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 y
 
 ON 
 
 POLICY
 
 ' It is impossible to doubt that, sooner or later, the spirit of truth 
 will be regarded ... as the loftiest form of virtue. We are 
 indeed still far from that point. A love of truth tliat seriously resolves 
 to spare no prejudice, and accord no favour ; that prides itself on basing 
 every conelixsion on reason or conscience, and in rejecting every illegiti- 
 mate influence, is not common in one sex, is almost unknown in the other, 
 and is very fiir indeed from being the actuating spirit of all who boast 
 most loudly of their freedom from prejudice. Still, it is to this that we 
 are steadily approximating. . . . In the political sphere the victory 
 has almost been achieved^ 
 
 Lecky's History of Rationalism in Europe, vol. ii. p. 98.
 
 fr^ 
 
 
 c 
 
 THE 
 
 IDEAS OF THE DAY 
 
 ON 
 
 POLICY 
 
 BY CHAELES ^ BUXT ON, M.A., M.P. 
 
 >'>>>>)> I 
 
 
 > > > 
 
 J > '» > 5 
 
 ' ' i ' ' , > ' ' ' 1 > ' * 
 . ' * i * o '.' » > t 
 
 LONDON 
 JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET 
 
 1866 
 
 Tlie right of tranilation it reserved
 
 
 -^ 
 
 LONDON 
 
 PRIHXED BY srOTTISWOODB AND 00. 
 
 NEW-STREET SQUiUlE 
 
 t t I < « t 
 
 I « c, e c t 
 
 <c iCtc<cc<i c ' «c e •-( t 't*- tci 
 
 " < < < ; '
 
 4"=^?., 
 
 * CONTENTS. 
 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 EXPLANATORY 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 JUDICIAL STATESMANSHIP 6 
 
 5 
 
 ^ CHAPTER III. 
 
 o THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON EELIGIOUS POLICY . .15 
 
 UJ 
 
 o 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON SOCIAL POLICY . . .31 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON FINANCIAL POLICY . . 67 
 
 ft: 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON FOREIGN POLICY . . .75 
 
 atJiGoi
 
 vi CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON COLONIAL POLICY . 91 
 
 CHAPTEE VIII. 
 
 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON INDIAN POLICY . . 99 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON IRISH POLICY . . . lOo 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 FINAL EEMAI^KS 1^9
 
 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY 
 
 ON 
 
 POLICY. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The aim of this book is not to show what men might 
 think, or ought to think, but what they are actually 
 now thinking, in England. For some years I have 
 been endeavoming to make a full and exact collection 
 of the political ideas now at work in the mind of the 
 British people. I have been in the habit of watcliing 
 the political speeches and w^ritings of the time, and 
 carefully analysing the arguments . that have been put 
 forward, in the hope of tracking out the principles that 
 are, as it were, living forces in the intellect of the nation ; 
 and that are stamping, or tending to stamp, their impress 
 on our policy. 
 
 I am sorry that the ideas thus collected should have 
 
 B
 
 2 EXPLANATORY. [Chap. 1. 
 
 such a dry and bare look when set out ; but the very 
 scope of my attempt forbade me to enlarge upon tliem. 
 It made me put them down in the fewest words, and 
 in tlie coldest way. Had I allowed myself to dwell upon 
 these ideas, and either debate their truth, or illustrate 
 their beauty, or cover them with so much as a fig-leaf 
 of my own finding, I sliould not have gained my real 
 end, namely, to set them forth precisely as they are. A 
 severe impartiality would have been impossible. Now 
 it was the essence of my scheme that, in this work, 
 I should be a collector only : not a commentator, or 
 composer. 
 
 In fact, this little book would plead to be a con- 
 tribution, how^ever humble, to the history of- our time. 
 It is not mine to tell the story of the deeds, the events, 
 the changes, with Avliich the last few years liave been 
 rife ; nor yet to describe the growth of science, or of 
 art ; the expansion of wealth, or the forward march of 
 civihsation. My task is a narrow, but well-defined one. 
 Taking one field of national thought, I have done my 
 best to search it through, and take note of aU the ideas 
 that are at this very moment living and moving therein. 
 It follows that, if in any instance my own views have 
 coloured Avhat I have written, so far I have missed my 
 own aim, and marred my own work. These pages are 
 waste paper unless the ideas that are stirring the minds 
 of men, on the political questions of the day, have been
 
 Chap. L] EXPLANATORY. 3 
 
 stated as faithfully when I think them false, as when 
 true. 
 
 One qualification is presumed throughout. It is no- 
 where implied that every one who holds any poUtical 
 opinion, bases it on all the ideas set down under that 
 head. But only, that among the arguments by which 
 that opinion is upheld, in some quarter or another, I 
 have traced such and such ideas. Some may admit, 
 some may reject, any of those ideas, and yet hold fast 
 the same conclusion. 
 
 Nay, their conclusions may have nothing to do with 
 any principles whatever. We know well enough that a 
 large part of our opinions are not the issue of ideas. 
 To a great extent they do not grow up from w^ithin, but 
 are thrust upon us from without. Irrespective of any 
 reasoning, om' views are shaped by the influence of 
 family or fiiends ; by hereditary character ; by what is 
 vaguely but justly caUed the spkit of the age. In a 
 thousand ways a bias may be given. Even those opinions 
 which have sprung from reasoning, need not have sprung 
 from ideas. They may have been inferred from certain 
 facts, experiences, or assumptions. Or, again, they may 
 have been warmed into life by imagery. 
 
 Allowing for all this, stiU the bulk of political opinion 
 is generated by certain formative ideas, which, as was 
 said above, are living forces in the minds of men. For
 
 4 EXPLAXATORY. [Chap. I. 
 
 example, take the opinions generallj^ held on the ques- 
 tion of legalising marriage with a deceased wife's sister. 
 Many, no doubt, are against, or for, the legalisation of 
 such marriages, simply because their husbands, or wives, 
 or friends are against or for them ; and they have caught 
 their feeling. Others take one or the other side because 
 they know certain people whose happiness such legalisa- 
 tion would have marred or made. Others have got a 
 bias from some other trifling cause. But putting aside 
 these leanings, there still remains a large body of opinion, 
 that may not have been reached by conscious reasoning, 
 but yet emanates from certain ideas enthroned in the 
 mind, and ruling over its thoughts. Such, for example, 
 is the idea that the bidding of the Church must be 
 obeyed. Such, on the other side, is the idea that the 
 law ought not to hamper man's freedom, so long as he 
 does not trespass on the rights of others. These and 
 other such ideas do not bear upon the one topic alone. 
 Their sway extends over wide provinces of thought. 
 
 Now this book sets aside those other motives to 
 opinion. It seeks to go down from the efflorescence of 
 arsuments and illustrations with which the discussion of 
 eveiy question is clothed, to the roots of these arguments 
 in the reason. I have had to deal with the political 
 thought of the day so far, and only so far, as it is engen- 
 dered by ideas. 
 
 K it be asked. What use is this ? I hardly know what
 
 Chap. L] EXPLAXATORY. 5 
 
 to reply. Perhaps it is as good to collect ideas, as to 
 collect butterflies and beetles. Perhaps, too, if we could 
 grasp the ideas by which other men are swayed, we 
 should thereby gain a deeper insight into those men them- 
 selves, and have a larger fellow-feeling with them. How- 
 ever, I began the investigation for my own good only, 
 fancying that, if I could master the principles of those 
 from whom I differ, this would help me to take a more 
 broad and judicial view of the questions that come before 
 Parhament ; and afterwards I thought that these notes 
 might give some help to those learners in the political 
 sphere wlio aim at rising above mere partisanship, and 
 seeking truth alone. 
 
 But here starts up the question, Is any such aim a wise 
 one ? At any rate is it a wise one for a member of 
 Parliament who seeks, first and foremost, to be of use ? 
 That question demands a chapter of its own.
 
 6 JUDICIAL STATESMANSHIP. [Chap. U. 
 
 CHArTEE 11. 
 
 JUDICIAL STATESMANSHIP. 
 
 Parliament. may be divided into three portions. Most of 
 its members care little for its politics, but look on the 
 House of Commons as an ao;reeable loiin2;e for leisure 
 moments, though with the serious drawback of eternal 
 speechifying, and, still worse, of divisions in which even 
 the most easy-going member must now and then be found. 
 On the other hand there is the occasional amusement of 
 a humorous speech from a trained joker ; the occasional 
 interest of a grand oration from a leading statesman ; the 
 occasional excitement of a party-fight. 
 
 A large number, again, take a lively interest in Par- 
 liament as the arena of party-conflicts. They are heartily 
 loyal to their party and its chiefs ; they wax hot 
 against the other side ; they feel all the spirit-stirring 
 emulation of the political race, as well as rehshing the 
 social intercourse and other enjoyments which Parliament 
 confers. But the idea never crosses their minds of 
 thinking for themselves, or taking a line of their own, on
 
 Chap. II.] JUDICIAL STATESMANSHIP. 
 
 the questions of the clay, and they look with wondering 
 dis<T;ust on those who do. 
 
 A far smaller band may be observed, who seem to look 
 on Parliament from altogether another point of view. To 
 them the House of Commons is neither a club nor a race- 
 course. They may enjoy its rare merits in both of these 
 capacities, but they do not forget that here the poUcy of 
 the greatest nation in the world is discussed and deter- 
 mined ; and that even the least of the members of that 
 House shares in acts that may tell for weal or for woe 
 upon tens of millions of .their fellow-men, it may be for 
 ages. Even if they do not take such a high and perhaps 
 overstrained view of the duties entrusted to them, they 
 feel a vivid interest in the questions that rise up day 
 after day ; they throw themselves heartily into every 
 effort to rid the land of abuses ; to lessen sufTermg ; 
 to spread peace, happiness, and well-being, not only 
 throughout this kingdom, but the world. They rejoice 
 in finding a sphere opening before them for labour 
 so good in its kind, and, if wisely spent, so beneficent : 
 and they resolve that no pains shall be spared to make 
 themselves worthy of the work that is given them to do. 
 
 And here arises a very natural mistake into which some 
 of the younger of these pohticians appear to fall. They 
 seem to think that to render their career truly noble, and 
 make themselves potent advocates of the best and highest 
 policy, they must exercise an independent, self-reliant
 
 8 JUDICIAL STATESMANSHIP. [Chap. II. 
 
 judgment upon the questions that come before them, and 
 tliink their own thoughts, and strike out their own path, 
 without any regard whatever to the claims of party, 
 friendship, or ambition. They deem it a pitiful thing to 
 I'age against those who differ from them, as if they ^vere 
 knaves or fools, instead of trying to sound the depths 
 of their dissent, and grasp its meaning. Their ideal 
 statesman would be he who, while full of hearty zeal 
 agmnst all abuses, should yet be so master of his own soul 
 that, instead of being swept away by gusts of feeling, he 
 should bring a cold clear judgment to the solution of all 
 questions of policy ; and seeking truth alone, should 
 calmly weigh the reasons for, and the reasons against, the 
 course proposed ; and liold fast the conclusion he thus 
 reaches, whatever ridicule, reproach, or loss it might 
 bring upon him. 
 
 And it must perliaps be allowed that, m its perfection, 
 statesmanship Like this would tend to call forth and 
 strengthen some noble qualities of heart and mind. It 
 would demand candour, fairness, generous feeling ; love 
 of truth ; courage ; self-reliance ; combined with the habit 
 of grasping, and marshalling in due order, the mass of 
 thoughts and knowledge bearing on the matter in hand. 
 
 And yet it may be doubted whether a young politician 
 does wisely in aiming at any such ideal. In doing so, he 
 will be putting himself at a discord with the actual condi- 
 tions of the life he is to lead. The process by which the
 
 Chap. II.] JUDICIAL STATESMANSHIP. 9 
 
 coimtry has risen to such greatness has not been through 
 her individual legislators weighing the pros and cons of 
 every question, and coming, each for himself, to an im- 
 partial, independent judgment thereupon ; but by the 
 strenuous collision of parties, under which there arises 
 a full debate — not only in Parliament but in the Press 
 — and at length a decision by the nation, upon the 
 pohcy to be followed. Probably in the long run it 
 works better that every measure should thus be hotly 
 advocated and hotly assailed by the two great pohtical 
 hosts, with the nation sitting by as arbiter, than that each 
 member of Parhament should take his OAvn special, and 
 perhaps crotchetty course, without yielding to those, who 
 may be much more fit to lead him, than he is to lead 
 himself. 
 
 And undoubtedly as regards his own career, nothing 
 can be less prudent than his thus daring to think out 
 things for himself, and strike out liis o^vn line. Most 
 of those about him are partisans, however little they 
 may be of pohticians. They may care httle for the 
 principles they profess ; they may care httle for the 
 practical results to be expected from their legislation : 
 but they will be none the less eager for the triumph of 
 their party ; and will look veiy much askance at the man 
 who is ready to leave it in the liurch, or break loose from 
 its ties. They ^vill always lay his conduct at the door of 
 some selfish motive, and, to say truth, the conclusion they
 
 10 .TUDICL\L STATESMANSHIP. [Chap. II. 
 
 are so ready to draw with regard to J\I. or N., may be 
 a too legitimate induction from other cases. 
 
 Now, to feel himself looked upon as a black sheep 
 by those whose goodwill he cannot but crave, must 
 in itself be painful : and so, again, to find himself 
 assailed, perhaps, by that very portion of the press 
 which he most admires. Still, it needs no great manli- 
 ness for him to face tliis disappointment. But the mis- 
 chief does not end there. What injures his reputation, 
 weakens his power. He cannot command the support of 
 men who look on him as a half-hearted partisan, or as a 
 traitor in disguise. And if his one great aim is, as it 
 should be, to make his career fruitful in good work done ; 
 to give a vigorous push forward to every good cause ; 
 nay, it may be, to achieve success for a good cause of his 
 own — then he must sometimes doubt the wisdom of 
 isolating himself from those, without whose aid his toil 
 must be in vain. 
 
