3„V — n • THIRTEEN YEARS SERVICE AMONGST THE WILD TKIBES OF KHONDISTAN A PERSONAL NARRATIVE THIRTEEN YEARS SERVICE AMONGST THE WILT) TRIBES OF KHONDISTA?^ you THK SUPPEE.S8I0X OF HUMAX SACKIFK'E. MAJOR GENERAL JOHN CAMPBELL, C.B. LONDON : HURST AND BLACKETT, PUBLISHERS, SUCCESSORS TO HENRY COLBUEN, 13, GREAT MAKLBOllOUGII STllEET. 1864. 'f/ic rijjld of Tntushiliuii is rcnerct'd. / 0_-<3 CHAPTER VII. Intrigues of a Kliond Chief in Boad — Measiu-es taken there by me, assisted by Captain ]Macviccar, to suppress Ilimian Sacrifice — Dis- cussions with the Leaders — Comparison of New Zealand Savage and lOiond — The Young WaiTiors — ]My Prolonged Sojourn in Boad — Effects of the Unhealthy Climate — The Chiefs Pledgetl not to permit Human Sacrifice — Rescue of Two Hundred and Thii-ty-Five Intended Victims — Ceremonies during a Sacrifice — I quit Boad ...... 105 CHAPTER Vni. Description of Chinna Iviinedy — Superstitious Practices there — I propose a plan of Operations — By a Hasty March I prevent a General Sacrifice — Conciliate the Rajahs — Condition of these Mountaineers — Elephant Idols Overtlirown — Recovery of Two Hundred and Six Intended Victims — Successful Results of the ^lission — Xew Road in Progress — The Khond Language — Effects of Fever — Am ordered to the Cape . . . 119 CHAPTER IX. A Visit to the Tribes of Sooradah — Practice of Infanticide — Origin of the Custom — Remedy for Female Infanticide — Apathy of the Mothers — Prejudice in Favom- of Mamage with Women of other Tribes — I propose a Remedy — The Ivhonds agree to rear their Female Offspring — ]\Iy Report to Government — Establish- ment of Schools — The Astrologer at the Birth of an Infant — His Predictions — Influence of the Xative Priests . . . 139 CHAPTER X. Antiquity of Human Sacrifice — Traditions — Idea of the Inferiority of AV'omeu — Self-immolation cncoiu-aged — ]Murder an Act of VI 11 CONTENTS. Religion — The Kill 'J'libes of Orissa — l-^xtraordinaiy Rei)ort forwarded to Govermueut in 1841 — Its Chussification of the Deities of the Khonds — No Trace of them t<^j be found during my Sojourn among them — Dancing and Drinking — Some Account of Sunderah Singh and Baha lihan — Notes and Queries . . . . . 153 CHAPTER XI. Captain Frye — His Visit to the Hill Tribes of Chinna Kimedy — His Arrangements on behalf of Rescued ^leriahs — A Sacrifice pre- vented — Visit to Upper Goomsur by Captain ]Macviccar — Es- tablishment of Schools — State of Boad — Klionds of Maji Deso — Their Practice of Human Sacrifice — Patna — Suppression of the Rite there — Captain ]\Iacviccar's Views respecting the Present Condition of the Country — Result of his Labours . 173 CHAPTER Xn. Return to my Duties and proceed to INIahasingi — ^Description of this District — Go on to Bissum Cuttack — The Tat Rajah, Narraindiu- Deo — His Feud with the Rajah of Jeypore — Rescue of Meriahs — Ryabiji — Chunderpore — Godairy — Lumbargam — Attack on my Camp — Attack repelled and Meriahs brought in — Bimdari — Junnah Sacrifices — Revisit Sooradah — Infanticide — Flight of Khonds to my Camp — Account of the Meiiahs settled in the Low Coimtry ...... 193 CHAPTER Xm. re\dsit the Infauticidal Districts — Results — Again enter Chinna Kimedy and prevent a Sacrifice in Bondigam — Further Submis- sions in these Districts — Restoration of some Original Meriahs — Conduct of the Tribes of Toopmiga — ColUsion and Subsequent Sm-reuder of these Tribes — Proceed to Bundari in Jej'pore — Revisit Ryabiji — The One Exception in Jeypore — Some Account of the Kootiah Khonds — Kalahimdy — Patna — Ruined Temjiles — Muddenpore — IMahasingi — Revisit Boad — Nmnber of Victims rescued during the Season — Return to the Low Comitry . 219 CONTENTS. IX CHAPTER XIV. All the Tribes of Upper and Lower Chinna Kimedy visited — Their Prosperity and Increasing Familiarity —Proclamation — Re- ply of Khond Chiefs — Act of Courage of a Rescued Vic- tim — Tigers in the Jungle — Delivery of Runaway INIeriahs — Capture of a Notorious Kidnapper — Reception at Jeypore — No Sacrifice there since 1852 — Ryaghui- and Linkapore — Some Account of them — Tooamool — Sickness — Accoiont of People and Coimtry — Bundusir — Rajah Futty Narrain Deo of Kalahimdy — Concluding Remarks. . . . . . . . 237 CHAPTER XV. Native Coimcils and Debates respecting the Abolition of the I\Ieriah Sacrifice — Opinions of Captain Hill respecting their Rajahs — Their ISIiuisters — ^]My Efforts to secm-e their Co-operation — Ceremonious Visits — Proceedings of the Durbar — Ooryah Chiefs — ^Ij Attempts to conciliate them — Loyalty of Narraindur Deo — Report of ]\Ir. Stubbins — Villages estabUshed by me — Captain M'Neill's Accomit of them — Number of Rescued Victims — How they were disposed of — Liberality of the Government — I leave India ....... 251 CHAPTER XVI. Recent Geological Survey of India — The Coast of Orissa — Chilka Lake — Arrangement of the Beds — ^Alleged Discoveries of Coal and Iron — Alluvial Plain — HiUs— Jungle — Rare ISIinerals — Talcheer and Aturgh Basins — Sandstone Series — Carboniferous Series — Upper Grit — River Gold — Building ISIaterials — Report of Lieutenant Rigby on the Stone and Timber of the Country — IVIanufactiu'e of Salt — Rice — Vegetation, and Character of the Flora — Oil Producing Plants — Sugar Cane — Tobacco — Abun- dance of Fish ......... 273 APPENDIX 303 ILLUSTRATIONS. Rescued Meriah Woman and Children, . . . Vignette Human Sacrifice as practised in Goomsur, Khondistan, Frontispiece OoRYAH (Hindoo) Chief, of Khondistan — Khond Weapons in the background, . . . To face page 1 6 Sebundies at Russelcondah prepaiung for their Departure to the Khond Hills, . . „ G5 KiioND Chiefs of Chinna Kimedy in their ordi- nary Costume, ...... „ 120 Meriahs rescued from Sacrifice, ... „ 132 Rescued Meriah A'^ictims, .... ,, 213 Sketch Map. Fo7- a more jmrticular desci-iptlon of the above Illustrations, see Appendix, p. 316. CHAPTER I. GEOGRAPHY OF ORISSA — CHANGES OF MASTERS — ITS CONDITION AS A PORIION OF BRITISH INDIA — ANTIQUITIES IN THE ANCIENT CAPITAL — NOVELTY IN AGRICULTURE — REMAINS OF NATIVE SCULPTURE IN THE TEMPLE OF GRAMESWARA— TRAVELS OF A CHINESE HIOCIEN THSANG HIS ACCOLTNT OF THE CAPITAL — RUINED CITY OF BHUHA- NESAR — ROCK CAVES OF KHANDIGIBI — TEMPLE OF THE SUN AT KA- N.VRAK — MILITARY OPERATIONS OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY IN ORISSA AT THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE PRESENT CENTURY — WILD TRIBES OF THE HILL DISTRICTS — VEGETATION — VILLAGES — THE KHONT)S — CULTIVATION OF COTTON — COSTUME AND ARMS — MUSIC — DRESS — FOOD — COURT CEREMONIALS — OORYA AND KHOND LAN- GUAGES — PROCEEDINGS OF THE MISSIONARIES IN KHONDISTAN. CHAPTER I. It is probable that in England few persons possess any great knowledge of that portion of our Indian empire which is formed out of the kingdom of Orissa, and still fewer take any interest in its ancient or modern history. Although this narrative will have almost exclusive reference to the Khonds and tribes inhabit- ing the mountain ranges of this once renowned sovereignty, it may not be unacceptable to general readers to learn some particulars of a province once held in the highest estimation in the East. Orissa lies between the eighteenth and twenty-third parallels of north latitude, and the eighty-third and eighty-seventh of east longitude. Its boundaries are tlie Bay of Bengal on the east, Gondwana on the west, the river Godavery on the south, and Bchar and Bengal on the north. Its extreme length is about four himdred miles, its average breadth seventy ; and it B 2 4 OIIISSA. encloses an area of twenty- eight thousand square miles. This description, however, it must be observed, applies to the low country as well as to the hills, but the tribes amongst whom I so long laboured inhabit the latter only, and deserve to be regarded as amongst the most interesting vestiges of the ancient king- dom. A great Oriental scholar has said, that " of all the regions of the earth, Burata Khond is the most distin- guished ; and of all the regions of Burata Khond, Utkala Khond boasts the highest renown. In its entire extent it is a place of pious pilgrimage. Its happy inhabitants live secure of a reception into the world of spirits, and those who visit the country, and bathe in its sacred rivers, obtain remission of their sins, though they may be as heavy as mountains. Who shall adequately describe its blessed streams," continues the enthusiastic Pundit, " its holy temples, its fragrant flowers, its delicious fruits, and all the attractions and advantages of dwelling in so favoured a land ? But where can be the necessity of attempting its panegyric ? — it is a paradise, in which the devotees delight to dwell" Bharadwagee Muni, in the Russila Sanhita, another Indian authority, one of the famous generals of the renowned Emperor Akbar, when marching an army through this attractive province, was so amazed CHANGES OF MASTERS. 5 at the crowd of Brahmins who peopled it, the magni- ficent stone temples and other structures of its ancient capital, Bhuvaneswar, and by the marvellous beauty of the holy river, Mahanuddy, that flowed through its verdant lands, that he solemnly exclaimed, " It is not proper that this country should be sought as an object of human ambition, it belongs exclusively to the Gods ; it is a place of continual pilgrimage." The country once so highly esteemed appears to have parted with the majority of its claims to such regard, for the English traveller might penetrate its jungles and its marshes, climb its steepest hills and ford its deepest rivers, without coming upon any evi- dence either of the wonderful beauty of its landscape, or the marvellous magnificence of its cities. Orissa has had several changes of masters. An in- scription found on a stone taken from a temple in Cuttack, translated in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, commences Avith reference to its conquest, by Janamajaya, the King of Telinga ; but - the country had been appropriated by foreign con- querors long before. India suffered under three moral cataclasms, that produced the most complete revolution ; these were the Buddhistic, the Brahmin- ical, and the Mahomedan, and their influence pene- ' trated to Orissa. Some remains of its ancient great- ness were evident as late as the year 1838, when (J FORMER GREATNESS OF ORISSA. Lieutenant Kittoe, during a tour in the country, ac- knowledged that it possessed more temples, sacred spots, and relics, than any other province in Hin- dostan. The ancient Orissa, as it existed under the rule of the Princes of the Gunga Vansa line for nearly four centuries as an independent monarchy, or as it flour- ished as a principality of the Mogul empire, is scarcely to be recognised in that dependency of British India, now known as the Zillah of Cuttack, which includes the most considerable portion of the hill districts or country of the Khonds. It has gone on diminishing in extent from the conquests of the Uria or Oo]*yali nation (whence its name), when it included a consider- able portion of Bengal and Telingana, till it was con- fined to what was known more than fifty years ago as the district of Cuttack, to which Mr, Sterling de- voted a quarto volume, entitled, "An Account, Geographical, Statistical, and Historical of Orissa Proper, or Cuttack." Much of the country, which native authorities de- scribe as the Eden of their deities, is in a state of wilderness, marshy woodland and thick forest, abound- ing in wild animals ; and the enterprising English sportsmen, who have penetrated these, haunts of the tiger, the panther, the buffalo, and the bear, have brought back, with the spoils of the chase, only slight REMAINS OF THE ANCIENT CAPITAL. 7 . contributions towards a knowledge of the geography of the district. As a sketch of the natural history of the country will be found in the concluding chapter of this volume, I shall confine my attention here to an account of some interesting features of its history. Lieutenant Kittoe made an exploration of the',\ country in the year 1838, an account of which he published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal ^ of that year. Of the ancient capital of the kingdom, which he calls Kurda, at the time of his visit, nothing remained but the rough walls of the palace, and some of the gateways of the city. He describes the temples on the hill of Kassilas, a place of pilgrimage, as well as an annual fair for the people of Orissa, and other ancient temples at Badeswar. At Atturva, a considerable village on the banks of the Brahmini, he met for the first time with large herds of bufialoes and other cattle, and came upon an extensive field of cultivation. " I here," he states, " observed a method of tilling ^ the land quite novel to me ; the fields are dug with long and heavy crow-bars, each clod, as it is turned up, is bruised with the bar, and thus prepared for the seed without. using the plough; indeed, the stiff" nature of the soil would not admit of its being ploughed in the dry season. This practice I found 8 HISTORICAL NOTICES. to prevail tliroughout the valley of the Brahmini, "which tract is very fertile." Ilis description of the sculptures in the temple of Grameswara, near Ratrapan, shows to what extent the art had been cultivated in Orissa in the era of its prosperity, and his transcripts of the various inscrip- tions discovered by him at Dhauli, in Cuttack, disco- vered to be edicts promulgated by Asoka, king of India, assist in establishing the ancient importance of the country. A few historical notices may be gleaned from much earlier authorities, and I will refer to some of them in illustration of the bygone greatness of Orissa. A Chinese traveller, disguised as a religious men- dicant, penetrated this now obscure district within the second quarter of the seventh century, when it was a place thought worthy of being visited by a great man on his travels. Tliis personage, who was known as Hiocien Thsang, managed to achieve a durable reputation for himself among his countrymen for his geographical knowledge. His travels in India were compiled by two of his scholars, and have been trans- lated into French by M. Stanislas Julien.* There is another w^ork,f produced in the Central * Histoire de la Vie de Hiocien Thsang, et dc ses Voj^ages dans rinde, depuis I'an 629 jusq'en 645. t "Si-ya-ki, ou Memoires sur les Contrces Oceidentales." HIOCIEN THSANG's TRAVELS. 9 Flowery Land, by a distinguished Chinese author, known as Pien-ki, which M. Julien has also trans- lated. It describes the adventures of the illustrious Hiocien Thsang. From both these works a digest has been made for English oriental scholars by the late Professor H. H. Wilson, for the Koyal Asiatic / Society of Great Britain, and is published in the thir- v teenth volume of their Journal. From this account it is evident that, before the ■ middle of the seventh century, the capital of the kingdom of U-cha (Orissa), where Hiocien Thsang remained for some time, was an important city, and the seat of a powerful government. Indian reports, therefore, of the glorious past of this land of jungle and barbarism, are not to be entirely discredited. The narrative is very curious — indeed, the picture it gives of Hindostanand the adjoining countries, during the sixteen years' wanderings of the accomplished tra- veller, deserves to *be regarded as unique. He anti- cipated Marco Polo by about six hundred years, and explored a much larger portion of India. So com- plete, however, are the changes which have passed over nearly all these states since his visit, that it is very difficult to identify the places he describes. There is room for very little question, however, that v the people of Orissa, at this date, were better off than their contemporary Anglo-Saxons. 