;v*\.'!:.;f,..a:,-..;-.^: THE OCEANA O F 'James Harrington^ Efq: And His Other WORK S: With an A c c o u n t of his LIFE Prefix'd > By JOHN T L A N D. To which is Added, PLATO REDIVIVUS: O R, A Dialogue concerning Government. , B. E S P U B L I C A Res e(l Populi cum bene ac jufte geritur, five ab uno Rege, five a paucis Optimatibus, five ab univerfo Populo. Cum vero injuftus eft Rex (quern Tyrannum voco) aut injufti Optimates (quorum Confeiifus Fadlio eft) aut injuftus ipfe Populus (cui nomen ufitatum nullum reperio, nifi ut ipium Tyrannum appellem) non jam vitiofa fed pmnino nulla Refpublica eft, quoniam non RES eft POPULI cum Tyrannus earn Faftiove capeflat ; ncc ipfe Populus jam Populus eft fi fit injuftus, quoniam non eft J^ultitudo Juris coiifenfu & Utilitatis communione fociata. Fragmcntum Ciccronis ex lib. 3. de Rcpublica, apud Auguftin. de Civ. Dei, 1. 2. c. 21. DUBLIN:^ Printed by R. R e I L L y, For J. Smith, and W. Bruce, on the Blind-Key. M. DCC. XXXVII. ' 7T92 T O T H E LORD MAYOR, ALDERMEN, SHERIFFS, and COMMON COUNCIL of LONT>ON. IT IS not better known to you, moft worthy Magi- ftrates, that Government is the preferving Caufe of all Societies, than that every Society is in a languiih- ing or flouriihing condition, anfwerable to the particular Conftitution of its Government : And if the Goodnefs of the Laws in any place be thus diftinguifhable by the Hap- pinefs of the People, fo the Wifdom of the People is beft difcern'd by the Laws they have made, or by which they have chofcn to be govern'd. The truth of thefe Obfer- vations is no where more confpicuous than in the prefent State of that moft Antient and Famous Society you have the honour to rule, and which reciprocally injoys the chearful influence of your Adminiftration. 'Tis folely to its Government that London owes being univerfally ac- knowledg'd the largeft, faireft, richeft, and moft popu- lous City in the World ; all which glorious Attributes could have no Foundation in Hiftory or Nature, if it were not likewife the moft free. 'Tis confeft indeed that it derives infinite Advantages above other places from its incompa- rable Situation, as being an inland City, feated in the middle of a Vale no lefs delicious than healthy, and on the Banks of a Noble River, in refped of which (if we re- gard how many fcore miles it is navigable, the clearnefs and depth of its Channel, or its fmooth and even Courle) the Seme is but a Brook, and the celebrated lyber it felf a Rivulet : Yet all this could never raife it to any confi- derable pitch without the ineftimable Bleilings of Lirerty, which has chofen her peculiar Refidence, and more eminently fixt her Throne in this place. Liberty is the true Spring of its prodigious Trade and Commerce with all the known parts of the Univerfe, and is the original Planter ii TheVEDlCATION, Planter of its many fruitful Colonies in Ainerica^ with its numberle/s Fadtories in Etirope, AJia^ and Africa : hence it is that every Sea is cover'd with our Ships, that the ve- ry Air is fcarce exempted from our Inventions, and that all the Produftions of Art or Nature are imported to this common Store-houfe of Mankind ; or rather as if the whole Variety of things wherewith the Earth is flockt had been principally delign'd for our profit or delight, and no more of 'em allow'd to the reft of Men, than what they muft neceflarily ufe as our Purveyors or Labourers. As Liberty has elevated the native Citizens of London to fo high a degree of Riches and Politenefs, that for their (lately Houfes, fine Equipages, and fumptuous Tables, they ex- ceed the Port of fome Foreign Princes ; fo is it naturally become every Man's Country, and the happy Refuge of thofe in all Nations, who prefer the fecure injoyment of Life and Property to the glittering pomp and flavery, as well as to the arbitrary lufl: and rapine of their feveral Tyrants. To the fame Caufe is owing the Splendor and Magnificence of the publick Stru6lures, as Palaces, Tem- ples, Halls, Colleges, Hofpitals, Schools, Courts of Ju- dicature, and a great many others of all kinds, which, tho' fingly excel'd where the Wealth or State of any Town cannot reach further than one Building, yet, taking them all together, they are to be equal'd no where befides. The delicate Country Seats, and the large Villages crouded on all hands around it, are manifeft Indications how happily the Citizens live, and makes a Stranger apt to believe him- felf in the City before he approaches it by fome miles. Nor is it to the felicity of the prefent times that Lo?idon is only indebted: for in all Ages, and under all Changes, it ever fhew'd a moft paflionate love of Liberty, which it has not more bravely preferv'd than wifely manag'd, in- fufing the fame Genius into all quarters of the Land, which are influcnc'd from hence as the feveral parts of the Animal Body are duly fupply'd with Blood and Nourifli- ment from the Heart. Whenever therefore the execrable defign was hatcht to inflave the Inhabitants of this Coun- try, the firft Attempts were ftill made on the Government of the City, as there alfo the ftrongeft and moft fuccefsful Efforts were firft us'd to reftore Freedom : for we may re- member The DEDICATION. member (to name one inftance for all) when the late King was fled, and every thing in confufion, that then the chief Nobility and Gentry reforted to Guild-hall for protecti- on, and to concert proper methods for fettling the Nati- on hereafter on a Bails of Liberty never to be fhaken. But what greater Demonftration can the World require concerning the Excellency of our National Government, or the particular Power and Freedom of this City, than the Bank oI England^ which, like the Temple of Saturn among the Romans, is efteem'd fo facred a Repofltory, that even Foreigners think their Trcafure more fafely lodg'd there than with themfelves at home ; and this not only done by the Subjedls of Abfolute Princes, where there can be no room for any publick Credit, but likewife by the Inhabitants of thofe Common-wealths where alone fuch Banks were hitherto reputed fecure. I am the more willing to make this Remark, becaufe the Conftitution of our Bank is both preferable to that of all others, and comes the neareft of any Government to Harrington 's Mo- del. In this refpedl a particular Commendation is due to the City which produc'd fuch Perfons to whofe Wif- dom we owe fo beneficial an Eftablilhment i and there- fore from my own fmall obfervation on Men or Things I fear not to prophefy, that, before the term of years be ex- pir'd to which the Bank is now limited, the defires of all people will gladly concur to have it render'd perpetual. Neither is it one of the laft things on which you ought to value your felves, moft worthy Citizens, that there is fcarce a way of honouring the Deity known any where, but is either already allow'd, or may be {^^.kly exercis'd a- mong you ; Toleration being only deny'd to immoral Pradlices, and the Opinions of Men being left as free to them as their Pofleflions, excepting only Popery, and fuch other Rites and Notions as directly tend to difturb or diflblve Society. Befides the political Advantages of Union, Wealth, and Numbers of People, which are the cer- tain Confequents of this impartial Liberty, 'tis alfo high- ly congruous to the nature of true Religion ; and if any thing on Earth can be imagin'd to ingage the Interefl of Heaven, it muft be fpecially that which procures it the fin- cere and voluntary refped: of Mankind, I might here B djfplay iv The DEDICATION. difpl'^}' the Renown of the City for Military Glory, and recite thofe former valiant Atchievements which our Hif- torians carefully record ; but I fhould never finifh if I in- laro-'d on thofe things vv^hich I only hint, or if I would mention the extraordinary Privileges which Londo7i now injoys, and may likely pofTefs hereafter, for which llie well deferves the name of a New Rome hi the Wejl^ and like the old one, to become the Soveraign Miftrefs of the Uni- verfe. THE Government of the City is fo wifely and com- pletely contriv'd, that Harrington made very few Alterations in it, tho' in all the other parts of our National Conftitution he fcarce left any thing as he found it. And without queftion it is a moft excellent Model. The Lord Mayor, as to the Solemnity of his Eledion, the Magnifi- cence of his State, or extent of his Authority, tho' infe- rior to a Roman Conful (to whom in many refpeds he may be fitly compar'd) yet he far out-fhines the figure made by an Athe?iia?i Archon^ or the grandeur of any Magi- ftrate prefiding over the bed Cities now in the World, During a vacancy of the Throne he is the chief Perfon in the Nation, and is at all times veiled with a very extraor- dinary Truft, which is the reafon that this Dignity is not often confer'd on undeferving Perfons ; of which we need not go further for an Inftance than the Right Ho- nourable Sir Richard Levet, who now fo worthily fills that eminent Poft, into which he was not more free- ly chofen by the Sufixages of his Fellow-citizens, than he continues to difcharge the Fun6lions of it with approv'd Moderation and Juftice. But of the great Caution gene- rally us'd in the choice of Magiftrates, we may give a true Judgment by the prefent Wonliipful Sheriffs, Sir Charles Duncomb and Sir Jeffery Jefferies, who are not the Creatures of petty Fadions and Cabals, nor (as in the late Reigns) illegally obtruded on the City to ferve a Turn for the Court, but unanimoufly eleded for thofe good Qualities, which alone fhould be the proper Recommendations to Magiftracy ; that as having the great- eft Stakes to lofe they will be the more concern'd for fe- curing the Property of others, fo their willingnefs to ferve their Country is known not to be inferior to their Zeal for The DEDICATION. for King William; and while they are, for the Credit of the City, gencroufly equalling the Expences of the Ro- man P rectors., fuch at the fame time is their tender care of the Diftreft, as if to be Overfeers of the Poor were their fole and immediate Charge. As the Common Council is the Popular Rcprefentative, fo the Court of Aldermen is the Ariftocratical Senate of the City. To enter on the particular Merits of thofe Nanies who com- pofe this illuftrious Afiembly, as it muft be own'd by all to be a labour no lefs arduous than extremely nice and in- vidious, yet to pafs it quite over in fuch a manner as not to give at leaft a Specimen of fo much Worth, would ar- gue a pufilknimity inconfiftent with Liberty, and a dihcfpe(5t to thofe I wou'd be always underftood to honour. \\\ regard therefore that the eldeft Alderman is the fame at London with what the Prince of the Senate was at Rof?je, I fhall only prefume to mention the Honourable Sir Robert Clayton as well in that capacity, as by reafon he univerfally paffes for the perfedt Pattern of a good Citizen. That this Charadler is not exaggerated will be evident to all thofe who confider him, either as railing a plentiful Fortune by his Induftry and Merit, or as difpofinghis Eftate with no lefs liberality and judgment than he got it with honefty and care : For as to his pub- lick and private Donations, and the proviiion he has made for his Relations or Friends, I will not fay that he is un- equal'd by any, but that he deferves to be imitated by all. Yet thefe are fmall Commendations if compar'd to his fteady Condu6l when he fupply'd the higheft Stations of this Great City. The danger of defending the Liber- ty of the Subjecl in thofe calamitous times is not better remember'd than the courage with which he adled, par- ticularly in bringing in the Bill for excluding a Popifh SucceiTor from the Crown, his brave appearance on the behalf of your Charter, and the general applaufe with which he difcharg'd his Truft in all other refpedls ; nor ought the Gratitude of the People be forgot, who on this occafion firft ftil'd him the Father of the City ^ as Cicero for the like reafon was the firft of all Romans call'd th& Father of his Count?'y. That he ftill afTifts in the Go- vernment of London as eldeft Alderman, and in that of the VI The DEDICATION. the whole Nation as a Member of the High Court of Par- liament, is not fo great an honour as that he deferves it ; while the Pofterity of thofe Families he fupports, and the memory of his other laudable Actions, will be the living and eternal Monuments of his Virtue, when time has con- fum'd the moft durable Brafs or Marble. T O whom therefore fhou'd I infcribe a Book contain- ing the Rules of good Polity, but to a Society fo admira- bly conftituted, and producing fuch Great and Excellent Men ? That elfewhere there may be found who under- ftand Government better, diftribute Juflice wifer, or love Liberty more, I could never perfuade my fell to imagine : nor can the Perfon wifh for a nobler Addrefs, or the Sub- je6t be made happy in a more fuitable Patronage than THE SENATE AND PEOPLE OF LONDON', to whofe uninterrupted increafe of Wealth and Dignity, none can be a heartier Well-wiiher, than the greateft ad- mirer of their Conftitution, and their moft humble Ser- vant, •JOHN TOLJND. THE ( vii ) THE PREFACE. O W allowable it is for any man to write the Hiftory of another, without intitling himfelf to his Opinions, or be- coming anfwerable for his Adions, I have exprefly treat- ed in the Life of John Miiton, and in the juft defence of the fame under the Title of A M TN TOR. The Reafons there alledg'd are Excufe and Authority enough for the Tafk I have fince impos'd on my felf, which is, to tranfmit to Poflerity the worthy Memory of James Harrington, a bright Ornament to ufeful Learning, a hearty Lover of his Native Counlry, and a generous Be- nefadlor to the whole World ; a Perfon who obfcur'd the falfe Luftre of our Modern Politicians, and diat equal'd (if not exceeded) all the Ancient Legiflators. BUT there are fome People more formidable for their Noife thaii Number, and for their Number more confiderable than their Power who will not fail with open mouths to proclaim that this is a feditious Attempt againft the very being of Monarchy, and that there's a per- nicious defign on foot of fpeedily introducing a Republican Form of Government into the Britannick Iflands; in order to which the Perfon (continue they) whom we have for fome time diftinguifht as a zeal- ous promoter of this Caufe, has now publifht the Life and Works of Harrington, who was the greatefl Common-wealthfman in the World. This is the fubftance of what thefe roaring and hoarfe Trum- peters of Detraction will found ; for what's likely to be faid by men who talk all by rote, is as eafy to guefs as to anfwer, tho' its com- monly fo filly as to deferve no Animadverfion. Thofe who in the late Reigns were invidioufly nicknam'd Common-ivealtb/vien, are by this time fufficiently clear'd of that Imputation by their Adiions, a much better Apology than any Words: For they valiantly refcu'dour antient Government from the devouring Jaws of Arbitrary Power, and did not only unanimoufly concur to fix the Imperial Crown of England on the moft delerving head in the Univerfe, but alfo fettled the Monarchy for the future, not as if they intended to bring it foon to a period, but under fuch wife Regulations as are moft likely to continue it for ever, confifting of fuch excellent Laws as indeed fet bounds to the Will of the King, but that render him thereby the more fafe, equally binding up his and the Subjedls hands from unjuftly feizing one another's prefcrib'd Rights or Privileges. 'Tis confeft, that in every Society there will be always found fome Perfons prepar'd to enterprize any thing (tho' never fo flagitious) grown defperate by their Villainies, their Profufenefs, their Ambition, or the more raging madnefs of Superftition; and this Evil is not with- in the compafs of Art or Nature to remedy. But that a whole Peo- ple, or any confiderable number of them, fliou'd rebel againft a King that well and wifely adminifters his Government, as it cannot bo C jnftanc'd via The TREFACE. inftanc'd out of any Hiflory, fo it is a thing in it fclf impoffible. An infallible Expedient therefore to exclude a Common-wealth, is for the Kin<^ to be the Man of his People, and, according to his prefent Ma- iefly's glorious Example, to find out the Secret of fo happily uniting two feemingly incompatible things. Principality and Liberty. 'T 1 S flrange that men fhou'd be cheated by mere Names ! yet how frequently are they feen to admire under one denomination, what go- ing under another they wou'd undoubtedly detelt ; which Obfervation made Tacitus lay down for a Maxim, That the fecret offetting up a new State conjijls in retaining the Image of the old. Now if a Com- mon-wealth be a Government of Laws enadied for the common Good of all the People, not without their own Confent or Appro- bation ; and that they are not wholly excluded, as in abfolute Mo- narchy, which is a Government of Men who forcibly rule over others for their own private Interefl: Then it is undeniably manifeft that the Englip Government is already a Common-wealth, the moft free and bell conflituted in all the world. This was frankly acknowledg'd by King James the Firft, who ftil'd himfelf the Great Servant of the Common-iaealth. It is the Language of our beft Lawyers, and al- low'd by our Author, who only makes it a lefs perfedl and more ine- qual Form than that of his Oceana, wherein, he thinks, better pro- viiion is made againft external Violence or internal Difeafes, Nor does it at all import by what names either Perfons, or Places, or Things are call'd, fince the Common -wealthfman finds he enjoys Liberty un- der the fecurity of ^ual Laws, and that the refl of the Subjedis are fully fatisfy'd they li|^ under a Government which is a Monarchy in effedt as well as in name. There's not a man alive that exceeds my affeftion to a mix'd Form of Government, by the Antients counted the moll perfedl j yet I am not fo blinded with admiring the good Conflitution of our own, but that every day I can difcern in it many things deficient, fome things redundant, and others that require emen- dation or change. And of this the fupreme LegiHative Powers are lb fenfible, that we fee nothing more frequent with them than the enabl- ing, abrogating, explaining, and altering of Laws, with regard to the very Form of the Adminiflration. Neverthelefs I hope the King and both Houfes of Parliament will not be counted Republicans ; or, if they be, I am the readiefl in the world to run the fame good or Ijad Fortune with them iii this as well as in all other refpeds. BUT, what Harrington was oblig'd to fay on the like occafion, I mufl now produce for my felf. It was in the time of Alexander, the greatefl Prince and Commander of his Age, that Aristotle (with fcarce inferior Applaufe, and equal Fame) wrote that excellent piece of Prudence in his Clofet which is call'd his Politicks, going upon far other Principles than Alexander's Government which it has long outliv'd. The like did Livv without difturbance in the time of Augustus, Sir Thomas More in that of Henry the Eighth, and Machiavel when //^/y was under Princes that afforded him not the ear. If thefe and many other celebrated Men wrote not only with honour and fafety, but even of Common-wealths underDefpotic or Tyrannical Princes, who can be fo notorioully flupid as to wonder that in a free Government, and under a King that is both the rellorerand fupporter of the Liberty of Europe, I fhou'd do juftice to an Author who far outdoes all that wsnt before him in his exquifite knowledge of the Politicks ? THIS \ The T REFACE. THIS Liberty of writing freely, fully, and impartially, is a part of thofe Rights which in the laft Reigns were fo barbaroufly invaded by iiich as had no inclination to hear of their own enormous violations of the Laws of God and Man ; nor is it undeferving Obfervation that fuch as raife the loudeft Clamours againft it now, are the known Enemies of King William's Title and Perfon, being fure that the Abdicated King James can never be reinthron'd fo long as thePrefsis open for brave and free Spirits to difplay the Mifchiefs of Tyranny in their true Colours, and to fliew the