 Eut further : although, as was observed above, the 
 statesman who boldly, strongly used his own judgment, 
 and took his own way, without being swayed one 
 inch to right or left by others, woidd tluis, no doubt, 
 bring into play some of the highest virtues ; on the 
 other hand, the same course might, in many cases, have 
 a baneful, instead of a beneficial reflex action on both 
 mental and moral character. The continual endeavour 
 to look at both sides of each question, to allow full
 
 Chap. II.] JUDICIAL STATESMANSHIP. 11 
 
 weight to -whatever might be said against as well as for 
 it, might too easily give a habit of wavering that would 
 be fatal to success and to utility. 
 
 And again, no doubt, this habit of sitting as a judge, 
 instead of pleading as an advocate, would not in the least 
 deo-ree cool the alleuiance of some men to their own 
 principles. Nay, with many a man, the hard and repeated 
 thought which such an attempt exacts, gives only a more 
 profound and even passionate love of his own opinions, 
 than could have been awakened by them had they only 
 lain hghtly on the surface of his mind. But, as a 
 general rule, such a man would not feel that Hving 
 faith in his own conclusions, nor be borne along by 
 those impulses of glowing zeal, which iuspii'c him who 
 fixes his eyes upon one side alone. He might sink at 
 last into that mood, wherein the poisonous sentiment 
 grows rank, that ' There's nothing true, and it's no 
 matter : ' and of all frames of the intellect, none, 
 perhaps, can be worse than that numb indifference ; 
 that feeling that all is vague, all is doubtful ; that no- 
 where is there a foothold for the mind amid the quick- 
 sands that surround it. This, however, is the danger 
 that attends the high and noble aim of reasoning out each 
 question without bias, without personal or party feehng, 
 weiixhino; a";ainst each other, with absolute fairness, all the 
 arguments that lie on either side. Upon the whole, pru- 
 dence would dictate that it is safer and wiser for a young
 
 12 JUDICL\L STATESMANSHIP. [Chap II. 
 
 politician to keep the trodden track, and go in, heart 
 and soul, hand and voice, with his party, as an ardent 
 advocate, without presuming to sit as judge. For his ow^n 
 comfort, this would beyond question be wisest ; and, as 
 we have seen, it may in reahty prove to be so for his 
 utility, and even for his own growth in power. 
 
 But there are many thoughtful men, who could not 
 force themselves by any consideration, either of personal, 
 or even of higher motives, to take such a partisan course. 
 Their natural impulse is uncontrollable to look all round 
 each question : they feel, perhaps, even a keener dehght 
 in working their way among the ideas of their opponents, 
 and placing themselves where they stand, than in building 
 up argument after argument on their own side. It is by 
 thinkers of that kind that this w^ork may, I would fain 
 hope, be found useful ; not, indeed, in the way of teach- 
 ing, but of suggestion. Its function is not to instruct, 
 but only to stir up the reader to push forward his own 
 investigations, and thus gain for himself a mastery over 
 the political thought of the day.
 
 N.B. — 1 have found it convenient to use the ■word 'principle' only when 
 the idea referred to is the idea of a law : viz. when it is an idea that it is 
 right, not merely gainful, to take such and such a course.
 
 Sbct. r.] CHURCH AND STATE. 15 
 
 CHAPf EK III. 
 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON 
 
 RELIGIOUS POLICY. 
 
 Section I. 
 
 CHURCH AND STATE. 
 
 I. No idea has told so miicli on the institutions, the 
 pohcy, and the mind, of the British people ; no idea has 
 had so much of its ancient dominion torn from its grasp ; 
 no idea has now to wage such war with those that seek 
 its downfal ; as the idea that the State, as a State, must 
 hold, and uphold, the true Faith. 
 
 This is the principle of an Estabhshed Church. 
 
 II. In days gone by, this principle led on to the idea 
 that the State, to be loyal to truth, must drive out error. 
 This is the principle — so far as it came from principle, 
 not from passion — of persecution. This idea is dying, 
 but now and then shows unlooked-for life. 
 
 III. Till very lately, these ideas bore unchecked sway
 
 16 THE IDEAS OF TIEE DAY ON [Chap. IH. 
 
 over Christendom as well as over a large part of the un- 
 christian world. Even those who overthrew the State 
 Church in England clung fast to them. They were not 
 more zealous for their own truth, than for crushing other 
 men's errors by force of law.* 
 
 By degrees an idea of vast potency has gained sway — 
 namely, the principle that eveiy man has an absolute, 
 indefeasible, illimitable right to think his own faitJi out 
 for himself. 
 
 IV. Some, perhaps most, -accept this principle of men's 
 right to freedom of thought, but still cling to the principle 
 that the State must be religious. That is to say, they 
 would have an Established Church, but would not meddle 
 with dissenters. 
 
 This is the principle of toleration. 
 
 V. Others push further the principle of religious fi'ee- 
 dom. They hold the idea that the State outsteps her 
 true field of work, and trespasses on that freedom, if she 
 chooses out any Faith whatever for her special care. 
 
 This is the principle of religious equality. 
 
 VI. On the other hand, the idea still lingers in many 
 minds that, though it may tolerate, the State must in no 
 way recognise, dissent from the Established Church. This, 
 
 * Except the Quakers, whose doctrine forbade the intei-vention of ' the 
 arm of flesh.' Many talked toleration till they got power to persecute.
 
 Sect. II.] EELIGIOUS POLICY, 17 
 
 in reality, is the old idea that the State must have a de- 
 finite religious character ; but modified by facts. 
 
 VII. Many deny the principle of an Established Church, 
 but are withheld from seekuig to sunder the Established 
 Church from the State, by the idea that institutions which 
 have grown with the nation's growth, ought not to be torn 
 down, because their root may have been a false one. 
 
 Section II. 
 
 CHURCH RATES. 
 
 These fiindainental ideas of religious policy bear 
 more or less strongly on the question of Church 
 Eates. 
 
 VTTT. Church Eates are condemned, by many upon the 
 principle that each man has a right to absolute religious 
 fi'eedom, on which the State makes trespass in choosing 
 any special faith for her special care. 
 
 IX. Many, however, would keep up the union of 
 Church and State, yet would sweep away Church Eates, 
 
 c
 
 18 TIIE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. III. 
 
 under the idea that it is foohsh, or wrong, for the Church 
 to exact money from the people by force.* 
 
 X. Some would exempt dissenters — but them only. 
 These, though holding the principle of an Estabhshed 
 
 Church, also admit the principle that no man slioidd be 
 forced by law to go against his conscience. 
 
 XI. In some quarters Church Eates are defended upon 
 the principle that each man is bound to yield his mind up 
 to the teaching of the Church, and has no right to choose 
 out another faith for himself ; or at any rate has no claim 
 to have his dissent recognised by the State, which, being 
 in union with the Church, professes her faith, and none 
 other. 
 
 XII. Others admit the principle that each man has the 
 right to think as he will ; but defend Church Eates upon 
 the idea that, an Established Church being a vital part of 
 our institutions, and bestowing great blessings on the 
 whole people, all ought to share its cost. 
 
 * Those wlio hold tins principle do not generally think that it bears upon 
 tithes, which, being property, stand on a different footing from a rate.
 
 Sect, ni] RELIGIOUS POLICY. 39 
 
 Section III. 
 
 IRISH CHURCH. 
 
 The Established Church in Ireland is assailed 
 on — 
 
 XIIL (1.) The principle that nowhere ought the State 
 to choose out and uphold any Church at all. 
 
 XTV. (2.) The principle that, although it is right for 
 the State to provide religion for the people, it should pro- 
 vide that religion which the mass of the people love ; not 
 one they abhor. 
 
 XV. (3.) The principle that property left for the public 
 good ought to be used for the public good. When it is 
 not so used, the public has a right to take it from those 
 who are misusing it, or not using it, and set it to useful 
 work. 
 
 XVI. (4.) The idea that it was at the outset mere 
 robbery to seize this wealth from the Church of the Irish 
 people, and bestow it on a Church thrust upon them from 
 without. And this wrong ought to be righted. 
 
 c 2
 
 20 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [CnAP. III. 
 
 XVII. (5.) The idea also prevails that the Irish Church 
 sours the Lisli people ; and, were it swept away, they 
 would be more peaceful. 
 
 The maintenance of a Protestant Established 
 Church in a country like Ireland, where the mass 
 of the people are not Protestants, is defended 
 upon — 
 
 XVni. (I.) The principle that the State, as a State, 
 ought to be religious ; and her religion must be the true, 
 not the popular one. 
 
 XIX. (2.) The principle that the State is bound to 
 secure all property to its owners ; and the emoluments 
 of the Established Church in Ireland are its property. 
 
 XX. (3.) The idea that other institutions are risked if 
 one be pulled down. 
 
 XXL (4.) The idea that even if in certain parishes the 
 Established Church may be a sham, yet, as a whole, it is 
 living and beneficent.
 
 Sect. IV.] RELIGIOUS POLICY. 21 
 
 Section IV. 
 
 CLERICAL SUBSCRIPTION. 
 
 The question has been largely discussed of late, 
 whether the clergy should not be relieved altoge- 
 ther from making declaration of their religious 
 belief; or whether, at any rate, the tests applied 
 to them should not be less stringent. These dis- 
 cussions resulted in the Act of 1865, by which a 
 single new form of Declaration was substituted 
 for the old ones. This concession, however, has 
 not altogether allayed agitation ; and it is there- 
 fore still worth while to track out the ideas by 
 which the various opinions on this topic are 
 engendered. In fact these ideas are singularly 
 curious and interesting. 
 
 XXII. The idea, formerly regnant, that true religion 
 lay — mainly if not wholly — in the acceptance of dogmas, 
 bids fah to be dethroned by the idea that there is no 
 merit in holdino; this or that doctrine, and no sin in 
 rejecting it. 
 
 This idea quenches the wish to hokl the clergy down
 
 ?2 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. HI. 
 
 by force under that yoke of dogmatism, which the laity 
 are shaking ofl' 
 
 Some would, do away with subscrijDtion alto- 
 
 gether. 
 
 XXin. A part of these hold the idea that the teaching 
 of the Church is tainted with falsehood ; and therefore the 
 religious teachers of the people ought to have great free- 
 
 dom in dealincr with it. 
 
 XXIV. Others, however, admit that the ministers of 
 the Church ought not to preach against her doctrines ; but 
 their idea is, that tlie right way to secure orthodox teach- 
 ing is that the Church should define her doctrines — as, in 
 fact, she has done in the Thirty-nine Articles — and then, if 
 any minister teaches contrary thereto, let him be silenced. 
 Eut the mere fact of his having contravened them should 
 be proved before unbiassed judges, in a Court of Law. 
 
 Men, say they, have the right to stop a minister of the 
 Church from teaching others that what the Church says 
 is untrue. But men have no right to force any one to 
 declare his inner faith. Of this God alone is judge. 
 
 XXV. Some are actuated by the idea that man's 
 reason is to be his sole guide : he only need believe what
 
 Sect. IV.] RELIGIOUS POLICY. 23 
 
 reason allows ; and the teaching of the Church is not 
 to sway him. And tliey disapprove every semblance of 
 dictation, or of subjugation of the mind to tradition. 
 
 Others would not do away with tests, but 
 would make them looser. Then' view seems 
 to arise fi-om a combination of the following 
 ideas : — 
 
 XXYI. On the one hand, they hold the principle that 
 no man oug-ht to act as the minister of the Church unless 
 he is a behever in her doctrines ; and that his being so 
 should be ascertained before this great trust is put into 
 his hands. 
 
 XXYII. Again, that the laity of the Established Church 
 have a claim to be satisfied that their rehgious teachers, 
 who accept the emoluments of that church, do bondjide 
 beheve her doctrines. 
 
 XXVIII. But, then, on the other hand, they cherish 
 the idea that every man has an indefeasible right to think 
 for himself on religious topics. And that it is a trespass 
 upon this right to require him to tie his mind down to a 
 mere reception of a mass of dogmatic assertions. 
 
 XXIX. They are also impressed by the idea that the
 
 24 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. III. 
 
 Cliurcli lierself must wither, unless she moves with the 
 mind of tlie age. And that if she shuts up her ministers 
 to an absokite uncompromising acceptance of each and 
 every dogma, that was embodied years ago in her Liturgies 
 and Articles, the effect must be to drive men of thought 
 from licr altars. 
 
 XXX. They also hold tliat as no man can square his 
 thoughts by rule, those who are forced to declare tlieir 
 acceptance of each and every dogma of the Church, must 
 perforce do so at some cost of their truthfulness ; unless, 
 indeed, their minds are slavish. 
 
 Putting these ideas together, they conclude that, on the 
 one hand, the Church may fairly demand from the clergy- 
 man a declaration that he is a believer in her doctrines as 
 a ivhole. But that, on the other hand, tlie clergyman may 
 fairly demand from the Church freedom to mould the 
 shape of his religious faith for himself, so long as he is 
 bond fide imbued with her leading principles. 
 
 Others would keep these tests as stringent as 
 possible. 
 
 XXXI. Some of these hold the principle that in reli- 
 gion man has no real claim to think for himself, but 
 should yield his mind wholly to what the Church tells him.
 
 Sect, v.] RELIGIOUS TOLICY. 25 
 
 Every part of lier teacliing is high and holy truth : to 
 doubt it is sin. 
 
 XXXII. Some, however, do not go beyond the idea that, 
 whatever a layman may do, at any rate no man ought to 
 minister at the altars of the Church, unless he jcan submit 
 himself utterly to her teaching.* 
 
 Section Y. 
 
 UNIVERSITY TESTS. 
 
 It is proposed to abolish those tests, which now 
 exclude Dissenters from the governing bodies of 
 the tw^o Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. 
 