10 ROCK CAVES OF KIIANDIGIRl. Among the monuments of interest in Orissa is the ruined city Bhuhanesan. A recent explorer says : — " The traveller emerges all at once from paddy fields into the midst of a deserted city — another Pal- myra — ruins of temples all around, but no wor- shippers." * These are vestiges of a greatness that has long passed away. Similar changes have fallen upon African cities, but in India they are not con- fined to this district. Jungle may have overgrown many of its popular places, just as a similar rank vegetation has obliterated the residence of the once powerful Janak and his court, in the Nepal Terai — five such cities and a busy population have been sw^ept away from the Sunderbunds, and the ruins of another are to be found in Perulia. About six miles from the Palmyra, are to be found the rock-cut caves of Khandigiri, Avhere a colony of Buddhist hermit monks once resided, their Pali in- scriptions having stood there for at least two thousand years. One of tlie verandahs has been fashioned like a tiger's head, yet probably that animal was less a subject of superstitious regard to the ancient Orissans than it is to their descendants, the increase in the jungle having made its savage characteristics more familiar to and more dreaded by the latter. -^J-- * Rev. J. Long. " Notes and Queries suggested by a Visit to Orissa, in 185!?. '" Journal of Asiatic Sociey of Bengal, xxxiii., 194. TEMPLE OF THE SUN. 11 The temple of the sim at Kanarak, erected about the twelfth century, is ornamented with clever carvings, representing the planets, as well as with well-cut figures of lions and elephants ; these prove that the plastic as well as the mechanical arts had made greater progress in Orissa than they had con- temporaneously in England. There used to be ruins also in the ancient city of Cuttack, which indicates a remote antiquity, as well as an advanced civiliza- tion. |_In short, there can be no doubt that the country had sunk from a flourishing kingdom to something approaching a wilderness. It has gone through various religious phases — has been Buddhist, is now Hindoo, in the low lands ; whilst in the hills is a worse heathenism than either. Revolution after revolution swept over Orissa, changing the aspect of the country materially ; still it maintained a name among the states of Hindostan till the year 1558, when its sovereignty ceased, and it became an out- lying province of the Great Mogul's empire. Upon the breaking up of this powerful state, the more valuable portions of the country were seized by the Nizam of Hydrabad. Change, however, succeeded change. European settlements began to be made in Hindostan, and Christian masters succeeded Mahome- dan, Buddhists, and Brahmins. A part of the country long known as the Northern Circars be- 12 MILITARY OPERATIONS. came a French colony. The French made a vigorous effort to drive the English, wlio had also made trading settlements in the same ]iart of the world, out of India, but did not succeed. The Mahrattas had seized upon part of Orissa in 1740, bnt were forced to surrender this to England in 1803. The result of our struggle with France for supremacy in India is well known?! Almost at the commencement of the century, the soldiers of the East India Company were marched into Orissa ; but arrangements being made by which the chiefs agreed to pay tribute, the only warlike operation was that performed by a detachment of 7000 men sent against a strong fort, commanded by one of the native princes, at the head of a numerous army, com- posed of Ooryas, a brave native race, that partly sub- dued the Khonds; but the English rule was soon estab- lished, and the principal chiefs and princes paid tribute to the amount of 118,687 rupees to the Anglo-Indian Government at Calcutta, the said Government stipu- lating to perform certain services for the advantage of the said country — one maintaining the river em- bankments amounted in the year 1814 to 40,514 rupees. The princes were to retain a more than nominal independence, for the power of life and death remained in their "hands, and they could levy war against their neighbours without seeking or obtaining THE KHOND TERRITORY. 13 the permission of the British Government. So long ^ as they paid their annual tribute they did pretty much as they pleased. The hill districts of Orissa, termed in their lan- guage Maliah, from the Sanscrit Mala, a garland, so called from the abundance of jungle, are peopled generally by Khonds, or Kui, as they call themselves. There are, however, other wild tribes, named re- spectively Koles, Gonds, and Sourahs. It is, how- ever, chiefly with the Khonds that I have had to do. These are all subjects, to a certain extent, of the Eajah or prince ruling over the lowland territory in their neighbourhood. The relation they owe and the obedience they yield their Rajahs will appear more clearly as my narrative proceeds. Much of the Khond territory is little better than a wilderness, although it comprises some thousand square miles, where valleys and stretches of level ravines occasionally intersect the forest of thick brushwood. Wherever the land is cleared, it is cultivated for rice or dhall, a kind of bean much prized for food. The highest elevation is not more than three thousand feet. The ascent to the Khond hills, from Goomsur up the Khoorminghia Pass, is upwards of two thousand feet, and there is another sharp ascent from Serampur to Guddapur. Coarse grass and shrubs cover these acclivities. 14 THE KHONDS. where no attempt at cultivation has been made. Beds of rocky torrents occur frequently, but running streams are sometimes found, such as the Bugundi, which waters the valleys of the Maji Deso, and feeds the Mahanuddy river, near Sohnpore ; in short, as in all mountain lands, there is abundance of water, though it is turned to less account, by the inhabitants of the villages, for agricultural purposes than it might be. The Khonds consider themselves the lords and owners of the soil, and no tribe will ever part Avith land for any consideration whatever. The property in a single tree will be tenaciously defended for cen- turies, and never yielded save in obedience to over- whelming necessity. Their villages, of which I will say more by-and-bye, vary greatly in extent and popuLation, sometimes consisting of a single street with a few families, and sometimes of a community numbering three to four hundred. As a race, the Khonds are not remarkable; the men are often well formed, and in every way superior to the women, the latter being short in figure, and very plain in feature. To European ideas they are certainly most repulsive. If, as some have asserted, they are the descendants of the Indo-Tartar tribes that fled for refuge to the mountainous forests from the pursuit of the destroyer, I can only say that they AGRICULTURE AND TRADE. lo have contrived to lose all the intellectual and nearly- all the physical attributes by which these people were characterized. The Khonds are a degenerate race, with all the ignorance and superstition of savages. Although it cannot be affirmed that the Khonds turn the resources of their country to the best account, still they are not a slothful race, as they bring very i, much more of the land into tillage than is required to - supply their wants. The head man of each village , usually acts as chief merchant, buying and bartering - whenever he can profitably do so. If no travelling merchants pass through the villages and purchase their produce, then the Khonds carry it in baskets, . slung at each end of a pole, to neighbouring fairs and - markets in the low country. In this way, mustard, castor oil seeds, ginger, turmeric, sweet potatoes, yams, plantains, citron, gourds, pumpkins, beans, to- bacco, are reared and sold. The cotton shrub is abundant everywhere, but turned to no account. I have heard it asserted that cotton might be extensively cultivated on the Khond hills, but I am not. competent to give a decided opinion. The presence of the cotton shrub al- most everywhere certainly favours the idea, but if very careful European supervision is needful success- fully to cultivate this plant, then I do not think very much of it can be expected from the hill tracts of Orissa. 16 COSTUME AND ARMS. y Constant exposure in this climate would soon piove fatal to any European constitution, and this circum- stance alone must prevent these obscure districts from ever becoming the seats of prosperous industry or great commercial enterprise. Oranges and lemons abound, but generally of a very inferior description. ^ The Khond usually carries a long staff, but when armed he wears a turban ornamented with a showy crest of feathers, and a strong cloth encircling his loins ; he carries a boAv and arrows, and a battle-axe with the blade in two divisions. He marches to battle singing, shouting, and brandishing his battle- axe, most commonly under the influence of strong potations. The matchlock and shield are the favourite weapons of the people inhabiting the Southern dis- trict ; but the curious and formidable battle-axe seems most relied on by the heroes of Boad and Goomsur. They are not without musical instruments, of a rude kind, with which they contrive to make a good deal of noise at their festivals, drums and trumpets being most in request. There is also a lute, of two wires, stretched over a gourd, and a shepherd's pipe. Their concerts are pastoral as well as elegiac, the instru- ments accompanying rustic and man-iage songs — the ceremonial of the priest, and the amatory confession of the lover. Something in the way of verse is LullYAll (IIINDOO^ CHIEF OF KliOXDISTAX: KHOND WEAl'OXS IX THE BACKGROUND. MUSIC AND POETRY. 17 attempted, with pretensions to rhythm and metre ; but the composition scarcely amounts to poetry. The poet chants rather than sings, accompanied by a player on the two-stringed lute, something after the fashion of penillion singing in Wales, only that the Welsh bard is much better off for music. Neverthe- less, the effect is wild, and not unpleasing, even to refined European ears. Probably these performances have degenerated, like the people who flock to them, and are vestiges of musical and poetical excellence that flourished in the ancient kingdom — the ruins of a lost civilization, that distinguished Orissa in a far distant age. Nothing, however, very flattering to either Ooryah or Khond can be made out, either of the melodies or of the versification. They are as barbarous as the country and the people. The toilet of the Khond does not require much attention or expense, seeing that his entire costume usually consists of a piece of coarse cloth worn round . his loins — a narrow strip, woven in the country, with the ends of a gay colour, having a smart fringe. The head-dress, however, is a much more elaborate, afiair. The hair being worn very long, is drawn and rolled into the fashion of a horn, that projects from between the eyes, and is wrapped in a piece of yvA cloth, decorated with bright feathers. In this the c 18 DRESS OF THE KIIOND WOMEN. Khond generally places his (jomb, pipe, and other little domestic requisites. The Bissoi, or chief, and his family, are much better off for clothing ; indeed, he not unfrcquently assumes robes of state, varying from a red blanket ■with a gaudy fringe, to a dress of honour of silk or other expensive fabric, which he has received as a present from the Sirkar, or European agent of Government. The dress of the Khond women varies from that of the males. Nothing is Avorn over the bosom, and the cloth that is fastened round their middle seldom reaches to the knee. Brass rings ornament the ears of both sexes, sometimes the nostrils also ; necklaces of the same metal, or a string of glass beads, adorn the neck, and heavy brass bands the arms. In short, sucli ornaments are in so much favour, that they are almost as greatly prized as strips of red cloth. Copper coins are sometimes used for personal decora- tion ; generally, however, for children, when strung together by way of necklace ; but there is very little money in the villages, and in some, its use being unknown, it is often refused in payment for articles of barter. Their ordinary diet is mostly vegetable — dhal and rice, boiled into a broth or porridge ; but the hunters eat freely of what they kill of wild game, rarely slauglitering domestic animals for food. They HINDOO ZEMINDARS. 19 distil intoxicating liquors from rice and from the maliwa flowers, in which they indulge, as well as in the fermented juice of the palm. They also smoke; tobacco universally, and at every opportunity tliat permits of the indulgence. The principal Hindoo Zemindars of the districts . comprising the hill tracts, maintain little courts at- their respective seats of government — as at Boad, Duspullah, Patna, Kimedy, Guddapoor, &c. There is an appearance of feudal vassalage and rule maintained by these petty monarchs, who are surrounded by a staff of ministers and other officials, who manage the affairs of the district. These liajahs and their officers are the greatest possible sticklers in all matters of court ceremony. If one of them visits a village chief, he is met by the latter, accompanied by all the followers he can muster, and saluted with a low obeisance. The village chief then presents the feudal tribute, washes his superior's feet, and escorts him with music to his house, before which a spot has been swept and purified. Here are placed a lamp and a vessel full of water, in which a small branch of the mango-tree is immersed. The wife of the village chief then brings some rice, and showing it to the illustrious visitor, describes a circle round his head with joined palms ; which done, she throws the rice away, and sprinkles the water on the roof of the house. c2 20 OORYAII LANGUAGE. He is then escorted to a house set apart for liim, where lie resides, his charge being borne by the village community. Miitchlocks are fired off, and the Khond subjects of the E,ajah assemble to give him welcome. Should a beast of the chase be presented, he receives it, and distributes it at his pleasure. In former times, before our Government came in contact with these Rajahs, a fixed sum w^as paid by all these hill villages as tribute, which has now almost ceased, although the Rajahs continue to exercise a certain influence ; and I always sought their aid as a preliminary measure. The importance v/hich I attached to their co-operation in suppressing human sacrifices amongst their hill subjects necessarily in- creased their own importance, of which they are very jealous, and I did not generally find them inaccessible to arguments that held out a prospect of personal advantage. The Ooryah language is, of course, spoken by these Rajahs, who can only understand their Khond sub- jects through interpreters. The Khond language did not exist as a written dialect until Captain Frye, at my request, reduced it to a written form, using the Ooryah character ; and there are now several little works which are made use of in the schools established in Khondistan, The Khond language is capable of nnu'li force of expression, as I have had frequent oc- MISSIONARY PROCEEDINGS. ^i casion to notice at the many "councils" I have held with the tribes. The orator, on such occasions, com- mences his address in a low voice, gradually warming with his subject, into Avhich he seems to throAv his whole soul, and rapidlyjerking out a succession of sharp utterances. He is regarded with deep attention by all assembled. At the conclusion of a lons^ harans-ue, the speaker glances round with a somewhat frightened look, and a general murmuring takes place in the assembly. An appeal has recently been put forth by the mis- sionaries in Orissa, for assistance in carrying out the conversion of the Khonds, and two of their number have devoted themselves to this work. I heartily wish, in common with every Christian both in Eng- land and India, for the success of an object so desir- able. I regret that these gentlemen have resolved to dwell in the low country, and expect the Khonds to come to them ; but I trust this is only preparatory to a lengthy annual residence in the hill tracts, and constant visits to the hill villages. Khondistan may be traversed in winter Avith comparative impunity ; and I hope that the missionaries will endeavour to acclimatise themselves during this season — for, without their personal presence and constant super- vision, the hill tribes are not likely to become con- 22 TROSPECTS or CONVERSION. verts, and certainly will not remain so, should they be induced to profess Christianity ? Other characteristics of these wild tribes will be described in the account I have given, in subse- quent chapters, of each province I visited. CHAPTETv 11. THE KHOXDS DESCENDANTS OF THE ABORIGINES — THEIR OORYAH RULERS — PRIDE OF ^VNCESTRY — ANNUAL TRIBUTE FROM THE HILL CHIEFS TO THE ^VNGLO-LNDIAN GO^TLRXMENT — DESCRIPTION OF GOOJISUR AND ITS RAJAH — STRECKARAH BUNGE DEFIES THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT — HIS 0\'ERTHROW AND SUBSEQUENT REVOLT — HIS SON'S REBELLION — MILITARY FORCE SENT AGAINST HIM — I AM APPOINTED ASSISTANT AND SECRETARY TO THE POLITICAL AGENT — A SEVEN YTEARS' CAM- PAIGN IN THE HILLS — THE DORA BISSYE — CONQUEST OF GOOMSUR — CASUALTIES BY THE WAR. 25 CHAPTER II. The appearance, habits, dress, and other character- istics of the Khonds point out these people as de- scendants from the aboriginal inhabitants of the country.