V Shakespeares Europe Printed by permission of the President and Fellows of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, owners of the MS. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE UNPUBLISHED CHAPTERS OF Fynes Moryson's Itinerary Being a Survey of the Condition of Europe at the end of the i6th Century With an Introduction and an Account of Fynes Moryson's Career by CHARLES HUGHES B.A. (London). LONDON SHERRATT & HUGHES 59 LONG ACRE 1903 4 trbese MritlnQS of FYNES MORYSON flow tor tbe first time printeb an& completing bis 5tinerarp publtsbefe in 1617 are ^e^)icate^ by CHARLES HUGHES 13arn Hgent, of /ftancbester to bis olb trienb anb teacber ADOLPHUS WILLIAM WARD, LittD., /Raster ot ipeterbouse, Cambribge [of wbicb College tbc ealD jfBucs Aorseon was a JcHow] anO fotmerlg principal ot ©wens College, /IDancbester [of wbicb dollcde fbe saiD Cbatlee t>ugbe0 is an Baeociate] ifebruarg, 1903 Facsimile— somewhat reduced— of a page of the MS. from which this volume is printed— No. 94, CC.C, Oxford— The Italian quotations are in Moryson's Roman hand. See pages 401-402. w*>- A-^^^***^ -'^^aA-^t^ f^^^-fc/y'-^i-^ V '■-y^^ --^ ^-y^ V^y r^-^wr, 4U-;*i^»^-^ ^»-/^A/^ ^^Vwv\»>-y-** •„ . • . . . I viris Johano Bell in tlieologia et Kicno uridgv ' del Master of Peterhouse : Anno Domini millesinio jjuingentessimo octuagessimo sexto decir imo tertio Marti, Fyneus Moryson loco lliomae Dixy a venerabilibus mo Bell in theologia et Rich6 Bridgwater in jure civili Doctoribus et spiritualitatis Ellens' sede vacante custod' delegat' in perpetuum socius hujus Collegii sancti Petri admissus fuit ; et eodem die ejusdem anni coram .sociis dicti Collegii personaliter constitutus juramentum corporaliter prspstitit quod singulis ordinationibus et statutis dicti Collegii quantum in ipso est reverenter obediret et specialiter praeter hoc de non appellando contra amotionem suam secundum modum et formam statutorum priudictonim, et de salvando cistam magistrorum Thomae de Castro Bernardi et Johannis Holbroke quantum in ipso est indemnem. per me Fyneu Morison Lincolniensem. FELLOW OF PETERHOUSE. Hi. told me that shee could not come to my commencement; I being within five months to proceed Master of Arts and shee having promised at that time to come to Cambridge : And when I related this dreame to my brother, both of us awaking together in a sweat, he protested to me that he had dreamed the very same, and when we had not the least knowledge of our mother's sickenesse neither in our youthfull affections were any whit affected with the strangenesse of this dreame, yet the next Carrier brought us word of our mothers death." ' Morysonhad for some years had an ambition to be a traveller, and j^e statutes of Peter- house permitted two of the Fellows to travel.^ His parents had given their consent, and he deliberately prepared himself for the task of surveying the different countries of Europe. Many young Englishmen of good family had a craving for travel, and , it was especially their custom to visit the Italian Universities.' Moryson, however, seems from the first to have had special aims, and to have resolved to write an account of Europe, to make, in fact, a sociological survey of the civilised world of his time. Before he went abroad he was admitted to an ad eundem M.A. degree at Oxford.* This was an honour frequently given to graduates of Cambridge, Leyden, and other Universities. There is little doubt that his reason for desiring an 1. Itinerary, Pt. I., Page 19. 2. The Peterhouse records liave a inenioraiuhiiii of a grant on August 3nl, 1590, to Fynes Moryson of "leave to discontinue," by request of his Grace of Canterbury, (Queen Elizabeth's "little black husband," Whitgift, a Lincolnshire man, boni at Grimsby) ; the tenu was for five years from the Fea.st of All Saints' next ensuing, Tlie records also sliew entries on August 3rd, 1590, June 17, 1594, and Oct. 27, 1595, giving Fynes Moryson extra leave to travel beyond the seas. 3. For example, George Craumer and Edwin Sandys, the friends and pupils of Richard HooKer, spent three years travelling and studying in France, Germany, and Italy. 4. According to Wootl's Athenae, Moryson was " incori^rated " M.A. on March 22, 159 Naples. Moryson's plans were changed on his first journey by the death of his father. " Whilst I lived at Prage and one night had set up very lat« drinking at a feast, early in the morning the Sunne beames glancing on my face, as I lay in bed, I dreamed that a shadow passing by told me that my father was dead; at which awaking all in a sweat and affected with this dreame, I rose and wrote the day and houre and all circum- stances thereof in a paper booke, which Booke, with many other things I put into a barrel and sent it from Prage to Stode thence to be conveied into England. And now being at Nurnberg, a Merchant of a noble family, well acquainted with me and my friends arrived there, who told me that my father died some two months past. I list not write any lies but that which I write is as true as strange. When I returned into England some four yeeres after, I would not open the barrell I sent from Prage nor ▼iU. LIFE OF FYNES MORYSON. looke on the paper Booke in which I had written this dreame, till I had called my sisters and some friends to be witnesses, ' where myself and they were astonished to see my written dreame answere the veiy day of my father's death." ^ Moryson arranged, while in the Low Countries, to realise his small patrimony (" for in England gentlemen give their younger sons lease, than in forraine parts they give to their bastards "), and this must have required much correspondence with his father's . executors in England. I have been able to obtain a copy of Thomas Moryson's will which was registered in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury and is preserved in Somerset House. ^ It is a formal and care- fully drawn document, the will of an energetic man who had been successful in his life and desired to order things, so far as might be, after his death. The following passages relate to his third son. " Item I give and bequeath to my sonn ffines Morison three hundred pounds of good and lawfull money of Englande, To be paide unto him when he shall come and be of the age of twentie eighte yeeres. And in the meane time I will that my Exequutors shall paie unto him Tenn poundes yeerelie unto suche time as he shall come and be of the age of twenty eighte yeeres. Item I giue unto my said son ffines Morison the advouson of the nexte gifte of the prebende or rectorie of Louthe in the said countie. The which I and my son ^ George Alington have of the gifte and graunte of Mr. Devereux and Mr. Cave esquiere Item I giue and bequeathe to my sonns ffynes Morison, Henrie Morison, Richarde Morison And to my daughters Jane AUington and fEaithe Massenden all my plate nowe in my house in London, not bequeathed in this my laste will and testamente, to be divided amongste them by the dis- crecion of my Exequutors or anie two of them." It does not seem too fanciful to read into these bequests that Thomas 1. Itinerary, Pt. I., Page 19. 2. The reference to this will was found in Vol. IV. of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury Wills, 1584 — 1604, i8.sued by the British Record Society, Ltd. 3. Son-in-law. METHODS OF TRAVEL. ix. Moryson had intended his son Fynes for the Church. Probably he had sent him to Cambridge with that intent, and had secured the next presentation to Louth Church for a very definite pur- pose. The son's yearning to see the world had spoiled his father's plans, and the bequest of the advowson may have been intended as a hint to the wanderer that he might yet reconsider his career. Louth Church is an exceptionally imposing and beautiful building even for Lincolnshire, than which, according to Thomas Fuller, no county affords worse houses or better churches. So Fynes Moryson may be considered to have sacri- ficed a comfortable and dignified position in the Church to his passion for travel. No doubt he got a fair price for his advow- son, and probably realised altogether about £500 from his father's bequests. It must be noted that the starting point of Moryson's Continental journey was Stade,^ near the mouth of the Elbe, the reason being that the English merchants had recently removed their traffic from Hamburg to Stade, and thus infiised fresh life into this once important town. From Stade ships were constantly sailing between the Elbe and the Thames, and therefore when Moryson hastened home from his second journey he rode on horseback from the mainland near Venice to Stade, as along the great trade route, to a place where he was sure of a speedy crossing to London. In this case Moryson bought two horses for himself and his servant, and sold them without lose at Stade. In his early journey he bought a horse at Cracow, and rode it to Padua, and this method seems to have been the swiftest and safest for long journeys. Often travellers joined at a carriage, and often the carriers' carts offered a convenient, though leisurely, conveyance. In Italy the vetturino system was in force — -that is, a personally conducted tour, the traveller being relieved from all haggling with natives. By this predecessor of the Cook system Moryson travelled from Bome to Naples and back. In Italy he sometimes tried 1. Moryson gpella it Stode or Stoade. a2 t. LIFE OF FYNES MORYSON. walking, and seems to have enjoyed it,* but does not recommend it for Germany or other countries. It must be remembered that Moryson took great trouble to learn the German,^ Italian and French languages, that he could not only speak but write them, and that he also spoke and wrote Latin with facility. Indeed, all the accounts of his travels were written in Latin as he records on the title-page of his printed volume, and he evidently hoped to publish his book in the universal language. He is very reticent as to the names of the Englishmen whom he met when abroad ;' for example, in Holland he notes that Brill was in English occupation, Bergen-op-Zoom held by English in States' pay, and Flushing garrisoned by ten companies of English, under Sir Robert Sidney; yet he makes no mention of any conversation with individual Englishmen. In Rome he called on Cardinal Allen to ask his "protection," but carefully avoided association with English Papists, lest he should be drawn into religious discussions. Before his departure from Rome he " interviewed " Cardinal Bellarmine, waiting for him at the Jesuits' College. " I followed him into the CoUedge (being attired like an Italian and carefull not to use any strange gestures ; yea, forbearing to view the Colledge or to looke upon any man fully, lest I should draw his eyes upon me). Thus I came to Bellarmine's chamber, that I might see this man so famous for his learning and so great a Champion of the Popes : who seemed to me not above forty yeeres old, being leane of body, and something low of stature with a long visage and a little sharpe beard upon the chin, of a broune colour, 1. He walked three days from Genoa into Milanese territory, and after- wards from Pavia to Milan. 