 XXXni. (1.) This proposal takes its rise in the idea 
 that it is beyond the province of the State to make choice 
 
 * I rejoice to observe tliat the value of the new form of Declaration 
 is beginning to be perceived. The distinction between it and the old 
 ones is, in reality, a vital one. They bound the subscriber to a belief 
 in 'all and everything' in the Thirty-nine Articles and the Pi-ayer- 
 Book. The new one only binds him to a belief in the doctrine of 
 the Church as a whole.
 
 20 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. III. 
 
 between dilTerent forms of religion. Hence, no line what- 
 ever should be drawn in any public institution, between 
 those who do, and those who do not, belong to the Church 
 of England. 
 
 XXXIV. (2.) Some who reject that principle, still 
 hold the idea that it is not outward, artificial safeguards 
 that can uphold the power of the Church ; but only her 
 o"\vn truth, goodness, and beauty. 
 
 XXXV. (3.) The idea has also had some influence, that 
 the individual Dissenter is wronged, if, when his abihties 
 have won him the other privileges of the University, he is 
 still declared unfit to take part in her government, because 
 he has acted on his natural right, to think out his own 
 faith for himself, or to abide by that which he has received 
 from his fathers. 
 
 On tlie opposite side we find at work — 
 
 XXXVI. (1.) The principle that the State and Church 
 are one ; and though dissent must be borne with, it must 
 not be acknowledged, nor allowed to take its place side 
 by side with the Church.
 
 Sect. VI.] RELIGIOUS POLICY. 27 
 
 XXXVII. (2.) Tlie idea that tlie Universities of Oxford 
 and Cambridge are part of the ancient property of the 
 Church, to which those who dissent from her have no 
 claim. 
 
 XXXVIII. (3.) The principle that all education must 
 be imbued with religion; and this could not be, if the 
 Universities professed no creed. 
 
 Section VI 
 
 FINAL COURT OF APPEAL. 
 
 A demand has arisen of late in certain quarters, 
 for the reconstruction of the Final Court of 
 Appeal, in cases of alleged clerical heresy. And 
 there has been a strong feeling in favour of the 
 suggestion, that while the points of law involved 
 should still be referred to legal authorities, the 
 points of doctrine should be referred to ecclesias- 
 tical authorities alone.* 
 
 * It is not my aiFair wlietlier such a distinction is a practicable one. I 
 have merely stated, I hope exactly, what the sugg-estion is.
 
 28 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. III. 
 
 XXXIX. (1.) This proposal seems to emanate from 
 the idea that every part of the doctrine of the Church 
 is vital, and cannot fitly be touched by the careless hands 
 of lavmen. 
 
 XL. (2.) And also from the idea that, besides the 
 explicit written doctrine of the Church, there is a large 
 body of unwritten doctrine, handed down through all 
 ages — only not asserted because never denied — and 
 whose preservation as an essential part of the teaching 
 of the Church is of vital consequence ; but of which 
 only the Church herself is able to judge. 
 
 XLI. (3.) The idea that it is beneath the dignity of 
 the Church to be under the feet of the State, instead 
 of ruling herself by her own authority. 
 
 This suggestion has been encountered by — 
 
 XLII. (1.) The idea that, so iiir from its being of 
 vital consequence that every part of the doctrine of 
 the Church should be so explicit and authoritative, that 
 none of her ministers could swerve from it in the least 
 degree, it is well for the Church, and for the nation, that 
 the utmost practicable freedom of thought, and of teach-
 
 SECT.Vn.] EELIGIOUS TOLICY. 29 
 
 ing, should be allowed within her borders ; and this 
 end can be secured far better by a Court of Appeal con- 
 sisting mainly of laymen, than by one more subject to the 
 influence of the dignitaries of the Church. 
 
 XLIII. (2.) The idea that impartiality of judgment in 
 trials for clerical heresy, could only be secured by en- 
 trusting them mainly to laymen : ecclesiastics would be 
 biassed. 
 
 Section VII. 
 
 CHURCH GOVEENMENT. 
 
 XLIV. The idea is making way that the Church ought 
 to be provided with the machinery of self-government. 
 
 XLV. Some woidd reahse the idea by increasing the 
 powers of Convocation, on the principle that it is the 
 clergy of the Chm^ch who are her natural and fitting 
 rulers. 
 
 XLVI. Most, however, maintain the principle that the 
 laity, not less than the clergy, ought to share in her 
 government. But no plan has been suggested for carry- 
 ing this idea into effect.
 
 30 THE IDEAS OF TIIE DAY ON [Chap. III. 
 
 Note. 
 
 At present it is understood that the principle on which clergymen 
 are prosecuted for heretical teaching is this, that tlie doctrine and dis- 
 cipline, of the Church must be kept unimpaired. Accordingly, such 
 prosecutions are set on foot, and paid for, by the Bishops. 
 
 It has been suggested that they should be based on a very different, 
 and much less obnoxious, principle ; namely, that the clergyman has 
 entered into a contract to preach Church of England doctrine, and re- 
 ceives his emolimients accordingly ; and his parishioners ought to be 
 protected from his brealdng that contract by preaching against that 
 doctrine. 
 
 An able paper to that effect was read by Sir Willoughby Jones before 
 the Church Congress at Norwich last October ; and he justly pointed 
 out that suits instituted upon that principle would fall in with the 
 temper of the people much more than prosecutions which savour of 
 ecclesiastical despotism. 
 
 But now look at the logical consequences. 
 
 It being for the benefit of the parishioners that the suit would be 
 instituted, they ought to bear the cost ; but, in any case, it would rest 
 with them to institute it or not. 
 
 Suppose they say that they do not mind the clergyman's heresies, 
 and will not institute the suit ? 
 
 Then it follows that the parishioners — i.e., a majority of them — may 
 choose what sort of doctrine shall be taught in the parish church. 
 
 The step then is nothing to the next landing place. If a majority of 
 the parishioners may keep an heretical preacher in their pulpit, — 
 surely they may put a dissenter there ! 
 
 ^, 
 
 ^>^-r/cAL-o5
 
 Sect. I.] SOCIAL POLICY. 31 
 
 CHAPTEE IV. 
 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON 
 
 SOCIAL POLICY. 
 
 Section I. 
 
 MARRIAGE WITH A DECEASED WIFE'S SISTER. 
 
 The legalisation of such marriages is withstood 
 on — 
 
 XL\^I. (1.) The principle that the bidding of the 
 Church is binding ; and the Church forbids such unions. 
 
 XL^TII. (2.) The idea that kinship by marriage is 
 equivalent to kinship by blood. 
 
 XLIX. (3.) Some again, in dwelling on the discom- 
 forts that might come of such legahsation, imply the prin- 
 ciple that it is the province of law not simply to secure 
 men their rights, but to save them from annoyance.
 
 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. IV. 
 
 The leo'alisation of sucli marriasres is advocated 
 
 011- 
 
 L. (1.) The principle that man has a right to free- 
 dom — i.e. to do what he will — so long as what he 
 Avills to do is not a trespass on other men's rights. And 
 such marriages are no trespass on the rights of others. 
 
 LI. (2.) The above principle might be taken to 
 authorise the legalisation of incestuous marriages. 
 
 Others, therefore, go beyond it, and affirm that the 
 State ought to leave man to do what he will, so long as 
 what he wills to do is not a trespass upon the rights of 
 others, nor yet a breach of the law of God, whether set 
 forth m Holy Writ, or in Kature ; and they deny that these 
 marriages are the one or the other. 
 
 LII. (3.) Others acquiesce in the principle that it 
 is the province of law to prevent discomforts, although 
 in so doing it hmits men's freedom. 
 
 But their idea is that, in this case, the discomfort to 
 those who may not marry as they would is certain : that 
 to others from their doing so, is contingent. 
 
 Lin. (4.) And they are also actuated by the idea 
 that the sister of the deceased Avife is the most natural, 
 and will be the most loving, stepmother to her children.
 
 Sect, n.] SOCIAL POLICY. 33 
 
 Section II, 
 
 NATIONAL EDUCATION. 
 
 The ideas upon which our national system of 
 education is built are not so obvious as they 
 might seem at first sight. 
 
 LIV. The main idea which generates that system is 
 this : that the people is to be made wise and good ; 
 and that, in the case at least of the poor, the State must 
 give aid towards this end, by overlooking, and partly 
 paying for, the schooling of their children. 
 
 It is a leading characteristic of the English 
 system that the State does not set up schools of 
 its own, but only helps those set on foot by private 
 persons, under certain conditions. 
 
 Two ideas have contributed to give the system 
 this shape. 
 
 LV. (1.) The idea that the education must be rehgious 
 as well as secular. And it is only by what is called a 
 
 D
 
 34 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap, IV. 
 
 denominational system that tliis end can be gained, witli- 
 out boundless difficulties. 
 
 LVT. (2.) The idea that it is only those who help 
 themselves who deserve help. Those who do nothing 
 for their own children can have no claim on others. 
 
 LVII. This system is disapproved by many on ac- 
 count of its breadth. They hold the principle that the 
 National Church alone should be recognised by the 
 State as the teacher of the people. 
 
 LVIII. Others disapprove the system on account of 
 its narrowness. Their idea is that the State should not 
 countenance schools of a sectarian kind, but should set 
 up schools independent of any Church or Sect whatever ; 
 and to this end they would substitute parish rates for State 
 subventions. 
 
 Others condemn all interference by the State 
 with education. 
 
 LIX. (1.) Some, upon the principle that it is not 
 within the province of the State to make men wise 
 or moral, but only to shield men's rights. They think 
 that in taking A's money to educate B's children the
 
 Sect.IL] social policy. 35 
 
 State is trespassing beyond its true field of work, and is 
 itself wronging A, instead of securing him from wrong. 
 
 LX. (2.) Some, under the idea that men do best 
 what they do for themselves, and that the State spoils 
 the work it takes out of their hands. 
 
 It is nj)on these principles that the English 
 system lias been based, defended, or assailed. 
 
 LXI. Its administration has lately been conformed to 
 the idea that aid should not be given merely because 
 good machinery for education has been set up ; but 
 should be proportioned to the amount of elementary 
 education actually manufactured. 
 
 LXII. This change has been deprecated upon the 
 principle that education ought to have a rehgious cha- 
 racter, and this could not be tested by examinations.* 
 
 There has been some outcry lately about ' the 
 Conscience Clause ;' according to which — in any 
 parish where there is only room for one school 
 
 * Tlie other objections are technical. At any rate, I have not been able to 
 trace them to a principle. 
 
 D 2
 
 30 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. R^ 
 
 aided by Government — those who ask State aid 
 in setting up that school, bind themselves to 
 admit the children of Dissenters, without forcing 
 them, against their parents' wishes, to learn the 
 Catechism or attend clmrch * 
 
 This restriction is based upon — 
 
 LXni. (1.) The principle that it is not the priest, hut 
 the parent, who should determine the rehgious teaching 
 of the child. 
 
 LXrV. (2.) The idea that as Dissenters share the cost, 
 they should partake in all the benefits of the educational 
 system. 
 
 LXV. It has gained some applause, as being an admis- 
 sion of the principle that it is not for the State to choose 
 between religious truth and error ; but tliat all men may 
 think as they please, without any favour being shown by 
 the law to any one Church. 
 
 The resistance to this proposal seems to ori- 
 ginate in two ideas, at first sight almost identical, 
 but not so in fact. 
 
 * It is said that recently tlie Educational Department has gone beyond 
 this reasonahle amount of restriction.
 
 Sect. II.] SOCIAL POLICY. 37 
 
 LXVI. (1.) The principle that the Estabhshed Church 
 is the one true Church, and ought to bear full sway in 
 the land ; nor should schismatic bodies be acknowledged 
 (though they may be tolerated) by the State. 
 
 LXYH. (2.) The idea that it is the priesthood of that 
 Church to whom the souls of the people are entrusted by 
 Heaven, and rehgious teaching ought in no case to be 
 wi^ested out of their hands. 
 
 LX^^n. (3.) Another idea which has much weight is 
 this : that the conscience of the clergyman would be 
 violated were he forced to give a mere secidar education 
 to any children under his care, without definite religious 
 teaching. If he takes children under his charge, he is 
 bound to train them in the Truth, 
 
 In Ireland, the State educational system is 
 shaped by somewhat different principles from 
 those which mould the English system. 
 
 LXIX. It throws aside the principle that the State 
 should only help those that help themselves. And it is 
 actuated by the idea that religious hatreds would be
 
 38 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. IV. 
 
 softened if the cliildren of different denominations were 
 brought up in the same schoolrooms. 
 
 Instead, therefore, of giving help to any private schools 
 that possess due educational machinery, without restrict- 
 ing their religious teaching, the State, in Ireland, refuses 
 aid, if specific doctrinal teaching be a necessary part of 
 the school course in school hours. The State also esta- 
 blishes schools of her own, in which no specific religious 
 teaching is allowed. 
 
 LXX. This course is highly disapproved by a large 
 body of Episcopalians in Ireland. Many of them allege 
 the principle that the State, in promoting education, 
 should only aid those who promulgate the Truth ; and 
 not countenance error. 
 
 « 
 
 LXXI. Still more hold the principle that education 
 ought to be imbued throughout with religious teaching ; 
 and therefore repudiate the restriction which the State 
 imposes. 
 
 There has been a demand in some quarters for 
 allowing the State-paid teachers in the State 
 schools in India to teach the Bible in school 
 honrs.
 
 Sect. II.] SOCIAL POLICY. 80 
 
 This is claimed on — 
 
 LXXII. (1.) The principle that a Christian govern- 
 ment ought not to withhold the knowledge of the truth 
 from those whom it takes under its charge to educate. 
 
 LXXni. (2.) The idea that in refraining from thus 
 standing by our own rehgion we do but make the natives 
 think we fear them. 
 
 LXXIV. (3.) The idea that this teaching of Chris- 
 tianity would bear fruits — rehgious, social, and pohtical 
 — of priceless value to the natives themselves. 
 