* On the eastern side, Telingahs, Ooryahs, &c., have driven them from the narrow fertile belt between the mountains and the sea ; while on the western side of the Gliarits, the Gonds from Nagpore have encroached to the very foot of the hills. At present villages of both Ooryahs and Khonds are scattered throughout the wide and dense forests of Patna, Kalahundy, Jeypore, Kariall; and Nowaguddah. No Khonds, however, are to be found we8tward of Kariall and Nowaguddah. The space over which ^ this wild tribe is scattered, extends from the north of the Mahanuddy to as far south as the river Godavery. Between these two points, the country is divided v into forty or fifty petty principalities, ruled over by chiefs of the Ooryah caste. For although the * HiU's Reports, 1838. ^ 26 Tin: KAJAIIS. ' Klionds, who inhabit only the mountain ranges, profess to be very independent, they in reality are subject to these low country rulers, and, in one way or another, acknowledge a certain kind of submission. Sometimes, it is true, the tribes quarrel with their lowland chief, and then they literally " Rush like a torrent down upon the plains, Sweeping the flocks and herds." On such occasions, the Rajah, or ruler, if he be strong enough, makes reprisals ; if not, he implores the British Government in India to interpose their good J offices to allay the feud. The Eajahs, or Orissa chief- tains, pretend that they keep the Khonds under sub- jection, but I know that frequently the reverse is more nearly the fact. These chieftains are generally uneducated men, devoid of all mental culture. They are exceedingly proud and haughty, claiming, I believe, justly, a very ancient origin. Many lay claim to a fabulous descent, and point to their coat of arms as indicating the animal or object from which their ancestors sprung. The Rajah of Goomsur, for example, had a peacock, another prince a snake, and a third a bamboo tree ; and these cognizances are no small source of pride. But with all such childish vanity, these petty rulers are in truth an abjectly degraded class. Many, from early debauchery, and the unbridled indulgence of ANNUAL TRIBUTE. 27 their passions, become completely imbecile. They are generally surrounded by artful, cunning men and designing relatives, who promote their excesses in every way, in order the better to maintain over them an influence which they can turn to their own profit. It is not then surprising that amongst this class of men feebleness of character prevails. Nevertheless they are to be pitied ; they have not yet been taught the value of a moral obligation, and have never had the means of discriminating between good and evil. Born and bred in an atmosphere of vice, they become comparatively enervated before they have attained manhood. The welfare of the people committed to their charge is never allowed for one moment to in- terfere with their gratifications, however objection- able. From each of these rulers the State exacts an an- ^ nual tribute, varying from one to eight thousand pounds. Is it to be wondered that such men are generally unable to pay the demand of Grovernment ? The State presses again and again for the tribute money, which has been allowed to fall into arrears; and if the delinquent Rajah, after due time has been allowed - him, fails to raise the amount, the revenue officers of Government administer the estate until such time as the debt is paid oiF ; but where the arrears are very heavy, and there is no hope of their being paid in the 28 GOOMSUR. usual course, tlioii the estate is sold to liquidate the balance due, the Government usually becoming the l)urc]iaser. I will, in a few words, sketch the history of the small Palatinate of Goomsur, because it was owing to the deposition of the reigning prince, and the con- sequent annexation of his country to the British dominions, that we first became acquainted with the superstition that formed so striking a feature in the native character. ' Goomsur reckons about four hundred square miles, one half of which is primeval forest, the other cleared and well cultivated land. In 1783, this little principality was ruled over by a Kajah named Vik- ramah Bunge, and from him a yearly tribute of five thousand pounds was demanded by the Government. It is almost superfluous to say tliat he never paid it. When at last the patience of the supreme power in India w^as exhausted, his estate w\as taken from him and placed in the hands of his brother, Lutshmuunah Bunge. This man had more sense than falls to the lot of ordinary Kajalis ; he called to his aid all the financiers of his little kingdom, and gave them virtual control of the revenue. They in return guaranteed the amount due to the State ; and, so far as I know, there were never any arrears during his lifetime, though STRECKARAH BUNGE. 29 there is reason to believe that the control exercised by the Native bankers, both over the Rajah in particular and the country in general, did not give universal satis- faction. Be this as it may, the Rajah died in peace, and his son, Streckarali Bunge reigned in his stead. Most chequered was the career of this native prince. He viewed apparently with disgust the dominion exercised by the money-dealers, and threw himself into the arms of the priests. Under the pre- text of a pilgrimage to some holy shrine, he made an apparent abdication of his power in favour of his son, Dhunagi Bunge. But this was merely one of those mad freaks in which such fanatics often indulge ; for, after an absence of a few years, he suddenly returned to his country, and, without any just cause, expelled his son, and resumed the reins of government. Nor was this all he did ; for no sooner had he re- installed himself in office, than he determined to sig- nalise his advent to power by an act of mingled bold- ness and defiance. He intimated his determination henceforward to pay no tribute money whatever, and thus magnanimously threw down the gauntlet to the paramount power in India. This challenge did not long remain unanswered. Troops were rapidly poured into his country, and in a very short time this unruly Rajah was transformed into a private gentleman. It is impossil)le to imagine 30 I IIS OVKRTIIROW AND REVOLT. any adequate motive that could have induced him to provoke the storm which he had no means of resist- ing ; but the fact is, that these little potentates seldom, never perhaps, act under the inspiration of reason, but simply as impulse dictates; and the result is certain — they are defeated and dethroned. The supreme Government then resolved to allow this foolish man to meditate in retirement on his folly, and to replace at the head of aflfairs the son in whose favour the father had previously abdicated. This was accordingly done, and Dhunagi Bunge once more directed the vessel of the state. But he was as bad a pilot as his father, and altogether a worse man. Under his rule, crime succeeded crime, and anarchy and confu- sion were rife. The Anglo-Indian Government again interfered, and so serious were the charges preferred against Dhunagi Bunge that it became necessary again to depose, as well as to imprison him. Then came the father's tui'n again, and for the last time ; he was recalled from banishment, and re- mounted the throne, but, like other illustrious princes, he had in exile neither learnt nor forgotten anything ; and after a very short possession of power, he failed to pay the stipulated tribute, again revolted, again was overpowered, and subsequently was sent to expiate his crimes and follies in a distant land. Once more the British Government gave the son a DHUNAGI BUNGE. 31 chance of retrieving his past errors — released him from confinement, and reinstalled him as ruler of Goomsur. In fact, this poor harassed district was in a constant ^' state of oscillation between father and son, who alter- nately reigned and were deposed. The great disin- clination of the government to adopt the only alterna- tive of annexing the country, had led them to hope, almost against hope, that the repeated and severe lessons that had been taught both father and son would have had the desired effect of endowing them with a little wisdom. But Rajahs are past teaching. The first use the son, Dhunagi Bunge, made of his return to power, was to hoist the standard of rebellion and defy the paramount power to do its worst. Qxiein Deus vidt perdere prius dementat was true, if ever, in this lamentable case. With common prudence Dhunagi Bunge might have been ruler of Goomsur to this hour ; for the extreme mercy shown him by the Governor-General, in so frequently pardoning his crimes, and replacing him in power, abundantly testified the desire of the Government to do all that was possible to preserve this little kingdom to its legitimate rulers. Of course all things have their limit, and this extrava- gant act of defiance was the last drop that made the cup of government indignation to overflow. A decree went forth for the complete subjugation of the coun- -^ 32 OPERATIONS AGAINST THE RAJAH. , try, and an adequate army was appointed for that purpose. The Rajah determined on a fierce resist- ance in liis mountain fastnesses, and thither he betook liimself, calling upon his wild and warlike tribes of Khonds to aid him in maintaining his rights. A large force, chiefly composed of troops from Madras, Avas assembled under the command of Gene- ral Sir Henry Taylor. The Hon. Mr. Russell was named Political Agent, and very extensive powers were vested in him. I Avas appointed to be his assistant and secretary, and took an active part throughout the Avhole campaign, Avhich extended over two years. The Rajah's summons to his tribes of Khonds was readily responded to. Their great chief, and the foremost supporter of the Rajah at that time, was the Dora Bissye, who was regarded as the leader of the rebeUion on the liills. By his able and Avily counsels the Rajah was chiefly guided, and it must be admitted that he gave our troops vei'v great annoy- ance. No doubt the war Avould have dragged on much longer, had it not been for the treachery of some of his own adherents, and the hostility of the bordering tribes. In a very short time Mr. Russell became acquainted with the names, connexions, and haunts of all the Khoiul leaders ; but even then Ave should not have THE DORA BISYE, 38 been able to track them in their wiki jungles, had they not been surrendered by the tribes themselves, v/ho, unable to continue the contest longer, sued for peace and forgiveness by delivering them up, A large number of the rebel leaders were executed ; the unliappy liajah v/as hunted from place to place, and finally died at a little mountain fortress. The Dora Bissye became a state prisoner, and was alive only a few years ago at the Fort of Gooty, in Madras. He was a very remarkable man, and when he found the fortune of war so much against him, escaped into the territories of a neighbouring prince, the Kajah of Ungool, by whom he was subsequently delivered up to the British authorities, on the con- dition that his life should be spared. All the objects contemplated by the Government were accomplished, and the whole country became part of the British ^ territory. The two years' campaign was of unexampled severity. We had no knowledge of the country, were frequently cut off from all supplies, and suffered fearfully from the pestilential nature of the climate. Hardship, privation and peril were the lot of all who took part in this second Goomsur war. The casualties from the bows and arrows of the Khonds were not very great ; but on one or two occasions they came in force u})on weak detachments of our troops, who had D 34 CAMrAKlN AGAINST THE IIILL-TRIBES. lost themselves in the unknown mountain defiles, and then no mercy was shown — they hacked them to pieces. We lost in this way two European officers, who were accompanying a small escort down a narrow mountain pass, where they were surrounded by the Khonds and slaughtered. On the termination of the war all the regular troops were withdrawn from the hills, and the tribes re- mained under the rule of chiefs, for the most part appointed by the Anglo-Indian Government ; hence we were in a favourable position, as these men had seen and felt our strength and power, and were likely to render us substantial service. CHAPTER III. iiOtTNTAINOUS REGION KNOWN AS KHONDISTAK — HARDSHIPS ENDURED BY ENGLISH OFFICERS CAMPAIGNING K SO WILD A DISTRICT — ^THE KHONDS AND THEIR LANGUAGE — LORD ELPHINSTONE'S DESCRIPTION OF THEM— THEIR SUPERSTITIOUS PRACTICES — DRINKING AND HUTOTING — ATTACKING A BEAR — NATIVE DRESS — SINGULAR HEAD-DRESS — 5L\RTLAL COSTUME — COMBAT OF TRIBES — KHOND WOMEN AND THEIR OPJJJAJIENTS — ABDUCTION — MARRIAGE — BELIEF IN MAGIC — TIGER AVITCHES, D 2 37 CHAPTER III. The harassing operations to which I have referred in the preceding chapter first brought us into contact Avith the wihl and warlike inhabitants of the table- land of the great chain of hills extending north and south from the Mahanuddj to the Godavery. These mountains are about two hundred miles distant from the sea, and from two to three thousand feet above it. They are almost inaccessible, and in 1836 there was not a single tolerable approach known to us. We had to scramble up their rugged sides as best we could, and very weary work it was. The common bamboo, with the damur-tree, is found in profusion, and covers the elevations on every side. Partridge, peacock, jungle-fowl, and other descriptions of game, are everywhere met with ; and the larger animals, tigers, panthers, bears, wild buffaloes, are numerous. When once the summit is reached, tlie change from the low country is very striking. The eye 38 THE KIIONDS. Ix'liolcls a well-watered and open country of table- land, producing luxuriantly rice, oil seeds, turmeric, and sometimes large crops of dhall (a kind of pea) and millet. Of the science of agriculture the people know absolutely nothing ; they exhaust the soil with unintermitted crops, until the land is barren, then they abandon their fields, and clear fresh jungle for future crops. The inhabitants of the Orissa range of hills are called respectively Khonds, Gonds, and Sourahs. The language of these three tribes is totally distinct, and the two latter are not addicted to the practice of human sacrifice. The Khonds bear no resemblance whatever to the inhabitants of the plains. They are of a much darker complexion, strongly bronzed, and their language dif- fers from that of all the other tribes, and is not in the least comprehended by their lowland neighbours. I should imagine that they had been diiven from the plains centuries ago by successive conquerors, and had sought a refuge in these distant hills ; for though their language is a distinct dialect, there are words, having both a Telingah, Canarese, and Ooryah origin. "Indeed, there seems reason to suppose," Lord Elphinstone has stated, " that these wild tribes Avho now inhabit the most inaccessible parts of the niuuu- THEIR RELIGION. 