2. He frequently passed himself as a German (Dutchman) in Italy. He commonly speaks of the Germans as Dutchmen, and of the Dutch as Nether- landers. The descendants of those fellow-countrymen of Moryson and Shake- speare, who emigrated to New England and to Virginia, have continued to speak of Germans as Dutchmen until the last few years. 3. Exception must be made of Francis Markham, "an English gentleman whom I left at Heidelberg," and the Davers or Danvers brothers hereafter mentioned. Francis Markham was brother to Gervase Markham. He was studying law at Heidelberg, after a period of soldiering in the Low Countries. He afterwards served as a Captain under Essex, in France and Ireland. In later life he became muster-master at Nottingham, where he wrote " The Booke of Honour," published in 1625. BELLARMINE AND BEZA. xi. and a countenance not very graue, and for his middle age, wanting the authority of grey heires. Being come into his chamber and having made profession of my great respect to him, I told him that I was a Frenchman and came to Rome for performance of some religious vowes, and to see the monuments, especially those which were living, and among them himselfe most especially, earnestly intreating, to the end I might from his side returne better instructed into my Countrey, that he would admit me at vacant houres to enjoy his graue conversa- tion. He gently answering, and with grauity not so much swallowing the praises I gaue him, as shewing that my company should be most pleasing to him, commanded his Novice, that he should presently bring me in when I should come to visit him, and so after some speeches of curtesie, he dismissed me who meant nothing less than to come again to him." ^ It must not be supposed that he indulged in these mystifications without very good reason. He was willing to take a little risk for the pleasure of coming into personal contact with a great man, but as an English Protestant he was in constant peril of the clutches of the Inquisition. The protection of Cardinal Allen might have been of small avail, and he informs us that it was only since the defeat of the Spanish Armada that Allen himself had ceased to persecute Protestants. As an antidote against his conversation with Bellarmine, Moryson took the opportunity, when he reached Geneva on his way home, to visit Beza, the head of the Calvinist Church. " Here I had great contentement to speake and converse with the reuerent Father Theodore Beza who was of stature something tall, and corpulent, or big boned and had a long thicke beard as white as snow. He had a graue Senatours countenance and was broad-faced but not fat, and in generall by his comely person, sweet affabilitie, and gravitie he would have extorted reuerence from those that least loued him. I walked with him to the Church, and giving attention to his speech, it happened that in the Church porch I touched the poore man's box with my fingers and this reuerend 1. Itin., Part I., Page 142. xiL LIFE OF FYNES MORYSON. man soone perceived my errour, who hauing used in Italy to dip my fingers towards the holy water (according to the manner of the Papists, lest the omitting of so small a matter generally used, might make me suspected of my Religion and bring me into dangers of greater consequence) did now in like sort touch this poore man's box mistaking it for the Font of holy water. I say, hee did soone perceiue my errour, and taking me by the hand, advised me hereafter to eschew these ill customes, which were so hardly forgotten."^ In Moryson's accounts of Rome and other Italian cities he shows little or no knowledge of architecture or appreciation of art. Of St. Peter's Church he remarks " They say it was built by Constantine the Great." He gives absolutely no indication that what he saw was partly the present St. Peter's and partly the old basilica of Constantine, the eastern portion of which was not pulled down till 1606.^ This certainly seems to show a want of intelligent observation, , though we have no right to expect much accuracy of detail from a traveller who saw all the sights of Rome in four days. His account of this four days' sight-seeing fills twenty large folio pages containing as much matter as fifty pages of this volume.^ In passing through France on his way to England Moryson in- curred much danger, as the country was full of disbanded soldiers returning to their homes, the Civil War between Henri IV. and the League having come to an end. Though he sold his horse and went on foot with an appearance of poverty, this did not save him, for he was robbed of his " inward doublet wherein I had quilted the gold," and of his "sword, cloake and shirtes." The soldiers left him the rest of his " apparell, wherein I doe acknowledge their courtesie since theeues give all they doe not take." His elaborate precautions, however, saved him from absolute destitution. " One thing in this miserie made me glad. 1. Itinerary, Part I., Page 181. 2. Lanciani, The Destruction of Rome, Page 253. 3. It was probably largely based on tlie guide-book printed in Venice en- titled " Le Cose Maravigliose della CittJi di Roma." A copy of the appendix to this book, called " La Guida Romana," printed in Rome in 1562, has recently l)een discovered by Mr. W. M. Voynich, with a preface shewing that the author was an Englishman named Shakerley. IN FRANCE. xiiL I formerly said that I sold my horse for 16 French Crownes at Metz, which Crownes I put in the bottome of a wooden box and covered them with a stinking ointment for scabs. Sixe other French Crownes for the worst event I lapped in cloth, and thereupon did wind divers colored threads, wherein I sticked , needles, as if I had been so good a husband as to mend my own clothes. This box, and this ball of thread I had put in my hose as things of no worth; and when in spoiling me they had ■ searched my pockets they first tooke the boxe and smelling the stinke of the ointment they cast it away on the ground ; neither were they so frugall to take my bal of thread to mend their hose, but did tread it likewise under their feet. Then they rode swiftly to their companions, and I with some sparke of joy in , my greater losse tooke up the box and ball of thread, thinking myself lesse miserable, that by the Grace of God I had some money left to keepe me from begging iu a strange Countrey." In Paris he had some difficulty in raising money, but was assisted by two English brethren,' " namely Sir Charles and Sir Henry Davers who for an ill accident ^ lined there as banished men," and whose remittances had been confiscated by Queen Elizabeth. " Yet did they not cast off all care to provide for me but with great importunitie perswaded a starueling Merchant to furnish me with ten French Crownes." Before leaving for England Moryson journeyed to Fontainebleau to see Henri IV., a sight well worth seeing, no doubt, and very sugges- . tive to such a sturdy Protestant as Moryson. Though he had 1. Itinerary, Part I., Page 186. 2. They had killed in a quarrel a Wiltshire gentleman named Long, of the same family as the present President of the Local Government Board. They were not pardoned till 1598. Charles Davers (or Danvers) was indebted for his escape from England to Shakespeare's patron the Earl of Southampton, through whom he was afterwards involved in the Essex conspiracy. He was executed on Tower Hill, March 18, 16(10 — 1601. His estates were confiscated, but after the accession of James I. were restored to his brother Henry Danvers, who afterwards became Earl of Danby and lived till 1644. Another brother, John Danvers, when a youth of twenty, married Magdalen Herbert, the widowed mother of Lord Herbert of Cherbury, and of George Herbert. This lady was twice as old as her husband and liad been the mother of ten children, yet, according to their friend Dr. John Donne, they were a liappy couple. John Danvers lived to sign the death warrant of Charles I. xhr. LIFE OF FYNES MORYSON. I taken some trouble to see the King he says absolutely nothing about him. Probably he thought the more. So Moryson returned home from his first journey after four years' absence, and came to the London house of his sister Jane, wife of George Alington.^ " It happened that (in regard of my robbing in France) when I entered my sister's house in poore habit, a servant of the house upon my demand answered that my sister was at home; but when he did see me goe up the staires too boldly (as he thought) without a guide, hee not knowing me in respect of my long absence did furiously and with • threatning words call me backe, and surely would have been rude with me had I not gone up faster than he could follow me, and just as I entred my sisters chamber he had taken hold on my old cloake which I willingly flung of, to be rid of him. Then by my sisters imbraces he perceived who I was, and stole backe as if he had trodden upon a Snake." ^ Before the end of the year Moryson started again, taking with him his younger brother Henry, who also had a longing for foreign travel. Moryson felt that he had seen most of Europe, for Spain was practically sealed to him owing to the continued war, "Yet I had an itching desire to see Jerusalem the fountaine of Religion and Constantinople of old the seate of Christian Emperors, and now the seate of the Turkish Ottoman." Henry Moryson " put out some four hundred pounds, to be repaied twelve hundred pounds upon his returne from those two Cities, and to lose it if he died in the journey."