infinite Advantages of Liberty. But not to difmifs even fuch unreafonable People without perfedl la- tisfadlion, let 'em know that I don't recommend a Common-wealth, but write the Hiftory of a Common-wealthfman, fairly divulging the Principles and Pretences of that Party, and leaving every body to ap- prove or diilike what he pleafes, without impofing on his Judgment by the deluding Arts of Sophiftry, Eloquence, or any other fpecious but unfair methods of perfuafion. Men, to the beft of their ability, ought to be ignorant of nothing J and while they talk fo much for and a- gainft a Common-wealth, 'tis fit they fliou'd at leaft underftand the Subjed: of their Difcourfe, which is not every body's cafe. Now as Harrington's Oceana is, in my Opinion, the mofl: perfedl Form of Popular Government that ever was : fo this, with his other Wri- tings, contain the Hiftory, Reafons, Nature, and Effedts of all forts of Government, with fo much Learning and Perfpicuity, that nothing can be more preferably read on fuch occalions, LET not thofe therefore, who make no oppofition to the reprint- ing or reading of Plato's Heathen Common- wealth, ridiculoufly de- claim againft the better and Chrillian Model of Harrington ; but pemfe both of 'em with as little prejudice, pafTion, or concern, as they would a Book of Travels into the Indies for their improvement and di- verfion. Yet fo contrary are the Tempers of many to this equitable difpofition, that Dionysius the Sicilian Tyrant, and fuch Beafts of Prey, are the worthy Examples they wou'd recommend to the imita- tion of our Governors, tho', if they cou'd be able to perfuade 'em, they wou'd Hill mifs of their foolifh aim : for it is ever with all Books, as formerly with thofe of Cremutius Cordus, who was condemn'd bythatMonfter Tiberius for fpeaking honourably of the immortal Tyrannicides Brutus and Cassius. Tacitus records the laft words of this Hiftorian, and fubjoins this judicious Remark : The Senate, lays he, order d his Books to be burnt by the Ediles; butjbme Copies were conceal' d, and afterwards piiblijli d ; whe?ice we may take oc- cafton to laugh at the Sottijldnefs oj thoje who imagine that their prefent Power can aljo abolijh the Memory ofjucceeding Time : for on the contra- ry^ Authors acquire additional Reputation by their Punifl:)ment ; nor have joreign Kings, and fuch others as have usd the like fever ity, got any thing by it, except to themfehes Dijgrace, and Glory to the Writers. But the Works of Harrington were neither fuppreft at their firft publication under the Ufurper, nor ever fince call'd in by lawful Au- thority, but as ineftimable Treafurcs prcferv'd by all that had the hap- pinefs to pollcl's 'cm intire; fo that what was a precious rarity before, is now become a publick Good, with extraordinary advantagesof Cor- redfncfs, Paper, and Print. What I have perform'd in the Hiftory of his Life, Hcuvethe Readers to judge for themfelves; but in tliat and all my other Studies, I conftantly aim'd as much at leaft at the benefit of IX X Th PREFACE of Mankind, and efpecially of my fellow Citizens, as at my own par- ticular Entertainment or Reputation. T H E Politicks, no lefs than Arms, are the proper ftudy of a Gen- tleman, tho' he fhou'd confine himfelf to nothing, but carefully adorn his Mind and Body with all ufeful and becoming Accomplifliments; and not imitate the fervile drudgery of thofe mean Spirits, who, for the fake of fome one Science, negledt the knowledge of all other mat- ters, and in the end are many times neither mafters of what they profefs, nor vers'd enough in any thing elfe to fpeak of it agreeably or pertinently : which renders 'em untradtable in Converfation, as in Dif- pute they are opinionative and pafTionate, envious of their Fame who eclipfe their littlenefs, and the fworn Enemies of what they do not underfland. BUT Heaven be duly prais'd, Learning begins to flourifli again in its proper Soil among our Gentlemen, in imitation of the Roman Patricians, who did not love to walk in Leading-firings, and to be guided blindfold, nor lazily to abandon the care of their proper Bu- finefs to the management of Men having a diflinft ProfefTion and Inte- refl : for the greatefl part of their beft Authors were Perfons of Con- fular Dignity, the ablefl Statefmen, and the mofl gallant Command- ers. Wherefore the amplefl fatisfadtion I can enjoy of this fort will be, to find thofe delighted with reading this Work, for whofe fervice it was intended by the Author ; and which with the fludy of other good Books, but efpecially a careful perufal of the Greek and Roman Hiftorians, will make 'em in reality deferve the Title and Refpedt of Gentlemen, help 'em to make an advantageous Figure in their own time, perpetuate their illuflrious Names and folid Worth to be admir'd by future Generations, AS for my felf, tho' no imployment or condition of Life fhall make me difrelifh the lafling entertainment which Books afford ; yet I have refolv'd not to write the Life of any modern Perfon again, except that only of one man ftill alive, and whom in the ordinary courfe of nature I am like to furvive a long while, he being already far advanc'd, in his declining time, and I but this prefent day beginning the thirtieth year of my Age, Canon near Ban/led^ Novemb, 30, 1699. THE THE NAMES OF T FI E SUBSCRIBERS JAMES Arbuckle M. D. John Archer Efq; John Alen Efq; John Ayres Efq; William Adair Efq; Revd. Mr. Allinet F. T. C. D. Revd. Mr. John Abernethy Mr. Thomas Adderly Fel. Com. A. B. T. C. D. Mr. John Abernethy Mr. John Arnold Mr. William Ayres Mr. Thomas Armftrong Mr. William Alexander Mr. Townley Ahmuty Mr. James Adair Jun. Mr. James Arbuckle Mr. Robert Armftrong B His Excellency Henry Boyle Efqi 6 Right Hon. Lord Vifcount Boyne 8 Ditto 2. L. Pap. Right Hon. Francis Burton Eiq; John Bourk Efq; Francis Blake Efq; Simon Bradftreet Efq; William Carr Buckworth Efq; Benjamin Burton Efq; 5 Henry Brook Efq; Allan Bellingham Efq; John Long Bateman Efq; Alexander Boyd Efq; Walter Butler Efq; Edward Brice Efq; Thomas Baker Efq; Robert Brown Elq; Robert Blackwood Efq; Bellingham Boyle Efq; 2 Ignatius Blake Efq; Revd. Dean Brandreth Revd. Mr. Benjamin Barrington A. M. Revd. Mr. Edward Bailey Mr. Charles Boyd Mr. Peter Bourfiquot Mr. Alexander Brown Mr. James Boyd Mr. William Bagwell Mr. George Bruce Mr. Ambrofe Barcroft Mr. Jofeph Barcroft Mr. Samuel Bryan Sen. Mr. John Blackwood Mr. John Boyd Mr, James Blow Hon. Edward Cornwallis Efq; Samuel Card Efq; Thomas Cooley Efq; Thomas CufF Efq; L. Pap. Edmond Coflallow Efq; Cornelius Callaghan Efq; Thomas Chriftmas Efq; Samuel Campbell Efq; George Campbell Efq; Charles Caldwell Efq; John Cottington Efq; John Chaloner Efq; Abraham Creighton Efq; Nathaniel Clements Efq: L. Pap. Henry Clements Efq; Michael Cuff Efq; Richard Clutterbuck Efq; Stratford Canning Efq; Samuel Clofe Efq; Baldwin Crow Efq; John Cardan Efq; Williams Coningham Efq; Capt. William Cobb Revd. Mr. Ephraim Cuthbert Revd. Mr. Robert Craghead Mr. John Cockfedge A.B. T. C. D. Mr. Thomas Corker Mr. Charles Coote A. B. Mr. Matthew Carter Mr. Francis Connins;ham Mr. William Croniic Mr. Edward Curtis Mr. Wil- NAMES of the SUBSCRIBERS. The Rev. Archdeacon Curtis Mr. William Colvill Mr. Gabriel Cornwall D Rt. Hon. Earl of Darnley Rev. Patrick Delany, D.D.L.Pap. Ephraim Dawfon, Efq ; John Darner, Efq ; Jofeph Darner, Efq ; Peter Daly, Efq ; Walter Dawfon, Efq ; Theophilus Delbrefay, Efq ; James Devereux, Efq ; Richard Dawfon, Efq; 2 Capt. Solomon Deibrefay Hugh Dickfon, Efq: Capt. Obrian Dilkes William Daye, Efq; Rev. Mr. John Day Rev.Mr.BrabefonDefneyF.T.C.D. Mr. Walter Davey, Jun. Mr. William Dudgeon E Hon. John Evans, Efq; Hugh Eccles, Efq; Archibald Edmonflone Jun. Efq; Thomas Enery, Efq; Mr. John Elfey John Fergus, M. D. Thomas Fortefcue, Efq ; Faithful Fortefcue, Efq ; Thomas Fleming, Efq; James Farrel, Efq; John Forbes, Efq; John Fitzgibbon, Efq; Anthony Fofler, Efq ; Rev. Mr. Arthur Ford Mr. William Fairly Mr, John Farran Arthur Gore, Efq; John Graham, Efq; Earth. William Gilbert, Efq; Samuel Gerrard, Efqj Philip Glover, Efq; Rev. Mr. John Graham Mr. Michael Gallagher Mr. John Gordon Mr. George Gordon H \ Sir John Heathcote, Bart. Hon. Arthur Hill, Efq ; L. Pap? William Hamilton, M. D. Col. Hall Major William Hoare Roiiert Hamerton, Efq ; Nicholas Loftus Hume, Efq; Robert Hucks, Efq ; Ifaac Holroyd, Efq; Andrew Honiton, Efq; William Harwood, Efq; Arthur Blener HafTet, Elq ; Ambrofe Harding, Efq; Archibald Hamilton, Efq; James Howefon, Efq; Jofeph Harrifon, Efq; Henry Hatch, Efq; Alexander Hamilton, Efq. Rev. Mr, Samuel Holliday Mrs. Cecil Hamilton, of Caflle- Hamilton Mr. Francis Hutchefon, Profeffor of Philofophy in the Uxiiverfity of Glafgow. Mr. Alexander Hutchefon Mr. Robert Hutchefon Mr. John Hoyfled Mr. Leflie Hamilton Mr, Bernard Hoffsleiger Mr, James Henderfon Mr. Nicholas Hanfard Rt, Hon. William Graham, Efq; 2 William Gamble, M. D. John Goodwin, Efq ; Hugh Gordon, Efq ; Rt. Hon. the Earl of Inchiquin John Jacob, Efq; Matthew Jacob, Jun. Efq; Mr. James Johnfon Mr. Jofeph Johnfon Mr. John Jackfon Mr. Jofeph Ivie Rt. Hon. NAMES of the SUBSCRIBERS. K Rt. Hon. the Earl of Kildare Hugh Kennedy, Efq ; Ralph Knight, Efq j George Knox, Efq Alderman Robert King Mr. Hugh Ker Mr. William Ker Mr. Ifaac Kelfick Rt. Hon. the Earl of Loudon Rt. Hon. Lord Vifcount Limerick 6 Samuel Lowe, Efq ; Colley Lyons, Efq ; Charles Lambert, Jun. Efq; John Lane, Efq ; Peter Ludlow, Efq ; Francis Lucas, Efq; Guftavus Lambert, Efq; Mr. Robert Law Mr. George Leeky Mr. William Lennox Mr. Robert Leathes Mr. James Diggs Latouche M Sir Charles Moore, Bart. Rev. Gabriel John Maturine Dean of Kildare Rev. Charles Meredyth Dean of Ardfert George Martin, M. D. George Machonchy, M. D. Oliver Mc-Caufland, Efq; Robert Marfhal, Efq; Harvey Morris, Efq; George Macartney, Efq ; Anthony Malone, Efq; Robert Maxwell, Efq; Anthony Marley, Efq; Edward Moore, Efq; Thomas Montgomery, Efq; Pooley Mollyneux, Efq ; Alexander Mc-Aulay, Efq; James Mc-Manus, Efq; Thomas Manfel, Efq; Richard Malone, Jun. Efq; Michael Merryfield, Efq; John Maxwell, Efq; Arthur Rainey Maxwell, Efq ; John Mc-Dowal of Frugh, Efq; William Mortimore, Efq; Andrew Mitchel, Efq; Alderman John Macarrel Rev. Mr. Jeremiah Marfh, A. M. Rev. Mr. Jofeph Moore Rev. Mr. Edward Molloy Rev. Mr. John Maxwell Mr. George Macartney Mr. Robert Moland Mr. James Mears Mr. Malcom Mc-Neil Mr. Robert Mountgomery Mr. William Macky Mr. William Mc-Caufland Mr. William Macartney Mr. Henry Meredyth Mr. Charles Macartney Mr. William Makenzie Mr. James Macamon Mr. Galfryday Man N Brigadier General Nevil Richard Nevil, Efq ; Alexander Nefbit, Efq; Thomas Nefbit, Efq ; William Nefbit, Efq; GifFard Nefbit, Efq; David Nixfon, Efq; Mr. Edward Nicholfon O Rt. Hon. the Earl of Orrery Edward Obre, Efq; Henry Ohara, Efq; Rev. Mr. John Orr John Rutland, Efq ; L. Pap, Gilbert Purdon, Efq ; Robert Parkinfon, Efq; Chriflmas Paul, Efq; 2 Thomas Pocklington, Efq ; William Peters, Efq ; Richard Penefeather, Efq ; Robert Percival, Efq; L. Pap." John Perry, Efq; Lawrence NAMES of the SUBSCRIBERS. Lawrence Payne, Efqi JohnPiggot, Efq; jVlr. Robert Pettigrew Mr. Samuel Porter Mr. George Simpfon Jun. Mr. John Smyth R Robert Roberts L. L. D. Bryan Robinfon M. D. Robert Rofs Jun, Elq; James Rofs Sen. Efq; James Rofs Jun. Efq; William Rowan Efq; James Rowe Efq; William Ruxton Efq; Hercules Longford Rowley Efq; L. Pap. Arthur Rowley Efq; George Rofe Efq; William Richardfon Efq; Robert Rochfort Elq; Arthur Rochfort Efq; John Reilly Efq; Revd. Mr. Arch Deacon Ricard Revd. Mr. John Robinfon Mr. Thomas Read Mr. William Read Mr. James Rofs Mr. James Robinlon Hon. Clotworthy Skeffington Efq; Andrew Smith M. D. Henry Stephens L. L. D. William Stephens M. D. William Stewart Efq; James Stewart Efq; James Staunton Efq; Thomas Staunton Efq; Recorder of Gallway Theophilus Sanford Efq; William Sanford Efq; Charles Sanford Efq; Thomas Spring Efq; John Stratford Efq; Mr. Henry Stratford Mr. Margetfon Saunders Mr. William Stevenfon Mr. Patrick Stewart Right Hon. Earl of Thomond Lovelace Taylor Efq; William Taylor Efq; Blaney Townley Elq; William Turvin Efq; William Tyghe Efq; John Tuite Efq; John TaafFe Efq; Theophilus Taaffe Efq; Ralph Turner Efq; Thomas Vandeleur Efq; John Ufher Efq; Henry Ufher Efq; Mr. George Ufher W Revd. John Wynne D, D. Revd. Francis Wilfon D. D. Richard Weld M. D. Godfrey Wills Efq; 2 one L. Pap. Robert Wills Efq; Richard Wood Elq; Meredyth Workman Efq; William Williams Efq; Daniel Wray Efq; Robert Ward Efq; William Wefby Efq; Taylor Whyte Efq; John Whyte Efq; Capt. Walter Wolf Alderman Richard Whyte Alderman John Walker L. Pap. Revd. Mr. Bernard Ward Revd. Mr. Edward Windar Revd. Mr. Ifaac Weld Mr. JohnWhittinghamF.T. C. D. Mr. Charles Weld Mr. Jofeph Weld Mr. Matthew Weld Mr. John Wilkinfon Mr. Robert Walker ( xiii ) THE LIFE O F James Harrington. I. (T^yJMES HARRINGTON (who was born in Janua- ~r ry, i6ii)was defcended of an Antient and Noble Family m in RiitlandJJnre^ being Great Grandfon to Sir James Har- ^ rington; of whom it is obferv'd by the * Hiftorian * Wnght'y cfthat County, that there were fprung in his time eight Dukes, ^"tiq^'tyof three MarquifTes, feventy Earls, twenty feven Vifcounts, and Rutia"nd'ic2. thirty fix Barons; of which number fixteen were Knights of the Garter: to confirm which Account, we fliall annex a Copy of the Infcrlption on his Monument and that of his three Sons at Ext07i, with Notes on the fame by an uncertain hand. As for our Author, he was the eldell Son of Sir Sapcotes Harrington, and Jane the Daughter of Sir William Samuel of Vpton \\\Nortba?nptonPnre . HisFatherhad Children befideshim, Will i am a Merchant in London; Elizabeth marry'd to Sir Ralph AsHTON in Lancaflnre, Baronet; Ann marry'd to Arthur Evelyn, Efq. And by a fecond Wife he had John kill'd at Sea ; Edward a Captain in the Army, yet living; Frances marry'd to John Bagshaw oi Culivorth in Northa?nptoJ7jJjlre, Efq; and Do- rothy marry'd to Allan Bellingham of Levem in JFt'/i- 7mrlafid Efq. This Lady is ftill alive, and, when flie underllood my Defign, was pleas'dto put me in poffeffion of all the remaining Let- ters, and other Manufcript Papers of her Brother, with the Collecfli- onsand Obfeivations relating to him, made by his other Sifter the Lady Ash TON, a Woman of very extraordinary Parts and Accom- pUfliments. Thefc, with the Account given of him by Anthony Wood in the fccond Vokmi of his Athcncx; Oxonieiijes, and what I cou'd learn from the Mouths of his furviving Acquaintance, are thti Materials whereof I compos'd this infuing Hiftory of his Life. 2. IN his very Childhood he gave fu re hopes of his future Ahi- litys, as well by Iiis Inclination and Capacity to learn whatever D Wa<: xiv The L I F E of was propos'd to him, as by a kind of natural gravity ; whence his Pa- rents and Mailers were wont to fay, That he rather kept them in av,', than needed their correftion : yet when grown a Man, none could ea- fily furpafs him for quicknefs of Wit, and a moft facetious Temper. He was enter'd a Gentleman Commoner of Tr/nify College in Oxford in the year 1629, and became a Pupil to that great Mailer of Reafon Dr, Chillingworth, who difcovering the Errors, Impoflures, and Tyranny of the PopiJIj Church (whereof he was for fometime a Member) attackt it with more proper and f jccefsful Arms than all be- fore, or perhaps any fmce have don. After conliderably improving his Knowlege in the Univerfity, he was more particularly fitting himfelf for his intended Travels, by learning feveral Foreign Languages, when his Father dy'd, leaving him under Age. Tho' the Court of Wards was ilill in being, yet by the Soccage Tenure of his Eflate he was at liberty to chufe his own Guardian ; and accordingly picht upon his (grandmother the Lady Samuel, a Woman eminent for her Wif- dom and Virtue. Of her and the refl of his Governors, he foon ob- tain'd a permifTion to latisfy his eager delire of feeing fome other parts of the World, where he cou'd make fuch Obiervations on Men and Manners, as might belt fit him in due time to fei^ve and adorn his Na- tive Country. 3 . H LS firil ftep Was into Holland, then the principal School of Mar- tial Difciplin, and (what toucht him more fenfibly) a place wondei fully flourifl-iing under the influence of their Liberty which they had fo late- ly aflerted, by breaking the Yoke of a fevere Mailer, the SpaniJJi Ty- rant. And hei'c, no doubt, it was that he begun to make Govern- ment the Subjed: of his Meditations : for he was often heard to fay, that, before he left Rngland, he knew no more of Monarchy, Anarchy, • - Arillocracy, Democracy, Oligarchy, or the like, than as hard words whereof he learnt the fignification in his Didionary. For fom months he lifted himfelf in my Lord Craven's Regiment and Sir Robert Stone's; during which time being much at the Hague, he liad the opportunity of further accomplilhing himfelf in two Courts, namely thofe of the Prince oi Orange, v.nA the Queen of Bohemia, the Daugh- ter of our K.James L then a Fugitive in il/o/ZdW, her Husband hav- ing been abandon'd by his Father in Law, betray'd by the King of Spain, and ftript of all his Territorys by the Emperor. This excel- lent Princefs entertain'd him with extraordinary favour and civility on the account of his Uncle the Lord Harrington, who had been her Governor ; but particularly for the fake of his own Merit. The Prince Eledlor alfo courted him into his Service, inga2;'d him to attend him in a Journy he made to the Court of Denmark, and, after his re- turn from travelling, committed the chief managem.ent of all his Af- fairs in Kngland to liis care. Nor were the young Princeffes lefs de- lighted with his Company, his Converfation being always extremely pleafant, as well as learn'd and polite ; to which good qualitys thofe unfortunat Ladys were far from being ftrangers, as appears by the Letters of the great Philofopher C A R T e s i us, and by the other Wri- ters of thofe times. 4. THO he found many Charms inviting his .longer flay in this place, yet none were ftrong enough to keep him from purfuing his main defign of travelling ; and therefore he went next thro Flanders into France ^ where having perfected himfelf in the Language, feen what defcrv'd James Harrington; deferv'd his curiofity, and made fucli Remarks on their Governnu-iU as will bell appear in his Works, he removed tlience into Italy. It happen'd to be then (as it is now) the Year of 'Jubilee. He always us'd to admire the great dexterity, whcrwith the Popip Clergy could maintain their fevere Government over To great a part of the World, and that Men otherwife reafonable enough lliould be inchantcd out of their Senfes, as well as cheated out of their Mony, by thefe ridiculous Tricks of Religious Pageantry. Except the fmall rcfpeft he fliew'd to the Miracles they daily told him were pcrform'd in their Churches, he did in all other things behave himfelf very pmdently and inoffcn- fively. But going on a Candlemafi day with feveral other Proteftants, to fee the Pope perform the Ceremony of confecrating Wax Lights ; and perceiving that none could obtain any of thofe Torches, except fuch as kift the Pope's To, (which he expos'd to.'em for that purpofe) tho he had a great mind to one of the Lights, yet he would not ac- cept it on fo hard a condition. The reft of his Companions were not fo fcrupulous, and after their return complain'd of his fqueamiflinefs to the King ; who telling him he might have done it only as a refpe(5l to a temporal Prince, he prelently reply'd, that fince he had the honor to kifs his Majefty's hand, he thought it beneath him to kifsany otlier Prince's foot. The King was pleas'd with his anfwer, and did after- wards admit him to be one of his Privy Chamber extraordinary, in which quality he attended him in his firft Expedition againft the Scots. 5. H E prefer 'd Venice to all other places in Italy, as he did its Government to all thofe of the whole World, it being in his Opinion immutable by any external or internal Caufes, and to finilh only with Mankind; of which AfTertion you may find various proofs al- leg'd in his Works. Here he furnilhed himfelf with a Collection of all the valuable Books in the Italian Language^ efpecially treating of Politics, and contradled acquaintance with every one of whom he might receive any benefit by inftrudlion or otherwife. 