39 tains and forests are the descendants of the aborigmes of the whole country. In their religion we find traces of the primitive elemental worship of the Yedas, before it was overlaid by the superstructure which now almost conceals it from our eyes, as well as from those of the generality of Hindoos themselves ; and it would be curious if the impious superstition (human sacrifice), which we would now endeavour to eradicate, can trace its origin to the purer and sim- pler form of adoration which we have been taught to consider the ancient religion of India, as compared with the relatively modern mythology which has sprung from and overgrown it." Much of this, of course, is mere speculation, and it may readily be conceived how difficult it was to ac- quii'e accurate information of the religion of a people who had no written language. Sacrifice is the foun-y dation of their religion, and, saving a very few; tribes, the Khonds generally propitiated their deity, «i always a malevolent being, with human offerings. 1 am aware that a complete system of mythology has been devised for them, but much has been intro- duced of which the Khonds know nothing whatever. As a rule, they are generally active, wiry, and agile, while but imperfectly acquainted with the value of cleanliness. Every man carries an axe, and the v far greater part of them a 1)ow and arrow also. They • 10 TIIK HUNTING SEASON. liiivu iK'vcr adopted the matclilock, sword, or shield, vvhicli their Ooryah chiefs or Bissoi always carry; and this is the more singidar, as these weapons are very superior to those used by the Khonds. They are ex- cessively devoted to liquor and tobacco. The fruit of the Mowah tree affords them a very strong spirit, of Avhich they drink deeply, as well as of the fermented juice of the feathery palm. They are passionately fond of hunting, and pursue the sport with an eagerness and ardour found only amongst people of the forest. Their hunting season opens about April, at which period they burn the underwood and rank grass of the jungle, an operation which drives the wild beasts from their lairs to seek a refuge in the unburnt forest. While thus moving from one point to another, they are pursued by the Khonds, who are exceedingly expert at tracking game and running down wounded animals. The folloAving instance occurred to Lieut. McNeill when out bear shooting, accompanied by some Khonds, who had been rescued from sacrifice. He had posted himself in a favourable position one moonlight nighty when a bear came up, but owing to the uncertain light, for the moon was not very bright, he only wounded the beast slightly ; it made off at once right across the rice fields in the open plain, with the in- tention of seeldng shelter in the neidibourini; hills, HUNTING CUSTOMS. 41 without allowing time for the adjustment of the sight for a second shot. The Khonds had started at full speed in pursuit, to > cut off the animal's retreat to the hills ; they soon placed themselves between the bear and the hills, and then with axe in hand they resolutely attacked him, and literally hacked him to pieces in less time than it has taken to narrate this adventure. The axes used were certainly formidable weapons, but it re- quires more than ordinary courage to attack a savage bear with such instruments as these, by moonlight, and on broken ground. If, while hunting, an elk or other large game is wounded, the measure of his '^ gotteru " or slot is taken; they then have an admitted right to pursue to any place, either within or without their own boun- daries, until the animal is killed or captured. A divi- sion of the quarry is now made in accordance with - well-established usage — so many portions to the hunters, so many to the villagers on whose land it has been killed, and not unfrequently the Rajah, or low country chief, comes in for a share. In the event of any dispute regarding the identity of the pursued animal, the measure of the first slot is produced, and received as conclusive. During the hunting season universal drunkenness ■/ and reveh-y })revail. The men gather together iu 42 WAR IMIELIMINARIES. little knots, and absorb their fermented juices until they are perfectly besotted. Tlieir clothes consist merely of a few yards of coarse cotton cloth bound round the loins, ornamented ■with a separate piece striped with red. and dangling down behind like a tail. Their thick black hair, wound round and round their heads, is fastened in front by a knot, over which is tied a strip of red or other cloth. In their hair they invariably stick three or four cigars, very simply formed by rolling a green leaf into a conical shape, and filling it with their coarse chopped tobacco leaf. It is only, however, when they go out to battle, and tribe meets tribe in hostile array, that they adorn them- selves with all their finery. Then they swathe their heads in thick folds of cotton cloth, with peacocks' feathers waving in defiance, cover their bodies with pieces of skins of bears or elks ; and proud indeed is the warrior who can sport over all a couple of yards of red cloth. I once witnessed two tribes, each numbering about three hundred men, drawn up in battle array. On this occasion I prevented any serious results. They had already been three days engaged in the prelimi- naries of the fight, for many ceremonies are gone through "ere comes the tug of war." \ Cham])imis from either side perform war dances THE KHOND WOMEN. 43 between the hostile armies, which are accompanied by offensive and insulting epithets^ and each side challenges and abuses the other. At last they are sufficiently excited, and from words the dancers come to blows. A general meUe ensues, which is rarely attended with great loss of life, and at night the oppos- ing parties draw off to their respective quarters, only to recommence the strife on the following day. The Khond women are as scantily clad as the men. They partake of the prevailing weakness of their sex — an intense love of ornaments and finery. Coloured beads are highly prized and generally used, as well as a rude and heavy description of brass bracelet worn on their arms and ankles. As a class, as I have said, they are far from good-looking, and their stan- dard of morality is not, I regret to say, very elevat- ed ; hence arise endless quarrels among them. The Khonds regard the abduction of a woman by a man of y another tribe as a common insult to tliem all, and unless reparation be made to the injured husband, war is declared against the tribe of the abducting party, and all who are more or less distantly connected with the disputants are drawn into the quarrel. Marriages are usually celebrated at the hunting ^ time, and then in almost every village may be heard the sound of their shrill musical instruments. Many of their customs bearing on this rite are pecu- 44 STRANGE MARRIAGE CUSTOM. liar. On one occasion, wliilst taking an evening ride, I heard loud cries proceeding from a village close at hand. Fearing some serious quarrel, I rode to the spot, and there I saw a man bearing away upon his back something enveloped in an ample covering of scarlet clotli ; he was surrounded by twenty or thirty young fellows, and by them protected from the despe- rate attacks made on him by a party of young women. On seeking an explanation of this novel scene, I was told that the man had just been married, and his pre- cious burthen was his blooming bride, whom he was conveying to his own village. Her youthful friends, as it appears is the custom, were seeking to regain possession of her, and hurled stones and bamboos at the head of the devoted bridegi'oom, until he reached the confines of his own village. Then the tables were turned, the bride was fairly won, and off her young friends scampered, screaming and laughing, but not relaxing their speed until they reached their own village. The Khonds are firm believers in magic, and fre- quently attribute death or misfortune of any kind to enchantment. They believe that witches have the faculty of transforming themselves into tigers, and are then called " Pulta Bag." This belief is very similar to the superstition of the peasants of Nor- iniimly or r>rittany, who imagine that certain people BELIEF IN MAGIC. 45 have power to change themselves into wolves, and very often have so changed themselves for the pur- pose of frightening others and doing mischief. I had heard often of these "Pulta Bags," and one example came under my own observation. Whilst examining some magisterial cases, I ob- served a crowd approaching with two women in front, guarded by three or four armed men. Tn due time they were brought before me, and charged by a Beniah (one of a tribe of Khonds inhabiting the slopes of the mountains) with having transformed themselves into tigers, and killed and carried off his son. His story was : — "I went in the evening to the jungle near my village accompanied by my son, to gather fire-wood. We were engaged in doing so when a tiger sprung upon my son and carried him off. I pursued, shout- ing and making as much noise as I could, when sud- denly, on turning the shoulder of a rock, I saw these two women standing on the top of it. The thing was now clear — the Pulta Bag, alarmed at my shouts and close pursuit, concealed the body of my son and re- sumed their original shape. I took them prisoners to my village, where they confessed to what I noAV charge them with. Here they are, ask them." I did so, and to my sm'prise both women acknow- ledged that the Beniah Khond's story was true — they 4<; TWO j{i:ri Ti;i) witches unmasked. had killed his son, and had power to transform them- selves into tigers. Determined to undeceive the people as to this extraordinary belief, I told the women that I would release them on condition of their transforming themselves into tigers in my pre- sence, which, to the horror of all, they agreed to do if taken to a neighbouring jungle. This I ordered to be done ; when, seeing no mode of escape, they threw themselves on the ground, imploring mercy and pardon, and confessing the imposture. They stated that they were poor, and lived by im- posing on the crediHity of the villagers, who supplied them with food and clothing whenever they chose to demand it, in order to secure themselves and cattle from their depredations in the form of a Pulta Bag. Some of the people were convinced of the imposture, but the majority were disappointed that the supposed witches were not burnt or drowned. CHAPTEII IV. KHOND VILLAGES AND HOUSES — RICE CULTIVATION — VILLAGE AUTHOEI- TIES — THE BISSOI — AGRICULTURAL BIPLEMENTS — SYSTEM OF HUJIAN SACRIFICE — THE EARTH GODDESS AND BLOOD RED GOD OF BATTLE — POSSIAPOES, OR ADOPTED CHILDREN — MR. RUSSELL'S REPORT OF THE CEREMONIES PERFORMED DURING A HUM.VN SACRIFICE — ACCOUNT FURNISHED BY MR. RICKETT'S COMMISSIONER AT CULLACK — PRICE OF VICTIMS — CONTRADICTORY STATEMENTS — ATTENTION OF THE ANGLO- INDIAN GOVERNMENT ATTRACTED — MY APPOINTMENT AS POLITICAL AGENT AND MAGISTRATE AMONG THE SACRIFICING TRIBES. 49 CHAPTER IV. Khoxd communities are divided into districts and villages. Each is formed of a union of the latter, and called a Mootah ; and these again, united, form a district. Their villages vary in size from twenty to eighty houses, well and substantially built, and in every way are superior to those of the low country. The timber used for building purposes is the Damur tree, which is found in abundance in these mountains, and the axe is the only tool they use to fashion it into shape. They roof their houses with bamboo, and then thatch them over as thickly as possible with grass. The village consists usually of one long street, with a rough kind of palisade at either end. Clusters of villages are always grouped together, for the double purpose of defence and cultivation. Rice is their great staple, and these people bestow great pains upon its cultivation. The fields are formed in a succession of terraces, to which water is conducted with no mean skill. Adjoining each E 50 VILLAGE AND DISTRICT CHIEFS. village, is invariably to be seen the common tobacco- plant, a rough, coarse, strong leaf, indispensable, however, to gratify the Khond appetite. It is re- garded by them as one of the most necessary articles of existence. Each village has its own chief, or MiiUeko, and with him is joined an officer, called Digaloo, or in- terpreter, of the Panoo caste, a race most useful to the Khond tribes, though they regard them as greatly their inferiors. I shall have to speak of these Panoos, as the agents in the detestable traffic of human victims. They transact all business for the Khonds, who consider it beneath their dignity to barter or traffic, and who regard as base and plebeian all who are not either warriors or tillers of the soil. Districts again are governed by a chief of the Ooryah extraction, and named the Bissoi. These men are Hindoos, and are usually descended fi'om some daring adventurer, whose fallen fortunes had driven him to the hills, where, with his band of re- tainers, he had been warmly welcomed by the moun- tain tribes, as the Khonds regard these Hindoo warriors as much more capable of ruling over them, and especially of leading them to battle, than any of their own tribe. They have no caste prejudices, such as obtain uni- versally on the plains of India ; tliey oat almost anv- HUMAN SACRIFICE. 