 It is deprecated — 
 
 LXXV. By some, on the principle that it is beyond 
 the province of the State to teach rehgion at aU. 
 
 LXXVI. By some, on the principle that whether a 
 Government may or may not teach religion at all, at 
 any rate it can have no right to use the nation's money 
 m teaching what the nation disbeheves. 
 
 LXXVIL And the case is stronger where the Go- 
 vernment is not the natural head of the people, but
 
 40 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. IV. 
 
 has been thrust upon them by conquest. For a foreign 
 ruler to use the power given, and still kept, by the sword, 
 to teach the people, at their own cost, a rehgion they 
 abhor, is a wrong done them. 
 
 Section III. 
 
 REFORM. 
 
 The ideas prevalent among those who demand 
 household or manhood suffrage seem to be as 
 follows : — 
 
 LXXVIII. (].) The principle that every man who 
 belongs to a commonwealth has a riglit to share in the 
 management of its affairs. He has a just claim to a 
 voice in the passing of its laws ; in the heahng of its 
 grievances ; in the choice of its rulers ; in deciding 
 whether it should make war ; and what steps it should 
 take for its defence. He cannot rightfully be deprived 
 
 * May I remind my reader, (should such a being exist), that I am not 
 giving a summary of the arguments used on any question; but am only 
 collecting the formative ideas of policy that are at Avork in the national 
 mind. Hence many of the most telling arguments may be passed by.
 
 SECT.m.] SOCIAL POLICY. 41 
 
 of all control over matters which touch his own well- 
 being so strongly. Surely he at least may ask to help 
 in choosing those who shall control them. 
 
 . LXXTX. (2.) The idea that this right is forfeited by 
 pauperism and by crime. The man who is either use- 
 less, or banefid, to the commonwealth, has no claim to 
 handle its affairs. 
 
 LXXX. (3.) The idea that the upper classes gain (or 
 tliink they gain), while the lower classes lose, by national 
 outlay. Hence manhood suffrage would cheapen govern- 
 ment. 
 
 TiXXXT. (4.) The idea that the gift of political power 
 to the working classes would strengthen their character ; 
 and, fiulher, would enhance their dignity. 
 
 LXXXII. (5.) The idea that universal suffrage would 
 lower the aristocracy. 
 
 Most Liberals have no wish for manhood or for 
 household suffrage ; but would extend the fran- 
 chise to the upper working class. 
 
 The politicians of this school are acted upon 
 by two sets of ideas, viz.
 
 42 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Ciiap. IV. 
 
 LXXXni. (1.) TJic principle already stated, that every 
 member of the commonwealth has, a priori., a claim to 
 share in its counsels, or at least to have a spokesman in 
 the national assembly. 
 
 LXXXIY. (2.) The idea (less widely diffused than the 
 one just noted) that, not every individual^ but every class 
 in a commonwealth, has such a claim. 
 
 LXXXV. (3.) The idea that it would knit together 
 the commonwealth, and make her policy more strong, 
 if all classes had, than if the largest class had not, a voice 
 in it. 
 
 LXXXVI. (4.) The idea that the voice of the working 
 class would be on the side of frugality, progress, peace, 
 and freedom. 
 
 The above ideas work to^varcls an extension of 
 the sufii'age. The opponent ideas which restrain 
 their action, are — 
 
 LXXXYII. (1.) The idea that the first thing is to 
 have the best possible government ; and the claim of 
 individuals, nay, even of classes, to share in pohtical 
 power, is secondary to the paramount claim of the whole
 
 Sect. III.] SOCIAL POLICY. 43 
 
 people to be ruled by the best rulers. And thus it would 
 be a wrong done to the nation, if the better taught classes, 
 who also have most at stake, were overwhelmed by mere 
 numbers. 
 
 LXXXVIIL (2.) The idea that a man who has 
 gathered no wealth at all ; and hence remains in the 
 lower levels of the worldng classes ; has shown himself 
 unfit for handling the policy of the kingdom. 
 
 LXXXIX. (3.) The idea is entertained in some 
 quarters that the working classes, were the whole of 
 them endowed with power, would use it to overthrow, 
 or at least to injure, the institutions of the realm. 
 
 Combining these ideas, they conclude that, on 
 the one hand, it would be right and wise to admit 
 the upper working class, but rash and wrong to 
 admit the whole, to power. 
 
 XC. Those who are against any lowering of the 
 franchise, admit the force of the opponent, but not 
 that of the motive ideas, above stated. They hold the 
 idea that the essential thing is for the nation to be 
 well ruled ; not for certain persons to be gratified by
 
 44 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. IV. 
 
 having a share in riihng it. Again, tlie idea that 
 poverty in itself implies pohtical unfitness. And, again, 
 the idea that the working class would be dangerous, if 
 endowed with power. But perhaps no idea weighs 
 more with them than the old and plain one : that it 
 is wise to let well alone. 
 
 Section IV. 
 
 BALLOT. 
 
 Among the arguments of those who defend 
 the ballot, we find — ■ 
 
 XCI. (1.) The principle that if the State lays on men 
 a duty, she ought to shield them in doing it. 
 
 XCn. (2.) The idea that were the influence of the 
 upper classes fended off by the ballot, a more demo- 
 cratic complexion would be given to Parhament and 
 to our pohcy. 
 
 Those who are against the ballot put for- 
 ward —
 
 Sect, v.] SOCIAL POLICY. 45 
 
 XCIII. (1.) The principle that a public duty ought 
 to be done under the public eye. 
 
 XCIV. (2.) The idea that secrecy in the performance 
 of a pubUc duty would be un-EngUsh and unmanly. 
 
 XCV. (3.) The idea that the influence of the upper 
 over the lower classes is legitimate ; or, at any rate, 
 wholesome. They have no wish to provide machinery 
 for its extinction. 
 
 Section V. 
 
 LAW OF PATENTS. 
 
 The proposal to sweep the Patent Laws away 
 is now pending. 
 
 XCVI. (1.) The system of Patents rests, and is de- 
 fended, upon the principle that the ideas which a man 
 strikes out, are his own ; and his right to them ought to 
 be secured to him, like any other right. 
 
 XCVn. (2.) And also upon the idea that what is
 
 40 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. IV. 
 
 good for the inventor, must be good for society at large : 
 as stimulating invention. 
 
 XCVIII. Those who take the side of abohtion mostly 
 admit the principle that a man's ideas are his own, and 
 should, if possible, be secured to him ; but they deny 
 its applicability in this case. Most inventions, say they, 
 dawn on many minds at once. The monopoly of one 
 robs the rest.* 
 
 XCIX. Another idea is insisted upon ; namely, that 
 the law, in seeking to give ownership over inventions, 
 undertakes an impracticable task ; and thus, in the long 
 run, injures both inventors and society. 
 
 Section VI. 
 
 LIMITED LIABILITY. ^ 
 
 A principle, pregnant with great consequences, 
 was definitely accepted by Parliament, in legal- 
 izing the limited liability of traders. 
 
 * This objection does not lie in tlie case of copyright, A hundred 
 men may hit off the same invention. No two men could write the same 
 book.
 
 Sect, VII.] SOCIAL POLICY. 47 
 
 C. For that measure was expressly based upon the 
 principle that it is not the province of Government to 
 save men from their own folly, but only from wrong. 
 In short, that men are to be let alone by the State, to 
 do their own work in their own way ; so long as they 
 do not break into the rights of others. 
 
 Section VII. 
 
 COMBINATIONS AND STRIKES. 
 
 CI. The universality of the opinion, that the law 
 ought not in any way to meddle with the freedom of 
 combination among workmen, is worth marking ; be- 
 cause this also implies a deep seated faith in the principle 
 above stated ; namely, that the State ought to respect 
 the right of each man to do what he will, so long as he 
 is not trespassing on the rights of others ; whatever 
 mischief this freedom may breed, to himself and even 
 to others.
 
 48 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. IV. 
 
 Section VIII. 
 
 LICENSING. 
 
 CII. And yet the laws that regulate the sale of 
 fermented liquor seem to rest on the very opposite 
 principle ; but are generally approved — nay, and are 
 found wholesome. 
 
 In tliese, and especially in the law tliat leaves it to the 
 magistrates to decide what public-houses shall be opened, 
 the State interferes with men's freedom in trading, in 
 order to keep other persons out of harm's way ; though 
 the former are not tresspassing on the rights of the latter. 
 
 Section IX. 
 
 THE PERMISSIVE BILL. 
 
 The proposal to allow any parish to stop the 
 sale of fermented liquors has been gaining some 
 favour. AVhatever be thought of the projoosal 
 itself, the principles upon which it is advocated or 
 repelled, are of high interest.
 
 Sect. IX.] SOCIAL POLICY. 49 
 
 cm. (1.) The leading idea of its supporters is that, 
 since fermented liquor does unmixed harm, its ex- 
 tinction must do unmixed good, to the pockets, bodies, 
 and souls of tlie people. • 
 
 CIV. (2.) Their proposal, however, implies what is 
 called the paternal idea of government : namely, the idea 
 that the relation of the State to tlie people should be 
 that of a father to his children, not merely guarding 
 their rights, but keeping them out of harm's way. 
 
 CV. (3.) Some add the idea that the State should 
 have a conscience, keeping it from sins ; altogether 
 apart from its duty of guarding its subjects from being 
 wronfred. 
 
 CVI. (4.) Some, however, lay more stress on the 
 idea that, as the people in a parish are greatly injured 
 by its drunkenness (in rates as w^ell as otherwise), they 
 have a right, if they so wish, to stop it by force. The 
 many, in such a case, should outweigh the few. 
 
 CVII. (5.) The idea is also put forward, that the 
 drunkard will hail, and may fairly claim, such aid in 
 keeping temptation from him. 
 
 E
 
 uO THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [CnAr. IV. 
 
 On the other side we find — 
 
 CVIII. (1.) The idea that it is in no case the pro- 
 vince of Government to withhold men from follies, but 
 
 only to guard their rights. 
 
 « 
 
 CIX. (2.) The idea that the State would not be merely- 
 omitting to guard, but would be itself trespassing upon 
 the rights of the people, in taking a harmless indulgence 
 from A, because Z fmds it hurtful. 
 
 ex. (3.) The idea that it saps the force and self- 
 reliance of the people, for their rulers to do for them 
 what by rights they ought to do for themselves. 
 
 CXI. (4.) The idea that such attempts of the State 
 to outstep its true field of Avork, always miss their mark, 
 and do unlooked for mischief.
 
 Sect. X.] SOCIAL POLICY. 51 
 
 Sectiox X. 
 
 THE GAME LAWS. 
 
 CXII. (1.) The idea is strongly pushed forward 
 in some quarters that game is not part and parcel of 
 the land. It can shift in a moment from one man's 
 property to another ; hence no claim to ownership over 
 it ought to be recognised by the law. 
 
 CXni. (2.) And also the coordinate idea, that in 
 giving an artificial right, not founded in nature, the law 
 itself engenders suffering and crime. 
 
 CXTV. (3.) Another idea has been advanced, namely, 
 that as the game eats and tramples the farmer's crops, 
 he has the right to destroy it ; and the landlord wrongs 
 him in reserving that privilege for himself.* 
 
 * And accordingly, farmers are lu-gently advised to combine and insist 
 upon having the game let along with the land. This view ignores the 
 facts of the case. Here you have, say, a nobleman with a landed estate, 
 and a great house filled in the autumn and winter with guests, whom it is 
 his business to amuse. Is it common sense to expect that he will agree to 
 cut off them and himself from the resource of shooting, by letting it to the 
 
 E 2
 
 53 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Cn.vr. IV. 
 
 CXV. On the other liaiul, the principle on which 
 the law is based, and which still has a strong hold, at 
 
 farmers ? Could it pay them to give the price that would remunerate his 
 lordship for so heavy a sacrifice ? Or is it expected that he will give them 
 the shooting for nothing ? — i.e. to make them a yearly present of a large sum 
 of money. It seems to me to bo a more feasible suggestion that, when a 
 lease is given of a farm, the landlord should state the average number of 
 hares and rabbits that have been shot, say, in the last three years; and 
 agree that if more than that nmnber be shot in any future year, these should 
 belong to the tenant; the landlord, however, retaining the right to keep 
 them, on paying the fair market price for each hare and rabbit. 
 
 This suggestion has been strongly condemned as admitting the right of 
 the landlord to keep ground game. If he could be induced not to do so, so 
 much the better for the tenant; but in default of that, the arrangement 
 suggested would have the signal and paramount advantage of introducing 
 certainty into a transaction which ought to be settled like auy other 
 contract, but which is now usually left in a woeful state of haphazard. As 
 it is, the landlord lets the farm for twenty-one years, with an unknown 
 head of game upon it, and a vague understanding that there is to be no 
 great increase. Meanwhile, perhaps, the landlord's sons grow up into 
 sportsmen, or a new landlord comes ; the game is far more highly preserved, 
 and the result, in tliousands of cases, is heavy loss, or even ruin to the 
 farmer ; besides a vast amount of ill-will and litigation. The number of 
 actions brought for damage caused by game is enormous, and these are 
 merely a symptom of the bitter feeling and severe suffering so engendered. 
 Now surely, if the farmer knew exactly how much ground game was to be 
 kept, and what amount of compensation he would receive for each hare or 
 rabbit shot beyond that fixed amount, his position would be far less 
 precarious ; while again, the landlord would be secured from actions on 
 account of the damage done by excessive game. 
 
 No doubt the tenant would have to trust to the landlord's accounts of the 
 head of game shot; but all sportsmen keep such accounts accurately, and 
 no landlord would deceive his tenant about the matter. 
 
 Of course, nobody dreams of enforcing this by law. It is only suggested.
 
 Sect. X.] SOCIAL POLICY. 53 
 
 least on the upper classes, is that game on land belongs 
 to the owner of that land (and it' let, to its occu- 
 pier*) as much as its other products, and must therefore 
 be secured to liim. 
 