6. A F T E R having thus feen Italy, France, the Low Count rys, Den- mark, and fome parts of Germany, he returned home into England, to the great joy of all his Friends and Acquaintance. But he was in a fpecial manner the Darling of his Relations, of whom he acknowleg'd to receive reciprocal fatisfadlion. His Brothers and Sifters were now prettywellgrown, which made it his next care fo to provide for each of 'em as might render 'em independent of others, and eafy to them- felves. His Brother Will i am he bred to be a Merchant, in which calling he became a confiderable Man; he was a good Architedt, and was fo much notic'd for his ingenious Contrivances, that he was re- ceiv'd a Fellow of the Royal Society. How his other Brothers were difpos'd, we mentioned in the beginning of this Difcourfe. He took all the care of a Parent in the education of his Sifters, and wou'd him- felf make large Difcourfes to 'em concerning the Reverence that v/as due to Almighty God ; the benevolence they were obliged to fliew all mankind ; how they ought to furniili their minds with knowlege by reading of ufeful Books, and to fl-iew the goodnef, of their difpo- fition by a conftant pradlice of Virtue : In a word, hb taught 'em the tme Rules of hiTmanity and decency, always inculcating to 'em that good Manners did not fo much confift in a fafiiionable carriage (whicli ought not to be neglefted) as in becoming words and aftlons, an ob- liging addrefs, and a modeft behavior. He treated liis ^fotJler in Law ° as XV xxi The LI FE of ns if flie were his own, and made no diftindlion between her Chil- dren and the reft of his Brothers and Sifters ; which good Example had fuch effedls on 'em all, that no Family has bin more remarkable for their mutual friendftiip. 7. H E was of a very liberal and compaflionate nature, nor could he indure to fee a Friend want any thing he might fpare ; and when the Relief that was neceflary exceded the bounds of his Eftate, he per- fuaded his Sifters not only to contribute themfelves, but likewile to go about to the reft of their Relations to complete what was want- ing. And if at any time they alleg'd that this Bounty had been thrown away on ungrateful Perfons, he would anfwer with a fmile that he faw they were mercenary, and that they plainly fold their Gifts fince they expelled fo great a return as Gratitude. 8. HIS natural inclinations to ftudy kept him from feeking after any publick Imployments. But in the year 1646, attending out of curiofity the Commiffioners appointed by Parlament to bring King Charles the Firft irom Ncuxajile nearer to London^ he was by fom of 'em nam'd to wait on his Majefty, as a Perfon known to him before, and ingag'd to no Party or Fadlion. The King approv'd the Propoial, yet our Author would never prefume to com into his pre- fence except in public, till he was particularly commanded by the King; and that he, with Thomas Herbert (created a Baronet after the Reftoration of the Monarchy) were made Grooms of the Bedchamber at Holmby, together with James Maxwell and Patrick Maule (afterwards Earl of Penmoore in Scotland) which two only remain'd of his old Servants in that Station. 9. H E had the good luck to grow very acceptable to the King, who much convers'd with him about Books and Foren Countrys. In his Sifters Papers I find it expreft, that at the King's command he tranflated into E?ighJ]j Dr. Sandersons Book concerning the Obliga- tion of Oaths: but Anthony Wood fays it was the King's own doing, and that he (liew'd it at different times to Harrington, Herbert, Dr. Juxon, Dr. Hammond, and Dr. Sheldon for their approbation. However that be, 'tis certain he ferv'd his Ma- fter with untainted fidelity, without doing any thing inconfiftent with the Liberty of his Country ; and that he made ufe of his Intereft with his Friends in Parlament to have Matters accommodated for the fatisfadion of all Partys. During the Treaty in the He of Wight ^ he frequently warn'd the Divines ot his acquaintance to take heed how far they preft theKing to infift upon any thing, which, however it con- cern'd their Dignity, was no eflential point of Religion ; and that fuch matters driven too far wou'd infallibly ruin all the indeavors us'd for a Peace, which Prophecy was prov'd too true by the Event. His Ma- jejiy lovd his company, fays Anthony Wood, and, finding him to be an ingenious Man, chofe rather to converfe ivith him than ivith others of his Chamber : They had often dijconrjcs concerning Government ; but when they happen d to talk of a Commontvealth, the King j'eeni d not to indure it. Here I know not which moft to commend, the King for taifting a Man of Republican Principles, or Harrington for owning his Principles while he ferv'd a King. • 10. AFTER the King was remov'd out of the He of Wight to Hurflcaflle in Hampfljire, Harrington was forcibly turn'd out of feryice, becaufe he vindicated fom of his Majefty's Arguments again ft James Harrington. xvii asainft the Parlament Commiffionei-s at Nmforf, and thought his Con-^ cefTions not fo unfatisfadtory as did foni others. As they were takins the King to Windfor, he beg'd admittance to the Boot of the Coach that he might bid his Maflcr farewel ; which being granted, and he praparing to kneel, the King took him by the hand, and pitU'd him in to him. He was for three or four days permitted to flay; but becaufe he would not take an Oathagainfl aflifting or concealing the King's Efcape, he was not only difcharged from his Office, but alfo for foni time detain'd in cuftody, till Major General Ire ton obtain'd his Li- berty. He afterwards found means to fee the King at St. yames^, and accompany'd him on the Scaffold, where, or a little before, he receiv'd a Token of his Majefly's Affeftion. II. AFTER the King's Death he was obferv'd to keep much in his Library, and more retir'd than ufually, which was by his Friends a long time attributed to Melancholy or Difcontent. At length when they weary 'd him with their importunitys to change this fort of Life, he thought fit to fliew 'em at the fame time their miflake and a Copy of his Oceaita, which he was privatly writing all that while: telling 'em withal, that ever fince he began to examin things fcriouily, he had principally addid:ed himfelf to the fludy of Civil Government, as being of the liighelt importance to the Peace and Felicity of mankind ; and that he fucceded at leafL to his own fatisfadlion, being now convinc'd that no Government is of fo accidental or arbitrary an Inftitution as people are wont to imagin, there being in Societys natural caufes producing their neceffary effedls, as well as in the Earth or the Air, Hence he frequently argu'd that the Troubles of his time were not to be wholly attributed to wilfulnefs or faftion, neither to the mifgovernment of the Prince, nor the ffubbornels of the People ; but to a change in the Balance of Property, which ever fince Henry the Seventh's time was daily falling into the Scale of the Commons from that of the King and the Lords, as in his Book he evidently demonftrats and explains. Not that hereby he approv'd either the Breaches which the King had made on the Laws, or excus'd the Severity which fom of the Subjedls exercis'd on the King; but to fliew that as long as the Caufes of thefe Diforders remain'd, fo long would the like Elted:s unavoidably follow : while on the one hand a King would be always indeavoring to govern according to the example of his PredecefTors when the befl part of the National Property was in their own hands, and confequently thegreateft command of MonyandMen, as one of a thoufand pounds a Year can entertain more SeiTants, or influ- ence more Tenants, than another that has but one hundred, out of v/hich he cannot allow one Valet ; and on the other hand he laid, the People would be fure to ftmggle for preferving the Property whereof they were in pofTeffion, never failing to obtain more Privileges, and to enlarge the Bafis of their Liberty, as often as they met with any fuc- cefs (which they generally did) in quarrels of this kind. His chief aim therfore was to find out a method of preventing fuch Diltempcrs, or to apply the beft Remedys when they liappcn'd to break out. But as long as the Balance remain'd in this unequal Hate, he afiirm'd tliat no King whatfoever could keep himfelf eafy, let him never fo much in- deavorto pleafe his People ; and that tho a good King might manage Affairs tolerably well during his life, yet this did not prove tlie Go- vernment to be good, fince under a lefs prudent Prince it would fall to E pieces xviii The LIFE of pieces again, while the Orders of a well conflituted State rnake wick- ed men virtuous, and fools to aft wifely. 12. THAT Efvpire Jollows the Balance of Property, whether lodg'd in one, in a few, or in many hands, he was the fir'ft that ever made out ; and is a noble Difcovery, wherof the Honor folcly be- longs to him, as much as thofe of the Circulation of the Blood, of Printing, of Guns, of the Compafs, or of Optic Glafles, to their feveral Authors. 'Tis incredible to think what grofs and numberlefs Errors were committed by all the Writers before him, even by the beft of them, for want of underftanding this plain Truth, which is the foun- dation of all Politics. He no fooner difcours'd publicly of this new Dodtrin, being a man of univerfal acquaintance, but it ingag'd all forts of people to bufy themfelves about it as they were varioufly alfeft- ed. Som, becaufe they underftood him, defpis'd it, alleging it was plain to every man's capacity, as if his highefl merit did not confifl in making it fo. Others, and thofe in number the fewefl:, difputed with him about it, merely to be better inform'd ; with v/hich he was well pleas'd, as reckoning a pertinent Objeftion of greater advantage to the difcovery of Truth (which was his aim) than a complaifant applaufe or approbation. But a third fort, of which there never wants in all places a numerous company, did out of pure envy flrive all they could to leffen or defame him ; and one of 'em (lince they could not find any precedent Writer out of whofe Works they might make him a Plagia- ry) did indeavor, after a very fingular manner, to rob him of the Glory of this invention : for our Author having friendly lent him a part of his Papers, he publifli'd a fmall piece to the fame purpofc in- titl'd, A letter from an OJicer of the Army in \xt\^n(^, &c. Major WiLDMAN was then reputed the Author by fom, and Henry Nevil by others; which latter, by reafon of this thing, and his great intimacy with Harrington, was by his detractors re- ported to be the Author of his Works, or that at leafl he had a principal hand in the compofing of them. Notwithflanding which provocations, fo taie was he to the Friendfhip he profeft to Ne- vil and WiLDMAN, that he avoided all harrti Exprelhons or public Cenfures on this occafion, contenting himfelf with the Juftice which the World was foon oblig'd to yield to him by reafon of his other Writings, where no fuch clubbing of Brains could be reafonably fufpefted. 13. BUT the publication of his Book met with greater difficultys from the oppofition of the feveral Partys then fet againft one another, and all againft him ; but none more than fom of thofe who pretended to be for a Commonwealth, which was the fpecious name under which they cover'd the rankeft Tyranny of Oliver Cromwel, while Harrington, like Paul at Athens, indeavor'd to make known to the People what they ignorantly ador'd. By fliewing that a Commonwealth was a Government of Laws, and not of the Sword, he could not but detedl the violent adminiftration of the Protedlor by hisBartiaws, Intendants,or Majors General, which created him no fmall danger : while the Cavaliers on the other fide tax'd him with Ingrati- tude to the memory of the late King, and prefer'd the Monarchy even of a Ufurper to the beft order'd Commonwealth. To thefe he an- fwer'd, that it was enough for him tQ forbear publifhing his Sentiments ' during J A M E S H A R R I N G T O NTi xix during that King's life ; but the Monarchy being now quite diffolv'd- and the Nation in a ftate of Anarchy, or (what was worfe) groaning under a horrid Ufurpation, he was not only at liberty, bat even oblig'd as a good Citizen to offer a helping hand to his Countrymen, and to (hew 'em fuch aModel of Government as he thought moil: con- ducing to their Tranquillity, Wealth, and Power : That the Cavaliers ought of all People to be befl pleas'd with him, lince if his Model fucceded, they were fure to injoy equal Privileges with others, and fo be deliver'd from their prefent Oppreffion ; for in a well conftitutcd Commonwealth there can be no diftindtion of Partys, the paffage to Preferment is open to Merit in all perfons, and no honeft man can be uneafy : but that if the Prince fhould happen to be reftor'd, his Doc- trin of the Balance would be a light to fliew him what and with whom he had to do, and fo either to mend or avoid the Mifcarriages of his Fa- ther ; fince all that is faid of this dodtrin may as well be accommodated to a Monarchy regulated by Laws, as to a Democracy or more popu- lar form of a Commonwealth. He us'd to add on fuch occafions ano- ther reafon of writing this Model, which was. That if it fliould ever be the fate of this Nation to be, like Italy of old, overrun by any bar- barous People, or to have its Government and Records delf royed by the rage of fom mercilefs Conqueror, they might not be then left to their own Invention in framing a new Government ; for few People can be expedled to fuccede fo happily as the Venetians have don in fuch a cafe. 14. IN the mean time it was known to fom of the Courtiers, that the Book was a printing ; wherupon, after hunting it from one Prels to another, they feiz'd their Prey at laft, and convey'd it to Whitehall. All the foUicitations he could make were not able to retrieve his Papers, till he remember'd that Oliver's favorit Daughter, the Lady Claypole, afted the part of a Princefs very naturally, obliging all perfons with her civility, and frequently interceding for the un- happy. To this Lady, tho an abfolute ftranger to him, he thought fit to make his application; and being led intoherAntichamber, hcfent in his Name, with his humble requeft that flie would admit him to her prefence. While he attended, fom of her Women coming into the room were follow'd by her little Daughter about three years old, who flaid behind them. He entertained the Child fo divertingly, that flie fuffer'd him to take her up in his arms till her Mother came ; wherupon he ftepping towards her, and fetting the Child down at her feet, faid, Madam, 'tis well you are com at this nick of time, or I had certainly flollen this pretty little Lady : Stollen her, reply 'd the Mother ! pray, what to do with her ? for fhe is yet too young to be- com your Miflrefs. Madam, faid he, tho her Charms allure her of a more confiderable Conqueft, yet I mufl confefs it is not love but re- venge that promted me to commit this theft. Lord, anfvver'd the Lady again, what injury have I don you that you fliould fleal my Child ? None at all, reply'd he, but that you might be induc'd to prevail with your Father to do me juftice, by refloring my Child that he has flol- len. But flie urging it was impoflible, becaufe her Father had Children enough of his own ; he told her at laft it was the iffue of his brain which was mifreprefented to the Protedlor, and taken out of the Prcfs by his order. She immediatly promis'd to procure it for him, if it contain'd nothing prejudicial to her Father's Government ; and he af- fur'd her it was only a kind of a Political Romance, fo far from any Treafbii XX The LIFE of Treafon againfl her Father, that he hop'd {he would acquaint him that he defiPTi'd to dedicat it to him, and promis'd that ihe her felf ftould be prefented with one of the fiifl: Copys. The Lady waslo well pleas'd with his manner of Addrefs, that he had his Book fpee- dily reftor'dto him; and he did accordingly infcribe it to Oliver Cromwel, who, after the peiufal of it, iliid, the Gentleman had like to trapan him out of his Power, but that what he got by the Sword he would not quit for a little paper Shot : adding in his ufual cant that he approv'd the Government of a lingle Pcrfon as little as any of 'cm, but that he was forc'd to take upon him the Office of a Hio'h Conlfable, to preferve the Peace among the feveral Partys in the Nation, fmce he faw that being left to themfelves, they would never agree to any certain form of Government, and would only fpcnd their v/hole Power in defeating the Defigns, or dcftroying the Pcrfons of one another. ir. BUT nothing in the world could better difcover Crom- wel's Diffimulation than this Speech, fince Harrington had de- monftrated in his Book, that no Commonwealth could be fo eafily or perfeftly eftablilh'd as one by a fole Legillator, it being in his power (if he were a man of good Invention himfelf, or had a good Model propos'd to him by others) to fet up a Government in the whole piece at once, and in perfedlion ; but an Afl'embly, being of better Judgment than Invention, generally make patching work in forminrf a Government, and are whole Ages about that which isfel- dom or never brought by 'em to any perfedion : but is commonly ru- in'd by the way, leaving the nobleft Attemts under reproach, and the Authors of 'em expos'd to the greateft dangers while they live, and to a certain infamy when dead. Wherfore the wifcft Af- femblys, in mending or making a Government, have pitch'd upon a fole Legillator, whole Model they could rightly approve, tho not io well digeft ; as Muficians can play in confort, and judg of an Air that is laid before them, tho to invent a part of Mufic they could never agree, nor fuccede lo happily as one Perfon. If Cromwel therfore had meant as he fpoke, no man had ever fuch an opportunity of re- forming what was amifs in the old Government, or fetting up one wholly new, either according to the Plan of Oceana, or any other. This would have made him indeed a Hero fuperior in lafting fame to Solon, Lycurgus, Zaleucus, and Charondas; and vender his Glory far more refplendent, his Security greater, and his Renoun more durable than all the Pomp of his ill acquir'd Greatnels could afford : wheras on the contrary he liv'd in continual fears of thofe he had inflav'd, dy'd abhor'd as a monftrous betrayer of thofe Libertys with which he was intrufted by his Country, and his Po- fterity not poffeffing a foot of what for their only lakes he was gene- rally thought to ufurp. But this laft is a miflaken Notion, for fom of the mofl notorious Tyrants liv'd and dy'd without any hopes of Chil- dren ; which is a good reafon why no mortal ought to be trufted with too much Power on thatfcore. LvcuRGUsandANDREwDoRiA, who, when it was in their power to continue Princes, chofe rather to be the founders of their Countrys Liberty, will be celebrated for their Virtue thro the courfe of all Ages, and their very Names convey the higheft Ideas of Godlike Generofity ; while Julius C^sar, Oliver Cromwel, and fuch others as at any time inflav'd their James Harrington. xxi their fellow Citizens, will be for ever remember'd with deteftation, and cited as the moft execrable Examples of the vileft Treachery and Ingratitude. It is only a refin'd and excellent Genius, a noble Soul ambitious of folid Praife, a fincere lover of Virtue and the o;ood of all Mankind, that is capable of executing fo glorious an Undertakinp- as making a People free. 'Tis my fix'd opinion, that if theProtedor's mind had the leafl tinfture of true greatnefs, he could not be Proof againft the incomparable Rewards propos'd by Harrington in the Corollary of his Oceana; as no Prince tmly generous, whether with or without Heirs, is able to refifl their Charms, provided he has an opportunity to advance the happinefs of his People. 