51 thing, but they do not drink milk, though they can assign no reason for their abstinence. Their implements of husbandry are very primitive, as they merely scratch the ground with a rough wooden plough, drawn either by buffaloes or small oxen. Their breed of cattle is very inferior ; indeed, the worst I ever saw in any land. Sheep are ex- tremely scarce, but goats abound in every part of their mountains, and some descriptions afford very excellent and nutritious meat. It was there, amongst these hill tribes, that we discovered, during the war, with mingled horror and surprise, that a system of human sacrifice, aggravated by the cruel manner of its performance, existed almost universally. This revolting rite had been handed down through successive generations ; it was regarded as a national and most necessary duty, so darkened were their minds by the gross delusions of ignorance and superstition. In the hill countries of Goomsur and Boad, the human blood is offered to the earth goddess, under the effigy of a bird, in the hope of thus obtaining abundant crops, averting calamity, and insuring gene- ral prosperity. In Chinna Kimedy this deity is represented by an elephant, but the purposes for which the sacrifice is offered are the same as in Goomsur. E 2 52 THE PANOOS. In Jeypore the ''blood-red god of l)attle, Maneck- soroo " (thus they style him), is the deity whom they seek to propitiate by human victims. Thus, on the eve of a battle, or when a new fort, or even an important village is to be built, or when danger of any kind is to be averted, this sanguinary being must be pro- pitiated with human blood. Irrespective of the sacrifices offered by the com- munity as a body, it is not an uncommon thing for private individuals to make special offerings on their own account, in order to secure the attainment of any particular object. Both the motive and manner of sacrifice differ amongst the various tribes ; the rite itself, however, is performed with invariable cruelty. The victims, called Meriah, must be bought with a price. This condition is essential. They may be of any age, sex, or caste ; but adults are most esteemed, because they are the most costly, and therefore the most acceptable to the deity. They are sometimes pur- chased from their parents or relations, when these have fallen into poverty, or in seasons of famine ; but they are most commonly stolen from the plains by professed kidnappers of the Panoo caste. These Panoos are base and sordid miscreants, who, without the excuse of superstition or ignorance, carry on a profitable trade in tlie l)lood of their POSSIA POES. 5o fellow-men. Unfortunate people of the low country are decoyed into the hills by these miscreants, and then sold to the Khonds for Meriah sacrifices. Their guilt admits of no palliation, and no mercy is ever shown them when they are brought up for punishment. In some cases Meriah women are allowed to live until they have borne children to Khond fathers ; these children are then reared for sacrifice, but never put to death in the village of their • birth ; to avoid this they are exchanged for children born under similar conditions in other villages. Meriahs are always treated Avith marked kindness, and are seldom subjected to any restraint. Money is rarely used in the purchase of Meriah victims, the price agreed on being usually paid in cattle, pigs, goats, brass vessels or ornaments, and sometimes in saffron, wax, and other products of the hills. The sacrifice, to be efficacious, must be celebrated in public before the assembled people. I may just allude here to another class of persons who are purchased by the Khonds, or procured by them for adoption into their families, as helps hi household affairs, and in field labours. These are called Possia Poes, and are usually obtained when young. They run little or no- risk of being sacrificed, and very often marry into the families of their piir- \i 54 SACRIFICE IN GOOMSUK. chasers, and in the course of time merge into the general population. Of tlir manner of sacrifice in Goomsur I cannot do better than quote from the interesting report of Mr. Russell, whose secretary I was during the war; he says:— ^' In the Maliahs (hill tracts) of Goomsur the sacri- fice is offered annually to Tado Pennor, the earth god, under the effigy of a peacock, with the view of pro- pitiating the deity to grant favourable crops. The Zani, or priest, w^ho may be of any caste, officiates at the sacrifice, but he performs the ' Pooga ' (offering of flowers, incense, &c.) to the idol, through the me- dium of the Zoomba, who must be a Khond boy under seven years of age, and w^ho is fed and clothed at the public expense, eats alone, and is subjected to no act deemed impure. " For a month prior to the sacrifice, there is much feasting, intoxication, and dancing round the Meriah (victim), who is adorned with garlands, &c. On the day before the performance of the barbarous rite, he is stupefied with toddy, and is made to sit, or is bound at the bottom of a post, bearing the effigy above de- scribed. The assembled multitude then dance round to music, and addressing the earth, say, ' God, we offer this sacrifice to you ; give us good crops, sea- sons, and heal til ;' after which they address the vie- HORRID CEREMONY. 5o tim. ' We bought you with a price, and did not seize you ; now we sacrifice you according to custom, and no sin rests with us.' '' On the folloAving day, the Meriah being again in- toxicated, and anointed with oil, each individual present touches the anointed part, and wipes the oil on his own head. All then march in procession round the village and its boundaries, preceded by music, bearing thevictimin theirarms. Onreturning to the post, which is ahvays placed near the village idol, called Zacari Penoo, represented by three stones, a hog is killed in sacrifice, and the blood being allowed to flow into a pit prepared for the purpose, the Meriah, who has been previously made senseless from intoxication, is seized and thrown in, and his face pressed down till he is suffocated in the bloody mire. The Zani then cuts a piece of flesh from the body, and buries it near the village idol, as an offering to the earth. All the people then follow his example, but carry the bloody prize to their own villages, where part of the flesh is buried near the village idol, and part on the boun- daries of the village. The head of the victim re- mains unmutilated, and with the bare bones is buried in the bloody pit. '' After this horrid ceremony has been completed, a buffalo calf is brought to the post, and, his four feet having been cut off, is left there till the following 5t) MK. kickett's account. day. Women, dressed in male attire and armed as men, tlien drink, dance, and sing round the spot ; the calf is killed and eaten, and the Zani dismissed with a present of I'ice, and a hog or calf. Of the many ways in which the unhappy victim is destroyed, that just described is perhaps the least cruel, as in some places the flesh is cut ofi" while the imfortunate creature is still alive." This, then, was all that we knew in May, 1837, of the sacrifice of human beings among the Khond tribes of the hill tracts of Orissa, on the Madras side. Mr. Ricketts, Commissioner at Cuttack, had sought for some information regarding this atrocious custom on the Bengal frontier, and received the following imperfect account. The Khonds supposed that good crops, and safety fi*om all disease and accidents, were ensured by this slaughter. They considered it peculiarly necessary when engaged in the cultivation of tui'meric. They very coolly reasoned as to the im- possibility of the turmeric being of a fine deep colour without shedding of blood. They said they would not knowingly sacrifice a Khond or a Brahmin ; with these two exceptions, victims of all ages and colours, of every religion and of both sexes, are equally acceptable, but the fat are considered more eflSicacious than the thin, and those in their prime than the aged and the young. The victims are purchased at from sixty to one hun- SALE AND PURCHASE OF VICTIMS. 57 dred and thirty rupees each, of persons of the Panu and Haree classes, who sell them as their own children; but as individuals of all classes are found amongst those rescued, it is evident that these miscreants steal them, and then sell them for slaughter to the Khonds. The children, after being purchased, are often kept for many years. When of age to understand for what purpose they are intended, they are chained ; two had been years in chains ; one so long that he could not recollect ever having been at liberty. With the exception of being thus confined, they are well treated. I was not successful in acquiring any reliable infor- mation as to the frequency of these sacrifices. One Khond, of about forty-six years of age, told me that he had witnessed fully fifty. Others equally old would acknowledge to having been present at two or three only. Victims are found in the houses of the village sirdars only, and mere ryots (labourers) arc not permitted to slay victims — indeed, they have not the means, for a considerable expense falls on the master of the horrid feast. Very contradictory stories were told of the manner in which the ceremony itself is conducted. The most common method appears to be, to bind the Meriah between two strong planks or bamboos, one being placed across the chest, another across the shoulders. r)H MUTILATION OF THE VICTIM. These are first of all firmly fastened at one end ; the victim is then placed between them ; aronnd is passed round the other ends, which are long enough to give a good purchase — they are brought together, and the unfortunate sufferer squeezed to death. While life is still ebbing, the body is thrown on the ground, and chopped in two pieces between the bamboos with hatchets. Some accounts state that after the performance of several savage ceremonies and feastings, the divided corpse is buried unmutilated. Others say that, as soon as divided, each person in attendance falls on, and cuts a piece, which is carried away to be buried in his own land. Several admitted that in Goomsur the victims were cut up alive ; and though no one would allow that to be the custom on this side (Bengal), I believe it is at least occasionally practised — for they acknowledge their belief that, if the body were buried whole, the benefit of the sacrifice would not extend farther tlmn the lands of the person who found the victim ; whereas, if more w^idely distributed, the benefit would be proportionally extended. Such was the amount of our knowledge on this subject, wiiich necessarily attracted the serious atten- tion of both the governments of Madras and Bengal. What measures should be adopted, and what agency employed for the suppression of the horrible custom of MR. Russell's report. 59 human sacrifices, were questions frequently discussed. The dangers and difficulties attendant upon almost any plan were forcibly pointed out in the following report of Mr. Eussell : — - " No one," he says, '* is more anxious for the dis- continuance of this barbarous practice than I am, but I am strongly impressed with the belief that it can be accomplished only by slow and gradual means. We must not allow the cruelty of the practice to blind us to the consequences of too rash a zeal in our endea- vours to suppress it. The superstition of ages cannot be eradicated in a day ; the people with whom we have to deal have become known to us only within the last few months, and our intercourse has been confined to a very small portion of a vast population, among the greater part of whom the same rites pre- vail, and of whose country and language we may be said to know almost nothing. Any measure of coer- cion would arouse the jealousy of a whole race, pos- sessing the strongest feeling of clanship, and, what- ever their ordinary dissensions, likely to make com- mon cause in support of their common religion. The Bissois, the only people who could possibly be ex- pected to second our views, have only a few peons in whom they could rely on such an occasion. The great mass of their subjects areKhonds; their influence is the moral effect of habit, not of physical power ; 60 TUE author's AITOLNTMENT. and men thus situated cannot be expected to aid in the compulsory abolition of a custom which all the surrounding tribes hold sacred. Are the Government prepared to engage in an undertaking which, to be effectual, must lead to the permanent occupation of an immense territory, and involve us in a war with people with whom we have now no connection, and no cause for quarrel, in a climate inimical to the con- stitution of strangers, and at an expense which no human foresight can calculate ? '' From all I have seen of them, I feel convinced \ that no system of coercion can succeed. Our aim should be to improve to the utmost our intercourse with the tribes nearest to us, with a view to civilise and enlighten them, and so reclaim them from the savage practice, using our moral influence rather than our power. The position we now hold in Goomsur is favourable to the purpose, and it probably is so in some places beyond the frontier also." It was finally resolved that I should be appointed, both in a revenue and magisterial capacity, to Goom- sur, Sooradah, &c., with special charge over the Khond inhabitants of those countries. The experience I had gained during the war was likely to be most useful, and it was supposed that my information regarding the Khonds and their chiefs was superior to that of any one else who might have aspired to the same office. MR, Russell's testimony. 61 I mention this the more particularly, as I have heard the propriety of the appointment called in question ; but I think the testimony of Mr. Russell, recorded in a minute of consultation, should be con- clusive, as he was the political agent during the two years' war, and in reality the only competent authority to decide on the subject. The minute is as follows: — " Captain Campbell has acquired a knowledge of the country and people of the hill tracts in the Ganjam district, under circumstances never likely to occur again; and his local experience and personal in- fluence with the different hill chieftains give him an advantage over any other person who could be ap- pointed to the situation of principal assistant to the Commissioner. CHAPTER V. MY FIRST CRUSADE AGAINST THE MERIAH SACRIFICE — ^NATIVE CORPS RAISED BY MYSELF — GOOMSUR CHIEF — " BAHADUR BUKSHI," OTHER- WISE SAM BISSOI — FIRST MEETING WITH THE KHOND LEADERS — A CONFERENCE — MY ADDRESS — A COMPROMISE SUGGESTED — REPLY OF THE ASSEMBLY — SURRENDER OF ONE HUNDRED INTENDED VICTIMS — OATH OF THE GOOMSUR CHIEFS — MY ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE AMONG THE KHONDS — MY FOUR YEARS' RESIDENCE AMONG THEM — BARGAINING AT FAIRS — CONSTRUCTION OF ROAD — SATISFACTORY RESULT OF MY FIRST CAMPAIGN — REGISTRATION OF SERFS. Q5 CHAPTER V. It was in the month of December, 1837, that I commenced my first crusade against Meriah sacri- fice. The evil I had to combat had its root deep in the hearts oi the Khonds ; therefore, in the experi- ment I was about to make, it was imperative that I should act with the greatest moderation, and endeavour to persuade these mountain tribes peacefully to abandon a most horrible practice, which produced them no advantage, and, if persisted in, would expose them to the danger of a conflict with the British Government in India. I was escorted on my trip by a few Sebundies, or irregular troops, raised and trained by myself for this special purpose ; they were bold and hardy fellows, inhabiting the villages skirting the mountain range, and consequently well inured to the climate. From their youth upwards they were accustomed to bear arms, and were never so happy as when following the chase. Tigers and panthers they have often F 60 SAM IJISSOI. attacked single-liandetl, and the gallant deeds of their ancestors, as well as their own, had earned for them, from their rajahs, distinctive titles of honour. One, for instance, was called " The Lion of War" (Joogar Singh), another " Strong in Battle " (Eunnah Singh), a third, " Swifter than a Lion " (Fold Singh), and so forth. A few of these men possessed a slight col- loquial knowledge of the Khond dialect, which was of great use to me. I also called to ray aid the most influential chief of Upper Goomsur, a man of tried courage, whose services during the war had been invaluable. For these he had been nominated by the Government to the dignity of Chief of the Khonds of Goomsur, and the high title of " Bahadur Bukshi " had been con- ferred upon him. I was intimate with this man, and felt confident that I could employ him as one of my most reliable instruments for effecting my purpose. We had been out on many a skirmish together during the campaign, and I had formed a high estimate of his character, which was shared by Mr. Russell. His name was Sam Bissoi. With the shrewdness of character for which he was remarkable, he soon discovered that his real interests were bound up with those of the Government of the East India Company ; hence his great services and devotion. This chief acted, as most men do, from niS VALUABLE SERVICES. 