 CXVI. The provisions, however, by which the law 
 carries out that principle, are unlike those adopted for 
 the protection of other property. The idea is gaining 
 some vo"'ue that it would be Avise and rio;ht to treat 
 game altogether in the same way as ordinary property ; 
 and protect it by tlie same means. 
 
 tliat in most cases it would be a wise arrangement for the tenant to ask, and 
 for the landlord to concede. Many farms, however, are so situated that it 
 would be impracticable. 
 
 * It is curious how often in discussions on the game laws, it is assumed 
 that the game belongs by law to the landlord, not to the farmer. But 
 every landlord knows well that, imless he reserves the right of shooting, it 
 passes to the tenant with other rights over the soil. The law already does 
 all that the law can, to give the game to the tenant — unless, indeed, it for- 
 bade him to make such and such a contract.
 
 54 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. IV 
 
 Section XL 
 
 C II A lU T A B L E TRUSTS. 
 
 CXVII. Ill the case of Charitable Trusts, tlie prin- 
 ciple has been acted upon by the State, though in a feeble 
 and hesitating way, that property left for the public 
 good, must be used for the public good ; and may be 
 taken away and set to other work, when it is found not 
 to be so used. 
 
 The Dissenters demand to be admitted among 
 the trustees of endowed charities, where the 
 founder's will does not forbid it. 
 
 CXVIII. This is claimed on the principle that pro- 
 perty, left without specification of creed, for public uses, 
 belongs not to some, but to all. 
 
 CXIX. It is rejected upon the principle that long 
 possession gives ownership.
 
 Sect. XII.] SOCIAL TOLICY. 55 
 
 Sectiox XII. 
 
 PUNISHMENT OF CRIME. 
 
 CXX. Of all the ideas that during the past hundred 
 years have forced tlieir way to an authority over the 
 national mind unknown before, the most striking, and 
 the most fraught with varied influences, has been the 
 idea that every man, as man, has a right to reverence ; 
 however poor, debased, criminal, or savage. 
 
 This, of course, is no new idea. But in no period of 
 the world was it so consciously admitted as a source of 
 political action.* 
 
 This principle has -wi'ought gTeat changes in 
 om* treatment of criminals. 
 
 First, in the degxee of punishment inflicted. 
 
 Om' fathers looked solely to what, as they as- 
 sumed, would crush crime most surely. Thus, 
 
 * It was this piinciple, mucli more tliau compassion for the sufferings of 
 the slaves, which led the British people to the gi-eat achievement of emanci- 
 pation. It has told immensely, also, upon our treatment of the natives in 
 and near our colonies.
 
 56 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. iV. 
 
 when they wanted to stop the stealing of horses, 
 sheep, and even turnips, they made the punish- 
 ment ' death without the benefit of clergy.' To 
 stop treason, they half hung a man, cut his bowels 
 out, and then hung him again. If the traitor was 
 a woman, they burnt her. 
 
 We reject this whole system. We have not 
 simply mitigated its traits. We deal with crime 
 on a different idea from that by which our fathers 
 were actuated. The penal code against which, first 
 of all, Romilly, and after his death, Mackintosh, 
 seconded by Mr. Fowell Buxton, raised their voices, 
 and at length with success, in Parliament, was 
 impregnated throughout with the idea that crime 
 was to be put down by whatever means would be 
 most potent ; and that no means could be so 
 potent as terrible punishments. The judge's 
 celebrated dictum, ' You are not hung for stealing 
 a horse, but that horses should not be stolen,' 
 exactly expressed the idea by which the code was 
 enforced. It aimed only at expedience. It looked 
 to nothing else. 
 
 Accordingly, that code assigned death as the 
 penalty of 238 offences : some of these being of
 
 Sect. XIL] SOCIAL TOLICY. 57 
 
 the most trivial character, as e.g., that of consort- 
 ing with gipseys. 
 
 • 
 
 CXXI. The Penal Code, by wliich that Draconian 
 one was replaced, was shaped by a perfectly different 
 principle : namely, the idea that it was — not ex- 
 pediency, but — justice, to which punishment must be 
 conformed. It was the idea of justice — stimulated, not 
 superseded, by emotions of pity* — which wrought the 
 change. No doubt the originating idea of any penal code 
 is that of putting down crime. But the degree of pu7iish- 
 71 lent is adapted in our existmg code to natural justice. 
 It is conformed to the atrocity of the offence, not, as it 
 was formerly, to the supposed convenience of the public.f 
 
 This principle, that the amount of punishment 
 must be adjusted to the degree of crime, clearly 
 
 * K it were emotions of pity — not tlie sense of justice — that shaped our 
 penal code, we should not still hang women who have been convicted of 
 mm-der. Nay, should we hang anybody ? 
 
 t In the discussions, both in Parliament and the press, on Mr. Adderley's 
 bill, by which crimes of violence were to be visited with flogging, it might 
 have been noticed that at first, while the panic about garotting lasted, the 
 main argument put forward was, that this crime must anyhow be stopped. 
 After the panic grew cold, the argument that rose into prominence W9,s, that 
 bodily torture was thejittmg penalty for a deed of personal violence.
 
 58 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. IV. 
 
 issues fi'om the idea above stated, that tlie criminal, 
 as a man, has rights which society is bound to 
 respect. In codes, such as tliat of England in 
 days gone by, the ckiim of the criminal to justice 
 is taken no account of. The lawgiver seeks to 
 discourage certain deeds ; and he looks to that 
 alone. He takes no heed to what may be due to 
 the criminal himself If the stealing of horses 
 can be put down by hanging the stealers, why, 
 let them be hanged. Their claim to be left 
 unhung is of no account whatever. But when 
 the lawgiver proportions punishment to crime, he 
 admits that the criminal has rights. 
 
 In another direction, also, the same idea has 
 borne large fruits. This principle, that in punish- 
 ment the rights of the criminal are to be regarded, 
 as well as the prevention of crime, has revolution- 
 ised our whole system of Prison Discipline. It has 
 not only mitigated the cruelties which formerly 
 disgraced our gaols ; but it has added a totally 
 new feature to our mode of dealing with their 
 inmates. 
 
 CXXII. It has led to the adoption of an idea, which 
 is now admitted among the undoubted axioms laid up
 
 Sect. XIL] SOCIAL POLICY. 59 
 
 ill the national mind, namely, that punishment ought 
 to be not penal alone, but also reformatory. 
 
 No doubt this idea has been mainly urged upon the nation, by 
 the hope tliat crime would be diminished were the criminal turned 
 from his evil way. But any one who takes the pains to note what 
 has been said and done in this matter can hardly, I think, help 
 seeing that the attempts to reform prisoners emanate from the idea 
 of the claims of the prisoner to such treatment, quite as much as 
 from prudence. 
 
 Much attention has lately been excited by the 
 proposal to abolish capital punishment, even in 
 cases of murder. This is advocated on — 
 
 CXXIII. (1.) The principle that human life is too 
 sacred to be thus destroyed. 
 
 CXXTV. (2.) The idea that executions familiarise 
 the public with slaughter, and thus rather promote 
 than suppress murder. 
 
 CXXV. (3.) The idea that the administration of 
 justice, being in the nature of things fallible, death, 
 if inflicted at all, will sometimes be inflicted on the 
 innocent. 
 
 On the other side we find — 
 
 CXXVI. (1.) The idea that it is due to the subjects
 
 60 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. IV. 
 
 of the State that it should take the most effective, 
 possible means for preserving them from being mm-- 
 dered. 
 
 CXXVII. (2.) Tlie idea that punishment is not solely ' 
 intended for tlie prevention of crime, but is also a 
 vindication of justice by Society; and death is the 
 just penalty of murder.* 
 
 Section XIII. 
 
 MILIT'ARY AND NAVAL FLOGGING. 
 
 CXXVIII. Tlie flogging of soldiers and sailors is 
 justified mainly on the idea that, in order to render 
 the army or the navy a perfect weapon of war, its 
 discipline must be perfect ; and this can only be attained 
 by punishment easily inflicted ; severe : yet soon over. 
 
 The ideas put forward in deprecation of it are 
 these : — 
 
 * Perhaps this is but a different phasis of the idea above referred to, 
 that punishment is to be conformed to natm-al justice. But at p. 57 
 we dealt with it as the motive to the mitigation of punishment, out of 
 justice to the criminal; here we are dealmg with it as a motive to 
 severity out of justice to society.
 
 Sect. XIIL] SOCIAL POLICY. 61 
 
 CXXIX. (1.) The principle that this punishment being 
 in its. nature so deorradino' and brutal, its infliction is a 
 breach of that reverence to wliich every man, as man, 
 iias a rightful claim. 
 
 CXXX. (2.) The idea tliat, in the army and navy, 
 a sense of personal honour should be fostered ; and 
 nothing could depress this feeling more fatally than 
 the use of the lash. 
 
 CXXXI. (3.) The idea that torture does but exas- 
 perate and brutalise the victims, rendering them more 
 dangerous than before. 
 
 CXXXII. (4.) The idea that the infliction of bodily 
 torment tends to brutalise all who take part in it, 
 whether as administrators or spectators.
 
 6^ THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. TV. 
 
 Section XIV. 
 
 BANKRUPTCY. 
 
 The question how bankrupts should be dealt 
 witli is much discussed, and the following ideas 
 have lately gained prominence :- 
 
 CXXXIII. (1.) The idea that the administration of 
 bankruptcy sliould be wholly taken out of the liands of 
 the Court, and put into those of the creditors : the Court 
 being only called upon to decide the legal questions that 
 may arise. 
 
 CXXXIV. (2.) The idea that the punishment of the 
 bankrupt for fraud should be altogether separate from 
 the administration of the bankruptcy. The end of the 
 latter is to get the creditors paid. This business should 
 not be mixed up with quasi-judicial proceedings. 
 
 CXXXV. (3.) This idea, however, naturally calls 
 forward another, viz. : that since criminals are prose- 
 cuted, not to avenge their victims, but to protect
 
 Sect. XR^] SOCIAL POLICY. 63 
 
 society, it is the State, not the victim, that should 
 prosecute. 
 
 • At present, the law wipes out the bankrupt's 
 debts,' if a certain proportion of his creditors 
 assent. ' 
 
 CXXXVI. This system is based on the idea that if 
 his debts always hang over liim, this would paralyze his 
 industiy, thus injuring both him and the State, without 
 gain to the creditor. 
 
 CXXXYII. It is objected to upon the prmciple that 
 the law should enforce contracts, not change them : 
 and upon this principle it is proposed tliat the creditors 
 should be left alone by the law to make their own 
 baro-ain with ,the debtor. 
 
 CXXXYIII. The idea has gained much favour, that 
 the body of the debtor should not be hable for his debts, 
 but his goods only.
 
 04 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. IV. 
 
 Sectiox XV. 
 
 PUECHASE IN THE ARMY. 
 
 The purchase system is objected to on — 
 
 CXXXTX. (1.) The principle that merit, not wealth, 
 should give advancement. 
 
 CXL. (2.) Tlie idea that this sj'Stem gives an advan- 
 tage to the aristocratic over the middle class. 
 
 CXLI. (3.) The idea that unpaid service is bad 
 service ; and under this system the officer has bought 
 his own pay. 
 
 The system is defended upon — 
 
 CXLII. (1.) The idea that else it would be seniority', 
 not merit, that v/ould give advancement. 
 
 CXLIII. (2.) The idea that it is well for the army 
 to be officered by gentlemen. 
 
 CXLIV. (3.) The idea that the cost of the change 
 would be unbearable.
 
 Sect. X\'I.] SOCIAL POLICY. 65 
 
 Section XYI. 
 competitive examinations. 
 
 The present plan, of subjecting applicants for 
 employment in the public service to competitive 
 examination, has sprung from the following 
 ideas — 
 
 CXLV. (1.) The idea that justice, both to the people 
 and to the man himself, demanded that ' the right man 
 should be put in the right place,' and that there should 
 be an end of jobbery. 
 
 CXLVI. (2.) The idea that intelligence and industry, 
 as a general rule, would imply moral goodness. 
 
 CXLVII. (3.) The idea that Education woidd be 
 stimulated by these premiums. 
 
 CXLYIII. (4.) But the great popularity of the scheme 
 came from the idea that thus the middle classes would be 
 enabled to push themselves into a higher social place. 
 
 F
 
 GG THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. IV. 
 
 The resistance to this scheme has mainly 
 emanated from — 
 
 CXLIX. (1.) The idea tliat fitness could not be thus 
 tested. 
 
 CL. (2.) The idea that trustiness was more needed 
 than abiUty; and would be less guaranteed under this 
 system than before. 
 
 CLI. (3.) The idea that disappointment, discontent, 
 id indolence would be the result of 
 ability and education than was needed. 
 
 and indolence would be the result of obtainino; higher 
 
 CLII. (4.) The idea that the higher ranks ought not 
 to be pushed aside from the upper departments of public 
 employment.
 
 Sect. I.] FINANCIAL POLICY. 67 
 
 CILVPTEE V. 
 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON 
 
 FINANCIAL POLICY. 
 
 Section I. 
 
 FREE TEADE. 
 
 In no department of policy have greater changes 
 been wrought, than in that of finance, by the 
 increased energy of ideas which, though mostly 
 old and obvious, are yet new as motives to poli- 
 tical conduct. This was strikingly seen in the 
 growth of the policy of free trade. 
 
 CLIII. (1.) The first of the ideas that set trade 
 free, has the look of a barren truism; and yet it only 
 gained its way in England by dint of hard fighting ; 
 
 and is still repudiated by half the world. This is the 
 
 f2
 
 B8 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. V. 
 
 idea that the more good things a nation gets, the 
 better ! * 
 
 CLIV. (2.) Tlie next idea whieh pushed free trade 
 forward was, that it is outside the business of Govern- 
 ment to help any men, or classes, to carry on their own 
 affairs ; except, indeed, by guarding them from wrong. 
 