'Twas this Difpofition that brought the Prince of Orange to head us when we lately contend- ed for our Liberty ; to this we ow thofe ineftimable Laws we have obtain'd, fince out of a grateful confidence we made him our King ; and how great things, or after what manner, we may expedl from him . in time to com, is as hard to be truly conceiv'd as worthily exprefs'd. 1 6. I SHALL now give fom account of the Book it felf, inti- tl'd by the Author, The Coni'morrwealth of Oceana^ a name by which he defign'd Englajid, as being the nobleft Hand of the Northern Ocean. But before I precede further, I muft explain fom other words occur- ring in this Book, which is written after the manner of a Romance, in imitation of Plato's Atlantic Story ^ and is a method ordinarily foUow'd by Lawgivers. Adoxus — — — — King Joh n. Convallium-— ^ Hamton Court. Coraunus Henry VIII. Dicotome R i h ard II. Emporium Lofidon. Halcionia The namei. Halo Whitehall. Hiera Weftmifijler. Leviathan • Hobbes. Marpefia Scotland. Morpheus — — James I. Mount Celia -^ Windjbr. Neuflrians 'Normans. Olphaus Megaletor Oliver Cromw£l. Panopasa ' Irelaiid. Pantheon — — . Wejlminjler Hall. Panurgus ' Henry VII. Parthenia . — ^een Elizabeth. Scandians— — — — . Danes. Teutons Saxons. Turbo — William the Conqueror, Verulamius Lord Chancellor Bacon. 17. T H E Book confifts olPrelimtnarys divided into two parts, and a third Sedfion call'd the Comicil of Legijlators; then follows the Model of the Commonwealth, or the body of the Book ; and lallly coms the Corollary or Conclufion. The Preliminary Difcourfes contain the Principles, Generation, and Effefts of all Governments, whether Mo- narchical, Ariftocraticalj or Popular, and their feveral Corruptions, as F Tyranny^ xxii The L I F E of Tyranny, Oligarchy, and Anarchy, with all the good or bad mixtures that naturally refult from them. But the firfl part dosin a more par- ticular manner treat of antient Prudence, or that genius of Government which moft prevail'd in the world till the time ot Jul i us C^sar. None can confult a more certain Oracle that would conceive the na- ture ot Foren or Domeftic Empire ; the Balance of Land or Mony ; Arms or Contra6ts-, Magiftracy and Judicatures; Agrarian Laws; Elections by the Ballot ; Rotation of Odicers, with a great many fuch heads, efpecially the inconveniencys and preeminences of each kind of Government, or the true comparifon of 'em all together. Thefe fub- jeds have bin generally treated diftinftly, and every oJie of them Veems to require a Volum ; yet I am of opinion that in this fliort Dif- courfe there is a more full and clearer account of them, than can be eafily found ellwhere ; at leaft I nuift own to have receiv'd greater fatis- fadion here than all my reading before, and the fame thing has bin frankly own'd to me by others. iB. THE fecond part of the Preliminarys treats of modern Pru- dence, or that genius of Government which has moll obtain'd in the world lince the expiration of the Roimvi Liberty, particularly the Go- thic Conftitution, beginning with the inundation of the barbarous Nor- thern Nations over the Roman Empire. In this Difcourfc there is a ve- ry clear accoimt of the Englilh Government under the Romans, Saxons^ jDrtWJ, and Normans, till the foundations of it were cunningly under- min'd by Henry VII. terribly Ihaken by Henry VIII. and utterly ruin'd under Charles I. Here he muft read who in a little compafs would completely underfland the antient Feuds and Tenures, the origi- nal and degrees of ouf Nobility, with the inferior Orders of the reil of the People: under the Saxons, what was meant by Ealdorman, or Earls; King's Thane; middle Thane or Vavafors; their Shircmoots, Sherifs, and Vifcounts; their Halymoots, Weidenagemoots, and fuch others. Here likewife one may learn to underlland the Baronage of the Normans, as the Barons by their PoffeiTions, by Writ, or by Let- ters Patent; with many other particulars which give an infight into the fprings and management of the Barons Wars, fo frequent and fa- mous in our Annals. The reft ot this Difcourfe is fpent in Ihewing the natural Caufes of the diflblution of the Norman Monarchy under Charles the Firft, and the generation of the Commonwealth, or rather the Anarchy that fucceded. I g. NEXT follov/s the Council of Leglflators : for Harr i ng- TON being about to give the moft perfect Model of Government, he made himfelfmafter of all the Antient and Modern Politicians, that he might as well imitat whatever was excellent or pradlicably in them, as his care was to avoid all things which were impradicable or inconvenient. Thefe were thejufteft meafures that could poflibly be taken by any body, whether he defign'd to be rightly infomi'd, and fufficiently furnifli'd with the heft materials ; or whether he would have his Model meet with an eafy reception ; for fince his own Senti- ments (tho never fo tme') were fure to be rejeded as privat Specu- lations or impradicable Cnimeras, this was the readieft way to make 'em pafs currendy, as both authoriz'd by the wifeft men in all Nati- ons, and as what in all times and places had bin pradis'd with fucceft. To this end therfore he introduces, under feign'd names, nineLegif- lators, who perfedly underftood the feveral Governments they were appointed James HARRiNGTON'i x>:iii appointed to reprefent. The Province of the firft was the Commdh- wealth of i/f^f/ ; that of the fccond, Athcm; of the third, Sparta; of the fourth, Carthage; of the fifth, \}piS.Achceam^ Mtoliam^ andLv- cians; of the fixth, Rome; of the feventh, Venice; of the eighth, Switzerland; and of the ninth, Holland. Out of the Excellencys of all thefe, fupply'd with the Fruits of his own invention, he frani'd the Model of his Oceana ; and indeed he fliews himlelf in that work fo throly ver&'d in their feveral Hiftorys and Conftitutions, that to any man who would rightly underiland them, I could not eailly recom- mend a more proper Teacher : for here they are dilfedled and laid open to all Capacitys, their Perfedlions applauded, their Incon veniencys expos'd, and parallels frequently made between 'em no lefs entertain- ing than ufeful. Nor are the Antient and Modern Eaftern or Euro- pean Monarchys forgot, but exhibited with all their Advantages and Corruptions, without the leaft diffimulation or partiality. 20. A S for the Model, I ihall fay nothing of it in particular, as well becaufe I would not foreflal the pleafure of the Reader, as by rea- fon an Abridgment of it is once or twice made by himfelf, and ini'erted among his Works. The method he obferves is to lay down his Orders or Laws in fo many pofitive Proportions, to each of which he fubjoins an explanatory Difcourfe ; and if there be occafion, adds a Speech fup- pos'd to be deliver'd by the Lord Archon, or fom of the Legifla- tors. Thefe Speeches are extraordinary fine, contain a world of good Learning and Obfervation, and are perpetual Commentarys on his Laws. In the Corollary, which is the concluflon of the whole Work, he fhews how the laft hand was put to his Commonwealth ; which we mufl not imagin to treat only of the Form of the Senat and AfTemblys of the People, or the manner of waging War and governing in Peace. It contains befides, the Difciplin of a National Religion, and the fecurity of a Liberty of Confcience; a Form of Government for Scotland, for Ireland, and the other Provinces of the Commonwealtli ; Governments ior London and Wejlminjler, proportionably to which the other Corporations of the Nation are to be model'd; Directions for the incouraging of Trade; Laws for regulating Academys; and mofl excellent Rules for the Education of our Youth, as well to the Wars or the Sea, to Manufadlures or Hufbandry, as to Law, Phyfic, or Di- vinity, and chiefly to the breeding and true figure of accomplidi'd Gentlemen : There are admirable Orders for reforming the Stage ; the number, choice, and buhnefs of the Officers of State and the Reve- nue, with all forts of Officers ; and an exad: account both of their Sa- larys, and the ordinary yearly charge of the whole Commonwealth, which for two rarely confident things, the grandeur of its State, and ) the frugal management of its Revenues, excedes all the Governments that ever were. I ought not to omit telling here, that this Model gives a full anfwer to thofe who imagin that there can be no Diltindions or Degrees, neither Nobility nor Gentry in a Democracy, being led in- to this miflake, becaufe they ignorantly think all Commonwealths to be conftituted alike; when, if they were but never fo little vers'd in Hi- ftory, they might know that no Order of men now in the world can com near the Figure that was made by the Noblemen and Gentlemen of the Roman State: nor in this refped dos the Commonwealth of Oceana QO\x\ any thing behind them; for, as Harrington fays very truly, anArmy?nay asiAxll conjijtoj Soldiers 'without OJicers, or of OJ/icers XXIV The L I FE of Officers ivithoiit Soldiers, as a Commonwealth (efpeciallj fiich a one at is capable of Great nefs) conjift oj a People loithout a Gentry, or of a Gentry without a People. So much may fuffice for underftanding the fcope of this Book : I fhall only add, that none ought to be of- fended with a few od terms in it, fuch as the Prime Magnitude, the Pillar of Nilus, the Galaxy, and the Tropic of Magilfrats, fince the Author explains what he means by 'em, and that any other may call 'em by what more fignificative names he pleafesj for the things themfclves are abfolutely neceffary. 2 I. N O fooner did this Treatife appear in public, but it was gree- dily bought up, and becom the fubjed of all mens difcourfe. The firft that made exceptions to it was Dr. Henry Ferne, afterwards Bilhop of Cbefter. The Lady Ash ton prefented him with one of the Books, and defir'd his opinion of it, which he quickly fent in fuch a manner as fhew'd he did not approve of the Docflrin, tho he treated the Perfon and his Learning with due refpedl. To this Let- ter a reply was made, and lome Querys fent along with it by Har- rington, to every one of which a diftind: Anfwer was return'd by the Dod:or; which being again confuted by Harrington, he piiblilh'd the whole in the year 1656, under the title of Plan Piano, or an Liter coiafe between H. Ferne Do£lor in Divinity, a fid J ame& Harrington EJg; npon occafion of the DoSlors Cenfure of the Commonwealth of Ocea.na. 'Tis a Treatife of little importance, and contains nothing but what he has much better dilcours'd in his an- fwers to other Antagonifts, which is the reafon that I give the Reader no more trouble about it. 22. THE next that wrote againft Oceana was Matthew Wren, eldell Son to the Bifliop of Ely. His Book was intitl'd Conjiderations, andreftrain'd only to the firft part of the Preliminarys. To this our Author publifli'd an anfwer in the firft Book of his Pre- rogative of Popular Government , where he inlarges, explains, and vindicats his AfTertions. How inequal this Combat was, and after what manner he treated his Adverfary, I leave the Reader to judg ; only minding him that as Wren was one of the Virtuofi who met at Dr. WiLKiNs's (the Seminary of the now Royal Society) Harrington jokingly faid. That they had an excellent faculty of magnijying a Loufe, and diminijl:i?ig a Comtriojiwealth. But the Subjedls he handles on this occafion are very curious, and reduc'd to the twelve following Queftions. (I.) WHETHER Prudence (or the Politics) be well diftin- guifti'd into Antient and Modern } (2.) WHETHERa Commonwealth be rightly defin'd to be a Government of Laws and not of men ; and Monarchy to be a Go- vernment of fom men or a few men, and not of Laws .? (3.) WHETHER the Balance of Dominion in Land be the natural caufe of Empire? (4.) W H E T H E R the Balance of Empire be well divided in- to National and Provincial .? and whether thefe two, or any Nations that are of a diftindl Balance, coming to depend on one and the fame head, fuch a mixture creates a new Balance ? (5.) WHETHER there be any common Right or Intereft of Mankind diftinft from the Intereft of the parts taken feverally ? and how by the orders of a Commonwealth this may beft be diftinguifli'd from privat Intereft ? (6.) W H E- J AMES Harrington. xxv ■ (6.) WH ETH ER the Senatujcofijiilta, or Decrees of the Roma?i Senat, had the power of Laws ? (7.) WHETHER the Ten Commandments, propos'd by God or Moses, were voted and pail into Laws by the People of IJrael} (B.)WHETHERa Commonwealth, coming up to the perfedlion of the Kind, coms not up to the perfedion of Government, and has no flaw in it ? that is, whether the bell Commonwealth be not the beft Government ? (9.) WHETHER Monarchy, coming up to the perfedion of the Kind, coms not fliort of the perfedion of Government, and has not fom flaw in it ? that is, whether the bell Monarchy be not the worll Government ? Under this head are alfo explain'd the Balance of Frcmce, the Original of a Landed Clergy, Arms, and their feveral kinds. (10.) WHETHER any Commonwealth, that was not firll bro- ken or divided by it felf, was ever conquer'd by any Monarch ? where he Ihews that none ever were, and that the greateli Monarchys have bin broken by very fmall Commonwealths. (11.) WHETHER there be not an Agrarian, or fom Law or Laws to fupply the defedls of it, in every Commonwealth ? Whether the Agrarian, as it is Hated in Oceana, be not equal and fatisfadlory to all Interefts or Partys ? (i2.)WHETHERa Rotation, or Courfes and Turns, be necelTa- ry to a welorder'd Commonwealth ? in which is contain'd the Parem^ bole or Courfes of ^r*^^/ before the Captivity, together with an Epitome of the Commonwealth of Athens^ as alfo another of the Common- wealth of Venice. 23. THE fecond Book of the Prerogative of Popular Government chiefly concerns Ordination in the ChriHian Church, and the Orders of the Commonwealth oi Jj'rael, againll the opinions of Dr. Hammond, Dr. Seaman, and the Authors they follow. His Difpute with thefe learned Perfons (the one of the Epifcopal, and the other of the Pref- byterian Communion) is comprehended in five Chapters. (i.) THE firll, explaining the words Chirotonia and Chirothefia parapnrallically relates the Story of the Perambulation made by the Apollles Paul and Barnabas thro the Ckys of Lycaonia, Piji- dia, &c. (2.) THE fecond Ihews that thofe Citys, or moll of 'em were at the time of this Perambulation under Popular Government ; in which is alfo' contain'd the whole Adminiftration of 'H Roman Province. (3.) THE third Ihews the deduftion of the Chirotonia, or holding up of hands, from Popular Government, and that the original of Or-; dination is from this cuftom: in which is alfo contain'd the Inllitution of the Sanhedrim or Senat of IJrael by MosES, and of that of Rome by Romulus. (4.) THE fourth Ihews the dedudion of the Chirothefia, or the laying on of hands, from Monarchical or A riftocratical Government, and fo the fecond way of Ordination procedes from this cuftom : here is alfo declar'd how the Commonwealth of the yews iiood after the Captivity. (5.) THE fifth debates whether the Chirotonia us d in the Citys mention'd was (as is pretended by Dr. Hammond, Dr. Seaman, and the Authors they follow) the fame with the Chirothefia y or a far G differcjit xxvi Tl,e LIFE of difFerclit thing- In which are contain'd the divers kinds of Church Government introduc'd and exercis'd in the age of the Apoftles. By thefe heads we may perceive that a great deal of ufeful Learning is con- tain'd in this Book ; and queftionlefs he makes thofe Subje61:s more plain and intelligible than any Writer I ever yet confulted. 24. AGAINST Oceana chiefly did Richard Baxter write his Holy Cojumofiivealth, of which our Author made fo flight that he vouchfaf 'd no other anfwer to it but half a fheet of Cant and Ri- dicule. It does not appear that he rail'd at all the Minijiers as a par- cel of Fools atid Knaves. But the reft of Baxter's complaint feems better grounded, as that Harrington maintain'd neither he iior tiny Miniliers underflood at all what Polity was, but prated againji they knew }iot what, &c This made him pitblijh his Holy Commonwealth in anfwer to Harrington'j Heathenifli Commonwealth ; in which, adds he, 1 plead the Caufe of Monarchy as better than Democracy or Arijlocracy ; an odd way of modelling a Common weal tli. And yet the Royalifts were fo far from thinking his Book for their fervice, that in the yCT-r 1683 it was by a Decree of the Univerfity of Oxford con- demn'd to be publickly burnt, which Sentence was accordingly exe- cuted upon it, in company with fom of the Books of Hobbes, Mil- ton, and others; wheras nocenfure pafton Harr ington's Oceana, or the reft of his Works. As for Divines meddling with Politics, he has in the former part of the Preliminarys to Oceana deliver'd his Opinion, That there is jomthing firfl in the making of a Commofiwealth, then in the gover?2i?2g of it, and la(l oj all in the leading of its Armys, which {t ho there be great Divines, great Lawyers, great Men in all ProJeJJions) feems to be peculiar only to the genius of a Gentleman: for it is plain in the univer/al Jeries of (lory, that if any man founded a Com7nonwealth, he was firfl a Gentleman ; the truth of which AlTertion he proves from MosES downwards. 25. BEING much importun'd from all hands to publifti an Abridgment of his Oceana, he confented at length ; and fo, in the year 1659, was printed his Art of Lawgiving (or of Legiflation) in three Books. The firft, which treats oJ the Foundations andSuperflruBures of allkinds oj Government , is anabftracft of his Preliminarys to the Oceana: and the third Book, {hewing a Modelof Popular Government fitted to the prejent Statsor Balance of thisNation, is an exay'j- Nee inrtus, nee animi dotes (arrha licet ceterni in animam amor is Dei) corrupt ione ex i mere qiieant corpus, 42 . T H U S James Harrington. xxxix 42. THUS dy'd James Harrington^ whoie Name is fure to live fo long as Learning and Liberty bear any Reputation in Ens;- land. But tho he did not think fo highly of himfelf, yet he was ftrongly perfuaded that his Oceajta was the Model of an equal Com- monwealth, or a Government wherin no Party can be at variance with or gaining ground upon another, and never to be conquer'd by any foren Power ; whence he concluded it mufl needs be likewife im- mortal : for as the People, who are the materials, never dy ; fo the Form, which is the Motion, mufl (without fom oppofition) be end- lefs. The Immortality of a Commomi-ealtb is fuch a new and curious Problem, that I could not affure my felf of the Reader's pardon, with- out giving him fom brief account of the Arguments for it, and they nin much after this manner. The perfection of Government is fjch a Libration in the frame of it, that no Man or Men under it can have the intereft, or (having the intereft) can have the power to difhnb it with Sedition. This will be granted at firil: fight, and Harring- ton appeals to all Mankind, whether his Oceana (examin'd by this principle) be iiot fuch an equal Government, completely and intirely fram'd in all its neceffary Orders or fundamental Laws, without any contradidion to it felf, to Reafon, or Truth. If this be fo (as the contrary dos not yet appear) then it has no internal caufe of Di(I<:)lu- tiori, and confequently fuch a Government can never be min'd any way ; for he further (hews (what all Hiftory cannot contradidl) that a Commonwealth, if not firfl broken or divided by Fadions at home, was never conquer'd by the Arms of any Monarch from the beginning of the World to this day : but the Commonwealth of Oceana having no Factions within, and fo not to be conquer'd from without, is ther- fore an equal, perfeft, and immortal Government. For want of this equality in the frame he clearly demonftrats how the Commonwealths of Rome, Athens, and others, came to be deftroy'd by their contending and overtopping partys ; wheras that of Venice can never change or finilli. He proves that this Equality is yet more wanting in Monar- chys ; for in abfolute Monarchy (as that of the Turk, for example) the yanizarys have frequent intereli, and perpetual power to raife Sedition to the ruin of the Emperor, and, when they pleafe, of the Empire : This cannot be faidof the Armysof Oceana, and therfore an ablblute Monarchy is no perted: Government. In what they improperly call a mix'd Monarchy the Nobility are fomtimes putting Chains on the King, at other times domineering over the People ; the King is either oppreffing the People without control, or contending with the Nobi- lity as their Protediors ; and the People are frequently in arms againfl both King and Nobility, till at lafl: one of the three Eftates becoms maftcr of the other two, or till they fo mutually weaken one another that cither they fall a prey to fom more potent Government, or natu- rally grow into a Commonwealth : therfore mixt Monarchy is not a perfec^t Government ; and if no fuch Partys or Contentions can poffibly exill in Oceana, then on the contrary is it a mofh equal, perfed:, and immortal Commonwealth, ^od erat demo7iJlrandum. 