^ This method - of insuring the costs of a journey in the event of a safe return was not uncommon, and is mentioned in Shakespeare's 1 . George Alington, of Swinhope, of whom some account is given on Page xxii. 2. Itinerary, Part I., Page 197. 3. Moryson takes another opportunity of reprehending "the English Law most unmeasurably favouring elder brothers," and " the ignorant pride of ■ fathers," by which younger sons "rush into all vices," and makes the singularly false statement "aU wise men confesse that nothing is more contrary to gooa- nesse than poverty." RAISING MONEY FOR TRAVEL. xv.' " Tempest." * Moryson followed his brother's example, " Onely I gave out one hundred pound to receiue three hundred at my return among my brethren and some few kinsmen and dearest friends of whom I would not shame to confesse that I had received so much of gift. And lest by spending upon ^ the stocke my patrimony should be wasted, I moreover gave to fine friends one hundred pounds with condition they should have it if I died, or after three yeeres should repay it with one hundred and fifty pound gaine if I returned ; which I hold a disadvantageous adventure to the giver of the money. Neither did I exact this money of any man by sute of Law after my returne which they willingly and presently paid me only some few excepted, who retaining the very money I gave them, dealt not therein so gentleman-like with me as I did with them. And by the great expences of my journey much increased by the ill accidents of my brother's death, and my owne sicknesse, the three hundred fifty pounds I was to receive of gain aiter my return and the one hundred pounds which my brother and I carried in our purses, would not satisfie the five hundred pounds we had spent, (though my brother died within the compasse of the first yeare) but I was forced to pay the rest out of my owne patrimony."^ It is clear that Moryson adopts a tone of apology in speaking of their financial methods, and he explains this by showing that times had changed and that customs once favoured by gentlemen of good position were no longer considered creditable. They had been adopted by a lower class of society.* " Now in this 1. Actus Teitius, Scena Teitia — Gonzalo. — Faith Sir you neede not feare : when wee were Boyes Who would beleeve that there were Mountayneers, Dew-lapt, like Buls, whose throats had hanging at 'em Wallets of flesh ? or that tliere were such men Whose heads stood in their brests ? which now we finde Each putter-out of five for one, will bring us Good warrant of. I quote from the First Folio as the spelling is similar to Moryson's. 2. That is "out of" .3. Itin., Parti., Page 199. London 4. William Kemp in the curious account of his Morrice-dancing from don to Norwich, which he dedicated to Mistress Anne Fitton, and published in 1600, under the title "Kemp's nine dales wonder," says, " I put out some money to have three-fold gaine at my returne." We should now speak of this financial methojJcw3-i5 (pro TfttCL ^/«*Lfrct*^ tn C^ttimOti GyyiKMt^a, Ji^(4\^t^ 'WtutiaW^ Tn:^r- ^^r««4-jy^ ^Jtn^u^*^*^ **^^^i The first Booke. CHAP: i. Of the Turkes Comonwealth, vnder which tytle I contayne the historicall Introduction, the kings Pedegrees, and Courts, the present State of publique affayres, the Tributes, and Revenues, the military power for Horse, Foote, and Navye, the Courts of Justice, rare lawes, more specially those of Inheritance, and contracts of mariage, the Criminall Judgments, and the diuersitye of degrees in Family and Comonwealth. NoE man can iustly expect from me a full, and exact discourse vppon the heads aboue written, which few men, (and that with extraordinary Labour and practice) can write of their owne Country that should be best knowne to euery man, But it ought to suffice, that I make such obseruations as a Passenger can make in a Cursory Journey of a straunge Country, by reading Conference, and like obiects of the sence. And because as many hearers of sermons come from Church well satisfyed, if they haue obserued two, or three witty exceptions against the Preacher; so in our age (as experience hath taught me) there be some Readers of the same Condition, with whome (among some other exceptions) my large Writing in the former parts, hath turned to my reproofe, I will in this part write breifely, collecting myselfe from all excursions, as being drawne to the writing hereof, rather out of a naturall affection to giue all the members to this my vnlicked whelpe, then out of any desyre or hope fully to satisfy the curious readers of our Crittick age. The Historical Introduction. Thus I fall to the purpose, beginning with the historicall introduction of Turkye. Wicked Mahomett, were he an Arabian or Persian, was borne in the yeare of our lord 597, and 2 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. wrote the Alcoran of his new religion about the yeare 622, whome his followers saluted king, and the Saracens (more truely called Agarines) leaving the pay of the Christian Emperor of the East, ioyned their armes to his forces, against whome the Persian king drew to his ayde the Turquestans inhabiting Turquemania or Turkye lying vppon the Confines of Parthia. The said Persian king being ouercome in the yeare 640, by the Mahometan Saracens, the Turquestans (vulgerly called Turkes) yeilded themselues tributory to these Saracens, and withall tooke their Mahometan Religion which to this day they hold; But a difference of this religion falling among the Saracens, deuided their Empire, part following the Caliph of Persia and part the Sultan of Egipt. The Turkes about the yeare 1040 casting of the yoke of the Saracens, made themselues a king, and increased their kingdome with the fall of the Saracen Empire about the yeare 1080. The Tartars about the yeare 1258 cast the Turkes out of Persia where they planted Christian Religion and after subdued Syria, but the Sultan of Egipt droue them out of Syria about the year 1268. At last the Turquemans or Turkes seated in Asia the lesser, swallowed the Saracens Empire in the East. These Turkes had then fower Familyes, which like the Cantons of Switzerland gouerned their Commonwealth till Ottaman of the Ogusian family, suppressing the other three, and getting the whole Empire of the Turkes about the yeare 1300, left the name of Ottoman hereditary to the kings of the Turkes, as that of Caesar, was left to the Romane Emperors. Orcanes the sonne of Ottoman seated himselfe at Prusa or Bursia in the lesser Asia. The Christian Emperor of the East required ayde against the Bulgarians of Amurath sonne to Orcanes, who inticed by the pleasant fertilitye of Greece passed the Hellespont with an huge army, and openly affecting the Empire of the East, in the yeare 1363, stayed in Thrace with his army. Cyrisceobes (or as others write Calapin) being king of the Turkes in the yeare 1397, left his sonnes to be his heyres, but his brother Moses caused them all to be killed, whome his third brother Mahomett slewe with like trecherie, and became the • > > > 1 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. S first king of that name, from which tyme the manner of the Tuikish kings to beginn their Tyrannicall gouernment with the cruell strangling of all their brothers first grew into Custome, and after was established for a lawe. This Mahomett the first, seated himselfe at Adrianopolis in Thrace, and subdued Macedonia. Amurath called vulgarly Morat-Beg in the yeare 1419. subdued Seruia, and gaue the Hungarians a wofull ouer- throw at Varna, and first instituted the famous military footmen called Janizares. Mahomett the second vtterly extinguished the Christian Empire of the East, taking the head Citty thereof Constantinople in the yeare of our lord 1453. so first deseruing to be stiled the Emperor of the Turkes. In the meane tyme the Mahometan Parthians about the yeare 1350, had driuen the Christian Tartars out of the kingdome of Persia, and the Scithian Tamberlane in the yeare 1400, driuing out them, had possessed himselfe of that kingdome. After Constantinople was taken by the Turkes, Assimbeius discending of the Turkes did againe driue the Scithians out of the Persian kingdome in the yeare 1470. Baiazet the second possessed the Turkish Empire at Constantinople in the yeare 1481. and in the tyme of his Empire, Ismael Sophus king of Persia, reputed by his [«?c] for a Prophet, became the Author of a new Mahometan sect, differing from that of the Turkes, as pretending a more pure reformacion thereof, and thereby sowed a successiue and deadly hatred, rising from the said difference of religion, and to this day remayning betweene the Persian sect of the Persians, and the Arabian sect of the Turkes. Selimus Emperor of the Turkes subdued the Empire of the Saracen Sultan of Egipt, with his order of knights called Mamalukes vtterly extinguishing them both in the yeare 1517, Amurath (vulgarly Moratt) the sonne of Selime succeeded Emperor in the yeare 1574. and was living in the yeare, when I began my iourney towards Turky. He was said to have lined with his Sultana (or Empresse) 32 yeares, and to have had no Concubine for the first 20 yeares, but the people murmuring, that contrary to the Custome of his Ancestors, he suffered the succession of his Empire to depend 4 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. vppon one sonne, therevppon to haue taken some Concubines, and his obseruance of Chastity once broken, to haue had so many as they could hardly be numbred. He was of a meane stature, of a cleare complexion white and ruddy, a chearefull Countenance, and corpulent or fatt in the body. He greatly delighted in Jewells which he bought at high rates, and wore rich apparrelL He was of a merry disposition and hated crueltie, which his dying mother as it were by her last Testa- ment (nothing being more religiously obserued by the Turkes then their parents last Will) charged him to avoyd. He loued peace, yet with good successe made warr against the Persians, not in person, but by his Greneralls, which kinde of making warr is more commodious for these Emperors, then if in person they should lead their Armyes, since their Confines are farr distant from Constantinople where they alwayes winter, so as great part of the sommer is spent in leading forth and bringing back their Army. Howsoeuer he was of a soft nature, and