 CLV. (3.) Nay, the principle was maintained that 
 every man has a right to work out his own good in his 
 o^\^l way, so long as he does not trespass on the same 
 freedom in others. 
 
 The law, therefore, wrongs him, if it debars him from 
 this, for the sake of some possible profit to some possible 
 parties. 
 
 This idea leads to the acknowledgment on the one hand 
 of the consumer's right to buy where and how he would ; 
 on the other hand, of tlie producer to produce and sell 
 what and how he would. 
 
 CLVI. (4.) Another idea was that, where there is 
 no trespass on the rights of others, the gain of each is 
 
 gain of all. 
 
 But note that under Protection, others are wronged. 
 
 ♦ Few strange things are stranger than this ; that hundreds of millions of 
 intelligent men should have squared their national policy to the falsehood — 
 too plainly false, one should have thought, to mislead a child— that a 
 nation's wealth lies in producing good things, not in consuming them !
 
 Sect. I.] FIXAXCIAL POLICY. G9 
 
 CLVn. (5.) The idea had no small weight, that 
 nature is wiser than man ; and he mars her work by 
 meddlino" with it.* 
 
 In this case, for example, capital, if let alone by human 
 law, would be sure to find out the most profitable in- 
 vestment. Therefore, the body of producers, as a whole, 
 must be the worse for interference, and the better for 
 freedom. 
 
 CLVIII. (G.) And so, too, the idea that the more 
 
 * I fancy that if anyone skilled in such philosophy were to trace this idea 
 down to its roots, a wonderfully rich vein of thought would open hefore him. 
 Free Trade seems to be the political phasis of the same idea which in other 
 spheres also has wrought not less striking revolutions. The mind of the 
 nation has become more and more profoundly impressed by a sense of the 
 beauty and wisdom of natiire, and more and more impatient of the rules 
 by which man would cut all things square, after notions of his own 
 devising. This higher value for what is natural, this aversion for what is 
 artificial and conventional, gave rise, unquestionably, to the so-called 
 Pre-Raphaelite School in painting. In poetry it has been expressed by 
 Wordsworth, and more lately, and in a very different form, by Tennyson. 
 In architecture it seems to me to have been one of the main causes of 
 the triiunph of Gothic over Georgian. In medicine, it has substituted 
 fresh air, pure water, and exercise, for bleeding and purging. It has had 
 great influence over the modem theories, though too little as yet over the 
 modem practice, of education. The 'broad' school of theology, again, 
 emanates from the same principle, its essence being the preference for 
 natural over conventional religion. And I think that the same influence 
 could be traced, not only in the case of free trade, but in other large 
 departments of policy: as, e.g., in our letting the colonies alone, to grow 
 up in their own way, not in ours.
 
 70 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. V. 
 
 trade grew, the more would nations become knit to- 
 gether, and war impossible. 
 
 CLIX. (7.) In some quarters the idea was much 
 rehshed that free trade \vould lower the landholding, 
 while raising the trading, classes. 
 
 CliX. (8.) Others, more justly, held the idea that if 
 wealth were poured into the land, every class must 
 thereby be enriched and strengthened. 
 
 CLXI. (9.) This policy, again, partly emanated from 
 the idea that free trade, by enhancing the national 
 wealth, would fill the Exchequer.* 
 
 The defence of the system of Protection in- 
 volved three leading ideas : 
 
 CLXII. (1.) The idea that trade would not flow of 
 itself in the most profitable channels for the whole 
 people ; therefore it was part of the duty of the Go- 
 vernment to direct it. 
 
 * The fiscal merits of free trade, however, have done more for its growth 
 than for its birth. Probably its adoption in foreign countries will be dne 
 mucli more to the fortunate discovery of its potency in filling the Treasmy, 
 than to any philosophical perceptionof its justice and truth.
 
 Sect. I.] FINANCIAL POLICY. 71 
 
 CLXIII. (2.) Tlie idea tliat the wealth of a nation 
 lies, not in ' the abundance of the things which she 
 possesseth,' but in the quantity of work she does. 
 
 CLXrV. (3.) The idea that by making the nation 
 produce what she consumed, she was saved from a 
 perilous dependence on others. 
 
 CLXV. (4.) The defence of the Corn Laws was 
 partly based upon a fourth idea : viz., that the land- 
 owning class was of singular value, social or political, 
 to the nation; and the nation, therefore, would do 
 wisely to make some sacrifices for its benefit. 
 
 CLXVI. Associated with the. system of Protection 
 was the doctrine of the balance of trade ; which was 
 based on the idea that the profit of the country from 
 its foreign trade varies directly as the value of what 
 it gives : inversely as the value of what it gets !
 
 72 THE IDR\S OF THE DAY ON [Chap. V. 
 
 Section n. 
 
 CLXVII. One idea which has sliaped the financial 
 policy of recent years, appears at first sight to be of 
 the most unpretending simplicity. It is merely this, that 
 it is not by perfecting the machinery of taxation, but 
 ratlicr by enlarging the national wealth, tliat the national 
 treasury will be most abundantly replenished. In homely 
 phrase, that it is not by strengthening the pumps, but by 
 opening the springs, that the cistern will be filled fullest. 
 
 CLXVIII. Obvious as that idea may seem, it did not 
 permeate our financial policy in times past ; nor that of 
 other nations now. Even the United States and Italy 
 are at this moment acting on the idea that the one art 
 of finance lies in giving the utmost sweep and power 
 to the machinery of taxation.* 
 
 * This radical difference of idea was vividly exemplified in the debates on 
 the Paper Duties. Mr. Gladstone, and those who went with him, dwelt 
 much on the expansion of wealth, and hence of the revenue, that would 
 ensue from this relief. Those who went against him seemed (to me, at 
 least) to fix their eyes only on the machinery of taxation, as if all financial 
 wisdom lay in keeping- that perfect and powerful.
 
 Sect, m.] FINxVNCIAL POLICY. 73 
 
 Section III. 
 
 A considerable share of attention has been 
 attracted of late years by the proposal that direct 
 should be substituted for indirect taxation. 
 
 CLXIX. This proposal has mainly emanated from 
 the idea that direct taxes would cost less ; both in 
 their collection, and also as not causing any inter- 
 ference with the processes of trade or manufacture. 
 
 CLXX. It has gained some support from the idea that 
 direct taxation would be more painful, and thus, by 
 stirring up resistance, would tend to economy. 
 
 CLXXI. And, again, from the idea that direct would 
 fall more than indh-ect taxes, on the upper classes of 
 society. 
 
 CLXXII. This latter idea, however, is exactly opposed 
 to one which has been rising to predominance in recent 
 years : viz., the idea that taxation ought not to be mixed 
 up with charity ; but each member of the common- 
 wealth ought to contribute his fair share of its outlay ;
 
 74 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. V. 
 
 tliat to relieve tlie poorer classes from their due proportion, 
 and throw all the weight on tlieir richer neighbours, is a 
 breach of justice ; and this so-called charity is not less 
 mischievous to those it is meant to ease, than to those it 
 burdens. 
 
 Section IV. 
 
 Two opposite ideas on finance have still their 
 ardent votaries. 
 
 CLXXIII. The one is the idea that the revenue should 
 be raised by hght taxation on a large number of articles. 
 
 CLXXrV. The other is the opposite idea, that the 
 revenue should be raised by heavier taxation on few 
 articles. This idea is now embodied in our policy. 
 
 CLXXV. But the idea also prevails that a larger re- 
 venue is raised by moderate, than by exhaustive taxation.
 
 Sect. I.] FOREIGN POLICY. 75 
 
 CHAPTER \^. 
 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON 
 
 FOREIGN POLICY. 
 
 Section I. 
 
 A VAST amount of thouglit has been given of late years 
 by the British people, to questions of foreign pohcy ; and 
 the following ideas may be noted as having more or less 
 sway. Some of them already shape our conduct, 
 
 CLXXVI. (1.) The principle that each nation has the 
 right, which others should revere, of managing her own 
 afiairs. 
 
 From this principle springs the rule of non-intervention. 
 
 It miglit be thouglit that the rule of non-intervention sprang from a 
 selfish notion that intervention does not pay. That its real root in the 
 minds of EngHshmen is the principle that each nation has the right to 
 manage her own affairs, is shown by our eagerness to make other 
 nations obey the rule, and our indignation when they break it. We 
 condemn the holding of Rome by France, not because it hurts France, 
 but because we regard it as a trespass on the rights of the Italians.
 
 76 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY OX [Chap. VI. 
 
 CLXXVII. (2) The idea (held as yet by few) that, for 
 her own sake, England should stand utterly aloof from 
 the aiTairs of others. 
 
 CLXXYIII. (3.) The idea that we should take part in 
 what goes on elsewhere, so far as to condemn wrong, 
 and urge a peaceful settlement of quarrels ; but not 
 with the sword. 
 
 Tliis was the idea on which the nation, despite the more Avarlike 
 tendencies of its rulers, chose to act with regard to Denmark. With 
 regard to Poland, it was accepted by all as our actuating principle. 
 
 CLXXIX. (4.) It is admitted on all sides, that we 
 should never threaten, unless we mean to strike. 
 
 Among the forces opponent to the principle of 
 non-intervention, are — 
 
 CLXXX. (1.) The idea that this country ought to 
 countenance — or even fight for — all who are strugghng 
 for political freedom, or against a foreign yoke. 
 
 CLXXXI. (2.) The idea that England, as one of the 
 family of nations, is bound to stand by those who are 
 wronged ; with the sword if needful.
 
 Sect. L] FOREIGN POLICY. 77 
 
 CLXXXn. (3.) Tlie idea that England should main- 
 tain the balance of power ; and with that view should 
 uphold weak nations against the strong. 
 
 .Hence, partly, the Crimean war. 
 
 CLXXXIII. (4.) The idea that it is right for a nation's 
 neighbours to step in and put down anarchy, with 
 which she has proved herself unable to cope. 
 
 The recent intervention of France in Mexico has been justified on 
 that principle. So, too, the partition of Poland. 
 
 CLXXXIV. (5.) The idea that no nation has the right 
 to isolate herself; and, if she does so, other nations may 
 justly force her to have deahngs w^ith them. 
 
 This idea was certainly acted upon, if not avowed, by both England 
 and France, in their treatment of China and Japan. 
 
 CLXXXV. Another principle, called the principle of 
 nationalities, has come into vogue. 
 
 According to this principle, those peoples who are kith 
 and kin have a right, if they choose, to come together as 
 one nation. 
 
 This principle was admitted by England in allowing the reunion of 
 the Ionian Islands with Greece. 
 
 CLXXXVI. It is a cherished idea of some English 
 statesmen (as of all French statesmen) that it is not
 
 78 TIIE IDEAS OF TIIE DAY ON [Chap. VI. 
 
 cnoiigli for tlieir country to be secure, but that she ought 
 also to be predominant. ' 
 
 This idea is especially popular with regard to England as a naval 
 power. Few Englishmen but cling to the idea that at sea England 
 must not merely hold her own, but be ' paramount,' ' predominant,' 
 * supreme.' We talk of her as * Queen of the Seas,' ' Mistress of the 
 Ocean,' &c. 
 
 These phrases are vague, but the idea below is that the navy of 
 England should not merely make her safe, but excel the world. 
 
 CLXXXVII. Another phase may be noted of the same 
 idea. This was the assumption, now dying out except 
 in some diplomatic circles, that this country ought to 
 make her hand felt throughout Europe ; and to that 
 end should bring her influence to bear on the councils 
 of weaker nations, such as Greece, Turkey, &c. 
 
 CLXXXVIII. Some, however, hold an adverse prin- 
 ciple ; namely, that the business of the Government is, not 
 to make this country predominant, but only to make her 
 safe. And that the respect of others is not to be sought 
 by fleets and armies ; but, if it comes, should come of 
 itself, as the reward of a wise and strong, but unselfish 
 policy, and of the greatness that such a policy must bring. 
 
 CLXXXIX. Some even lay down the principle that no 
 nation has the right to queen it over the rest, whether
 
 Sect. I.] FOREIGN POLICY. 79 
 
 by land or sea ; and that slie wrongs others, and in the 
 long run herself, who strives to overshadow them. 
 
 CXC. It is believed abroad that, in foreign affairs, 
 England has no other actuating principle but that of 
 making herself rich and glorious, and, with that end in 
 view, loves to see her neighbours lowered. 
 
 In this we are beUed. Englishmen of all parties rejoice 
 in hearing that other nations are making way. This 
 mainly springs from a feeling of goodwill ; but it also 
 issues from an idea which must not fail to be noted among 
 those that give shape to our views on foreign affairs — the 
 idea that the more others thrive, the more we shall thrive 
 with them* 
 
 CXCI. Of all the revolutions in the national mind, 
 none has been more striking than this : that, whereas in 
 days gone by, the people of this kingdom were strongly 
 wrought upon by the idea that it was by conquest that 
 greatness was to be won ; now, that idea either sleeps or 
 is dead, and its place is taken by the very opposite idea, 
 namely, that our dominions must on no account be 
 enlarged. We shrink from gains of sovereignty, as in 
 old days we should have hailed them. 
 
 * This 'idea might seem a truism, but in fact it is new. Nay, that 
 nation has climbed a great height of political wisdom, which has come to 
 see that the good of one is the good of all.
 
 80 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. VI. 
 
 CXCII. Another most striking revolution has taken 
 place in the national mind. Up to late years the 
 nation was possessed by the idea that France was the 
 natural enemy, or rival at least, of England ; and that 
 our pohcy and hers must clash. 
 
 Now, most happily, it is becoming received as an axiom 
 of policy by both nations, that our wisdom lies in the 
 closest union; and that by acting together, as equals 
 mdeed, but with one mind and one piu'pose, we shall 
 lead the world. 
 
 CXCIII. Tlie idea has some votaries, that, of all 
 things, peace is the best ; war the worst. And that 
 but for the clumsiness and violence of statesmen war 
 might almost always be avoided without dishonour. 
 