43. I T will not be objedled to the difparagement of this Model, that it was no better receiv'd by Oliver Cromwel ; nor is it fair to iudg of things at any time by their Succefs. If it fliould be (aid, that, after the expiration of his Tyranny, the People did not think fit to eftablifh it ; I fliall only anfwer, that all the Attemts which have bin us'd for introducing Arbitrary Power have prov'd as unfortunat, wher- xl The LIFE of by it appeal at left that the charader which Tacitus gave the ko- mans of his time, may as well agree to the People of Engla?id: and it is that They are able to bear neither ahfolute Liberty, nor abj'olute Slavery. CONCLUSION. I AM difpos'd to believe that my Lady Asiiton's memory fail'd her, when flie faid that her Brother was at Rome during the Jubilee ; for as Chronology feems to contradid: it, fo llic might eafily miftake the Jubilee for the Ceremony of confecrating Candles, or any other folemiiity ; his remarks being equally applicable to all thofe of the Popifh Church. But as to the whole of this Hiftory, tho it be ma- nag'd with due moderation, and contains nothing but bare matters of fadt, or fuch obfervations as they naturally fuggefl; yet I was fenfible before I wrote it, that I could not efcape the difpleafure of three forts of perfons : fuch as have refolv'd to be angry at whatever I do ; fuch as neither rightly underftand what is written by me nor any body elfe; and thofe who, without any particular fpite againft an Author, yet to get a penny will pretend to anfwer any book that makes a confiderable figure. Therfore I find my fcif oblig'd beforehand to difclaim all explanations made of my meaning, beyond what is warranted by the exprefs words of my Book; having conflantly indeavor'd not only to write intelli- giblv, but fo as that none can poflibly milunderftand me, I renounce all the defigns that may be imputed to me by fuch as are fo far from being admitted into my fecret, that they were never in my company; but I fpecially difown whatever is ilfid by thole who firft prefume to divine my thoughts, and then to vent their own rafli conjedtures as my undoubted opinions. I flight their artifice who, when unable to objedl againft the point in queftion, labor to ingage their Adveriary in matters wholly befides the purpofe ; and when their Evaficns have no better for- tune than their Attacks, fall to railing againft his Perfon, becaufe they cannot confute his Arguments. I am as much above the malice of fom, as they are below my refentments ; and I wou'd at any time chufe to be rather the objeft of their Envy than of their Favor: but as I am hr from thinking my felf exemt from all the indifcretions of Youth, or the frailtys of human Nature ; fo I am not confcious of entertaining higher thoughts of my own performances than arebecoming,or meaner of other mens than they deferve. I know that to enterprize any thing out of the common road is to undergo undoubted envy or peril ; and that lie, who is not beforehand refolv'd to bear oppofition, will never do any great or be- neficial exploit: yet 'tis no fmall incouragement to me, that from the be- ginning of the world to this time not a fingle inftance can be produc'd of one who either was or would be eminent, but he m.et with Enemys to his perfon and fame. Notwithftanding this confideration be juft, yet if I write any thing hereafter (either as oblig'd by Duty, or to amuze idle time) I have determin'd it fhall not concern perfbnal difputes, or the narrow interefts of jarring Fadtions, but fomthing of univerfal benefit, and which all fides may indifferently read. Without fuch provocations as no man ought to indure, this is my fix'd refolution ; and I particular- ly defire that none may blame me for ading otlierwile, who force me to do fo themfelves. I fhall never be wanting to my own defence, when either the Caufe or the Aggrefibr deferves it : for as to thofe Authors who conceal their names, if they write matters of fadl 'tis a fign they cannot make them good ; and all men are agreed to rejedl their Teflimony, except fuch as refolve to deny others common juftice; but the ill opinion of thefe prejudic'd perfons can no more injure any mr.n'. James Harrington. xll man, than their good opinion will do him honor. Ecfides other reafon^ of mentioning my fuppos'd defigns, one is to dilabule feveral people who (as I am told) are made to believe that in the Hiftory of Socra- tes I draw a Parallel between that Philofophcr and Jesus Christ. This is a mofl fcandalous and unchriflian calumny^ as will more fully appear to the world whenever the Book it felf is publifli'd -, for that I have bin fom time about it, I freely avow ; yet not in the manner thdfe officious Informers report, but asbecoms a difinterefted Hiftorian, and a friend to all mankind. The hifcriptio?! on ^fZi^ Monument of Sir James Harring- ton a?id his three So/iSy at Exton in Rutlandfhirc. ERE lleth Si'w James Harrington of Exton Kt. with (') Lucy his Wife, Daughter to Sir William Sidney Kt. by whom he had i8 Children, wherof three Sons and 8 Daughters marry 'd as follows, T HE eldeft Son, Sir (^) John, marry'd the Heirefs of Robert Keyl- nvoy Surveyor of the Court of Wards and Liverys. The 2d Son, Sir (') Henry, took to Wife one of the Coheirs of Frajicis Agar, one of his Majefty's Privy Council in Ireland. The 3^ Son, James [^) Har- rington Efq; had to Wife one of the Coheirs of Robert Sapcotes Efq, The eldeft Daughter, Elizabeth, was married to Sir Edward (') Mon- tague Kt. The 2d, Frances, to Sir William (') Lee Kt. The 3^, Margaret, to Do7i (^) Bonitto de Sijhoresof Spaiji, of the Family of the Dukes of Frantajquo. The ^th, Katherine, to Sir Edward (") Dimmock Kt. The ^th, Mary, X.o'&xr Edward{^)WingfieldK.\.. The tth, Mabcll, to Sir Andrew C") Noell Kt. The 'jth, Sarah, was mar- ry'd to the Lord Hajiings, Heir to the Earl oi Huntingdon, The Zth^ Theodofa, (') to the Lord Dudley of Dudley Caftle. THE fame Sir James and Lucy were marry'd fifty years : She died lirfl, in the j2d year of hfr Age ; he fhortly after yielded to Nature^ being 80 years old, in the year of our Lord 1591, and of Queen Elizabeth'^ Reign 34, their Son James being made fole Executor to them both ; who, that he might as well perform to his Parents their Rites, as leave a Teflimony of his own Piety to Pofterity, hath ered:ed and dedicated this Monument to their eternal Memory. (») And Siller to Sir Philip Sidney Kt. (^) Who V.3S afterwards created Ld Harrington, and his L.^dy was Go^'erncfs to the Queen of Bohemia. His Family is extinft as to Heirs Male : One of his Daughters was marry'd to the Earl of Bedforti, and was Groom of the Stole to Q^j^nn. The other was marry'd to a Scotch Lord whofe name was Lord Bruce Earl of Elgin i his Grandfon now Lord Alubury. (•) Who hajipen'd to be Prefident of Ireland ; and from him delcended my Lady Frttcha-jit'i Father, my Lady Mori/on, and my Lord Fatkland'''i Lady. C") Afterwards Baronet : To him were born Sir Ed-ward Harrington, Sir Sapcotes Harrington, and Mr. 'John Harrington ; who had Iffue both Sons and Daughters. ('■) Who was Father to the Lord Montague, the Earl of Manchefter, and Lord Privy Seal ; and Sir Sidney Montague, who was afterwards created Earl oiSaudzvich ; ;uid to the Earl of Riilljr.d'i Lady, and Judg Montague. (•^J Who was afterwards created Lord Cfe^£/?2-j Liberty of his Nephew, only he fent feme Auxiliaries into France^ who, they fay, behav'd themfelves worthily ; and his llothful Son MoRDAC, who making his Sons fo bold with Indulgence, that one of them kill'd a Falcon on his fill:, which he deny'd to give him : he in revenge procur'd the Parliament to ranfom the King, who had been eighteen years a Prifoner, This James was the firft of that name, and tho' he was an excellent Prince, yet had a troublefome Reign ; firfl, in regard of a great Penfion rais'd for his Ranfom ; next, for domeftic Commotions; and laflly, for raifing of Money j which, tho' the Re- venue was exhauiled, was call'd Covetoufnefs. This having offended Robert Graham, he confpir'd with the Earl of Athol^ flew him in his Chamber, his Wife receiving two wounds, endeavouring to de- fend him. THIS James left the Second, a Boy of fix years, whofe Infan- . cy, by the mifguidance of the Governor, made a miferable People, ^' and betray 'd the Earl Douglas to death, and almoft all that great Family to ruin ; but being fupplanted by another Earl of Douglas, the King in his juft age fuffer'd Minority under him, who upon dif- pleafure rebel'd, and was kill'd by the King's own hand. Afterwards having his middle years perpetually molefted with civil Broils, yet go- ing to aflTifl: the Duke oi York againft Henry the Sixth, he was diverted by an £;zg-///Z' Gentleman that counterfeited himfelf a A^^^wa'o (which I mention out of a Manufcript, becaufe I do not remember it in our Stories) and broke up his Army. Soon after befieging Kox- burg, he was flain by the burfling of a Cannon in the twenty ninth year of his Age. JAMES the Second left a Boy of feven Years, governed by his Mo- • ther, and afterwards by the Bo YDS; thro' the perfuafions of Aftrolo- gers and Witches, to whom he was ftrongly addidied, he declin'd to Cruelty; which fo inrag'd the Nobility, that, headed by his Son, they confpired againft him, routing his Forces near Sterling, where he flying to a Mill, and asking for a ConfeflTor, a Priefl: came, who told him, that tho he was no good Priefi, yet he was a good Leech, and with that ftab'd him to the heart. A Parliament approv'd his death, and order'd Indemnities to all that had fought againfl; him. JAMES the Fourth, a Boy of fifteen Years, is made King, go- vern'd by the Murderers of his Father; a prodigal, vainglorious Prince, ^' flain at Floddon Field, or, as fome fuppofe, at Kelfy by the Humes, which (as the Manufcript alledges) feems more probable, in regard that the Iron Belt (to which he added a Ring every Year) which he wore in repentance for the death of his Father, was never found, and there were many, the day of Battle, habited like him. His Succeflbr was his Son James, the Fifth of that name, a Boy of not above two years of age ; under whofe Minority, what by the mifgovernment of j^g^ Tutors, and what by the Factions of the Nobility, Scotland was waA- ed almoft; into Famine and Solitude : however in his juft: Age he prov'd an induftrious Prince, yet could not fo fatisfy the Nobility, but that he and they continued in a mutual heat, till that barbarous execution of young Hamilton fo fill'd him with Remorfe, that he dream'd he came and cut off his two Arms and threaten'd after to cut off his Head. And he difpleas'd the People fo much, that he could not make . his Army fight with the Englip^ then in Scotland ; whereupon he dy'd of grief, having firft heard the death of his two Sons, who dy'd at the inftant 28 The Grounds and inrtant of his t)ream, and leaving a Daughter of five days oldj whom he never faw. 107. THIS was that Mary under whofe Minority (by the weak- nefsof the Governor, and ambition of the Cardinal) the Kingdom felt all thofe Woes that are threaten'd to them whofe King is a Child ; till at length the prevalency of the EngUfJo Arms (awak'd for her caufe) brought the great defign of fending her into France to per- fedlion : So at five Years old fhe was tranfported, and at fifteen mar- ry'd to the Dolphin Francis, after King; while her Mother, a Dauo-hter of the Guise, in her Regency, exercis'd all Rage againfh the Profeffors of the pure Religion then in the dawn. Francis af- ter two Years left her a childlefs Widow, fo that at eighteen flie re- turn'd into Scotland to fucceed her Mother (then newly dead) in her Exorbitancies. I HAD almofl forgot to tell, that this young Couple in the tranfport of their nuptial Solemnities took the Arms and Title o'i. 'Eng- land; which indifcreet Ambition we may fuppofe firft quicken'd the iealoufy of Elizabeth againfl her, which after kindl'd fo great a flame. I N Scotland fhe fliew'd what a flrange influence loofe Education has upon Youth, and the weaker Sex. All the French Efl^eminacies came over with her, and the Court lofl that little Severity which was left. David Riz 10, an //^//rf?/ Fidler, was the only Favourite, and it is too much fear'd, had thofe enjoyments which no Woman can give but flie that gives away her Honour and Chaflity. BUT a little after, Henry Lord T)arnly coming with Mat- thew Earl of Lenox, his Father, into Scotland, fliecafl an Eye upon him, and mari-y'd him. Whether it were to flrengthen her preten- lion to England, he being come of Henry the Seventh's Daughter, as we fliall tell anon, or to colour her Adulteries, and hide the fhame of an Impregnation (tho' fome have whifper'd, that fhe never conceiv'd, and that the Son was fuppofitious) or fome Phrenzy of Affedion drew her that way ; certain it is flie loon declin'd her AfFedlion to her Hufband, and increas'd it to Davi d (he being her perpetual Com- panion at board, and managing all Affairs, while the King with a con- temptible Train was fent away) infomuch that fome of the Nobility that could not digell; this, enter'd a Confpiracy, which the King head- ed, and flew him in her Chamber. THIS turn'd all her negledl of the King into rage, fo that her chiefefl bufinefs was to appeafe her Favourite's Ghofl with the flaughter of her Husband ; poifon was firft attempted, but it being (it feems) too weak, or his Youth overcoming it, that expedlation fail'd. But the Devil and Bothwel fiirnifli'd her with another that fucceeded; flie fo entices him, being fo fick that they were forc'd to bring him in a Horfe-litter to Edinburg, where flie cherifli'd him extremely, till the credulous young Man began to lay a fide fufpicion, and to hope better: So fhe puts him into a niinous houfe near the Palace, from whence no news can be had, brings in her own bed, and lies in the houfe with him ; and at length when the defign was ripe, caufes him one Sunday night, with his Servant, to be flrangl'd, thrown out of the "Window, and the houie to be blown up with Gunpowder, her own rich Bed , having been before fecretly convey 'd away. This and other perfor- mances made her favour upon Bothwel, fo hot, that flie mufl marry him J Reafons of Monarchy. him ; the only obflacle was, he had a Wife already ; but flie was compel'd to fue for a Divorce, which (fo great Perfons being con- cern'd) it was a wonder it lliould be granted fo long as ten daySi Well, fhe marries; but the more honeft Nobility amaz'd atthofe Ex- orbitancies, affemble together, and with Arms in their Hands begin to expoflulate. The new married Couple are forc'd to make back South- wards ; where finding but flender Affiftance, and the Queen fooliflily coming from Dunbar to Leith, was glad at lall to delay a Parly till her dear was efcap'd ; and then (clad in an old tatter'd coat) to yield herfelf a Prifoner. BEING brought to Edinburgh and us'd rather with hate of her former Enormities, than Pity of her prefent Fortune, fhe received a Meflage, that flie muft either relign the Crown to her vSon James (that was born in the time of her Marriage with Darnly) or elfe they would proceed to another Eleftion, and was forc'd to obey. So the Child then in his Cradle was acknowledg'd James the Sixth, bet- io8i ter known afterwards by the Title of Great Britain. THE wretched Mother flying after into England, was entertain'd (tho' with a Guard) by Queen Elizabeth; but after that being fuborn'd by the Papifts, and exafperated by the Guizes, fhe enter'd into Plots and Machinations, fo inconfillent with the Safety of England, that by an Adl of Parliament flae was condemned to death, which flie receiv'd by a Hatchet at Fotheringay Caflle. THE Infancy of her Son was attended with thofe domeflic Evils that accompany the Minority of Kings, In his Youth he took to Wife the Daughter of Demnark (a Woman I hear little of, faving the Cha- r-after Sa lust gives Sempronia, that flie could dance better than became a virtuous Woman) with whom he fuppofing the Earl Gowry too much in League, caus'd him and his Brother to be flain at their own Houfe whither he was invited ; he giving out, that they had an intent to murder him ; and that by Miracle and the Afllftance of fome Men (whom he had inflrudled for that purpofe, and taught their tale) he efcap'd. For this Deliverance (or to fay better, AffalTination) he blafphem'd God with a folemn Thankfgiving once a Year all the Re- mainder of his Life. WELL had it been for us, if our Forefathers had laid hold of that happy opportunity of Elizabeth's Death (in which theTEUTHORS took a period) to have perform'd that which, perhaps in due punifli- ment, has cofl us fo much Blood and Sweat; and not have bow'd under the Sway of a Stranger, difdain'd by the mofl generous and v/ife at that time, and only fupported by the Fadlion of fome, and the Sloth of others ; who brought but a flender Title, and (however the flat- tery of the times cry'd him up for a Solomon) weak Commendations for fuch an Advancement. HIS Title fl:ood thus, Margaret, eldefl: Daughter to Hen- ry the Seventh, was marry'd to James the Fourth, whofe Son James the Fifth had Mary the Mother of James the Sixth, Margaret after her firfl Hufband's death, marries Archibald Douglas Earl of Angus, who upon her begot Margaret Wife of Matthew Earl of L^/zcx, and Mother of that Henry Darnly, whofe tragical End we juft now menticn'd. Now upon this flender Title, and our internal Difl"enfions (for ihe. CccihaHs and EJfexians^ for feveral ends, made perpetual Applications) got I Jammy OQ The Grounds and Jammy from a Revenue of 30000/. to one of almoft two Millions, tho' there were others that had as fair pretences (and what elfe can any of them make ?) the Statute of 25. Edw. 3. exprefly excluding Fo- reigners from the Crown: and fo the Children of Charles Bran- don by Mary the fecond Daughter, Dowager of France, being next to come in. And the Lady Arabella being fprung from a third Hufband (the Lord Stuart) of the faid Margaret, and by a Male Line, carry'd furely fo formidable a pretenfion (it Ihould feem) that even that Iniquity which was perfonally inherent to her, made her days very unhappy, and for moft part captive, and her death ('tis thought) fomewhat too early ; fo cruel are the Perfecu- tions of cowardly Minds, even againft the weakeft and moft unproted:- ed Innocence. AND indeed his Right to the Crown was fo unfatisfadlory even to the moft judicious of thofe days, that Toby Matthews having fuit about fome Privileges which he claim'd to his Bifhoprick (which was then Durham) wherein the King oppos'd him ; and having one day ftated the Cafe before fome of his Friends, who feem'd to approve of it; yes, fays he, I could wifli he had but half fo good a Title to the Crown. And 'tis known that fome Speeches of Sir Walter Rawley, too generous and Englifh for the times, was that which brought him to Trial and Condemnation for a feign 'd Crime ; and af- terwards fo facilitated that barbarous Defign of Gundamar, to cut off his Head for a Crime, for which he was condemn'd fourteen Years before, and which by the CommifTions he after receiv'd (according to the opinion of the then Lord Chancellor, and the greateft Law- yers) was in Law pardon'd. THIS may appear befides our purpofe ; but we could not fever this Confideration, unlefs we would draw him with a half face, and leave as much in umbrage as we expreft. That which moft foiem- niz'd his Perfon was, firft the Confideration of his adhering to the Proteftant Religion ; whereas we are to confider tbr.t thofe flight Ve- litations he had with Bellarntin and the RcfKani/is, tended rather to make his own AuthoiiLy more intrinficall)' ini'enfe and venerable, than to confute any thing they faid : for he had before fhak'd them off as to foreign Jurifdiftion ; and for matter of Popery, it appear 'd in his latter time that he was no luch enemy to it, both by his own com- pliances with the Spanifi Ambafladors , the defign of the Spanijh Match (in which his Son was perfona'lv embark'd) and the flow Affiftances fent to his Daughter, in whofe fafety and proted:ion Pro- teftantifm was at that time fo much concern'd, FOR his Knowledge, he had fome glancings and niblings, which the Severity of the excellent Buchanan forc'd into him in his younger time, and after Converfation fomewhat polifti'd. But tho' I bear not (o great a contempt to his other Works, as Ben Johnson did to his Poetry, yet if they among many others were going to the fire, they would not be one of the firft I fliould refcue, as poffibly ex- pedting a more fevere and refin'd Judgment in many others ; and know- ing that he t]:;at had fo many able Wits at command, might eafily give their Oracles thro' his Mouth. But fuppofe the things generous and fit to live (as I am not yet convlnc'd) yet what commendation is this to a King, who fliould have other bufinefs than fpinning and weaving fine Theories, and engaging in School Chicjuaneries ? which was well un- derftood Reafons of Monarchy. oj derftood by Henry the Fourth, who hearing feme Men celebrate htm withthefe Attributes; yes (anfwer'd he, very tartly) H^-zi a fine Kin"^ afid writes little Books. 