confifcated, Name ib. OfFences, See Peace. Leather. -- , againft Juftice in General 9 Oldbarro*s (The Lord) Daughter found a Roll of Names deftined by the Duke of Buckingham to be poifon- ed 63, 70 Olftcajlle's (Sir John) the Lord Cobham*s Trial by John Bale, 233. Was a Martyr for Chrift's Sake, 235. His Defcent, Education, and Adions, 236, 249. The Caufe of his Condemnation and Death, 238, 249,261,263. By whom> firft accufed, 241. Was intreated by the King to fubmit to his Perfecutors, 242. But he refufeth, ib. 24;. Is cited, but did not appear, 243. The Form of his Belief, ib. Goeth to Court and prefenteth it to the King, who refufed to receive it, 245. Was denied his Appeal to Rome. ib. Is feized and examined before the Archbifhop of Canterbury, &c. ib. and 248. His Faith or Anfwer to the Articles charged againft him, 246. Other Articles fent to him in the Tower, 247, 253. His latter Examination, 248. His Belief concerning the Lord's Supper, 249. His Opinion concerning the Determination of the Church, 250. And the Members of the true Church, 251. Reproacheth his Ecclefiaftick Judges, ib. The definitive Sentence of his Condemnation, 255. His Behaviour after the Sentence was pronounced, 256. Prayed for his E- nemies, ib. Procures a Bill to be publickly fixed in feveral Places of London to aflure the People of his Stedfaftnefc, 257. His Abjuration counterfeited by the Biftiops, ib. Sir John efcaped out of the Tower, 260. Is retaken by Lord Po*vci$ in Wales, ib. Was again condemned, and executed, 261, 263. The contrary Behaviour of him, and the Priefts, ib. 263 ,H.U, ft/. ilia b. His Nick- Parliament (Afts of) which are the firft now extant in Print - , that differed with King Charles \, its Cha- nter 7 6 T The Bloody, in the Reign of an unhappy Pnnce, 22. How it provided for the Safety of the Kingdom /^ , called at Oxford, by King Charles II, 99. The Lord's Petition againft it ib. " fcfcj an Order for its Vifitation, with a Form of Prayer for its Recovery, being troubled with a Confumption of its Members 370 1 ' Men not exceeding fixteen Years of Age, when, 76. Who were chofen in King Charles IPs Reign, 102. Honeft and worthy their Character 336 s > their Antiquity and Dignity, 114. When firft called, ib. Continued by Hen. Ill, ib. For what Reafons called by Edw. I, Edw. II, Edw. Ill, I ij, 1 1 6. By Rich. II, 1 17. By Henry V, 119, By Hen. VI, ib. By Ed. IV, Henry VII, and Henry VIII , 2O ~~~. how often they ought to be called accord- ing to their original Conftitution, 3. How abufed by former Kings, 3, 4. See Voice Negative. Suf- fer in their Credit by having too many young Men Parma (The Duke of) how he furprifed Tournay 224 1 (The Princefs of) married at Bruffels, 394,. Is petitioned by the States of the Netherlands, 39 j. Direds them what to do, and granted them the To- leration of their Religion, ib. A Trick to evade this Liberty, and to ruin them, ib. Why flie en- tertained Soldiers 395 Parry, why permitted to have Accefs to the Queen, whom he contrived to kill "" 8 J His Verfes againft the Abufes of the Clergy, 262. wnom tie contrived to kill 83 His Body was burnt, 265. His Conftancy, 264. PauFs (St.) London burnt, 457. By whom rebuilt ib. Compared with Thomas Becket ib. Orange's (The Prince of) Danger at the Battle of St. Dennis 195 Ordinary, See the Bifhop's- Court. Overfeers, See Poor, Highways. . Oxford (Tom a Bargeman of) Dialogue with Sam and wm 99 p. Pacquet-Boat- Advice 380, &c. Packington (Sir John) His Extraction and Character Palatinate, and^leftor Palatine, See Tom~TeU~Troatb t Marquis of Wincbefter, ferved Treafurer to four Princes 77 Peace (OfFences and Trefpafles againft the) which are finable 9 (Clerk of the) In what he may offend againft Juftice 1 1 Peace and War, See the Reafons for calling Parlia- ment. Penance enjoined the Confort of King Charles I, by her Confeflbr 469 People, what Sort increafe the Wealth of a Nation 34-3. 344- 6o8 An Alphabetical INDEX. People's Power in Refpe to their Governors, 2. Defend their Liberties and Rights, 3. Demand to be governed by K. Edward's Laws ib. Ptrcn (Sir) hired by Henry of Bullhigbroke to murder K. Richard II, in Pomfret Caille 2; Peril, Secretary of State. Perrot (Sir John) His Extradion, 85, 86. Was Lord Deputy of Ireland, ib. Was condemned for High Treafon, and pardoned, ib. His Death in the Tower 86 Per/ons's (Robt.) Faculties from Rome, \ 30. See Je- fats. Petition, See Popery. Pewterers, See Brafiers. Ptyto, named a Cardinal in Difgrace to Cardinal Peek I 34 Phafelus 323 Phoenicians, See Navigation. Philip II, King of Spain, his Wars with the Dutch, igz, 224. Fortified M confirm his Victory, 441. Marched to London with rire and Sword, ib. Was received into London and crownei King, 442. The Me.ins he ufed to hold and fecure his Crown, ib. Wars with Malcolm, King of Scotland, 442. And Feace with him, 443. How he fecured himfelf from Rebellion, ib. Ad- vanced none but Foreigners to Ecclefiatiical Digni- ties, and leflened the temporal Power of Bilhops, ib. Several of whom he had depofed, 444. Searched all Monafterics, &c. for Money, and feized many of them for his own Ufe, and regulated them ail to his own Advantage, ib. Difarmed the meaner Sort of People, ib. Seized the Charters, &c. of Towns, &c. ib. He ereded feveral Caftles, 44;. How he imitated Co-far, ib. Gained two more Battles againft the Sons of Harold, ib. Demolifhed thirty-fix Towns in Hamjjbitc, near the Sea, to make a Foreft, ib. Which Piace proved fatal to two of 4 H 2 hfc 6 i2" An Alphabetical his Sons and a Grandfon, ib. Is attacked by the Swedes and Athding, whom herepe'.led, and his fe- vere punimment of the Northffh Counties for re- ceiving and joining with them, 44 '<. Why he or- dered the Eighth a-Clock Bell to ring ev^ry Night, . ib. Why he fpared the Lands of St. "John ofBe=vcrley, ib. What Laws he eftabli(hed,/. Granted a Charter to London, ib. Was furprifcd by the Kentijhmen at S--wanefcomb, under the Command of Archbifhop Stigand, &c. ib. Orders Seals to be fet to all Deeds_ and Charters, alters the Method of Suits at Law, ap- points an aclual Survey of all Lands to be entered in Doomfday-Pook, and referves Dominion in Chief of all the Lands he grants, 447. How he tempered his Severities, 448. His Coronation-Oath, ib. His Favour to thofe that iiad oppofed and fubmitted to him afterwards, 449. His Character, ib. - Im- prifons Odo, Bifhop of Bayonne , and Earl of Kent, ib. His War with the King of France^ and the Oc cafion thereof, ib. Marched to the Walls of Paris, fickened, returned to Roan and died, 452. His Behaviour during his Sicknefs, ib. His dead Body was quite abandoned by his Servants and Lords, and left almoft naked on the Ground, ib. Was at lalt carried to Caen, and buried in St. Stephen's Church, at the Charge of one Her//tf