67 motives of self-interest. Once satisfied on that point, his time and labour were most zealously and inde- fatigably given. During the war we shared many dangers in common, and I believe he entertained for me feelings of personal attachment. I explained to him most fully my intended plan of procedure, and looked to him to prepare the minds of the Khonds for a free discussion of the question of human sacrifice, with a view to its abolition. Sam Bissoi, being a Hindoo, had no peculiar interest in maintaining this religious institution of the Khonds, although he was their chief. In truth, he cared very little about it one way or another. He certainly would never have moved a hand to abolish the rite at his own suggestion, but had not the least objection to help us to do so. Throughout my operations I can safely assert that I received from him the heartiest co-operation, and that he seconded my views most ably, and with all the power he could command. I never desired to place him in direct antagonism with his Khond tribes ; indeed, I took good care (and so did he) that they should be well aware that he acted strictly and exclusively under my orders, and that, had he failed so to act, he would have been severely punished. In this position, as it were, of compulsion, he was better enabled to sway his wild followers, and to win them over to my views. He never ceased to F 2 68 PROPOSED CONFERENCE. urge 111)011 tlu'iii the necessity of obeying my orders, and jittending to Avliat 1 said. I do not doubt that he professed to them in private his sorrow at thus being forced to take a part against their Avishes ; but as the war had not long terminated, and as the measures then adopted by Mr. Ptussell had been most rigorous, the old chief was able to illustrate and enforce his arguments by the terrible alternative of another display of the overwhelming power of the Anglo-Indian Government, should they obstinately refuse obedience on this important point. Through Sam Bissoi, and another chief of some note, but far less intelligence, named Punda Naik, I summoned all the chiefs of the villages and districts (Mootahs) of the Goorasur hills to meet me in com- pany with their Digaloos, or interpreters, at the little hill fort of Bodiagherry, where it may be remem- bered the Rajah sought refuge, and died during the war. I need not say with what anxiety I anticipated this first meeting with my Khond clients and their leaders, on the all-important topic of the suppression of a ceremony so dearly cherished and so deeply venerated. It is true that I was generally known, and not dis- liked by the people, and it had fallen to my lot to invest the respective chiefs with the mark of their rank. It was merely a continuation of the ceremony MEETING WITH KHOND CHIEFTAINS. G9 tlieir former masters, or rajahs, had practised, from which we saw no reason to depart — hence, at the conclusion of the war, each chief received from my hands tlie turban, or insignia of office ; they conse- quently regarded me with favour, and I never lost an opportunity of strengthening the influence I had accpiired. At the appointed time nearly all the chiefs made their appearance at the spot named, accompanied by crowds of their Khond followers. There could not altogether have been less than three thousand at this first council. I received tliem all in a manner that I knew would be gratifying to them, and we then entered upon our conference. I took my place under the shade of a tree, whilst the chiefs and many of their followers ranged them- selves, scpiatted on the ground, in a semicircle in front ; the rest of the Khonds, smoking vigorously, were collected in groups around us. These were chiefly the young men of the tribes, who rarely take part in the debates, having full confidence in and respect for their elders. I made them a lengthened address through the medium of the two chiefs, Punda Naik and Sam Bissoi. I told them hoAV painfully the English Go- vernment had been affected by the discovery of the horrible nature of the sacrifices they ofiered annually, 70 THE author's address. ill cousideriible iiuiubers, to avert the wrath of the earth goddess. 1 said that the time had arrived ^vheu this savage and impious ceremony must terminate for ever. I was not there to upbraid them with the past, but to inaugurate for them a better future. I hoped that they did not desire to remain for ever in dark- ness, and allow all other tribes to outstrip them in the race of intelligence and civilization. I assured them that a new era had dawnetl upon them. They Avere no longer subjects of an ignorant Rajah, who took no interest in their welfare and hap- piness, but by the fortune of war they had become the subjects of the British Government, in whose dominions the revolting ceremony I had come to denounce not only did not exist, but could not for a moment be tolerated. I told them that the British Government was a paternal one, and regarded all its subjects as its children, no matter of Avhat caste or of Avhat colour — there was and could be no distinction between Khond and Ooryah, and Avhenever the life of one was taken premeditatedly, no matter whether by sacrifice or otherwise, then assuredly would another life be required in punishment. Was it not, I asked, their own rule? — head for head, lite for life ; was not this their universal law ? And why should not this be applied to those whose lives THE author's ADDRESS. 71 they took nwnj in sacrifice ? Were these sacrifices really necessary? I asked them. This I considered a most vital and important point, and I pressed it upon their consideration. I thought it better to confess that we, like them, had once sacrificed human beings ; like them, had indulged in similar cruel ofierings ; like them, had believed that the judgment of the gods could only be averted by a bloody expiation and the slaughter of our fellow-creatures ; but this was in days of gross ignorance, when we were both fools and savages, knowing nothing, and living a debased and brutal life ; but we emerged from this darkness, gradually obtained light, and at last gave up for ever our bar- barous and unholy practices. And what has been the consequence ? I inquired. All kinds of prosperity have come upon us since we abolished those sinful rites ; we now possess learning and wisdom, and see clearly the great folly we all committed. I told them that they must think of this, and be certain that their real welfare did not depend, as they falsely supposed, upon the continuance of this ceremony of their religion. Putting aside ourselves, I continued, of whom they could not be expected to know much, I asked them to look at their neighbours on the plains ; were not 72 THE author's address. their crops as good and as abundant as those on the liills? Were not their cattle better ? Were they not as well otF as any hill tribe ? And do they sacrifice human beings ? I demanded ; yet nowhere can there be seen stronger men or finer crops. I earnestly begged them to trust in my friendship, assuring them that there was nothing I would not willingly do to serve them. I reminded them that, as the I'epresentative of the British Government, I was empowered to speak with authority, and to promise, if they complied peacefully with what was now required, every favour it was in our power to grant. I entreated that they would bear in mind that I was not there to interfere with their religion ; that I did not come amongst them to subvert their faith, but exclusively to prohibit a custom unsanctioned by the laws of God or man ; my only wish being that they might abandon such wicked and cruel acts, and, under the protection of the Government whose subjects they now were, enjoy the fullest measure of prosperity, and live at peace amongst themselves and with their neighbours. In short, I may say that I used every argument calculated to make an impression on such minds. When I had finished my appeal, I requested that they would discuss the subject of it amongst them- DECISION OF THE CHIEFS. 73 selves, and then communicate to me the result of their conference. The assembly, which had listened patiently and calmly to all that had been said, then broke up. I awaited their retui'n with much anxiety, as a com- promise had been, if not exactly proposed, at least suggested to me, of allowing one sacrifice to take place annually, for the whole of the Hionds of Goom- sur. This of course was immediately rejected. The assembly again met, and after some prelimi- naries, five or six of the oldest and most influential of the Khond chiefs came forward to express the senti- ments of the majority of the meeting, which they did Avitli great self-possession and remarkable fluency, to the following purport : " We have always sacrificed human beings. Our fathers handed down the custom to us. They thought no wrong, nor did we ; on the contrary, we felt we Avere doing what was right. We were then the sub- jects of the Rajah of Goomsur, now we are the subjects of the Great Government, whose orders we must obey. If the earth refuses its produce, or disease destroys us, it is not our fault ; we will aban- don the sacrifice, and will, if permitted, like the in- habitants of the plains, sacrifice animals." It would be tedious to relate all that passed, and the long and exciting discussions which ensued, but 74 OATU TAK-EN 15Y THE CHIEFS. in the end the people were dismissed with orders to meet again on a certain day, bringing with them all the intended victims. The result was most gratify- ing, and far beyond my most sanguine hopes. At the appointed time, nearly one hundred human beings, male and female, intended for sacrifice, were delivered to me. The assembly was again harangued by myself as on the first day, and subsequently addressed by several influential Khond speakers, who impressed upon its members the necessity of obedience to the orders of the State. The chiefs then took an oath peculiar to them- selves. Seated on tiger skins, they held in their hands a little earth, rice, and water, repeating as follows : " May the earth refuse its produce, rice choke me, water drown me, and tiger devour me and my childi'en, if I break the oath which I now take for myself and my people, to abstain for ever from the sacrifice of human beings." My sword was then passed round from chief to chief, as a mark of submission on their part, and of protection on mine. Presents Avere distributed, after Avhich I dissolved my second Khond Assembly, and all retiu'ued to their homes. Some chiefs of the more distant villages had failed INTERCOURSE WITH THE KHONDS. 75 to bring their Meriahs, but seeing how their fellow chieftains had acted, soon followed their example ; thus one hundred and five were, in less than one month, rescued from a cruel death. They were of dif- ferent ages. Many were restored to their relations on the plains ; some were eagerly sought after for adoption by handicraftsmen, and others Avere taken to the low country. The civil and military officers took charge of a few, and I had twelve instructed as domestic servants, and to be employed as interpreters in our future intercourse with the Khonds. I saw the Khonds daily and hourly ; I went to tlieir villages and ingratiated myself with them as much as possible. I spared no pains thoroughly to master the cases in which I had to adjudicate between them, and was invariably guided in my decisions by a council of their own elders ; thus it may be said I administered their own laws, and in this way ac- quired considerable influence. I allowed no favour- able opportunity to pass Avithout a few words on the Meriah sacrifice ; and as we gradually became more intimate, there was necessarily more freedom in the discussion. In any altercations between tribes, I always sup- ported the authority of their respective chiefs, and endeavoured in every Avay to conform myself to their usages and traditions, convinced that thus alone, in 76 ACTING AS ARBITRATOR. the first instance, could I effectively obtain their confidence, and through that confidence the important object of my mission. I must remark that, although I did most sincerely desire to refrain from the exercise, as much as pos- sible, of any other influence than that of persuasion over the minds and consciences of these wild and war- like races, yet that occasions more than once arose when it was necessary they should be reminded that I could use force, if unhappily the exercise of it became imperative. I was willing and most anxious on every other point to grant them all the conces- sions they desired, but on the one great question it was all-important that I should remain firm. For four years I continued unceasingly to watch over them, visiting them in their mountain home once, and sometimes twice a year, during which visits I greatly strengthened the influence I had previously acquired. All matters which to them appeared important were then brought before me and settled. In all their most serious quarrels, not exclud- ing blood feuds, I acted as their arbitrator ; and was very frequently called upon to adjust their family disputes, in which I must say the weaker, as I may not call them fau', sex bore the most prominent part. I readily, and always with real pleasure, joined their hunting parties ; and few, who have no experience of CONSTRUCTION OF A ROAD. 77 hill tribes, can estimate the vast amount of influence this simple act inspired. I often received visits from them at my residence on the plains, as it was my wish they should mix freely with their lowland neighbours, as a means towards their civilization. Accordingly, I removed every impediment to their attending the fairs in the low country, and attracted as many as possible to visit them. In time they came in large numbers, and I took care at first that they should be protected against deceptions ; but such precautions were soon found to be superfluous, for the mountaineers became expert bargainers, and were quite able to take care of themselves. I instituted a strict search after kidnappers, and apprehended three notorious offenders, who were brought to trial and imprisoned. I recommended the construction of a road through the heart of the Khond country, as the first great step towards the civilization of the inhabitants; and I urged, with all the force I could use, the necessity of extending operations for the suppression of the Meriah rite, into the neighbouring principalities of Boad and Chinna Kimedy. My health had suffered much from personal expo- sure in these unhealthy regions, where a tree or a straw heap was very frequently my only shelter at 78 TERMINATION OF MY FIRST CAMPAIGN. niglit. Though such make-shifts are not to be com plained of wlien on service in the fiehl, they are far from agreeable in the ordinary routine of a peaceful duty ; but I was well repaid by the peace and repose which prevailed in the countries under my charge, and by the fact that in January, 1842, the Meriah sacrifice was at an end among the Khonds of Goom- sur, though I did not pretend to have eradicated all inclination for the rite from the minds of these wild people. Thus terminated what I may designate as my first campaign, with the special object of conquering the religious prejudices of the wild tribes of Goomsur, and extinguishing their atrocious rite of sacrificing human victims. I desire in all sincerity to speak with diffidence of my own exertions, and regret the necessity of such frequent and unavoidable use of the personal pronoun. But I may be allowed warmly to rejoice over the results of these five years of labour. The chieftains and their tribes were my attached friends. A commencement of civilization had been made, more than one hundred victims saved from a violent and bloody death, and the public performance of the j\leriah sacrifice entirely suppressed amongst the Hill Tribes of Goomsur. In addition to this, I had carefully registered all the Possiapoes, or serfs, who were in the liands of RESULTS OF FIVE YEARS' LABOUR. 