'TIS true, he was a good Drol, and poflibly after Greece Wine fomewhat faftious : But of his fubflantial and heroic Wifdom I have not heard any great In fiances. He himfelf us'd to brag of his King-- crajty which was not to render his People happy, and to profecute the ends of a good King, but to feme up the Prerogative, divert Parlia- ments from the due difquifition and profecution of their Freedoms, and to break them up at pleafure ; and indeed his parting with the Cautio- nary Towns of the Low Coiwtries, and that for fo fmall a Sum, fliew'd him a Perfon not fo quickfighted, or unfit to be over-reach'd. F O R his peaceable Reign, honourable and jufl Quarrels he wanted not ; but floth and cowardice witheld him : and indeed the eafe and luxury of thofe times fomented and nourifh'd thofe lurking and peftilent humours, which afterwards fo dangeroufly broke out ia his Son's Reign. WE fliall not trouble his Afhes with the mention of his perfonal Faults; only, if we may compare GodV, Judgments with apparent Sins, we may find the latter end of his Life neither fortunate nor com- fortable to him. His Wife diftafled by him, and feme fay, languifliing of a foul Difeafe ; his eldeft Son dying with too violent fymptoms of Poifon, and that, as is fear'd, by a hand too much ally'd ; his fecond (againft whom he ever had a fecret antipathy) fcarce return'd from a mad and dangerous Voyage; his Daughter (all that was left of that Sex) banifli'd, with her numerous Ifiiie, out of her Hufband's Do- minion, and living in miferable Exile ; and laftly, himfelf dying of a violent death by Poifon, in which his Son w^as more than fufpedled to have a hand, as may be infer'd from Buckingham's Plea, that he did it by the Command of the Prince, and Charles's diflblution of the Parliament that took in hand to examine it; and laftly, his indif- ferency at Buckingham s death (tho' he pretended all love to him alive) as glad to be rid of fo dangerous and fo confiderable a Partner of his Guilt. Yet the miter'd Parafites of thole times could fay, that one went to Heaven in Noah's Ark, the other in Eli/ha's Chariot, he dy- ing of a pretended Fever, flie (as they faid) of a Dropfy. CHARLES having now obtain'd his Brothers Inheritance, car- jqq ry'd himfelf in managing of it like one that gain'd it as he did. The firft of his Ad:s was that glorious attempt upon the lUt of Rhee. The next, that Noble and Chriflian betraying of Rochel, and confequently in a manner the whole Proteftant Intereft in France, The middle of the Reign was heightening of Prerogative and Prelacy, and conform- ing our Churches to the pattern of i2(JOTf ; till at laft jufl Indignation brought his Subjedls of Scotland into England^ and fo forc'd him to call a Parliament : which tho' he fliamelelsly fays in the firft line of the Book, call'd his, was out of his own inclination to Parliaments^ yet how well he lik'd them, may appear by his firft tampering with his own Army in the North, to furprize and difTolve them ; then with the Scots, who at that time were Court proof; then raifing up the Irij]} Rebellion, which has wafted millions of Lives; and laftly, his open fecefTion from Weflminjler, and hoftility againft the tv/o Houfes, which maintain'd a firfland lecond fharp War, that had almoft ruin'd the Nation, had not Providence in a manner immediately interpos'd and refcu'd v~ The Grounds and 'reJcu'd us to Liberty, and made us fuch fignal Inftruments of his Ven- geance, that all wicked Kings may tremble at the example. I N a word, never was man fo refolute and obflinate in a Tyranny ; never People more ftrangely befotted with it. To paint the Image of David with his face, and blafphemoufly to parallel him with Christ, would make one at firft thought think him a Saint: But to compare his Proteflations and Anions ; his Aftions of the Day, his Actions of the Night ; his Proteftant Religion, and his courting of the Pope ; and obedience to his Wife ; we m/ay juftly fay, he was one of the the molt confummate in the Arts of Tyranny that ever was. And it could be no other than God's hand that arrefted him in the height of his Defigns and Greatnefs, and cut off him and his Family, making good his own Imprecations on his own Head. OUR Scene is again in Scotland, which has accepted his Son, whom for diftinftion fake we will be content to call Charles the Second. Certainly thefe People were ftrangely blind as to God's Judgment per- petually pour'd out upon a Family; or elfe wonderfully addicted to their own Intereft, to admit thefpray of fuch a flock ; one that has fo little to commend him, and fo great improbability to further their Defigns and Happinefs; a Popifh Education, if not Rehgion too, however for the prefent he may feem to dilTemble it ; France, the Je- fuits, and his Mother, good means of fuch an improvement ; the dan- gerous Maxims of his Father, befides the Revenge he owes his Death, of which he will never totally acquit the Scots ; his Hate to the whole Nation; his Senfe of Montrose's Death; his backwardnefs to come to them till all other means fail'd (both his foreign beg'd Affiflan- ces, his Propofitions to the Pope, and Commiffions to Montrose) and laflly, his late running away to his old Friends in the North : fo that any man may fee his prefent compliance to be but hiftrionical and forc'd, and that as foon as he has led them into the Snare, and got power into his own hands, fo as that he may appear once more bare- fac'd, he will be a fcourge upon them for their grofs Hypocrily, and leave them a fad inflance to all Nations, how dangerous it is to efpoufe fuch an Intereft, againft which God with fo vifible and fevere a hand does fight, carry'd on by and for the fupport of a tyrannizing Nobility and Clergy, and wherein the poor People are blindly led on by thofe afrighting (but falfe and ungrounded) pretenfions of Perfidy and Perjury, and made inftrumental with their own Eilates and Blood to- wards inflaving and ruining themfelves. TH§ THE COMMON-WEALTH O F C E A N A. To his HIGHNESS The Lord Prote^flor of the Common-wealth of England^ Scotland, and Ireland. -^iid rides ? mutato nomine^ de tc Fabida. narratur. Horat. K 34 The Introduction, or Order of the Worh. Pliny'/ De- ^^^\, C E A N A IS faluted by the Panegyrift after this manner ; O fcription of m ^ the 7T7oJi bkfi andjoftimate of all Countries^ OCEANA! Oceana. S ^ How dejer-vedty has Nature with the Bounties of Heaven atid ^^^-^ Earth indiid thee ? Thy ever-fruitful Womb not clos'd ivith Ice, nor difj'olvd by the raging Star : where Ceres and Bacchus are perpetual 'Twins. Thy Woods are not the Harbour of devouring Bea/is, nor thy continual Verdure the ambuflj of Serpents, but the food of innu- merable Herds and Flocks prefe?iti?ig thee their Shepherdefs with dif ended Dugs, or golden Fleeces. T^he Wings of thy Night involve thee 7iot in the horror of Darknefs, but have Jlill feme white feather ; afjd thy Day is (that for which we efleem Life) the longefi. But this Extafy of Pliny (as is obferv'd by Bertius) feems to allude as well to Marpefia and Patmpea, now Provinces of this Common-wealth, as to Oceana it felf. The Nature of TO fpcak of thc People in each of thefe Countries, this of Oceana^ the People, for fo foft a one, is the mofl martial in the whole World. Let States that aim at Greatnefs (fays Verulamius) take heed how their Nobility atid Gentlemen jnultiply too faf,for that makes the common Subject grow to be a Peafant arid bafe Swain driven out of heart, and in effedl but a Gentleman s Labourer ; jujl as you may fee in Coppice Woods, if you leave the Staddels too thick, you floall never have clean Underwood, but Shrubs and Bujloes : So in Countries, if the Gentlemen be too many, the Commons will be bafe ; and you will bring it to that at lafl, that not the hutt- dredth Poll will be ft for a Helmet, fpecially as to the Infantry, which is the Nerve of an Army, and fo there will be great Population and lit- tle Strength. Ibis of which Ifpeak has been no where better feen than by comparitig ^Oceana afid Yrzncc, whereof Oceana, tho' far lefs in Ter- ritory and Population, has been neverthelef an overjnatch, in regard the middle People of Oceana make good Soldiers, which the Peafants in France do not. In which Words Verulamius (as Machiavel. has done before him) harps much upon a firing which he has not per- fedlly tun'd, and that \?, tho. balance of Dominion or Property : as it fol- lows more plainly in his )^x2Xit of the profound and admirable device of Panurgus King 0/ Oceana, /;/ making Farms and Houfes of Hiifban- dry of a Standard; that is, jnaintain d with fuch a Proportion of Land to than, as may breed a fubjedi to live in convenient plenty, a?id no fer- vile condition, and to keep the Plow in the Hand of the owners, and not mere hirelings. And thus indeed (fays \\s) you flmll attain to Virgil's Character * which he gives of ant lent Italy. BUT the Tillage bringing up a good Soldiery, brings up a good Common-wealth ; which the Author in the praife of Panurgus did not mind, nor Panurgus in deferving that praife: for where the owner of the Plov/ comes to have the Sword too, he will ufe it in de- fence of his own ; whence it has happen'd that the People of Oceana in proportion to their property have been always free. And the Genius of Terra potens arm is atque ubere glcba. this The Introduction, oj- this Nation has ever had fome refemblance with that of antient Ifa/y\, which was wholly addided to Common-wealths, and where Rn^ne came to make the greatefl account of her ruftic Tribes and to call her Confuls from the Plow ; for in the way of Parliaments which was the Government of this Realm, Men of Country-lives have becri ftill intrufted with the greateft Affiiirs, and the People have conftant- ly had an averfion to the ways of the Court. Ambition lovino- to be gay and to fawn, has been a Gallantry iook'd upon as having fomething in it of the Livery ; and Hufbandry, or the Country way of Life tho' of a groffer fpinning, as the befl Stuff of a Common-wealth, ac- cording to Aristotle, fuch a one being the mofl obftinate Allertrefs of her Liberty, and the leaft fubjed: to Innovation or Turbulency, Wherefore till the Foundations (as will be hereafter fliew'd) were re- mov'd, this People was obferv'd to be the leaft fubjeft to Shakings and Turbulency of any : Whereas Common-wealths, upon which the Ci- ty Life has had the ftronger influence, as Athetis, have feldom or ne- ver been quiet ; but at the beft are found to have injur'd their own Bufmefs by over-doing it. Whence the Urban Tribes of Rome, con- filling of the Tiirba forenfis, and Libcrtins that had received their Freedom by manumiffion, were of no Reputation in comparifon of the Ruftics. It is true, that with Venice it may feem to be otherwifej in regard the Gentlemen (for fo are all fuch call'd as have a Right to that Government) are wholly addifted to the City Life : but then the liirba forenfis, the Secretaries, Cittadmi, with the reft of the Populace, are wholly excluded. Otherwife a Common-wealth, confifting but of one City, would doubtlefs be ftormy, in regard that Ambition would be every Man's Trade: but where it confifts of a Country, the Plow in the Hands of the owner finds him a better Calling, and produces the moft innocent and fteddy Genius of a Common- wealth, fuch as is that of Oceana. MARPESIA, being the Northern part of the jfame Ifland, is ne Natui-i if the dry Nurfe of a populous and hardy Nation, but where the Stad- the Marpe- dels have been formerly too thick : whence their Courage anfwer'd not ^'^"^' their Hardinefs, except in the Nobility, who govern'd that Country much after the manner of Poland; but that the King was not eledive till the People receiv'd their Liberty, the Yoke of the Nobility being broke by the Common-wealth of Oceana, which in grateful return is thereby provided with an inexhauftible Magazine of Auxiliaries. P A N O P E A, the foft Mother of a flothful and pufillanimous Peo- ne Natun of pie, is a neighbour Ifland, antiently fubjeiled by the Arms of Oceana ; the?!,xio^%^T&. fince almoft depopulated for fliaking the Yoke, and at length replant- ed with a new Race. But (thro' what virtues of the Soil, or vice of the Air foever it be) they come ftill to degenerate. Wherefore feeing it is neither likely to yield Men fit for Arms, nor necefiary it fliould ; it had been the Intereft of Oceana fo to have difpos'd of this Province, being both rich in the nature of the Soil, and full of commodious Ports for Trade, that it might have been order'd for the beft in rela- tion to her Purfe : which in my opinion (if it had been thought upon in time) might have been heft done by planting it with "Jews, allowing them their own Rites and Laws ; for that would have brought them fuddenly from all parts of the World, and in fufficient numbers. And tho' the 'Jews be now altogether for Merchandize, yet in the Land of Canaan (except fince their exile from whence they have not been Land- ^(j The IntroduHion. Landlords) they were altogether for Agriculture ; and there is no caufe why a Man fhould doubt, but having a fruitful Country, and excellent Ports too, they would be good at both. Panopea well peo- pled, would be worth a matter of four millions dry Rents ; that is, be- fides the advantage of the Agriculture and Trade, which, with a Na- tion of that Induftry, comes at leaft to as much more. Wherefore Panopea being farm'd out to the Jews and their Heirs for ever, for the pay of a provincial Army to proted: them during the term of kvcw Years, and for two Millions annual Revenue from that time forward, befides the Cuftoms which would pay the provincial Army, would have been a Bargain of fuch advantage both to them and this Com- mon-wealth, as is not to be found otherwife by either. To receive the Jews after any other manner into a Common- wealth, were to maim it : for they of all Nations never incorporate, but taking up the room of a Limb, are of no ufe or office to the Body, while they fuck the Nourilhment which would fuftain a natural and ufeful Member. IF Panopea had been fo difpos'd of, that Knapfack, with the M^r- pejian Auxiliary, had been an ineftimable Treafure ; the Situation of thefe Countries being Iflands (as appears by Venice how advantageous fuch a one is to the like Government) feems to have been defign'd by God for a Common-wealth. And yet that, thro' the flreightnefs of Vie Sl/uaihn the place and defed: of proper Arms, can be no more than a Common- e/the^ Cam- ^g^lth for Prcfervation : whereas this, reduc'd to the like Govern- Oceana. ment, is a Common-wealth for increafe, and upon the mightieft foun- dation that any has been laid from the beginning of the World to this Day. Illam arBd c apt em Neptunus compede ftrhigit : Hanc autem glands captiis compkBitiir ulnis. THE Sea gives law to the growth of Venice, but the growth of Oceana gives law to the Sea. THESE Countries having been antiently diftindl and hoftile Kingdoms, came by Morpheus the Marpejian (who fucceeded by hereditary right to the Crown of Oceana) not only to be join'd under one head ; but to be caft, as it were by a Charm, into that profound fleep, which, broken at length by the Trumpet of Civil War, has produc'd thofe effects, that have given occafion to the infuing Dif- courfc, divided into four parts. I. He 37 1. The Preliminaries^^ Jhewing the Frinciphs of Go" vertifnent. 2. The Council o/Legiflators, pewing the Art of jnak- i?ig- a Commo?t-wealth. 