giuen to pleasure, yet in Atfrick he subdued the kingdome of Tunis and razed Groleta to the ground, and in Hungarie he tooke Chiauerin and left the Hungarian warr hereditary to his sonne, who pursued the same with great earnestnes. He did willingly read histories, causing some to be translated into the vulgar tongue, and was said to be an excellent Poett, inviting his Courtiers by rewards to that study. He greedily affected Noueltie, and built the greatest part of his Imperiall Serraglio or Pallace. He loued Musick, but had not the patience to attend the tuning of instruments, so as the Venetians sending him a Consort which he desyred to heare, they could not be so ready after they had long expected him, but that vppon his sodeine Coming they were forced to spend a little tyme in tuning their instruments, whereat he grew so impatient, as he went away in anger, and would neuer come againe to heare them. Indeed I could neuer obserue that the Turkes haue any skill in musick, only I haue heard them play with a strong hand vppon a poore litle fidle nothing lesse then delightfully to the eare. He was by nature carryed to extremes, seldome holding the SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 6 meane, and easily beleeued the first information without due examination thereof, but he was said to be more courteous and mercifull, and to haue gathered more treasure than any of his Ancestors. He admitted his sonne Mahomet to Circumcision the fifteenth yeare of his age in the yeare 1580. which was performed in great Pompe with the presence of many Princes Ambassadors. To his Sultana, namely the mother of his eldest Sonne, he would neuer giue a letter of dowry vulgarly called Chebin, which only makes her his wife, and without which she is esteemed a Concubine and slaue, and cannot be buryed by the syde of the Emperor. And this he refused by the example of his father, and some of his late Ancestors, thincking he should not long liue after he had done it, which suspition was not without iust cause, since the mother of the eldest sonne while the father liueth, is in seruile subiection to him, but when her Sonne raigneth, out of his religio.us duty to her, vseth to haue great authority and liberty to liue at her pleasure. He raigned 19 yeares 26 dayes and lined 51 yeares, and dyed the second hower of the night vppon the 6 day of January after the old style in the yeare 1595, while I was yet in my Journey to Constantinople. He left two daughters maryed, one to Ibrahim cheife Bashawe (or Visere) the other to Halil Basha, and besides 25 daughters kept in the old Serraglio to be marryed to like great Subiects by the Emperor their brother, and also he left 19 male children, besides the eldest succeeding him and three of his Concubines great with Childe. The Emperor then liuing. Amurath being dead the Admirall presently sailed to Bursia in Magnesia that he might bring from thence to Constantinople Mahomet the third heyre of the Empire who publiquely and by day entred the Citty contrary to the Custome of his Ancestors who vsed to come by night, and to conceale the death of their fathers for feare lest the Citty might be sacked, by some mutiny of the Janizaries. Yea he spent eleuen dayes in this iourney 6 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. of his retorne and at last arriued at Constantinople the 27th of January in the morning at the stayres of his Serraglio, after he had bene 12 yeares absent, wherein (according to their Custome) he had neither scene father nor mother. Then (according to the Custome) he gaue a boone or guift to the Admirall vppon his petition, and comaunded his fathers dead body to be carryed to the graue with great pompe vppon the palmes of Eunuches who were clothed in black, yet wore their white heads, or Turbents ouer a black rap. The same evening his 19 brothers were brought to kisse his hands, at which tyme, he was said to have wept, and in detestation of the horrible lawe to beginn their raigne with the cruell murther of their brothers, was said to haue sworne neuer to take any Concubine, nor to know any other woman then his owne Sultana, yet after few dayes he receiued 50 virgins presented to him, and within few moneths, by that tyme I came to Constantinople, had 500. Concubines for his owne saddle, whereof that somer going to the warr in Hungary, he was said to leaue 40 great with childe. His said brothers having done reuerence vnto him, vnder pretence to be circumcised were led into the next chamber, where that Ceremony being performed to them, (whereby a Turke is called Musulman that is admitted into their Church), they were presently strangled by dumbmen, and so laid in Coffins of Cypres, with their faces open, that the Emperor (after the Custome) passing through that chamber to visitt his mother, might see their faces, and with his eyes behold them both living and dead, lest any one should be preserued. The same brothers were thence carryed, and presently laid by their father in the same Coffines and in a stately Sepulcher built by Amurath of purpose for himselfe and them. Then the Emperour went to doe reuerence to his mother in her lodgings; for as I formerly said, the Emperors make great religion to obserue their dead parents last Testament, and to giue their lining mother great respect and power in state matters, wherevppon I said the late Emperoi's were afraid to giue the mother of their eldest sonne (though neuer so deare to them) a letter of dowry lest she being SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 7 thereby made Sultana, for hope of power in her sonnes tyme, should practice their death. And so great is this power of the mother in state matters, as the king of Persia not long before sent a woman to this Court for his Ambassador, as most fitt to treat with the Sultana and her women. When the Emperor had done reuerence to his mother, he presently putt out of his Pallace his fathers cheife Concubines, and sent them to the old Pallace or Serraglio, to be kept their by Eunuches apart with the rest of his fathers Concubines, and thence to be giuen in mariage by the Emperor to his greatest Subiects. Likewise he sent out his fathers Sodomieticall boyes. But the three Concubines left with childe by his father were left to the speciall charge of trusty Eunuches that the Children at the birth might be strangled if they proued male Children. Also he sent out of his Pallace the dumbmen and dwarfes, in whome he tooke noe such delight as his father did. The said Concubines while the Emperor liueth, are for the most part kept in the old Serraglio with his sonnes and daughters, but in seuerall parts of the house onely the eldest sonne with his mother and some few Concubines in whose more frequent Conversation the Emperor is delighted, vse to be kept in the Emperors owne Serraglio. Ordinarily each hath 15 Aspers a day for mantenance and is apparrelled twice euery yeare at the end of their two lents. Certaine old women are sett ouer them, but the whole Serraglio is gouerned by an Agha with Porters, and other officers being all gelded men. When it pleaseth the Emperor to take viewe of them they are all sett in order, and as he passeth by he casts his handkercher to her whome he will haue brought to his bed, and she is presently carryed to the Bath, where she is anoynted with balme and precious oyntments, and washed, and then richly apparrelled, is brought to the Emperors bed who giues her presently tenu thousand Aspers, and besides if she please him, vseth to graunt her a boone, or request for some brother, kinsman, or freind of hers to be preferred to some gouernment, and from that tyme she is separated from the other virgins, having a greater stipend for 8 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. mantenance, and living with greater respect then formerly she did, especially if she proue with Childe. When any of them become 25 yeares old (at which age the Turks repute women past the best) they are maryed to officers in the Court, or Commaunders in the Army, except they haue either borne children, or otherwise gotten fauour with the Emperor by wanton daliance, and young virgins are placed in their roomes. This Emperor Mahomett the third living at the tyme I came to Constantinople, was borne in the yeare 1564. the moneth of August and began to raigne in the yeare 1595. being about 31 yeares of age. His eldest sonne was called Selim being about 14 yeares of age but vncircumcised, and it was expected, that with great pompe and Concurse of Princes Ambassadors, he should be circumcised in the moneth of August following at the end of Lent, and the Feast of Beyram (as our Easter) which they keepe twice each yeare. And after that he was presently to be sent (according to the old Custome) to Bursia, of .old called Prusa the ancient seat of the kings of Bithinia and after they were conquered made the seat of the Turkish Sultanes till they tooke Constantinople. And that Citty and Prouince he was to governe, and neuer more to see the face of his living father, nor of his mother, till his father should dye, in regard of the great ielousye attending the throne of kings, which among the Turkes is so excessiue, as it takes away all naturall loue betweene fathers children and brethren. The Emperors second sonne was called Solyman. This Mahomett began his Empire with a guift to the Army of three millions of gold Sultanons, for the number of the soldiers was greatly increased, so as besides other orders, there were then at Constantinople more then 24000 Janizaries. Then he caused his fathers debts and all mony due for any soldiers stipends to be fully paid. Having a Janizarie for my guide in spite of a great Chiaass offering by force to repell me (as I shall shew in the following discourse of the Janizaries power) I did see this Emperor when he came riding to St. Sophy the chiefe Mosche or church ioyning close to his Pallace, at which tyme all the Commaunders SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 9 and officers on horseback, or on foote according to their place, came in the morning to the Emperors Serraglio and sett them- selues in rancks, from the dore of his Chamber in the third inner Court to the very dore of the Church on both sydes the way to guarde his person, who at last came riding on horseback with diuers