79 the Khonds. These serfs are well-treated, and in no immediate danger ; but as there is always a remote probability of their sacrifice, I considered it a wise measure of precaution to see them all, inscribe their names, ages, e^c, in a list kept for that purpose, and then restore them to their owners only on the secu- rity of the most influential and noteworthy chiefs ; and on the express condition of being presented to me, or to whoever I might at any time depute to re- present me, when I wished to see them. CHAPTER VI. I AM ORDERED FOR SERVICE IN CHINA — MR, BANNERMAN'S COMMENDATION OF MY PROCEEDINGS — CAPTAIN M'PHERSON APPOINTED MY SUCCES- SOR — IS PREJUDICED AGAINST SAM BISSOI — REPORT OF MR. SMOLLETT THE COMMISSIONER — INCREASED POWERS CONFERRED ON THE AGENT — REVOLT OF GOOMSUR — OPPRESSION OF THE NATIVE ASSISTANTS EM- PLOYED IN THE AGENCY — DESCENT OF ARMED KHONDS INTO THE LOW COUNTRY — MY RETURN TO MY FORJIER POST — I RECALL SAM BISSOI — TAKE THE COMMAND OF A FORCE AGAINST THE RAJAH OF NUGOOL — FLIGHT OF THE RAJAH — HIS PURSUIT AND CAPTURE — DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY. 83 CHAFTEK VI. Early in the year 1842, the regiment to which 1 be- longed was ordered on service to China, I applied, through my immediate superior, Mr. Bannerman, then Commissioner in Ganjam, for permission to join my corps prior to its embarkation for foreign service. Mr, Bannerman, in forwarding my application to the Madras Government, was pleased to observe- — " In submitting this communication, it may be permitted me to express my acknowledgment of the very valu- able assistance I have received from Major Campbell during the last four years ; and my regret should the exigencies of the public affairs in other quarters cause the temporary withdrawal of his service from this district." I accordingly quitted Goomsur, and had the oppor- tunity of visiting one of the most interesting coun- ti'ies in the world. But as this book does not profess to treat of China, I will merely observe that 1 re- mained there until the war was over, and indeed for G 2 84 CAI'TAIN .M'PHEKSON. some twelve months after ; and that, in recognition of my services, I was so fortunate as to get a step in promotion, and to receive admission into tlie Order of the Bath. Captain McPherson took my place amongst the Khonds. This officer liad some time previously pro- ceeded into the Khond country of Souradah, where female infanticide prevailed. He was accompanied by troops, and provided Avith elephants to carry his tents ; but a few days — about twenty-five — sufiiced to disorganise the whole party, wdio were driven back to the plains, and entirely prostrated by fever, which prevails to an extraordinary extent throughout the hills. In 1843 and 1844 he passed a brief period, twenty or five and twenty days in the Goomsur Khond country, but did not penetrate into the interior, nor indeed was it necessary, so long as he intended to confine his operations to Goomsur ; for the Khonds, as I have stated in the previous chapter, had relinquished sacrifice, though they clamoured loudly (as they had done when I left them), at the glaring injustice of our tolerating the rite in the adjacent countries of Boad and Chiuna Kimedy, whilst it was not permitted amongst them. In these provinces the Meriah sacri- fice was openly performed, and in several instances the flesh of the victim was brouslit from thence to DEPOSITION OF SAM BISSOI. 85 their fields by the Khonds of Goomsur. This was a sore trial to such as were sincerely desirous of adher- ing to their pledge. Captain McPherson conceived a strong prejudice against the man who had rendered the best services to the Anglo-Indian Government ; first to Mr. Russell, during the rebellion, and subsequently to myself, in inducing his tribes to forego the rite I desired to abolish. Apparently this officer had been persuaded by his native subordinates, in whom he seems to liave placed too mucli reliance, that Sam Bissoi was foment- ing intrigues in Khondistan, and that his summary removal was imperative. The result was, that the Government was induced to sanction the deposition and banishment of this most deserving chief, and of several of the members of his family. From that hour, and a most evil one it was, there was no peace in Goomsur. In place of Sam Bissoi, a priest of Tentilghur, named Ootan Singh, was set up ; and Captain Mc- Pherson reported that this measure, namely, the sub- stitution of Ootan Singh for Sam Bissoi, had '^ shed liglit and repose on the distracted minds of the Khonds." But the very reverse of this was the fact, as the reader Avill soon see. Shortly after the banishment of Sam Bissoi, Cap- tain McPherson went to Calcutta, and was succeeded, 86 MK. smoi.i.f.tt's KKPOHT. ])rn tt'iiipore, hy Dr. Cadenhead, a most a1)le and talented officer. The followiiifr is an extract from the report of Mr. Smollett, through whom, as Commis- sioner, it was necessary the Doctor should make his communicntions to Government. It is dated Septem- ber, 184.5:— '' In July, 1844, Captain McPherson proceeded to Bengal, on leave, and has not yet returned. His place was occupied by Mr. Assistant-Surgeon Caden- head, who took the Khond Agency on the same inde- pendent footing that his predecessor enjoyed. Mr. Cadenhead's reports of his visit to the hills have re- cently been before Government. Of these it need only be said that, on visiting the Hodzoghoro Mootah, he found the Dulbehra, Ootan Singh, insulted and derided, without authority or power, and deprived of his lands. The Khonds, said to have been delighted to escape from Sam Bissoi's tyranny and oppression, were again banded together under one of his relations, pre- viously held too insignificant for removal, and all expressed their determination to revert to sacrifice. The tribes, however, yielded to Mr. Cadenhead's remon- strances till his back was turned, when they again rebelled, and the Bara and Atarah Mutah Khonds following in the train, announced their intention of returning to their superstitions, unless the people of Boad were coei'ced with themselves." THE AGENCY REMODELLED. 87 The fil)ove is sufficient to show that a fatal mistake had been committed in deposing Sam Bissoi. I trace much of the mischief wliich afterwards occurred in the Boad country to this cause. It inspired the re- solute Avith a spirit of opposition, and the timid lied into concealment. Even Captain McPherson was dissatisfied with the new chief whom he had appointed, and stated, in one of his reports to Government, that this man, Ootan Singh, had so disgusted the people by his avarice, his want of courage, and his bad faith, that he was compelled to contemplate his removal. Such was the condition of the Khond Hills of Goomsur in 1845, towards the end of which year the supreme Government determined to remodel the agency for the suppression of human sacrifices, and to confer upon the agent and his assistants extensive powers. Captain McPherson Avas named agent, and early in 1846 took the field in the Boad country. It adjoins Goomsur, but is in Bengal territory. He states that he found the Boad tribes more pre- pared than he had ventured to hope to adopt the required changes. Every tribe was pledged by its representatives, after the manner of the Goomsur tribes, to relin(][uish the Meriah rite ; and as the pos- sessors of victims continued to bring them with emulous haste, in seven days about one hundred and seventy were delivered to him. 88 REVOLT OF THE KHONDS. This was certainly a bright beginning, and seemed to be ripe witli promise for the new agency, from which so much had been expected. Alas, a disastrous reverse was near at hand, for within one week of the delivery of these victims to the agent of the Govern- ment, his camp was surrounded by an armed mob of Khonds, who demanded and unhappily obtained their restoration. I feel assured that the agent was both misled and misinformed by his native subordinates, when he consented to surrender these poor victims to their barbarous masters. He states himself that " it was the Eajah of Boad who prayed earnestly that he might have an opportunity of bringing the Khonds back to a right state of mind ; also, that he, the Kajah, undertook to effect this, and would give a solemn guarantee for their safety and redelivery, if I would make over the victims to him." This Eajah was a poor imbecile youth, utterly incapable of influencing Khonds or others for good or evil. His guarantee, if ever given, which he himself stoutly denied, was entirely worthless. Of this the agent soon had ample proof; for scarcely had this first concession of the surrender of the victims been made, when, flushed with such a success, the Khonds again attacked his camp, which was then retiring on Goomsur. They now demanded that this imbecile EXACTIONS OF NATIVE. ASSISTANTS. 89 Eajali, who was then accompanying Captain McPher- son — and Avhom the Khonds supposed to be a pri- soner — should be made over to them. To pacify them, a second concession was made, and the Rajah was sent back witli them to Boad, I have no wish to dwell upon these deplorable mis- takes of judgment, nor to bring odium upon any one responsible for them ; but I must say that I have not the faintest doubt that this rapid transition of the Khonds from a spirit of confidence and obedience, as evinced by the delivery of their victims, to one of distrust and revolt, accompanied by demands not unlike threats, was caused exclusively by the exac- tions and oppressions to which they had been subjected by the native assistants of Captain McPherson, Money was extorted from them, cooking utensils were forcibly carried away, and even the Rajah him- self was mulcted of a pair of gold armlets. This lamentable state of affairs was necessarily con- tinued in consequence of the rainy season having compelled the withdrawal to the low country of the agent and his camp. It was hoped that when opera- tions could be renewed he would recover both the prestige he had lost, and the intended victims again in the hands of the exasperatod Khonds. But the plot thickened ; and, in addition to the disastrous state of things on the hills, a new revolu- 90 DESCENT <»!• AHMED KHONDS. tion ]»r<)kc out, ;it the head of which was a man named Chokro Bissoi, nephew of the former chief of tlie Goomsur Khonds, and, as subseqnent events proved, a very clever and skilful leader. He had been living in the neighbouring principality of Ungool, but came from his retirement in this emergency, in the hope of replacing his uncle in power. Kevolt was general in both Goomsur and Boad ; it had spread so extensively, that when the cessation of the rains permitted Captain McPherson to march with the force at his command into Boad, he found nothing but deserted villages — the people having fled to the recesses of their jungles, conveying thither all their grain and valuables. Their villages were fre- quently burnt, and the dense jungles searched by the troops ; but on several occasions they met with a shai'p resistance from the Khonds, who made no signs of submission, although all their principal places were in military possession of the troops. Unfavourable as was this position for the agent, it was aggravated by the descent of Choki'o Bissoi to the low country, a manoeuvre which he devised, and, Avith a band of followers, skilfully executed. Once on the plains, he commenced burning and plundering in every direction, apparently in retaliation of what had been done in Boad by the Captain's detachment. Tliis critical state of atiairs alarmed the supreme TRANQUILLITY RESTORED. 91 Government ; and they requested the authorities at Madras to depute an experienced general officer, with a sufficient force, to proceed to Goomsur and quell the disturbances. In accordance with this sugges- tion, General Dyce was named to the command. He ([uickly marched into the disturbed district, and, through his judicious measures, tranquillity was so far restored as to render it possible again to renew o[)erations against human sacrifices, which, from first to last, had been tlie sole object the Anglo-Indian Government had in" view. The chief rebel, Chokro Bissoi was still at large, and roaming about Boad with a few followers, a nu- cleus of mischief, apparently, that it required careful observation and a cautious policy to render innocuous. While these troublous events were occurring, I had returned from China, and been employed in suppress- ing an insurrection at Golcondah, which was quickly put down. Very soon after this, 1 was informed by the Marquis of Tweeddale, the Governor and Com- inander-in-chief of the Madras Presidency, that I shoidd probably be required to return to my old work in Goomsur. I mention this fact, which occuri-ed in January, 18-17, to prove that it is not true, as so often stated, that Captain McPherson was removed from office in consequence of General Dyce's reports, riie intention of tlie Bengal Government was con- 92 RECALL OF SAM BISSOI. firmed no doubt by those reports, but that intention existed before the General liad written a line on the subject. When about to return to the scene of my old labours, I took upon myself the grave responsibility of recalling from exile the chief, Sam Bissoi, well knowing that his re-appearance in Khondistan would have the best effect upon the tiibes generally, and tend powerfully to allay the excitement caused by the late disturbances. He ascended the Ghauts along with me, and it Avas affecting to see the reverence ■with which the people received their old Abba, as they called him, as he passed them on his way to his paternal property of Hodghogur. I have never had reason to reui'et this healiui? measure, of which I took upon myself the entire responsibility. I believe it was an act of justice to a meritorious and useful man, whose previous good service to Government had deserved a better recom- pense than disgrace and banishment. The Governor- General eventually confirmed what I had done ; and thus my old and valued ally once more became the chief of a portion of the Khond tribes. He well knew how to govern these people, and how to make himself both feared and respected. His will emphatically Avas law, and in no part of the land were the tribes better cared for or more prosperous than in the little STATE OF THE GOOMSUR TRIBES. 