 CXCIV. Yet all Enghshmen hold the principle that 
 England is not to put up with insult or wTong. 
 
 CXCV. The principle, however, is gaining ground, 
 that, while British subjects must be shielded from all 
 wrong, and any wrong done them must be atoned for; 
 still, in enforcing this, England should show herself for- 
 bearing, gentle, and generous. 
 
 CXCVI. The idea was actually embodied in the Pro- 
 tocols of Paris, but, unhappily, has not been accepted
 
 Sect. I.] FOREIGN POLICY. 81 
 
 by our governors as an axiom of policy, that all disputes 
 should be settled by arbitration, in lieu of the sword. 
 
 CXCVII. The course of events has thrown into the 
 background an idea which yet, within a few years, bore 
 signal fruit. This idea — the inspiring genius of Lord 
 Palmerstou's foreign pohcy — was that the first duty and 
 wisdom of England lay in resisting the encroaching sway 
 of Eussia, by which the freedom of Europe woidd else be 
 overthrown. The Syrian war, the Affghan war, and the 
 Crimean war, mainly sprang out of this idea. 
 
 CXCVin. The idea prevails that, while the British 
 Government is to do its utmost to gain openings for 
 trade, still no openings are to be sought for England 
 only ; but that all shall share them. 
 
 CXCIX. Upon the whole, the nation seems to be 
 growing enamoured of the idea that it is not in con- 
 quest, in a proud demeanour, in fierce resentment of 
 the least wrong, in the display of overwhelming force, 
 in overshadowing or overawing those around her, that 
 England's true glory is to be found ; but in winning the 
 reverence of the world, both by the mascuhne wisdom 
 of her home pohcy, and by setting a noble example, in 
 her deahngs with others and above all with the weak, 
 of justice, generosity, and self-control. 
 
 G
 
 82 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY OX [Chap. VI. 
 
 Section II. 
 
 CC. The policy of tins country with regard to the 
 recognition of rebels as belligerents, is guided by a simple 
 principle ; namely, that it must depend, not on sympathies, 
 but facts. If the rebels are in force, neutrals should treat 
 them as in force ; if they are mere rioters, or troublers of 
 the peace of their land, they are not really belligerents, 
 and cannot claim rights as such. In fact, it is due to the 
 existing authorities, that, in a policy which touches them, 
 neutrals should hold to the truth. 
 
 CCI. The policy of this country as to recognising 
 the independence of rebels, is based on the same 
 idea : namely, that such recognition must depend, not 
 on sympathies, but facts. If a people has actually 
 thrown off the yoke of a foreign nation, then England 
 recognises it as independent. Again, if a people has 
 actually thrown off the yoke of a despot, then England 
 recognises the new government set up in his place. 
 
 Proof, however, is demanded of the fact that indepen- 
 dence has been actually achieved. The best proof is, the 
 cessation of armed attempts by the former sovereign 
 to recover his dominions. Hence, as a rule, the British 
 Government does not recognise a rebel people, while the
 
 Sect. HI.] FOREIGN POLICY. 83 
 
 struggle goes on. But if other proof were given that they 
 had achieved independence; for example, if their self- 
 government were organised and worked successfully for 
 some years, despite abortive assaults from a dispossessed 
 sovereign ; then, doubtless, the British Government would 
 grant them recognition. 
 
 Section III. 
 
 In the Protocols of Paris, England agreed to 
 the rule that, barring contraband, ' free ships 
 should make free goods.' 
 
 The ideas that suggested this rule were three. 
 
 CCn. (1.) The principle that the neutral has a right 
 to be let alone, so long as he is not virtually taking 
 part in the war by carrying munitions for it. 
 
 CCIII. (2.) The idea that, so far as may be, every 
 source of probable quarrels between nations should be 
 stopped up. 
 
 g2
 
 84 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. VI. 
 
 CCrV. (3.) Tlic principle — a most pregnant one — 
 that war ought to be simply a duel between armies and 
 navies, and that private property should be untouched. 
 
 Section IV. 
 
 The proposal lias been brought forward in 
 Parliament, to make an enemy's trading-ships 
 free as well as his goods. 
 
 This has been urged upon — 
 
 CCV. (1.) The principle just referred to — that icar 
 ought to he a duel betiveen armies, in ivhich private 
 property should be mitouched. 
 
 This principle, it is said, is always acted on by land. 
 It has now been extended to goods at sea. Why not 
 also apply it to ships ? 
 
 CCVI. (2.) The idea that whatever softens war, 
 shortens it, hatred being less kindled.
 
 Sect. IV.] FOREIGN POLICY. 85 
 
 CCVII. (3.) The idea that whatever step nations 
 take towards humanity, tends to thoughtfuhiess, and so 
 to peace. 
 
 CCVIII. (4.) The idea has further been thrown 
 out that England ought not to look to her special 
 interests, but to those of the whole commonwealth of 
 nations. And it is assumed that, taken altogether, it 
 must be good for them to lighten the evils of war. 
 
 CCIX. (5.) The idea that whatever injures ship- 
 ping, would most injure the largest shipper — viz. Eng- 
 land.* 
 
 Those who deprecate the proposal, deny the 
 principle that private property is to be respected 
 in war. 
 
 OCX. (1.) They, on the contrary, allege the princi- 
 ple that everything is good in war ivhich helps to end it. 
 
 * The argument based on this idea may be thus briefly stated : — 
 
 (1.) By the Protocols of Paris, goods will henceforth, be safe in neutral 
 vessels, but not in those of the belligerents. 
 
 (2.) Hence the merchants of each belligerent would send their goods in 
 neutral vessels, where they would be safe ; not in their own, where they 
 would be in danger. 
 
 (3.) The shipping, then, of each belligerent would, for the time, be laid 
 up, or be sold to neutrals, 
 
 (4.) England, as the greatest shipper, would be the greatest sufferer.
 
 86 THE IDEAS OF TILE DAY ON [Chap VI, 
 
 And they affirm that by cutting up a country's trade, the 
 enemy does impel it to seek peace.* 
 
 CCXI. (2.) They also are actuated by the idea that 
 England has a special interest in leaving ships open to 
 capture, because she is ablest to take an enemy's ships 
 and to keep her own. 
 
 Sectiox V. 
 
 The question whether the great Powers should 
 not agree to abolish the right of blockading 
 mercantile ports, has been mixed up with the 
 question last discussed. It is, however, con- 
 venient for us to treat it by itself 
 
 * I have no doubt, however, that those who say this would still be 
 willing to modify this principle by admitting the somewhat vague, but 
 really practical principle, that severity is not alloioahle if the sufferiyig injlicted 
 is Old of all pro'poHion to the probable effect on tlie result of the war. It is by 
 this principle that the killing of sentries is forbidden ; the di-iving back of the 
 citizens into a beleaguered town, firing glass, poisoning wells, &c. &c.
 
 Sect, v.] FOREIGN POLICY. 87 
 
 Those who plead for this change appear to be 
 actuated mainly by the following ideas.* 
 
 ■ CCXII. The idea that the neutrals have a right to 
 be let alone, so long as they are not taking a side. 
 
 CCXIIL The idea that war ouglit to be carried on 
 as a mere duel between armies, private property being 
 untouched. 
 
 CCXiy. The idea that whatever softens war, shortens 
 it, hatred being less kindled, 
 
 CCXV. The idea that whatever step nations take to- 
 wards humanity, tends to thoughtfulness, and so to peace. 
 
 CCXVI. The idea that blockades, except most rarely, 
 do not drive nations to yield : — 
 
 Partly because, nearly always, they can be eluded by 
 sea, or by land. 
 
 Partly because nations, once at war, are blind to 
 losses. 
 
 * Some of these are the same as those held in the case just considered ; 
 but I have thought it best in each case to give all tlie ideas that bear 
 on it, without minding I'epetition.
 
 8S THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. VI. 
 
 CCX\T;I. The idea that England, being the largest 
 
 trader, and also the largest consumer, will be hardest 
 hit by blockades. 
 
 (1.) When she enforces them, she will be hampering 
 her own commerce ; depriving herself of goods she wants ; 
 or (if they come round by rail, as in the Eussian war) 
 she will be raising their price on herself. 
 
 (2.) And wlien others enforce them, the loss to her is 
 severe ; without, of course, any shadow of good. 
 
 CCXVIII. The principle that England ought not to look 
 to her own good solely, but to the good of mankind ; and 
 that this must be promoted by whatever might lessen the 
 ruin caused by war. 
 
 On the other side I find- 
 
 CCXIX, The idea that nations, when wresthng in war, 
 cannot tie their hands to please neutrals. The bystanders 
 must take their chance.
 
 Sect, v.] FOREIGN POLICY. 89 
 
 CCXX. The idea that, as each beUigerent is merely 
 seeldiig to gain what he deems his due, he has the right 
 to distress the enemy in any way, till it is given him. 
 
 CCXXI. But others, though holding the opposite 
 principle (namely, that private property ought to be 
 untouched), say that it does not bear on this case ; for, 
 say they, the aim of blockades is not to seize private 
 property. So far from it, the blockade ought to be too 
 thorough for captures. The real aim is, to weaken the 
 whole nation, by stopping the sources of wealth, and to 
 destroy her revenue from customs. Blockades, then, are 
 meant to press on the nation as a whole, not to harass 
 individuals. 
 
 CCXXn. The idea that in war, all is right which 
 hastens its close. 
 
 CCXXIII. The idea that ivhatever makes luar more 
 distressing withholds men from it; so that blockades tend 
 to peace. 
 
 CCXXTV. Others, however, would allow the principle 
 that war ought to be carried on with the least possible 
 suffering. But their idea is that, of all modes of pressure 
 upon an enemy, the most humane is a blockade, because
 
 90 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. VI. 
 
 it neither slaughters nor ravages ; but merely stops profits 
 and supplies, 
 
 CCXXV. The idea that England, being ablest to 
 blockade, has therein a vantage ground over other 
 nations, which it would be ' poHtical suicide' to leave. 
 
 Else, if any nation kept no navy, and no sea fortresses, 
 our fleets could not touch her. By throwing away a 
 weapon which we can wield best, we raise our enemies 
 to our level.
 
 Sect. I.] 
 
 COLONIAL POLICY. 91 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON 
 
 COLONIAL POLICY. 
 
 Section I. 
 
 CCXXVI. The one idea of Colonial policy which 
 prevailed till our own day in England was, that the 
 Colonies were to be in complete subjection to her : and 
 she alone was to have the advantage of trading with 
 them. 
 
 This idea has faded fi'om the national mind. 
 All now agree that our Colonies are to have 
 unbounded freedom, both of government and 
 of trade. 
 
 The ideas that have led to this conclusion are :
 
 92 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY OX [CHAP.Vn. 
 
 CCXXVII. (1.) The principle that every organised 
 society has a right to freedom in handling its own affairs. 
 
 CCXXAT:II. (2.) The idea that each colony must be 
 the best judge of its own business. 
 
 CCXXIX. (3.) And that what is best for the colony 
 must, in the long run, be best also for the mother 
 country. 
 
 CCXXX. (4.) The idea that it is only from handling 
 its own affairs that a people can gain experience, self- 
 reliance, and self-control. 
 
 CCXXXI. The determination to leave the colonial 
 trade untrammelled, is simply a corollary from the prin- 
 ciples that have led to free trade at home.
 
 Sect. II.] COLONIAL POLICY. 93 
 
 CCXXXII. But, ill truth, there underUes the whole of 
 this pohcy a principle, which of late years has been gain- 
 ing wide dominion over men ; the principle that freedom, 
 both of thought and deed, is itself the first of blessings, 
 and the parent of boundless good. When the intel- 
 lectual liistory of our time is written, its narrator will 
 probably note this increasing abhorrence of all restriction 
 (except with a view to protection against wrong), as 
 the most striking of all the traits in the growth of the 
 British mind during the past half-century. This, how- 
 ever, is no mere negative doctrine — a doctrine of ab- 
 horrence alone : it sprmgs from a more profound and 
 living faith in the wisdom and beneficence of natural 
 law. And no principle has already wrought greater 
 changes in our national policy ; no principle bids fair to 
 work out greater results in years to come. 
 
 Section II. 
 
 COLONIAL DEFENCES. 
 
 , The proposal has been strongly urged that the 
 Colonies should not only be left to govern them- 
 selves, but to defend themselves on land.
 
 94 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap-VH. 
 
 This proposal issues fi-om — 
 
 CCXXXni. (1.) The idea that England weakens her 
 force by scattering it. 
 
 CCXXXIV. (2.) The idea that, by a pretence of de- 
 fending them, with a mere handful of British troops, 
 we in reality tempt attack upon them, in case of war. 
 
 CCXXXV. (3.) The idea that the colonies are en- 
 feebled by having that done for them which they ought 
 to do for themselves. 
 
 CCXXXVI. (4.) The idea tliat the people of this king, 
 dom are wronged, by their earnings being spent for 
 others, without any return to themselves. 
 
 CXXXYII. (5.) The idea that, by backing the colo- 
 nists up with our force, we tempt them to fight with 
 their native neighbours, or at least weaken the motives 
 that would tend to peace. 
 
 This proposal is deprecated on— * 
 
 CCXXXVni. (1.) The idea that the mother country 
 owes it to her offspring to guard them.
 
 Sect. III.] COLONIAL POLICY. 95 
 
 CXXXIX. (2.) The idea that the colonists, if left to 
 arm themselves, would put the natives to the sword. 
 
 CCXL. (3.) The idea that, but for these defences, 
 the -colonies might fall a prey to other nations. 
 
 CCXLI. (4.) The Duke of Wellington's idea, however, 
 in extending the system, was that tlius a large force 
 might be kept up, beyond public notice. 
 
 Section III. 
 
 Some politicians would sever the tie that still 
 binds us to the Colonies, and leave them, not 
 merely to self-government, but to independence. 
 