horses richly furnished, and led empty by him, having many great men walking before him, and many footemen running by, vulgarly called Pykes, carrying short bowes and arrowes, and wearing a Cap of mingled Coulors in the forme of a suger loafe with white shirts hanging out ouer their breeches, and when the people cryed Alia Hough (as we say long Hue the king) the Emperor bowed downe his body. He had a round face which was faire and ruddy, but somewhat frowning, or austere, and he nourished a broad and long black beard, but was very Corpulent or fatt, and seemed on horseback to be of somewhat a low stature. He was said to delight in the exercise of shooting, and to haue skill in the trade of a Fletcher, vsing to make many arrowes with his owne hand, and to giue them to his great Subiects for a present of no small importance, (as indeed all the Turkish Emperors vse to haue, and professe skill in one manuall trade or other). For his exercise of shooting, he had a paire of Butts in a priuate Chamber, and the first sommer within few monethes after his coming to the Empire, being to lead his Army into Hungary, for prosecution of that warr which his father left him with the Emperor of Germany, and his great Commaunders being loth he should take that iourney, yet not daring to disswade him themselues, and so inticing a Concubine in greatest grace with him to goe into him while he was shooting, and by her best skill to diuert him from that enterprise, he scorning that boldnes in a woman, did in a rage putt her from him, and while she trembling euery ioynt hasted out of his Chamber, shott her in the back with an arrow, and so basely killed her, for whose death he did after more basely lament. He was reputed obstinate in his purposes, and of a great Courage, and surely he gaue good testimony of his Courage in the said expedition into Hungary, when all his 10 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. men flying, he alone catching the gowne of his Prophett Mahomett in his hand as a holy B,elick, stood boldly at his tent dore, except you will rather call it pride then Courage, he being taught to thinck himselfe deare to God and greater, then whome fortune could hurt. Of this Emperors death hapning within few yeares and of his young sonne succeeding him, and of some great Commaunders therevppon raising Ciuill warr, together with the Janizaries insolent mutiny and other passages of that State falling out since my being there, the French history compendiously treateth. I shall not need to add any Geneologye of the Emperors, since they vsing to strangle all their brothers, and not only the daughters but the male children borne of them, being excluded from succession in the Empire, that Family of the Ottoman hath noe coUaterall lynes, neither can any man be said to be of the bloud Royall, but only the Emperors sonnes, kept for the like butcherie of their elder brother. Only the common voyce was, That the Emperor of Turky and the king of the Tartars were to succeed one another vppon defect of heyres males on either side. The Turkish state. The Turkish Empire in our tyme is more vast and ample then euer it was formerly contayning most large prouinces. In Africk it beginnes from the straight of Gibralter and so con- taines Mauritania, Barbaria, Egipt, and all the Coasts of the Mediterranean sea. The cheife Citty of Egipt Al = caiero hath rich traffick, and yeildes exceeding great Revenues to the Emperor though no doubt much lesse since the Portugalls sailing by the South coast of Affrick and planting themselves in the East, brought all the Commodityes thereof into Portugall, from thence distributing them through Europe, which voyage in our dayes, is yearely made by the English and Flemings. From Egipt it contaynes in Asia the three Prouinces of Arabia, all Palestina, Syria, Mesopotamia, the many and large SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 11 Prouinces of Natolia or Asia the lesser, and both the Prouinces of Armenia to the very confines of Persia (in these tymes much more straightned then in former ages) herein the famous Citty of Haleppo, whether all the precious wares of the East are brought by great Riuers and vppon the backs of Camells, yeildeth huge Reuenues to the Emperor. In Europe it containes all Greece and the innumerable Hands of the Mediterranean sea, some few excepted, (as Malta fortifyed by an order of Christian knightfl, Sicilye and Sardinia subiect to the king of Spaine, and Corsica subiect to the Citty of Genoa, and the two Hands of Cephalonia, that of Corfu, of Zante and of Candia with some few other small Hands, subiect to the Venetians). Also it contaynes Thracia, Bulgaria, Valachia, almost all Hungary, Albania, Slauonia, part of Dalmatia and other large Prouinces to the Confines of the Germane Emperor, and king of Poland. The forme of the Ottoman Empire is meerely absolute, and in the highest degree Tyrannicall vsing all his Subiects as borne-slaves. No man hath any free Inheritance from his father, but mangled if any at all, since all vnmouable goods belong to the Emperor, and for moueable goods, they either haue litle, or dare not freely vse them in life, or otherwise dispose them at death then by a secrett guift, as I shall shew in his place. Yea the Children of the very Baahawes and cheife Subiects, though equall to their fathers in military vertues (since there is no way to avoide contempt or liue in estimation but the profession of Armes), yet seldome rise to any place of gouernment. For this Tyrant indeed vseth to preferr no borne Turke to any high place, but they who sitt at the Sterne of the State, or haue any great Commaund either in the Army, or in Ciuill gouern- ment are for the most part Christians of ripe yeares, either taken Captiues or voluntarily subiecting themselues, and so leaving the profession of Christianity to become Mahometans, or els they be the Tributory Children of Christian Subiects gathered eueiy fifth yeare or oftner if occasion requires, and carried farr from their parents while they are young to be brought vpp 12 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. in the Turkish religion and military exercises ; So as when they come to age, they neither know their Country nor parents, nor kinsmen so much as by name. But of those after, I shall speake more in the due place. All that Hue vnder this Tyrant, are vsed like spunges to be squeased when they are full. All the Turkes, yea the basest sort, spoile and make a pray of the Frankes (so they call Christians that are straungers, vppon the old league they haue with the French) and in like sort they spoile Christian Subiects. The soldiers and officers seeking all occasions of oppression, spoile the Common Turkes, and all Christians. The Gouernors and greatest Commaunders make a pray of the very souldiers, and of the Common Turkes, and of all Christians, and the superiors among them vse like extortion vppon the Inferiors, and when these great men are growne rich, the Emperor strangles them to haue their treasure. So as the Turkes hide their riches and many tymes bury them vnder ground, and because nothing is so dangerous as to be reputed rich, they dare neither fare well, not build faire houses, nor haue any rich household stufPe. The Emperor seldome speakes or writes to any, no not to his cheife Visers but by the name of slaues, and so miserable is their seruitude, so base their obedience, as if he send a poore Chiaass or messenger to take the head of the greatest Subiect, he though riding in the head of his troopes, yet presently submitts himselfe to the execution. Neither indeed hath he any hope in resistance, since his equalls are his enemyes in hope to rise by his fall, his felow soldiers forsake him as invred to absolute obedience, and he not knowing his parents, kinsmen or any freindes, is left alone to stand or fall by him- selfe. Yea such is the pride of this tyrant, as the Emperor of Germany paying him some tribute for peace in Hungarie, he did not long before this tyme write letters to him with the style of his slaue, had not the Emperors Ambassador refused to receive the letters till the superscription thereof was altered. Like is his pride toward all Confederate Princes, neuer seeking the freindshipp of any by first sending Ambassadors to them, SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 13 but only accepting such as he liketh, vppon their offer and desyre of amity, and league with him. If he admitt any Ambassadors to his presence, he giues them no answer, or at most in a word referres them to the cheife Visere, not thincking it for his dignity to haue any particuler conference with them, only he vouchsafeth to behold their presents or guiftes to the end they may become more large and rich, neither is any admitted to him without bringing a present. The Turkes in generall scorning all busines that brings not profitt, and makes not entrance with a present. This Tyrant seldome speakes to any of his subiects, but wil be vnderstood by his lookes, having many dumb men about his person, who will speake by signes among themselues as fast as we doe by wordes, and these men together with some boyes prostituted to his lust, and some of his dearest Concubines, are only admitted to be continually nere his person. The cheife Visere only receiues his Com- maundements and his mouth giues lawe to all vnder him, being of incredible power and authority by reason of this pride and retyrednes of the Tyrant, were not this high estate of his very slipperye, and subiect to sodaine destruction. They who are admitted to the Tyrants presence, must not looke him in the face, and having kist the hemm of his garment, when they rise from adoring him, must retorne with their eyes cast on the ground, and their faces towards him, not turning their backs till they be out of his sight. Captiues or Slaues. Nothing can be imagined more miserable then a Towne taken by the Turkes, for they demolish all monuments sacred and prophane, and spare not the life of any one whose age or lamenes makes him worthy litle mony to be sold for a slaue, and they who scape the sword, are yet more miserable, reserued as slaues for base seruice and filthy Lusts, yea the young men are most miserable who forsweare Christ and become Mahome- tans to avoyd slavery of men, so becoming slaues to the divell. 