93 dominion subject to his rule. His manner of present- ing his tribes was, for a man with his educational deficiences, most remarkable. He marshalled them jdways at a little distance from my tents, and then having arranged them in their order of precedence,- he led them successively into my presence, in a most graceful and courtly manner. No Lord Chamberlain could have performed the office better. I now found the Goorasur tribes in a feverish state, consequent u})on tlie marching and countermarching of troo[)S through their country, and their ignorance of what the Government intended to do. It was my duty to re-assure them, and to restore the confi- dence which the late measures had weakened or destroyed. Having formerly passed many years with these tribes, I had not much difficulty in bringing them to reason, I learnt with unfeigned pleasure that no public performance of the Meriah rite had taken place since I had left them, and I could not discover that there had been any private one. I believe they had remained faithful to their pledge, and I marked my approval of their steadfastness by the bestowal amongst them of several yards of a coarse red cloth which I knew they most highly prized. We talked over the old question of the prohibited rite. They did not suffer, they said, from its aboli- !M STATK or Tiir. hoad coiXTin. tion amongst thein, Wnt :it times they became impatient of restraint when tliey hoard of sacrifices in Bead, Jcyporc, and other neighbouring states. They hoped the Government would act impartially, and exact from others the same obedience it had required and received from them. This I readily promised should be done ; and after adjudicating in all the disputed cases brought before me, I took leave of my Goomsur Khonds. Then I crossed over into the Boad country, Avhere peace had not been perfectly restored, and the surrendered victims still remained in the bands of the wild tribes of the district. The great feat to be achieved here was to get back the one hundred and seventy victims, and to restore confidence to the Khonds. After late events they entertained a great dread of the visit of any agent of Government ; having met witli unmerciful treat- ment at the hands of the native employes, they had retaliated so sharply that they feared severe punish- ment. Consequently they tied to their forests on my approach, and I could find no one to treat with. In this dilemma I was preparing to carry into effect such measures as 1 thought advisable to efiect a reconciliation between the Khonds and the Govern- ment, when I was somewhat suddenly ordered to take the military and political control of an expedition THE RAJAH OF UNGOOL. 95 destined to depose the Rajah of the neighbouring principality of Ungool. The Government of India had resolved on this severe nieasure in consecjuence of the Rajah's con- tinued insubordination and disobedience to their com- mands. I may state that in a semi-official letter to the President of the Council of India, I had, two months previously, pleaded as urgently as possible the Rajah's cause, and said what I could in palliation of his conduct. The supreme authority felt, I presume, that resistance to their authority and commands was not to be tolerated on the i)art of this petty rider, as the example might be contagious, and there were some twenty or twenty-five so called independent Rajahs in the same neighbourhood. An ultimatum was accordingly prepared and forwarded to the Rajah, intimating that if in twenty-five days its conditions were not fulfilled, he would be considered as deposed, and his country taken from him. Of course it was never supposed be would comply with the terms of this ultimatum, and I therefore descended the hills to place myself at the head of the troops destined to act against this refractory chief. The force at my disposal consisted of two complete regiments of Madras Native Infantry, the 41st and 29th, with some companies of the 22nd, and the full complement of Artillery. Colonel Ouseley, the 96 FORCE SENT AGAINST HIM. Governor-General's Agent for the South West Fron- tier, was ordered to co-operate with me, and to place at my disposal any portion of the cavalry or infan- try of the Ramghur contingent that I might desire. No one knew anything of the country against whicli we were about to proceed. It was said to be studded with forts well mantled with guns, and to support a standing army of seventeen thousand soldiers. I put very little trust in these rumours, and felt very con- fident that my small army would give a good account of the enemy, wherever met or however strongly posted. I must not omit to mention that I took Avith me, from Goomsur, a small body of my faithful irregulars, or Sebundies, and found them literally invaluable. Early in January we marched from Berhampore, in Ganjam, and arrived on the borders of the Ungool country on the 20th of January. I had issued the most stringent orders that no plundering or maraud- ing, the vice of native troops, should be permitted ; and I took care that the inhabitants of the country we passed through should receive the full value of whatever they sold. Still great fear was often displayed by the people, rumour having magnified my little army into a force twenty times its number. I had not inore than two thousand fighting men, and four guns, and to ray great surprise I marched thi.-? ATTACK ON THE FORT AT TIKRTPURRAH, 97 force into the Rajah's country without meeting the slightest resistance. It is true I came upon a wretched bamboo stockade near Huttui, on the bor- ders of Ungool, but it was not defended. Once in Ungool, I necessarily sought the most trustworthy information regarding the Rajah, his residences and forts, and the best means of approach- ing them. The result I will now relate. The Rajah, it was said, resided at the foot of a hill, in the most inaccessible part of his country ; his dwelling was not fortified, but defended by two stock- ades, erected on two hills that commanded the main road leading to it. The works were reported strong, and guns Avould be requisite to reduce them. In ad- dition to these stockades, there was a small fort erected on an eminence at Tikripurrah, and a new fortification, consisting of a gate with strong stock- ades, had recently been built near the Rajah's resi- dence. There was also a new gate and stockade at a place called Borokheta. It seemed, then, that at last Ave were likely to meet some determined resistance. I resolved to open the campaign by an attack on the fort at Tikripurrah. Thither we groped our way with all due precaution, till we came in view of this hill fort, which was said to be defended by two thousand men. Its situation was well chosen, on the top of a long narrow hill, with H 98 DRMOLITION OK TIIK FOKT. a commanding range on the small plain below, over Avliich any attacking force must march. The guns were soon loaded and in position, and I advanced with a portion of the 41st regiment up the face of the hill to tlie centre of the fort. The enemy- appeared taken by surprise, and offered no resistance ; tliey fled in a crowd, exchanged a few shots in their fliglit with our troops, but there was no ** butcher's bill," not so much as a casualty on either side. I found this fortification tolerably constructed, and had it been resolutely defended, the place might have cost me much trouble to take. A strong wooden wall ran round it, and the interior was well fitted up. Tliere were a few guns, and a large quantity of almost useless powder. I ordered the entire demo- lition of this fort, and then marched onwards towards the Rajah's own residence. To condense as much as possible, I may say tliat in our advance tlie only impediments we had to encounter were those placed in our way by Nature ; and that, when we reached the Rajah's dwelling, we found it as deserted as the stockades, or fortifications, that had been placed on the main road for its defence. The villages were all empty, and the Rajah was said to have hidden himself in the dense forests, and to be attended in his flight by some of his seraglio, and by liis conmiander-in-chief, named Sindu Ghur Naik. CAPTURE OF SOMNATH SINGH, 99 I took all the guns, matchlocks, gunpowder, salt- petre, sulphur, and lead that were in the Ungool arsenal. Altogether I think I captured nine or ten guns of different sizes. It only now remained to hunt out the Rajah and his followers, and for this purpose I divided my force as judiciously as I could, and posted detachments in positions where they were likely to be of most service in arresting the fugitives. This important object was attained chiefly through the zeal of the retainers of a friendly and neighbouring chief, aided by my own irregidars, who got upon the scent of the Rajah, and caught him when he was literally being carried away in the arms of some of his women. He could not help himself, for he is a cripple; so he succumbed to the overpowering force of circumstances, and was brought a prisoner into my camp. His name was Somnath Singh, and he differed in no wise from his brother potentates, whom I have already described. He was not an old man in years, but a complete wreck from the combined effects of dis- sipation and rheumatism. A few days after the capture of this man, his chief ad- visers were cleverly caught in a large hole they had dug in the thick forest, where they hoped to elude detection. They were surrounded by a body of my irregulars, who advanced upon them, gradually narrowing the H 2 100 ACQUISITION OF UNOOOL. circle, until they were able to seize and pinion tliem without any mischief being clone. Sindu Ghur Naik was undoubtedly the moving spirit in Ungool, where he bore a bad reputation, and instigated his master to the course which ended in their common ruin. In less than six weeks from leaving Berhampore, the mission entrusted to me by the Governor-General was fully and perfectly achieved ; all the little forts were dismantled, the guns in our possession, the Eajah and his principal men captured, and the people had returned to their villages. I liad no power to do anything with the deposed Kajah, or his chief servants, save to forAvard them as close prisoners of war to Cuttack, there to be dealt with as the Government might please. I did so, and T can now add that the Rajah remained a prisoner on parole for a few years at Cuttack, and died ; and that most of his followers were shot doAvn by a company of Sepoys while making an attempt to escape from prison. I received the thanks of Lord Hardinge for this service, and was at liberty to turn my attention to Boad and the sacrificing tribes. Before finally quitting Ungool, let me say that I do not think its annexation to the British dominions any very valuable acquisition It is a small principality, in the centre of a cluster of little independent states, PROCEEDINGS IN BOAD. 101 and is sei3arated from the Boad country by the noble Mahaniiddy river. It is hilly generally, with thick forests, producing that valuable tree, the saal, from which gun carriages are made, superior to any I have seen. Xo natural obstacles are insm-mountable, as we had proof during this campaign, by carriages built of this timber. Iron is also found in consider- able abundance, and the different grains common to these hill tracts grow in the cultivated districts. There are a few valleys, fertile enough; but the jungle fever, which is very fatal, is seldom absent from this land, and no European constitution could endure a prolonged residence here. The rite of human sacrifice, if it ever obtained in these hills, has long ceased, and animals only are slaughtered. Of Boad as well as Goomsur, my Assistant, Captain Macviccar, had been placed in charge during my ab- sence, with directions to abstain, if possible, from all aggressive movements, yet to keep the disaffected in check. This he was enabled to do, and also to pre- vent the consummation of an intended sacrifice. A young girl had gone through all the preliminary ceremonies ; she had been shewn to and accepted by the deity, and the day for immolation had been ap- pointed. Intelligence of this reached Captain Mac- viccar, who did not lose a moment in sending aid to the intended victim, by which means she was rescued 102 CAl'TUUE OF FOUR KHOND CHIEFS. from a cruel death. Four of the Khond chiefs con- cerned in this outrage were captured, and remained as prisoners in camp until my arrival from Ungool. CHAPTER VII. INTRIGUES OF A KHOND CHIEF IN BOAD — MEASURES TAKEN THERE BY ME, ASSISTED BY CAPTAIN MACVICCAR, TO SUPPRESS HUMAN SACRIFICE — DISCUSSIONS WITH THE LEADERS — COMPARISON OF NEW ZEALAND SAVAGE AND KHOND — THE YOUNG WARRIORS — MY PROLONGED SOJOURN IN BOAD — EFFECTS OF THE UNHEALTHY CLIMATE — THE CHIEFS PLEDGED NOT TO PERMIT HUMAN SACRIFICE — RESCUE OF TWO HLTSfDRED AND THIRTY-FIVE INTENDED VICTIMS — CEREMO- NIES DURING A SACRIFICE — I QUIT BOAD. 105 CHAP IE II VII. After the termination of my campaign in Ungool, I proceeded to Boad, taking with me six companies of infantry and a troop of irregular horse. Captain Mac- viccar had been enabled to preserve tranquillity in this country, notwithstanding the attempts made by the rebel leader, Chokro Bissoi, to compromise the Khonds by some overt act of hostility towards us. The latter was prodigal of his promises if they would only join him in resisting the Government ; they might then, he assured them, sacrifice human victims whenever they pleased, without let or hindrance. Such a promise was precisely adapted to gain the devotion of the Khonds, and as they still possessed the destined victims extorted from the late agent, it cannot surprise any one if their position should be considered exceedingly critical. The people hesitated. They entertained a whole- some dread of the power of the Sirkar, or Govern- ment. During my absence in Ungool there had been 106 01 K rUOCEEDlNGS IN BOAD. no attack on Captain Macviccar's camp ; indeed, he had been able to conciliate a few chiefs, and was thus afforded some means of communicating Avith the great body of the mountaineers and their leaders, who still held aloof from temptation. We were now on the eve of deciding the great question, whether the Supreme Government in India could or could not enforce its will, and effectually suppress the sacrifice of human beings in Boad ? Our success in Goomsur was a powerful means of co-operation ; for there was positive proof that the deity could not require human blood, as uninterrupted prosperity attended on those tribes that had long ceased to offer it. The war in Ungool was like- wise not without its effect. The tribes said, cunningly enough, if Chokro Bissoi could not keep his friend, the Rajah of Ungool, on his throne, how can he secure us the privileges he promises ? I commenced my Avork in Boad by a careful dis- tribution of the small force at my disposal, taking good care that private property should be scrupulously respected, and, whenever opportunity offered, I treated the inhabitants of these hill valleys with the greatest kindness and consideration. Captain Macvic- car pursued the same policy, and w^as within two days' march of me with an adequate force, using his best endeavours t(^ persuade the people that