3. Ihe Model of the Com??ton-wealth o/" Oceana, fjjew" ing the effeEi of fuch an Art. 4. The Corollary^ fjjewing fome Cojifequences of fuch a Government. The Preliminaries^ fhewing the Principles of Govern?ne?it. JANO TTJ, the mofl excellent Defcriber of the Common-wealth of Venice, divides the whole Series of Government into two Times or Periods. The one ending with the Liberty oiRomCy which was the Courfe or Empire, as I may call it, of Antient Prudence, firfl difcover'd to mankind by God himfelf in the Fabric of the Commonwealth of Ijraei, and afterwards pick'd out of liis Foot- fteps in Nature, and unanimoufly foUow'd by the Greeks and Rommts. The other beginning with the Arms of CiESAR, which, extinguifliing Liberty, were the Tranfition of Antient into Modern Prudence, intro- duc'd by thofe Inundations of i/z^wj', Goths, Vmidals, Lombards, Sax- ons, which, breaking the Roman Empire, deform'd the whole face of the World with thofe ill features of Government, which at this time are become far worfe in thefe weilern parts, except Venice, which e- fcaping the hands of the Barbarians, by virtue of its impregnable Situation, has had its Eye fix'd upon antient Prudence, and is attain'd to a perfeftion even beyond the Copy. RELATION being had to thefe two times, Government {to Definitiom of define it de jure, or according to antient Prudence) is an Art whereby Gown'm^nt- a Civil Society of Men is inftituted and preferv'd upon the Foundation of common Right or Intereft ; or (to follow Aristotle and Livv) It is the Empire of Laws, and not of Men. AND Government (to define it de fa£lo, or according to modern Prudence) is an Art whereby fome man, or fome few men, fubjed: a „.. • City or a Nation, and rule it according to his or their private Intereft : which, becaufe the Laws in fuch cafes are made according to the in- tereft of a man, or of fome tew Families, may be iliid to be the Em- pire of Men, and not of Laws. L- THE h719Z C E A N A THE former kind is that which Machiavel (v/hofe Books are negledted) is the only Pohtician that has gone about to retrieve ; and Pag. iSo. that Leviathan (who would have his Book impos'd upon the P^s- 377- Univerfities) goes about to deftroy. For, // is (fays he) another Er- ror 0/ Aristotle's Politics, that in a well-order d Common-ivealth not Men pjoiild go'veniy but the Laws. What man that has his ?iattiraljenjes, ihd he can neither write nor read, does 7iot find himjelf goverji d by thetn he fears and believes can kill or hurt him when he obeys not ? Or, who believes that the Law can hurt him, which is but Words and Paper, without the Hands ajid Swords of jnen? I confefs, that * the Magillrate upon his Bench is that to the Law, which a Gunner upon his Platform is to his Can- non. Neverthelefsj I fhould not dare to argue with a man of any Li- genuity after this manner. A whole Army, tho' they can neither write nor read, are not afraid of a Platform, which they know is but Earth or Stone ; nor of a Cannon, which without a hand to give fire to it, is but cold Jron ; therefore a whole Army is afraid of one Man. But of this kind is the Ratiocination of Leviathan (as I fliall fhew in divers places that come in my way) throughout his whole Politics, Pag.tii. orworfe; as where he fays of Aristotle and of Cicero, of the Greeks, a?kl of the Komans, who livd under popular States, that they de^ rivdthoje Rights not from the Principles of Nature, but tranfcriU d them into their Books, out of the praSiice of their own Commonwealths, as Gram- marians de/cribe the Rules of Language out of Poets. Which is as if a manlhould tell famous Hervy, that he tranfcrib'd his Circulation of the Blood not out of the Principles of Nature, but out of the Anatomy of this or that Body. T O go on therefore with this Preliminary Difcourfe, I fhall divide it (according to the two definitions of Government relating to Janot- t I 's two times) into two parts. The firfl treating of the Principles of Government in general, and according to the Antients: The Second treating of the late Governments of Ocea?2a in particular, and in that of modern Prudence. DMiumojGo- GOVERNMENT, according to the Antients, and their ■vtrnment. leam'd Difciple Machiavel, the only Politician of later Ages, is of three kinds ; The Government of One Man, or of the better fort, or of the whole People : which by their more learn'd names are call'd Monarchy, Arifiocracy, and Democracy, thefe they hold, thro' their pronenefs to degenerate, to be all evil. For whereas they that go- vern fliould govern according to Reafon, if they govern according to PafTion, they do that which they fliould not do. Wherefore as Reafon and Paffion are two things, fo Government by Reafon is one thing, and the cormption of Government by Paflion is another tiling, but not always another Government : as a Body that is a alive is one thing, and a Body that is dead is another thing, but not always ano- ther Creature, tho' the Corruption of one comes at length to be the Generation of another. The CoiTuption then of Monarchy is call'd tyranny ; that of Arifiocracy, Oligarchy ; and that of Democracy, A- narchy. But Legiflators having found thefe three Governments at the befl to be naught, have invented another confifting of a mix- ture of them all, which only is good. This is the Dod:rine of the Antients. Magiftratut eft lex armata. BUT OCEANA, 3^ BUT Leviathan is pofitive, that they arc all dccelv d, and that there is no other Government in Nature than one of the three • as alfo that the Flefli of them cannot llink, the names of their Corrup- tions being but the names of Men's Phanfies, which will be underfcood when we are fliewn which of them was Senatiis Poptihijque Romanus, T O go my own way, and yet to follow the Antients, the Principled of Government are twofold ; Internal, or the goods of the Mind • and External, or the goods of Fortune. The goods of the Mind are G<>'>'f' »/ 'he natural or acquir'd Virtues, as Wifdom, Prudence, and Courage, ^c. ^'""'""d^f The goods of Fortune are Riches. There be goods alfo of the Body, as Health, Beauty, Strength ; but thefe are not to be brought into ac- count, upon this fcore, becaufe if a Man or an Army acquires Vidory or Empire, it is more from their Difcipline, Arms, and Courage, than from their natural Health, Beauty, or Strength, in regard that a Peo- ple conquer'd may have more of natural Strength, Beauty and Health, and yet find little remedy. The Principles of Government then are in the goods of the Mind, or in the goods of Fortune. To the goods of the Mind anfwers Authority ; to the goods of Fortune, Power or Em- Empire c»i pire. Wherefore Leviathan, tho' he be right where he fays that ■^"''^"■"J'- Riches are Power, is millaken where he fays that Prudence, or the re- putation of P?-udence, is Power : for the Learning or Prudence of a • Man is no more Power than the Learning or Prudence of a Book or Author, which is properly Authority. A learned Writer may have Authority tho* he has no Power; and a foolifli Magiflrate may have Power, tho' he has otherwife no Eftcem or Authority. The diffe- rence of thefe two is obferv'd by Livy in Evander, of whom he fays, * that he govern'd rather by the Authority of others, than by his own Power. ■ - T O begin with Riches, in regard that Men are hung upon thefe, E'»p're\ not of choice as upon the other, but of necefTity and by the Teeth : for as much as he who wants Bread is his Servant that will feed him; if a Man thus feeds a whole People, they are under his Empire. EMPIRE is of two kinds, Domeflic and National, or Foreign DMfion of and Provincial. Empire. DOMESTIC Empire is founded upon Dominion. Domejiic DOMINION is Property real or perfonal, that is to fay, in ^J"^'!'': Lands, or in Money and Goods. <">"nion. LANDS, or the parts and parcels of a Territory, are held h^ Balance in the Proprietor or Proprietors, Lord or Lords of it, in fome propor- T-ands. tion ; and fuch (except it be in a City that has little or no Land, and whofe Revenue is in Trade) as is the proportion or balance of Domi- nion or Property in Land, fuch is the nature of the Empire. I F one Man be fole Landlord of a Territory , or over-balance Ahfilute the People, for example three parts in four, he is Grand Signior : ^^'"""''^y- for fo the Turk is call'd from his Property ; and his Empire is abfolute Monarchy. I F the Few or a Nobility, or a Nobility with the Clergy be Land- Mix'' J Mo- lords, or over-balance the People to the like proportion, it makes the "'"'^h- Gothic balance (to be {hewn at large in the lecond part of this Dif- courfe) and the Empire is mix'd Monarchy, as that of Spain, Poland, and late of Oceana. * Regebat magis Autoritate quam Impeiio, AND 40 Popular Go- i-ernment. Tp-anny. ■Oligarchy. ■Anarchy. Balance in Money. OCEANA. AND if the whole People be Landlords, or hold the Lands fo divided among them, that no one Man, or number of Men, within the compafs of the Few or Ariftocracy, over-balance them, the Empire (without the interpofition of Force) is a Common- wealth. 1 F Force be interpos'd in any of thefe three cafes, it mufl either frame the Government to the Foundation, or the Foundation to the Government ; or holding the Government not according to the ba- lance it is not natural, but violent : and therefore if it be at the devo- tion of a Prince, it is Tyrantiy ; if at the devotion of the Few, Oligarchy ; or if in the power of the People, Anarchy. Each of which Confufions, the balance Handing otherwife, is but of fliort continuance, becaufe againft the nature of the balance, which, not deftroy'd, deflroys that which oppofes it. BUT there be certain other Gonfufions, which, being rooted in the balance, are of longer continuance, and of worfe conlequence ; as firft, where a Nobility holds half the Property, or about that pro- portion, and the People the other half; in which cafe, without altering the balance, there is no remedy but the one muft eat out the other: as the People did the Nobility in Athens, and the Nobility the People in Rome. Secondly, when a Prince holds about half the Dominion, and the People the other half (which was the cafe of the Roman Empe- rors, planted partly upon their military Colonies, and partly upon the Senate and the People) the Government becomes a very Ihambles both of the Princes and the Peopl-^. Somewhat of this nature are certain Governments at this day, which are faid to fubfift by confufion. In this cafe, to fix the balance, is to entail mifery : but in the three for- mer, not to fix it, is to lofe the Government. Wherefore it being un- lawful in Turky, that any fliould pofTefs Land but the Grand Signior, the balance is fix'd by the Law, and that Empire firm. Nor, tho' the Kings often fell, was the Throne of Oceana known to (hake, until ihe Statute of Alienations broke the Pillars, by giving way to the No- bility to fell their Eftates. * While Lacedemon held to the divifion of Land made by Lycurgus, it was immoveable, but, breaking that, could ftand no longer. This kind of Law fixing the balance in Lands is calVd Agrarian, and was firft introduc'd by God himfelf, who di- vided the Land of Canaan to his People by Lots, and is of fuch virtue, that wherever it has held, that Government has not alter'd, except by confent ; as in that unparallel'd example of the People of Ifrael, w^hen being in liberty they would needs choofe a King. But without an Agrarian, Government, whether Monarchical, Ariftocratical, or Po- pular, has no long Leafe. A S for Dominion perfonal or in Money, it may now and then ftir up a Melius or a Manlius, which, if the Common-wealth be not provided with fome kind of DiBatorian Power, may be dangerous, tho' it has been feldom or never fuccefsful : becaufe to Property produc- ing Empire, it is requir'd that it fliould have fome certain root or foot- hold, which, except in Land, it cannot have, being otherw^ife as it were upon the Wing. N E V E R T H E L E S S, in fuch Cities as fubfift moftly by Trade, and have little or no Land, as Holland and Geyioa, the balance of Trea- fure may be equal to that of Land in the cafes mention'd. Si terra recedat. Ionium ^gso frangat mare, BUT OCEANA. 41 BUT Leviathan, tho' he feems to fcew at Antiquity, follow- ing his furious Mafter Carneades, has caught hold of the public Sword, to which he reduces all manner and matter of Government • as, where he affirms this opinion \that any Monarch receives bis Power by Covenant, that is to fay, upon conditions'] to proceed from the not lui- ^"^' ^^' derfta7tding this eafy truth, That Covenants being but Words a7id Breath have nopotver to oblige, contain, conflrain, or proteEi a7iy Man, but "jshat they have jrom the public Sivord. But as he faid of the Law, that with- out this Sword it is but Paper; fo he might have thought of this Sword, that without a Hand it is but cold Iron. The Hand which holds this Sword is the Militia of a Nation ; and the Militia of a Na- tion is either an Army in the field, or ready for the field upon occafion. But an Army is a Beafl that has a great Belly, ai-wl mufl be fedj wherefore this will come to what Paflures you have, and what Paflures you have will come to the balance of Property, without which the pub- lic Sword is but a name or mere fpit-f rog. Wherefore to fet that which Leviathan fays of Arms and of Contracts a little freighter; he that can graze this Beaft with the great belly, as the Turk docs his /l^/.'""^^""' Timariots, may well deride him that imagines he receiv'd his Power by Covenant, or is oblig'd to any fuch toy : it being in this cafe only that Covenants are but Words and Breath. But if the Property of the Nobility, flock'd with their Tenants and Retainers, be the pafture of that Beaft, the Ox knows his Mafter's Crib ; and it is impoflible for a King in fuch a Conftitution to reign otherwife than by Covenant; or if he breaks it, it is words that come to blows. BUT fays he, when an Jfembly of Men is made Sovereign, then no Psg.c)o: Man imagines anyfich Covenant to have pa ft in the Inftitution. But what was that by Publicola of appeal to the People, or that where- by the People had their Tribunes? Fy, fays he, nobody isfo dull as to fay, that the People oj Rome made a Cove?iant with the Romans, to hold ' the Sovereignty on fuch or fuch conditio?2s ; which not perjornid, theKo- mans might depofe the Roman People. In which there be feveral re- markable thinks; for he holds the Common-wealth of Rome to have confifted of one AiTembly, whereas it confifted of the Senate and the People ; that they were not upon Covenant, whereas every Law en- abled by them was a Covenant between them ; That the one AfTembly was made Sovereign, whereas the People who only were Sovereign, were fuch from the beginning, as appears by the antient ftile of their Co- venants or Laws, * The Senate has rejolvd, the People have decreed; That a Council being made Sovereign, cannot be made fuch upon con- ditions, whereas the Decemvirs being a Council that was made Sove- reign, was made fuch upon conditions ; That all Conditions or Cove- nants making a Sovereign, the Sovereign being made, are void ; whence » , g - ' it muft follow that, the Decemviri being made, were ever after the " .' lawful Government of Rome, and that it was unlawfiil for the Com- mon-wealth of Rome to depofe the Decemvirs; asalfothat Cicero, if he wrote otherwife out of his Common-wealth, did not write out of Nature. But to come to others that fee more of this balance. YOU have Aristotle full of it in divers places, efpecially „ where he fays, that imtjioderateJVealth, as where one Man or the Jew have ^ ^ greater Popfjions than the Equality or the Frame of the Commofiwealth * Cenfuere patres, juffit populus. M will 41 OCEANA. 'mil bear, is an occafion of Seditioti, which e?idsJor the greater part i?! Mo- narchy ; and that for this caujethe Ollracljm has been receiv'd in divers ■ places, as in Argos and Athens. But that it were better to prevent the growth in the begin?iing, than, when it has got head, toj'eek the remedy of Jiich an evil. MACHIAVEL has mifs'd it very narrowly and more danger- D.B. I. c. 55. ^^n _ £^j. j^Qj £|jjjy perceiving that if a Common-wealth be gall'd by the Gentry, it is by their over-balance, he fpeaks of the Gentry as hoftile to popular Governments, and of popular Governments as hoflile to the Gentry ; and makes us believe that the People in fuch are fo enrag'd againfl them, tliat where they meet a Gentleman they kill him : which can never be prov'd by any one example, unlefs in civil War ; feeing that even in Switzerland the Gentry are not only fafe, but in honour. But the Balance, as I have laid it down, tho' unfeen by Mach i- AVEL, is that Vv'hich interprets him, and that which he confirms by his Judgment in many others as well as in this place, where he concludes, Ihat he who will go about to make a Common-wealth where there be many Gentlemen, iinlejs he firfl deflroys them, undertakes an ImpoJ/ibility. And that he who goes about to ijitroduce Monarchy where the condition oj the People is equal, fJoall ftever bring it topaj's, unlefs he cull out fuch oj them as are the moft turbulent anda)7ibitious, and ?nake them Gentlemen or No- blemen, not in name but in effect -, that is, by inrichi?ig them with Lands, Caflles, and Jreafures, that may gain them Power among the reft, and bring in the reft to dependance upon them/elves, to the end that they main- taining their Ambition by the Prince^ the Prince may maintain his Power by them. WHEREFORE as in this place I agree with Machiavel, that a Nobility or Gentry, over-balancing a popular Government, is the utter bane and deftrudlion of it; fo I fhall fhew in another, that a Nobility or Gentry, in a popular Government not over-balancing it, is the very life and foul of it. The right of the B Y what has been faid, it fliould feem that we may lay afide further Militia ftated. difputcs of the public Sword, or of the right of the Militia ; which, be the Government what it will, or let it change how it can, is infepa- rable from the over-balance in Dominion : nor, if otherwife flated by the Law or Cuflom (as in the Common-wealth of Rome, * where the People having the Sword, the Nobility came to have the over-balance) avails it to any other end than deflrudlion. For as a Building fwaying from the Foundation muft fall, fo it fares with the Law fwaying from Reafon, and the Militia from the balance of Dominion. And thus much for the balance of National or Domeflic Empire, wliich is iii Dominion. The Balance of THE balance of Foreign or Provincial Empire is of a contrary na- foreign Em- turc. A man may as well fay, that it is unlawful for him who has ^"'^' made a fair and honefl: purchafe to have Tenants, as for a Government that has made a jufl: progrefs, and inlargement of itfelf, to have Pro- vinces. But how a Province may be juftly acquir'd, appertains to ano- ther place. In this I am to fliew no more than how or upon what kind of balance it is to be held ; in order whereto I fliall firfl fliew upon what kind of balance it is not to be held. It has been faid, that nati- onal or independant Empire, of what kind foever, is to be exejcis'd * Confules line lege Curiata rem militarem attingere non potuerujit by OCEANA 43 by them that have the proper balance of Dominion in the Nation • wherefore provincial or dependant Empire is not to be exercis'd bv them that have the balance of Dominion in the Province, becaufc that'would bring the Government from Provincial and Dependant, to National and Independant. Abfolute Monarchy, as that of the Turks, neither plants its People at home nor abroad, othcrwife than as Tenants for life or at will ; wherefore its National and Provincial Government is all one. But in Governments that admit the Citizen or Subjedl to Do- minion in Lands, the richeft are they that fhare mofl of the Power at home ; whereas the richefl: among the Provincials, tho' native Siib- jedts, or Citizens that have been tranfplanted, are leafl; admitted to the Government abroad : for Men, like Flowers or Roots being tranfplant- ed, take after the Soil wherein they grow. Wherefore the Common- wealth of Rome, by planting Colonies of its Citizens within the bounds of Italy, took the befl way of propagating it felf, and naturalizing the Country j whereas if it had planted fuch Colonies v/ithout the bounds of Italy, it would have alienated the Citizens, and given a root to Li- berty abroad that might have fprung up foreign, or favage, and hoftile to her: wherefore it never made any fuch difperfion of it felf and its ftrength, till it was under the yoke of the Emperors, who difburden- ing themfelves of the People, as having lefs apprehenfion of what they could do abroad than at home, took a contrary courfe. THE Mamalucs (which till any Man fhew me the contrary, I {hall prefume to have been a Common- wealth confifting of an Army, where- of the common Soldier was the People, the Commiffion Officer the Senate and the General the Prince) were Foreigners, and by Nation Circajjians, that govern'd /Egypt ; wherefore thefe never durft plant themfelves upon Dominion, which growing naturally up into the Na- tional Intereft, muft have diffolv'd the foreign yoke in that Province. THE like in fome fort may be faid of Venice, the Government whereof is ufually miftaken : for Venice, tho' it does not take in the People, never excluded them. This Common-wealth, the Orders where- of are the mofl Democratical or Popular of all others, in regard of the exquifite Rotation of the Senate, at the firft inftitution took in the whole People ; they that now live under the Government without participa- tion of it, are fuch as have fince either voluntarily chofen fo to do, or were fubdu'd by Arms. Wherefore the Subjed: of Venice is govern'd by Provinces; and the balance of Dominion not ftanding, as has been faid, with Provincial Government : As the Mamalucs durft not caft their Government upon this balance in their Provinces, left the Na- tional Intereft ftiould have rooted out the Foreign ; fo neither dare the Venetians take in their Subjects upon this balance, left the foreign In- tereft fhould root out the National (which is that of the 3000 now go- verning) and by diffufing the Common- wealth throughout her Territo- ries, lofe the advantage of her Situation, by which in great part it fub- fifts. And fuch alfo is the Government of the Spa?iiard in the Indies, to which he deputes Natives of his own Country, not admitting the Creolios to the Government of thofe Provinces, tho' defcended from Spaniards. BUT if a Prince or a Common-wealth may hold a Territory that is foreign in this, it may be afk'd, why he may not hold one that is native in the like manner ? To which I anfwer, becaufe he can hold a foreign by a native Territory, but not a native by a foreign : and as hitherto I have ftiewn what is not the provincial Balance, fo by this anfwer it may 44- OCEANA. may appear what it is, namely the over-balance of a native Territory to a foreign ; for as one Country balances it felf by the dillribution of Property according to the proportion of the fame, fo one Country over- balances another by advantage of divers kinds. For example, the Common-wealth oi Rome over-balanc'd her Provinces by the vigour of a more excellent Government oppos'd to a crazier, or by a more exqui- fite Militia oppos'd to one inferior in Courage or Difcipline. The like was that of the Mamalucs, being a hardy People, to the Mgypfians that were a foft one. And the balance of Situation is in this kind of won- derful effect ; feeing the King of Denmark^ being none of the mofl potent Princes, is able at the Sound to take Toll of the greatefl : and as this King by the advantage of the Land can make the Sea tributary ; fo Venice, by the advantage of the Sea, in whofe arms flie is impreg- nable, can make the Land to feed her Gulf. For the Colonies in the Indies, they are yet Babes that cannot live without fucking the Breads of their Mother Cities, but fuch as I miftake if when they come of age they do not wean themfelves: which caufes me to wonder at Princes that delight to be exhaufted in that way. And fo much for the principles of Povv^er, whether National or Provincial, Domeflic or Fo- reign ; being fuch as are external, and founded in the goods of Fortune. Authority. I C O M E to the principles of Authority, which are internal, and founded upon the goods of the Mind. Thefe the Legiflator that can unite in his Government with thofe of Fortune, comes neareft to the work of God, whofe Government confifls of Heaven and Earth: which was faid bv Plato, tho' in different words, as, when Princes fhould be Philofopiiers, or Philofophers Princes, the World would be £cclef. 