14 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. The Marchants or bawdes following the Camp, to buy slaues, sell them againe to any buyer whatsoever, at great prices, vsing no JCompassion to noble, or aged persons, or to tender wemen, and children, neither doth nobility make any man worth a peny more then an other, nor learning, or wisdome, or witt, which the buyers value not, but only respect beuty in women, or strength in men, except they have skill in some manuall art, being Smiths or Sadlers (of whome they haue great vse for their horses) or Jewellers (whome they esteeme desyring to haue all their riches portable and easy to be hidden) or be skilfuU in nauigation, for at this tyme they greatly wanted Saylors. And these kindes of Captiues, as they are better vsed then others, so are they more warily kept, and more hardly redeemed. Thus a Princesse or lady, if her maydseruant be fayrer then shee, and a Prince or lord if his manseruant be stronger then hee, shall in this Captiuity be forced to serue them in the most base offices can be imagined. The faire women and boyes suffer fowle prostitiitions, the strong men are vsed to grinde in mills, to beare heauy burthens and to doe all base and laborious woorkes. And if these who promise gaine in the selling are thus vsed, what thinck you becomes of those, who are lesse esteemed. The Marchants or Bawdes buying these Captiues, lead them bound one to another in Chaynes, forcing the sick and weake with whips to march as fast as the rest, or els cutt their throates if they be not able to goe, and at night when they are brought into a stable, and might hope for rest, then they suffer hunger, the men are scourged with whips, the women and boyes are so prostituted to lust, as their miserable outcryes yeild a wofuU sound to all that are neere them. While myselfe was at Constantinople, I wente to view the Besestein or Exchaunge, where I did see Captiues to be sold and the buyers had as much freedome to take the virgins aside to see and feele the parts of their body, as if they had bene to buy a beast. For a woman not very faire, I heard the Bawde demaund three thowsand Aspers and the buyer to offer eight hundred. The Janizary who conducted me by the Commaund of our SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 15 Ambassador, told me at the same tyme, that the sommer past, when the Army was in Hungarie, himselfe bought a Captiue virgin, whome he had no sooner led to his Tent, but he found about her (hidden as priuily as can be imagined) more gold then he had paid for her. And while we walked together from the Besestein to the parts of the Citty farther remoued, an old woman meeting vs, and taking vs for Christian Captiues, asked our price of the Janizarie who telling me merrily thereof, I wished him to treat with her about buying vs, and for myselfe being leane and weake after a long sicknes, she could not be induced to giue any more then an hundred Aspers, that is some eight shillings fower pence English, but for one of our Ambassa- dors seruants that walked with me, being of a strong able body, she offered fower hundred Aspers at the first word, though I had better worldly meanes to redeeme my head then he had, who was beside young having small experience or skill in arts, all which the Turkes despise in respect of their man slaues strength. The cheife slaues of the greatest men Hue in some good fashion, and as all degrees in Turky are knowne by their heads, so they did weare redd veluett bonnetts raised in the Crowne of the head. The lord hath absolute power of the goods, yea body and life of his Captiue or slaue, whereof they geld many, that they may be fitt to attend their Concubines and daughters. Yet I haue heard, and read of great lords killed by their slaues, when they had foreknowledge that they should be gelded by them. Touching the Emperors reuenues and Tributes, some say that the ordinary revenues amount yearely to eight some say to twelue millions of Sultanons, besides the pay of the Army; others aifirme that they are fifteene millions yearely ordinary and extraordinary. Namely five brought in treasure, and tenn disbursed to pay the Army. But the stipends and payments for the Forces and the officers in that vast Empire being excessiue great, it seemes not probablq to me, that so much treasure should remayne, and yet for that' huge Empire these Reuenues seeme small, saue that in respect of the Soldiers Tyranny, all arts. 16 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. traffique, and husbandry are generally neglected, besides that the subiects lines being prodigally wasted in warr, many large feildes and Countries lye wast without Inhabitants or tillage. But howsoeuer the ordinary reuenues are great, surely the extraordinary are much greater. Such are the Confiscations of goods where all manner of Subiects by many frauds and extortions, frequent in that Empire, haue meanes to gather much treasure, and as euery superiour spoyles his inferiour, so the great Tyrant wants not occasion at his pleasure to take the heads, and goods of the greatest when they are full of riches. Such are likewise the guifts and presents of vnspeakable number and value, since noe man hath any gouernment without buying it, the same being oft sold to diuers men at one tyme, besides that they are scarce warme in their seats before they are recalled by a Successor sent from Constantinople : So as they must vse great speed and cruell extortion to scrape together so much mony in short tyme, as will not only satisfy themselues but also afford them guiftes to be presented to the Emperor, and their cheife superiors, without which they can neuer make a good accompt of their imployment. Besides no Ambassador hath audience before he hath giuen his present; neither can any Weaker Princes bordering vppon the Empire treat about their affayres without like presents, or haue peace, truce or im- munityes without buying them. Such also are the goods of straungers dying in his Empire, to whome the Emperor is heyre, vppon which accidents of Christians dying besides taking their owne goods, many fraudes are putt vppon the rich as if their goods belonged to the dying men. In which kinde my brother dying by the way betweene Haleppo and Constantinople the Turkes pretending the Tynne and Cloth of English marchants to belong to my brother, and vppon his death to be due to the Emperor, extorted much mony of the Marchants before the goods could be released. The Customes for marchandize are excessiue great at Haleppo (a famous Citty of traffiqtle) of 80 Chests of Indico eleuen were giuen to the Emperor for Custome, and of all other SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE 17 goods he had for custome generally five in the hundred; only the English nation had the fauor to pay three in the hundred ; But these Customes are vneertaine, being increased or decreased at pleasure. For reuenues of Land, The Tymars giuen in farme only for life, (besides the horse and foote they are bound to finde, as a horse for each 60 Sultanons rent ; whereof I shall speake in due place) pay tythes and other duties to the Emperor. Thus the tythes and Tributes of the playne of Tripoly alone (by which the rest may be coniectured) were said to passe 200tli thousand French Crownes yearely : For the Turkes pay the Emperor the tenth part of all their fruites and Cattell. The Christianes not only pay the fourth part thereof, and of all gaine by manuall trades, but also being numbered by pole in their Familyes, each one payes yearely a Sultanon or more for his head, if he be aboue fifteene yeares old, and if he haue no meanes to pay it, he must begg it from dore to dore of other Christians, and if he cannot so gett it, shall for want thereof be made the Emperors slaue. Besides that the Christians Children are exacted for Tribute, whereof I shall speake in his place. Among many particulers wherein myselfe had experience of their extortion towards Christians, I remember that when wee sailed vppon the Coast in vnarmed Barques, wee were advised to avoyd putting into any harbour, as much as we could, and especially not to goe on land, because the Gouernors of such Townes vse to exact from Christians so driuen in, a Zechine by the pole. And a kinsman of myne driuen into Tripoli Port, about this tyme, hardly escaped the trecherie of a Janizarie who purposed to sell him for a slaue to the Turkes dwelling within land, to be imployed in seruice of husbandry, whence he should haue had small hope to be redeemed, since Christians traiSque only in places neere the sea, and the Turkes within land carefully keep their slaues vsing (besides many other meanes) the help of witchcraft, to bring them back when they runn away towards the sea. When we ariued in the Hauen of Joppa, any Turke would take from vs what he list, especially victualls, and 18 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE when wee landed, having a safe Conduct to Hierusalem, from the Sobasha of Ramma, for which euery man paid six Zechines by the pole, yet wee were not free from the rapine of Mores, and Arabians all the way, flying vppon vs for vndue tributes or extortions by way of guift. These Arabians partly subiect to the Turkes, partly to the Persian, yet Hue as outlawes, spoiling all men that are not in pention to some great Family among them, in which case they will protect any Marchant, and reueng his wrongs against all other men, euen of their owne nation. Neither can they be pursued by any Army, because at such tymes, they withdraw themselues into such places where an Army cannot follow them for want of water, the trouble of passing mountaines, and the huge aboundance of sand, which is carried with the windes like the flouds of the Sea, and ouerwhelmeth all, who haue not the skill to void them by obseruing the windes. When we entred Hierusalem wee paid each man two Zechines for tribute, and when wee entred the church built ouer the Sepulcher of Christ, wee paid each man nine Zechines for tribute. So as the Emperors exactions vppon Turkes and Christians may appeare to be vnsupportable. Constantinople the seat of the Empire is by the Greekes called Stamboll and more commonly by the Turkes Capy, that is the Port gate or Hauen and the Emperors Court is called Saray, which the