 CCXLII. (1.) They seek this, first, on the principle 
 that with nations, as with men, dependence weakens, 
 independence strengthens, character. 
 
 CCXLIII. (2.) The idea that this would be a cheaper 
 policy.
 
 96 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. VH. 
 
 . CCXLIV. (3.) The idea that it would be a more 
 peaceful one, as lessening the points of contact, and 
 therefore of possible war, between us and other nations. 
 This has been especially felt with regard to Canada. 
 
 This view is opposed — 
 
 CCXLV. (1.) Mainly upon the idea that the name and 
 fame of the mother country is enhanced by holding, and 
 would be marred by losing, her dominions beyond seas. 
 
 CCXLVI. (2.) The idea that a cheap is a mean 
 pohcy ; a free-handed one is noble. 
 
 CCXLVII. (3.) The idea that, but for their tie with us, 
 these outlying countries would fall into the hands of 
 others, to their damage, and our disgrace.
 
 Sect. IV.] COLONIAL POLICY 97 
 
 Section IV. 
 
 CCXLVIII. The princii)le has been admitted on all 
 bands that the colonists have a ris^ht to absolute religious 
 freedom, and that no attempt should be made to thrust 
 a State Church upon them. 
 
 The suggestion has lately been floated, that 
 the claim still made by the Home Government, 
 to nominate the bishops in the Colonies, should 
 be given up : on the following principles : — 
 
 CCXIjIX. (1.) The idea that in every way the 
 colonies should be '' aurapxzig ;' self-governed and self- 
 contained ; not dandled by the government at home. 
 
 CCL. (2.) The principle that rehgion lies altogether 
 outside the sphere of government. 
 
 CCLI. (3.) The idea that, if the Home Government 
 ceases to appoint these bishops, they would be elected by 
 
 H
 
 98 THE IDEAS OF TTTE DAY ON [Chap. VII. 
 
 the Episcopalian colonists ; and all such democratic action 
 is wholesome. 
 
 ni 
 
 The (idverse ideas are : — 
 
 CCLIL (1.) That it is a dangerous precedent to drop 
 any link between Church and State. 
 
 CCLIII. (2.) Tliat this appointment of colonial bishops 
 by the Home Government keeps up the unity of the 
 Church throughout the British empire. 
 
 CCLIV. (3.) That the bishops thus appointed are fitter 
 for their position than those whom the colonists would be 
 likely to elect.
 
 Sect.].] INDIAN rOLICY. 99 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON 
 
 INDIAN POLICY. 
 
 Section I. 
 
 I WISH that, without drawing on my own fancy, 
 I could note a long array of ideas, as being held 
 in this country, on the ]3olicy to be pursued 
 towards India. Unhappily, that niftgnificent em- 
 pire is strangely overlooked by home politicians ; 
 and yet no questions are more intensely interest- 
 ing ; no questions involve mightier issues, than 
 those relating to our conduct in that land. It is, 
 however, the fact, that Indian to2:)ics are but little 
 dealt with by the public mind at home ; and I 
 have not been able to discover more than the 
 meagre band of ideas here set doAvn. But, to 
 say truth, besides this barrenness of thought upon 
 
 H 2
 
 100 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. VIII. 
 
 Indian questions, I have found that most of them 
 are so beset with local and technical consider- 
 ations, that even the most defined opinions that 
 have been expressed Avith regard to them, are not 
 easily to be referred to general principles. The 
 great questions of the size and proportion of the 
 British and Native armies ; of the way to deal 
 with caste ; of the modes of training and civi- 
 lising the people ; of extending agriculture, 
 manufacture, and trade ; of the methods of tax- 
 ation ; of the introduction of cheap and speedy 
 justice ; of the removal of the seat of Govern- 
 ment ; of annexation, etc. etc., are all matters 
 rather of place and time than of abstract ideas. 
 
 CCLV. The great principle which disthiguishes our 
 government of India from that of almost any other 
 dependency by any other conquerors, is the idea that we 
 are to govern her, first and foremost, not for our own 
 good, but for that of her own people. Despite many 
 exceptions and many drawbacks, this noble principle lias 
 been strongly grasped by the British rulers of India, and 
 has in very truth been the life-blood of their pohcy. 
 
 CCLVI. Nay, the idea has some votaries, that the part
 
 Sect. I.] INDIAN POLICY. , 101 
 
 we have to play is simply that of cherishing and develop- 
 ing the character of the Indian people, till they have 
 grown capable of self-rule ; and then retiring — our task 
 fulfilled. 
 
 CCLVII. The principle above stated has led on to the 
 idea — which, however, as yet is not fully expressed in 
 act — that the natives ouc^ht to be admitted to a laro;e 
 share in the counsels and in the administration of the 
 government of their own land. 
 
 CCLVm. Much stress has been laid in some quarters 
 on the idea that it would greatly quicken and invigorate 
 the administration of Indian aflairs if her three great 
 Provinces were, as far as possible, sundered, so that 
 each should be governed without perpetual reference to 
 a distant and slow-moving authority. 
 
 CCLIX. The idea is at this moment being worked out, 
 that the land tax ought to be permanently settled, so that 
 the tiller of the soil should feel more sure of reaping the 
 full reward of his own diligence and foretliought. 
 
 CCLX. (1.) The idea has many advocates, that the 
 government ought to set itself to extinguish caste, by 
 ignoring it in all their arrangements.
 
 102 . THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. VIII. 
 
 CCLXI. (2.) The opposite idea formerly prevailed, and 
 is still cherished by many Indian statesmen ; namely, that 
 the arrangements of government ought not to thwart, or 
 ignore, but should be adapted to the facts of the case, and 
 to the actual character of their subjects. 
 
 CCLXII. The idea is strongly urged by Indian states- 
 men that in taxing the ])eople it is not so much oppressive^ 
 as new taxes, that are pernicious and ])erilous. 
 
 CCLXIII. Among tlie ideas that must be noted as 
 having been actually carried into effect in India, and 
 having borne fruits of a very remarkable kind, we must 
 not omit the idea that the class of zemindars and 
 talookdars was a pernicious element in the national 
 life ; and that, as far as possible, they were to be pushed 
 aside in iavoiu- of the ryot. 
 
 Section II. 
 
 « 
 
 CCLXIV. Nor again can we omit notice of the idea 
 which so long prevailed in the Indian Civil Service, and 
 is not yet dead, that the natives must be guarded from 
 the dangerous intrusion of British capitalists, bringing 
 industrial works amongst them, but with probable op- 
 pression of the native workers.
 
 Sect. II.] INDIAN POLICY, 103 
 
 It is a great question at the present moment, 
 whether the Government shouki undertake tlie 
 irrigation works throughout India, or leave them 
 to private enterprise. 
 
 The ideas which seem to have determined the 
 Governmen.t to undertake them are — 
 
 CCLXY. (1.) The idea that the profit thus gained will 
 be a convenient substitute for taxation. 
 
 CCLXVI. (2.) The idea that the whole work will thus 
 be done in a more scientific, systematic, and effective 
 way. 
 
 CCLXVII. (3.) The idea that if left in private hands, 
 the work might be executed oppressively to the natives ; 
 and hence, dangerously to ourselves. 
 
 The objections are founded on — 
 
 CCLXVni. (1.) The principle diat it is beyond the 
 true function of Government to undertake comniercial 
 enterprises.
 
 104 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [Chap. Vni. 
 
 CCLXIX. (2.) The idea that work thus done by the 
 Government can never be so cheap, or so sure, as the 
 work done under the strong pressure of personal interest. 
 
 CCLXX. (3.) Tlie idea that nothing could in the long 
 run do so much to develope and indurate the native 
 character, as the creation of industrial enterprises among 
 them. Cosseting will never make tliem robust. 
 
 CCLXXI. (4.) The idea that it is an illegitimate way 
 of taxing the people for the State to take profitable 
 enterprises out of their hands into its o^mi
 
 Sect. 1] IRISH POLICY. 105 
 
 CHAPTEE IX. 
 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON 
 
 IRISH POLICY. 
 
 Sectiox I. 
 
 TENURE OF LAND. 
 
 CCLXXII. The present state of Ireland : her poverty ; 
 lier asrarian crimes ; her chronic discontent ; have been 
 in no small degree owing to that idea which lies so 
 deep in the minds of the Irish peasantry : the idea that 
 the tenant is in truth joint owner with the landlord ; 
 that the two are, in fact, co-partners, and so long as 
 the tenant pays the landlord his fair share of the 
 profits, he has a right to remain upon the land.* 
 
 CCLXXIII. This idea leads to that of the so-called 
 
 * Beyond doubt this idea lias conic down from the days when the 
 pefisantry really were the owners of the laud, though tributary to their 
 chief .
 
 106 TPIE IDEAS OF THE DAY ON [CnAr. IX. 
 
 Tenant Eiglit of Ulster, namely, the idea of tlie tenant's 
 
 right to sell his tenancy, even when the landlord 
 removes him. 
 
 With this idea one of a perfectly distinct 
 character has often been confounded, viz. 
 
 CCLXXIV. The idea that the tenant is the true owner 
 of any additions and improvements he may have made 
 at his own cost upon the land ; and is entitled to be 
 compensated for them when his lease expires. 
 
 The question, whether, and if so how, this idea 
 could be carried into effect wdtli justice to both 
 landlord and tenant, is one of the most difficult 
 of all the questions that now press for solution. 
 
 CCLXXV. The discussion of it seems to have led 
 to a general acquiescence in the principle that the law 
 ought in no way to meddle with contracts ; beyond 
 enforcing them. 
 
 CCLXXVI. Tliis principle would not be violated by an 
 idea which has lately been thrown out ; namely, that
 
 Sect. IL] IRISH POLICY. 107 
 
 the law should leave the tenant free to destroy, or to 
 remove, his own improvements on the land, if tlio 
 landlord refuses to compensate him for them.* 
 
 Sectiox II. 
 
 THE GOVERNMENT OF IRELAND. 
 
 CCLXXVII. The idea has been pushing its way of late 
 years that Ireland ouglit to be made one with Great 
 Britain, by sweeping away its separate Court, and 
 semblance of independent administration. 
 
 CCLXXVIII. An antagonistic idea, however, has been 
 growing up rapidly during this autumn, viz. the idea 
 that one main cause of the discontent of the Irish is the 
 want of an object for their strong instinct of loyalty. 
 Accordingly, it is proposed that a member of the Eoyal 
 family should reside and be at the head of the govern- 
 ment in that island. 
 
 * Suggested by the ' Economist.' It looks like the one feasible solution 
 of an else insoluble problem.
 
 108 THE IDEAS OF THE DAY. [Chap. IX. 
 
 Section III. 
 
 The ideas now prevailing on the questions 
 relating to the Established Church, and to 
 National Education in Ireland, have been dealt 
 Avitli above. 
 
 CCLXXIX. I ought, however, to have noted the idea 
 which is gaining strength, that the attempt to combine 
 the education of Protestant and Eoman Cathohc children 
 lias failed, and that a system avowedly, as well as, in 
 fact, denominational, is inevitable.
 
 Chap. X.] FINAL REMARKS. 109 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Tins collection is at last finished, of the ideas now 
 working in the national mind, on both, or rather 
 on all sides of the political questions of the day. 
 No doubt I shall discover, when too late, that it 
 is very far from being so full and exact as I had 
 hoped to make it. Many political ideas, and 
 perhaps some of great force, may have been passed 
 over. I can only say that should this prove to 
 be so, it has been owing to lack of ability, not to 
 lack of pains. 
 
 In some cases, however, the reader may, at first 
 sight, imagine that I have carelessly overlooked 
 some idea, when further reflection would show 
 him that what looks like a fresh principle, is only 
 a special aspect of one that has been set down. 
 This has so often happened to myself in the 
 course of this investigation, that I dare say it may 
 happen to others ; if, indeed, such a ' siccus,' nay,
 
 no FINAL REMARKS. [Chap. X. 
 
 ' siccissimns liortiis ' as this, should have the un- 
 expected hick to get readers. 
 
 It has been impossible, in hunting after these 
 principles, not to be greatly struck by the original 
 force, by the fertility and vigour, of the national 
 mind. When, as was said before, the intellectual 
 history of our day shall be written — a history 
 surely to the full as worth telling as that of its 
 events — -it will be seen how, in every depart-- 
 ment of politics, many old beliefs have been 
 looked into, found wanting, and flung aside. In 
 every department, and, above all, in that of 
 foreign policy, new ideas have shot forth in rich 
 abundance, some of them, ideas of the highest 
 moment to the well-being of man.- But after 
 thus placing before us the ideas by which the two 
 great political parties in the State are actuated, 
 we naturally go on to ask whether again each of 
 those two sets of ideas cannot be traced down to 
 one or more first principles, from which they are 
 but divergent branches ? To this question I had 
 prepared a reply, in which I endeavoured to point
 
 Chap. X.] FINAL KEMARKS. Ill 
 
 out the perfect unity in the Liberal,* and again 
 in the Tory creed ; and to shew what is the for- 
 mative principle that gives to each creed its life 
 and form. At the last moment, however, when 
 the publication of this work cannot be deferred, 
 I see clearly that this last chapter will need 
 one or two more years of reflection, before I 
 shall be justified in placing it before the public. 
 Should this book therefore prove to be of service, 
 it will then be worth while for me to dig down 
 into those deeper strata of thought. On the 
 other hand, should the dryness of ' this present 
 writing ' be found to pass man's endurance, then 
 the additional theory will merely be as 'a hidden 
 and untimely birth, as infants that never saw the 
 light.' 
 
 Lector : si es, vale. 
 
 * I draw uo distinction between the Whig and Radical creeds, because 
 the great practical difference between them is rather one of degree than 
 of kind.
 
 lONBON 
 
 PltlNTEr BY SPOTTISWOODE AND CO. 
 
 KKW-STEEET SQUAUE 

 
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