10.15. happy. And fays Solomon, Inhere is an evil which I have feen im- Tacit. ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^ nvhich proceeds jrom the Ruler (enimvero neque 7tobilem, ne- que i?tgenuum, ncc libertinum quidem armis praponere, regia utilitas eji) Grot. Folly isfet in great dignity, and the Rich (either in Virtue and Wifdom, in the goods of the Mind, or thofe of Fortune upon that balance which gives them a fenfe of the National Intereft) fit in low places. I have feen Servants Jipon horji's, and Princes ivalkiiig as Servants upon the earth. Sad complaints, that the principles of Power and of Authority, the goods of the Mind and of Fortune, do not meet and twine in the Wreath or Crown of Empire ! Wherefore, if we have any thing of Piety or of Prudence, let us raife our felves out of the mire of private Interefl to the contemplation of Virtue, and put a hand to the removal of this evil from under the Sun ; this evil againft which no Government that is not fecur'd, can be good ; this evil from which the Government that is fecure muft be perfeft. Solomon tells us, that the caufe of it is from the Ruler, from thofe principles of power, which balanc'd up- on earthly trafli, exclude the heavenly treafures of Virtue, and that influence of it upon Government, which is Authority. We have wander'd the Earth to find out the balance of power : but to find out that of Authority, we mufl afcend, as I faid, nearer Heaven, or to the Image of God, which is the Soul of Man. THE Soul of Man (whofe life or motion is perpetual Contem- plation or Thought) is the Miflrefs of two potent Rivals, the one Reafon, the other PafTion, that are in continual fuit; and, according as llie gives up her will to thefe or either of them, is the felicity or mifcry which Man partakes in this mortal life. FOR OCEAN A. 4$ FOR as whatever wasPafllonin the contemplation of a man be- ing brought forth by his will into adlion, is Vice and the bondage of Sin; fo whatever was Reafon in the contemplation of a man beiii'^ brought forth by his will into adlion, is virtue and the freedom o^' Soul. AGAIN, as thoie adlions of a man that v/ere Sin acquire to him- felf Repentance or Shame, and affecft others with Scorn or Pity • fo thofe anions of a man that are Virtue acquire to himfelf Honour and upon others Authority. NOW Government is no othev than the Soul of a Nation or City i wherefore that which was Reafon in the debate of a Common- wealth, being brought forth by the refult, muft be Virtue ; and for as much as the Soul of a City or Nation is the Sovereign Power, her Virtue mufl be Law. But the Government whofe Law is Virtue, and whofe Virtue is Law, is the fame whofe Empire is Authority, and whofe Authority is Empire. .. , . • AGAIN, If the Liberty of a man confifts in the Empire of his Reafon, the abfence whereof would betray him to the bondap-e of his Paffions ; then the Liberty of a Common-wealth confifts in the Em- pire of her Laws, the abfence whereof would betray her to the Luft of Tyrants. And thefe I conceive to be the Principles upon which Ar i- STOTLE and Livv (injurioufly accus'd by Leviathan for not writing out of nature) have grounded their Affertion, 7hat a Com- mon-wealth is an Empire of Laws, and not of Men. But they muft not carry it fo. For, fays he, the Liberty, whcreoj there is fojrequent and Pag. no.' honourable mention in the Hijlory and Philofophy of the ant lent Greeks and Romans, and the Writings and Difcoiirfcs oj thofe that jrom them have receivd all their learning in the Politics, is not the Liberty of particular Men, but the Liberty oj the CotJitnoji-'wealth, He might as well have laid, that the Eftates of particular Men in a Common-wealth are not the Riches of particular Men, but the Riches of the Common- wealth • for equality of Eftates caufes equality of Power, and equality of Power is the Liberty not only of the Com.mon-wealth, but of every Man. But flire a Man would never be thus irreverent with the greateft Au- thors, and pofitive againft all Antiquity, without fome certain demon- ftrationof Truth : and, what is it ? Why, there is written on the Tur- rets of the City o/' Lucca /// great CharaBers at this day the ^vord LI- BERT AS; yet no Man can thence injer, that a particular Man has more Liberty or Immunity from the Service of the Common- wealth there than in Conftantinople. Whether a Common-wealth be Monarchical or Popular, the Freedofn is the fame. The Mountain has brought forth, and we have a little Equivocation ! For to £iy, that a Lucchefc has no more Liberty or Immunity from the Laws oi Lucca, than a Turk has from thofe of Conftantinople, and to fay that a Lucchcfe has no more Liberty or Immunity by the Laws oi Lucca, than a Turk has by thofe of Conflantinople, are pretty different Speeches. The firft may be faid of all Governments alike; the lecond fcarcc of any tv/o ; much lefs of thefe, feeing it is known, that whereas the greateil: Baflm is a Tenant, as well of his Head as of his Eflate, at the Will of his Lord, the meaneft Lucchefe that has Land, is a Freeholder of both, and not to be control'd but by the Law, and that fram'd by every private Man to no other end (or they may thank themfelves) than to proted; the Li- berty of every private Man, which by that means comes to be the Li- berty of the Common-wealth, N BUT 4-6 OCEANA- BUT feeing they that make the Laws in Common-wealths are but Men the main Queftion feems to be, how a Common-wealth comes to be an Empire of Laws, and not of Men ? or how the Debate or Re- falt of a Common-wealth is fo fure to be according to Reafon ; feeing they who debate, and they who refolve, be but Men ? And as often as Reafon is againjl a Man, fo often ivill a Man be agaijifl Reafon. Hobs. THIS is thought to be a fhrewd faying, but will do no harm; for be it fo that Reafon is nothing but Interell, there be divers Interefts, and fo divers Reafons. AS firft, there is private Reafon, which is the Interefl of a private Man. SECONDLY, There is Reafon of State, which is the Intereft (or Error, as was faid by Solomon) of the Ruler or Rulers, that is to fay, of the Prince, of the Nobility, or of the People. THIRDLY, There is that Reafon, which is the Intereft of Man- Hookeri B. i. kind, or of the whole. Noiv f'wefee even in thofe natural Agents that iiuint jenje, that as in them/ehes they have a Law ivhich dtretls them in the means whereby they tend to their ownperJeBion, fo likewife that another Law there is, which touches them as they arefociable parts united into one Body, a Law which binds them each tojerve to others good, and all to pre- jer the good of the whole, before whatjoever their own particular ; as when Jlones, or heavy things forfake their ordinary want or cetiter, andfy up- wards, as ij they heard themfelves commanded to let go the good they pri- vately wip, and to relieve the pre lent diflref of Nature in common. There is a common Right, Law of Nature, or Intereft of the whole ; which is more excellent, and fo acknowledg'd to be by the Agents Grot. themfelves, than the Right or Intereft of the Parts only. Wherefore tho it may be truly faid that the Creatures are naturally carry djorth to their proper utility or profit, that ought tiot to be taken in too general a fenfe; feeing divers of them abjiainfrotn their own profit, either in regard of thofe of thejame kitjd, or at leaf of their yoimg. MANKIND then muft either be lefs juft than the Creature, or ac- knowledge aifo his common Intereft to be common Right. And if Rea- fon be nothing elfe but Intereft, and the Intereft of Mankind be the right Intereft, then the Reafon of Mankind muft be right Reafon. Now compute well ; for if the Intereft of popular Government come the neareft to the Intereft of Mankind, then the Reafon of popular Go- vernment muft come the neareft to right Reafon. B U T it may be faid, that the difficulty remains yet ; for be the Intereft of popular Government right Reafon, a Man does not look upon Reafon as it is right or wrong in it felf, but as it makes for him or againft him. Wherefore unlefs you can fliew fuch Orders of a Government, as, like thofe of God in Nature, ftiall be able to conftrain this or that Creature to ftiake off" that Inclination which is more peculiar to it, and take up that which regards the common Good or Intereft ; all this is to no more end, than to perluade every man in a popular Government not to carve himfelf of that which he defires moft, but to be mannerly at the public Table, and give the beft from himfelf to Decency and the common Intereft. But that fuch orders may be eftablifti'd, as may, nay muft give the upper hand in all cafes to common Right or Intereft, notwith- ftanding the nearnefs of that which fticks to every man in private, and this in a way of equal certainty and facility, is known even to Girls, being no other than thofe that are of common pradice with them in divers OCEANA. 47 divers cafes. For example, two of them have a Cake yet undivided- which was given between them : that each of them therefore may have that which is due. Divide, fays one to the other, and I will chooie • or let me divide, and you fliall choofe. If this be but once agreed up- on, it is enough : for the divident, dividing unequally, lofes, in rcnird that the other takes the better half; wherefore flie divides equally, and fo both have right. O the depth of the Wifdom of God ! and yet by the mouths of Babes and Sucklings has he fet forth his Jlrength ; that which great Philofophers are difputing upon in vain, is brought to light by two harmlefs Girls, even the whole Myftery of a Common-wealth, which lies only in dividing and choofing. Nor has God (if his Works in Nature be underftood) left fo much to Mankind to difpute upon, " as who fhall divide, and who choofe, but diftributed them for ever in- to two Orders, whereof the one has the natural right of dividing, and the other of choofing. For Example : A C O M M O N-W E A L T H is but a civil Society of Men : let ne Or^en of us take any number of Men (as twenty) and immediately make a fP'"-^'^'' G^- Common-wealth. Twenty Men (if they be not all Idiots, perhaps];^™"'""'" if they be) can never come fo together, but tliere will be fuclxa dif- ference in them, that about a third will be wifer, or at leaft lefs foolifli than all the reft ; thefe upon acquaintance, tho' it be but fmall, will be difcover'd, and (as Stags that have the largeft Heads) lead the Herd : for while the fix difcourfing and arguing one with another, fliew the eminence of their parts, the fourteen difcover things that they never thought on ; or are clear'd in divers Truths which had formerly perplex'd them. Wherefore in matter of common concernment, diffi- culty, or danger, they hang upon their lips as Children upon their Fathers ; and the influence thus acquir'd by the fix, the eminence of whofe parts is found to be a ftay and comfort to the fourteen, is * the Authority of the Fathers. Wherefore this can be no other than a na- tural Ariftocracy difFus'd by God throughout the whole Body of Man- kind to this end and purpofe ; and therefore fuch as the People have not only a natural, but a pofitive Obligation to make ufe of as their Guides ; as where the People of Ifrael are commanded to t'ake isoife Men, Cgut. i . 1 3. and under (landing, and known among their Tribes, to be made Rulers over them. The fix then approv'd of, as in the prefent cafe, are the Senate, not by hereditary Right, or in regard of the greatnefs of their Eftates only (which would tend to fuch Power as might force or draw the People) but by election for their excellent Parts, which tends to the advancement of the influence of their Virtue or Authority that leads the People. Wherefore the Office of the Senate is not to be Com- manders, but Counfellors of the People ; and that which is proper to Counfellors is firft to debate, and afterward to give advice in the bu- fmeft whereupon they have debated ; whence the Decrees of the Senate are never Laws, nor fo -f- call'd ; and thefe being maturely fram'd, it is their Duty || to propofe in the cafe to the People. Wherefore the Senate is no more than the debate of the Common-wealth. But to debate, is to difcern or put a difference between things that, being alike, are not the fame; or it is feparating and weighing this reafon againft that, and that reafon againft this, which is dividing. Authoritas Patrum. f Senatufconfutta. || Ferre ad Populum, THE 48 OCEANA The People. THE Senate then having divided, who fliall choofe ? Afk the Girls : for if fhe that divided muft have chofen aUb, it had been little worfe for the other in cafe flie had not divided at all, but kept the whole Cake to her felf, in regard that being to choofe too, flie divided accordingly. Wherefore if the Senate have any farther power than to divide, the Common-wealth can never be equal. But in a Com- mon-wealth confifting of a fingle Council, there is no other to chooie than that which divided ; whence it is, that fuch a Council fails not to fcramble, that is, to be faftious, there being no other dividing of the Cake in that cafe but among themfelves. N O R is there any remedy but to have another Council to choofe. The Wifdom of the Few may be the Light of Mankind ; but the In- tereft of the Few is not the Profit of Mankind, nor of a Common- wealth. Wherefore feeing we have granted Intereft to be Reafon, they muft not choofe, left it put out their Light. But as the Council divid- ing confifts of the Wifdom of the Common-wealth, fo the Affembly or Council choofing fliould confift of the Intereft of the Common- wealth : as the Wifdom of the Common-wealth is in the Ariftocracy, fo the Litereft of the Common-wealth is in the whole body of the People. And whereas this, in cafe the Common-wealth confift of a whole Nation, is too unweildy a body to be afiembled, this Council is to confift of fuch a Reprefentative as may be equal, and fo confti- tutcd, as can never contrad: any other Intereft than that of the whole People ; the manner whereof, being fuch as is beft {hewn by Exem- plification, I remit to the Model. But in the prefent cafe, the fix dividing, and the fourteen choofing, muft of neceflity take in the whole intereft of the twenty. DIVIDING and choofing in the language of a Common- wealth is debating and refolving ; and whatfoever upon debate of the Senate is propos'd to the People, and refolv'd by them, is enadled * by the authority of the Fathers, and by the power of the People, which concurring, make a Law. The Magi- BUT the Law being made, fays Leviathan, is but Words P^O'- and Paper 'without the Hands and Su-ords of Men ; wherefore as thofe two Orders of a Common-wealth, namely the Senate and the People, are Legiflative, fo of necefTity there muft be a third to be executive of the Laws made, and this is the Magiftracy ; in which order, with the reft being wrought up by art, the Common-wealth confifts oi the Senate fropofing, the People rejohing^ and the Magiftracy executing : wliereby partaking of the Ariftocracy as in the Senate, of the Democracy as in the People, and of Monarchy as in the Magiftracy, it is complete. Now there being no other Common-wealth but this in Art or Nature, it is no wonder if Machiavel has fliew'd us that the Antients held this only to be good ; but it feems ftrange to me, that they fliould hold that there could be any other : for if there be fuch a thing as pure Mo- narchy ^ yet that there fliould be fuch a one as pure Ariftocracy^ or pure Democracy^ is not in my underftanding. But the Magiftracy both in number and funftion is different in different Common-wealths. Ne- verthelefs there is one condition of it that muft be the fame in every one, or it diflblves the Common-wealth where it is wanting. And this is no lefs than that as the hand of the Magiftrate is the executive * Authoritate Patium & juffli Populi. Power OCEANA. 4^ i'owcr of the Law, fo the head of the Magiftrate is anfwcrable to the People that his execution be according to the Law ; by which Levia- than may fee that the hand or fword that executes the Law is in it and not above it. NOW whether I have rightly tranfcrib'd thefe Principles of ■s^Tn: Orders c/ Common-wealth out of Nature, I fliall appeal to God and to the "^ Cokko,!- World. To God in the Fabric of the Common-wealth of Ifracl: nnd "priLu" IT to the World in the univerfal Series of antient Prudence. But in '•'«-' regard the fame Common-wealths will be open'd at large in the Coun- cil of Legiflators, I fliall touch them for the prefent but (lightly, be- ginning with that of Ifrael. THE Common-wealth o{ Ifrael confifted of the Senate, the People, o/ifrad, and the Magiftracy. THE People by their firfl: divifion, which was genealoc^ical. Were contain'd under their thirteen Tribes, Houfes, or Families; whereof the > firfl-born in each was Prince of his Tribe, and had the leading of it : Numb. i. the Tribe of Levi only being fet apart to ferve at the Altar, had no other Prince but the High Pricfl. In their fecond divifion they were divided locally by their Agrarian, or the diftribution of the Land of J°'^-''^^- "3^ Crt;?^^;Kothem by lot, the Tithe of all remaining to L::.vi ; whence ""^'^'^-■ according to their local divifxon, the Tribes are reckon'd but Twelve. THE AfTemblies of the People thus divided were methodically ga- ihe People. ther'd by Trumpets to the Congregation ; v/hich was, it fliould feem, of twolbrts. For if it were call'd by one Trumpet only, the Princes ""^ ' '°'''' of the Tribes and the Elders only alTembl'd ; but if it were call'd with two, the whole People gather'd themfelves to the Congregation, Mumb lo. \'. for fo it is render'd by the Englipo : but in the Gfeek it is call'd Eccle/ia, Judg. 20. 2. or the Church of God, and by the lalmudiji, the great Synagogue. The word Ecclejia was alfo antientiy and properly us'd for the Civil Congregations or AfTemblies of the People in Athens, Lacedemon, and Ephefus, where it is fo call'd in Scripture, tho' it be otherwife render'd Ads 19. 23. by the Tranflators, not much as I conceive to their commendation, feeing by that means they have loft us a good leffon, the Apoftles bor- rowing that name for their Spiritual Congregations, to the end that we might fee they intended the Government of the Church to be Demo- cratical or Popular, as is alfo plain in the reft of their Conftitutions. THE Church or Congregation of the People of Ifrael alfembl'd in a military manner, and had the refult of the Common-wealth, or jud