Italians call Serraglio. The court and cheife officers of State. Touching the officers of the Court, first vnderstand that as well they as the officers of the State are military men, since only soldiers beare sway in this Empire and all the officers of Court follow the Emperor in the Army. Six young men or Pages, attend the Emperors person, two each day by course who pull of his Clothes at night, and putt them on in the morning, and watch all night at his Chamber dore, putting into his pockett each morning on the one syde a thousand Aspers, on the other syde twenty Sultanons, whereof what remaynes at SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE 19 night falls to them by course for their availes. The first of them called Odabassi hath thirty Aspers, the rest, twenty, or twenty five each day for their fee. The Capabassi or Captaine of the Court, an Eunuch and the Casnadarbassi cheife of the Treasures, had each of them 60 Aspers by the day. The Chilergibassi cheefe of the dispensers or Pantlers, and the Sarandarbassi, or Saraybassi keeper of the Serraglio in the Emperors absence had each 50 Aspers by the day. And these fower officers of Court had 12 Eunuches vnder them. Of the tributary sonnes of Christians (hereafter to be discoursed of in due place) 500 are brought vpp in the Emperors Serraglio, from the age of 8 yeares to 20 being the choyse of those Children, whereof many are deare to the Emperor in a most sinfull kinde. These are instructed in reading, writing, the study of the lawe (so much as to be able to read it in the Arabian tongue wherein it is written), but they medle with no higher misteries, saue only horsmanshipp and vse of their Armes. In the first they are instructed by old Talismans called Cozza, as it were doctors of the law, and twice in the yeare at each Beyram (so they call the Feast succeeding lent) they are apparrelled in Cloth, neuer going out of the Serraglio till they be come to ripe age and are preferred to bee Spacoglans or Silichstars. In the meane tyme they line in Chambers as in our Hospitalls divided into tenns, an Eunuch being sett ouer each tenn, who is called Capoglan (oglan signifying a boy). The Serraglio or Pallace is some two myles in Circuit, having a spacious Garden kept by 36 Gardiners vulgarly called Bostangi, being Janizarrotti or inferiour Janizaries, who haue for stipend 3 or 5 Aspers the day, and are yearely apparrelled in sky-coloured cloth whose hope of preferment is to become Janizaries, Solacchs or Capigies. The cheife ouer them is called Bostangibassi, and hath 50 Aspers the day for fee, with many availes belonging to his office, neither doth he goe out of the Serraglio, but only to looke to the Emperors gardens out of the Citty, in which they vse to take much pleasure, having alwayes two boates at the stayres of this garden, by which the Emperor may passe to other gardens, or 20 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE rowe vppon the water for his pleasure, being rowed only by these gardeners, the cheife whereof is commonly in good reputacion with him by the often vse of his seruice. The cheife of the Cookes in Court, is called Assibassi, who hath 50 Cookes vnder him (Assi signifying a Cooke) and this cheife hath 40 or 50 Aspers, whereas the rest haue only from 4 to 8 Aspers by the day each man. Among other ministers of the Court (who cannot without toediousness be all named), one hundred Jani- zarotts bring wood by Cartloads, and haue each man three or five Aspers by the day, besides apparrell. The Casnegirbassi that is Sewer or cheife of them that bring vpp the Emperors meat, hath 80 Aspers by the day, and vnder him one hundred Casnegirs, haue some 40 some 60 Aspers by the day. The charge of diett for the Emperor and all his Court was then said to be some 5000 Aspers by the day, by which small expence the temperance of the Turkish diett may appeare. Three cheefe Porters called Capigibassi had each one hundred Aspers by the day, and one of them stands alwayes at the Emperors dore, having vnder them 250 Porters called Capigi, whereof each hath 5. or 7. Aspers by the day. Some write that each of these three cheife Porters hath 250 vnder them, surely there be many in number, and no Ambassador, or other having busines in Court, doth enter the gates without giuing them a large reward. They are often sent abroad with the Emperors Mandates for the strangling of great men, and to see the execution done. There be many Eunuches in the Court, aswell blackmoores, as other with white skinnes, but all with black harts, having forsaken the faith of Christ, to become Mahometans, and these haue the charge of keeping the treasure, and the women. The Musteraga is cheife of the Musteraes or Squiers of the body and these goe often to the tables of the great Turkish Commaunders, and of all Ambassadors, being then reputed as Spyes, making relation of their actions to the Emperor. Some 30. or 40. Footemen called Peychs Hue in Court, who having (as they said) taken out their splene, or milt, were of wonderfull swiftnes in running, alwayes attending the Emperors stirropp. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE 21 The Court Drogoman, or Interpreter of tongues, had some 500 Aspers by the day, and asmuch more by Timar, besides great guiftes from Ambassadors, and other men vsing his seruice. The Visers or Viceroyes residing in Constantinople being 4. of old, were 7 at this tyme. These together with the Mofty (that is the cheefe Interpreter of the law) may be said to be the Emperors Counsell of State. The cheefe of them is next to the Emperors person in dignity, by whome all his Commaunds are executed with absolute power, but a slippery estate to whome the rest are joyned for assistance, but farr inferiour to him in power, and one of these alwayes leades the Army when the Emperor goes not in person. The cheefe had 24,000 Sultanons each of the rest about 16000 yearely fee with thrice asmuch by Timar, besides their robes, and large guifts from Ambassadors, and all men preferred to any dignity yeilding an incredible reuenue. These reside in Constantinople, saue when they follow the Emperor in the Army, and keepe Royall Courts and traynes some one of them having some 600 slaues following them. They distribute all offices and gouernments, preferring none, nor yet speaking with any man, who hath not first giuen them a present, or bribe. And the dignityes of Viseres are for life. Next to these out of the Citty are the two Beglerbegs (or lords of lords) the one of Greece, or Eomagna lying at Sophia in Bulgaria, or more comonly at the Emperors Court commaund- ing in cheefe all the Prouinces of Europe : the other Natolia, or Asia the lesse, commaunding all the Provinces thereof yet vnder him of Romagna being present. These are next the Generall in commaunding the Army in sommer seruice, and commaund it absolutely at other tymes, and haue vnder them the inferior Bassaes not Visers and the Sangiachs or Sangiglens (Sangis signifying a Standard) and all inferior Gouernors of Prouinces, Townes, and Castles. He of Greece hath 10000 Sultanons yearely by Timar and was said to haue then vnder him 37 Sangiacchi, 400 Sobbassi 50000 Spachi and Timaristi (who are not called Spachi, because they possesse a small Timar about the yearely value of 100 Sultanons) and 60,000 Achengi, 22 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE or Adventurers who serue without stipend to be free of Tribute. And all these are horsemen not to speake of two or three other Bassaes or Beggs in Hungarie, and those Confines with the Zangiacchs and horsemen vnder them. The other of Natolia having 4000 Sultanons yearely by Timar, was said to Commaund 12 Sangiacchi, and 30000 Spachi and Timariotts. The Bassa sett ouer Damascus, Syria, and Judea having 24000 Sultanons yearely by Timar was said to haue 2000 slaues, and to commaund 12 Sangiacchi having 7000 Sultanons by Timar, and 20000 Spachi, and Timariots, not to speake of some 30 Bassaes, or Begs in diners Countries of Asia the greater, with the Zangiachs and horsemen vnder them. The Bassa of Cayro, Egipt, Africk and Arabia having 30000 Sultanons yearely by Timar was said to haue an infinite number of Slaues, and to commaund 16 Sangiacchi, and 160000 Spachi and Timariotts not to speake of two or three inferior Bassaes or Begs in Africk. Those Begler- begs commaund but for some yeares and the rest are often changed. In generall vnderstand that these reuenues of those great Commaunders by Timar, and stipend, are nothing to them in respect of the treasure they gett by extortion, for which they are neuer questioned, so they be able to bribe the Emperor, and Viseres by presents at their retorne. I retorne to the Commaunders that reside at Constantinople, or follow the Army, marching thence. The Bassa of the Sea or Admirall commaunds all the Gallies and of old, this place belonged to the Sangiaceh of Gallipolis till the great Pyrat called Barbarossa some 100 yeares past, had that place giuen him, from which tyme also this ofiicer hath the title and dignity of a Visere Bassa, and hath yearely 14000 Sultanons by Timar out of three Hands, being absolute Commaunder at Sea, but having the cheife Viseres Commission to direct and warrant his actions. He hath 14 Zangiachs or Gouernors of Citties vppon the Sea vnder him. The Janizar-Agar or cheife of the Janizaries is an office of great authority as shal be shewed, and he hath one 1000 Aspers stipend by the day, and 6000 Sultanons yearely by Timar. The Chiause-Aga or cheife of the Chiauses SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE 23 (400 horsemen in number) is of so great authority, as being sent to any great man to see him putt to death, he is obeyed by word of mouth, though he haue no mandate to that purpose. He and all vnder him, are like our Gentlemen Pentioners, and bearing a mace on horsback, ride before, and about the Emperors person, and are sent abroad vppon the foresaid or any other messages, and many of them attend at the Cheife Viseres Pallace to execute his Commaunds, and also in Courts of Justice, and some of them follow the Beglerbegs in the feild. Two Solachbassi commaund 150 of the strongest Janizaries chosen out for the Emperors guard, and called Solacchi, and the Commaunders ride on horsback neere the Emperors person, wearing long feathers, but they and their men are vnder the Commaund of the Janizar-Aga, whome I did see riding by the Emperors side (as he vseth to doe) wearing a great plume of feathers, and being a goodly tall man. The Spacchoglan- Aga is a great office, and he hath 10 Sultanons each day in mony, and by Timar. I passe ouer the Silichtar-Aga, two Olifagibassi cheefes of their orders, and the Mechterbassi who hath 40. Aspers by the day and Commaundes 60 Mechteri, who have the charge to carry the Emperors Tents and Carpetts and to sett vpp and spread them : and the Sechmembassi having one 100 Aspers by the day with charge of the hunting doggs and having vnder him some 2000 Janizaries. I passe ouer the Zagarzibassi having of a speciall kinde of hunting doggs and the Zachengi- bassi, having charge of some 100 Falcons : and the Imralem- Aga who caryes the Emperors Standard, having 200 Aspers by the day : with many other like officers. Certaine swift horsmen called Vlacchi alwayes attend the Pallaces of the Emperor, and cheife Visere to carry letters, and woe be to those who furnish them not presently with horses. Besides these officers in Court and Commaunders of the Army, they haue Judges who are skilfull in the Mahometan lawe, for they haue aswell humane as diuine lawes from Mahomett. The cheife Interpreters of these lawes called Mofty, is had in exceeding great honor, whose voice is held for an 24 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE oracle, and the Emperor consults with him in the most difficult matters, and vseth him with great respect. Next to him, is the Hosi, or Hogsi, who was schoolemaster to the Emperor in his youth. Two Cadilisquieri (others write Lischieri) are Talismani as it were doctors of the lawe, and they are the cheife Judges, one for Europe, the other for Asia, to whome all appeales are made, each having seuen 1000 Sultanons yearely by Timar, besides that the Emperor payes tenn Clarkes for each of them, and each of them hath some 200 or 300 slaues. At Constant- inople they assist the cheife Visere, who committs civill causes to them, reseruing Criminall to himselfe. They take place before the Visere, but are farr inferior to him in power; with his consent they place or displace all inferior Judges, as those called Cadi, who are Judges of Citties or Townes, and haue a kinde of Episcopall authority, and the Judges vnder them, aswell in Citties and Townes as in villages, called Percadi, and Nuipi, as also those that are called Sobassi. And vppon these depend the Muctari or Sergeants, who apprehend guilty men, and execute Judgments, rewarded out of the malefactors goods. All these exercise horrible extortions vppon all Turkes and vppon christians, especially those that are Subiects. Among officers of State the Nisangibassi like the Chancelor of the Empire, keepes the Imperiall Seale taking place next the Beglerbegs, and having yearely by Timar 8000 Sultanons, and said to have some 300 slaues bought with his mony, who (as all other Judges) followes the beck of the cheife Visere. Of two Isnadicbassi or Defterdari (that is Treasorers) the one receiues the reuenue of Europe, having 6000 Sultanons yearely by Timar and when the Emperor goes out of Constantinople (as some- tymes he doth with the Army) he is left to gouerne the Citty in his absence : the other receiues the reuenues of Asia and Africk, having yearely 10000 Sultanons by Tymar, but the availes of these offices are of farr greater moment. They haue vnder them 50 Clerkes, and to each of them the Emperor giues 30 or 40 Aspers by the day, besides many other helpers to cast vpp the accompts of the Casna or Treasure. They send their SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE 25 deputies into all Prouinces, Cittyes,and Townes, who committ vnspeakable extortions, especially vppon strangers, Widowes, Orphanes, Christians and the heyres of such as be dead. Two Rosunamegi, or cheife Clerkes, and 25 inferior Clerkes, receiue and disburse the mony, and each of the cheife hath 40 Aspers, each of the other hath 8 or 10 Aspers by the day. Two Desnedari waigh the Aspers each having 30 Aspers by the day. One Casnadarbassi or Thresorer out of the Citty of Constan- tinople had 50 Aspers by the day, and had vnder him 10 others having each 10 or 15 Aspers by the day. One Deftermine kept the Register of the Timars and had 40 Aspers by the day, and he had vnder him 10 Clerkes, each having 10 or 15 Aspers by the day. The cheife Visere is as the Secretary of State, and lie had vnder him two Riscatapi or Secretaries, who presented all petitions to him, and gaue his answer in writing. Of the Cheife Visere then gouerning the State. When I was at Constantinople the cheife Visere was called Ibraym Bassa, who had maryed one of the sisters of the Emperor (for the sisters are neuer putt to death with the brothers, but are maried to the greatest Subiects the Emperor hath). He gouemed the Empire with absolute power, but was ruled and supported by the Sultana the Emperors mother. It was told me by men of Creditt, that he neuer lay with his wife without first asking her leaue, and when he came to her bed, he entred not at the side, but crept in at the feete, and if this be the Condition of them, that marry the sisters of the Emperor, they are more like their slaues then their husbands. And while I was yet at Constantinople one was apprehended, who attempted to kill this Visere with a knife, and he fayned himselfe madd and though he was cruelly tormented, yet would not confess why he had attempted it, nor any one that was priuy to his purpose. But the ruine of this Visere shortly following, shewed how slippery these high dignityes are, euen in respect of the Envie among equalls, when the Emperor is not offended ; i or in October last 26 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE past, some three monetlies before I came to this Citty, the Emperor, retorned from the Hungarian warr, and having bene offended with Ibraym for some thing had happened that Somer in the said warr, had taken from him the dignity of cheife Visere, while he was yet in Hungarie and giuen the same to Sigala Ogly an Italian Eeneagate of Genoa, but receiuing letters from his mother at Adrianopolis on the behalfe of Ibraym, whome she supported, they preuailed somuch with him, as he had presently restored Ibraym to his former dignity, and before the Emperor came to Constantinople, his mother and Ibraym had so incensed him against Sigala, as he was forbidden to enter Constantinople, the cheife pretended cause of which offence was that Sigala had perswaded the Emperor in the choice of the king of the Tartarians to fauour a younger brother who then followed him in the Army, wherevppon the elder brother getting the victory and kingdome, was much alienated from the Emperor. This Sigala was preferred to the dignity of a Bassa by the Hogsi (others write Hogsialer) the schoolemaster of the Emperor in his youth, and lest he should vse meanes to restore him to the Emperors fauor, his mother and Ibraym, vnder pretence of honor, but indeed to send the Hogsi so farr of as by reason of his old age he should not be likely to retorne, procured the Emjieror to make him Gouernor of Meccha, so as all men reputed Sigala for a dead man. But myselfe in the springtyme retorning into Italy, there heard by credible relation, that Sigala was receiued to the Emperors fauour. When I was at Constantinople, Halil Bassa, who had maryed another of the Emperors sisters, succeeded the Ad-^irall Vccelli an Italian Henagate of Calabria, being dead, but he began the exercise of that office with ill fortune. For myselfe in my retorne before I came to the straight of the Castles, being driuen by a storme into the Hand Aloni, not far distant from Constantinople, there heard that seuen of the Emperors Gallies were lost in that storme. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE 27 Princes Ambassadors. Touching Princes Ambassadors. The Persian and other like Potentates, vppon particuler occasions send Ambassadors to Constantinople, but I did not heare at my being there, of any such continually residing in the Citty. Among the Christian Princes, I may say the like of the king of Poland. (.)f the rest only three had leiger Ambassadors at my being there. Namely Elizabeth Queene of England, vppon amity contracted in her Raigne only for traffique of Marchants. And the French King vppon a league made by Francis the first extending further then traffique as may appeare by some events of his tyme, and from this league all the Christians of our parts are called Francks in Turky. The third from the State of Venice vppon the necessity of many differences happening betweene that State and the Turkes, but he hath only the title of Bailye giuen him from his owne Nation. These three had houses in the Citty of Persa, or Galata, being as it were a Subvrbe of Constantinople, seated on the north syde of a very narrow sea like a Riuer. And they Lined in great freedome having Janizaries allowed to guard their persons, and houses, which were as Sanctuaries, no officer daring to enter them in making any search, and they as freinds had liberty to weare the apparrell of their nations only when they went abroad, instead of Clokes, they wore a loose Turkish garment with sleeues to putt out their armes. The Emperor of Germany had his leiger Ambassador in tyme of peace, but he as Tributary wore Turkish apparrell, and had his house in Constantinople, that they might more narrowly obserue his actions. Myselfe being at Constantinople, lodged in the house of Mr. Edward Barton Ambassador for England, by his fauour, having also my diett at his Table, and one of his Janizaries allowed him by the Emperor, daily conducted and guarded me, when I went abroad. Of whome for his great Worth, and my loue towards him, I must add something to preserue his memory as much as I can. He was no more learned then the Grammer schoole and his priuate studyes in Turkye could make him, but he had good skill in languages, especially that of the Turkes. 28 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE He was courteous and affable, of a good stature, corpulent, fairs Complexion and a free chearef ull Countenance, which last, made him acceptable to the Turkes, as likewise his person, (for they loue not a sadd Countenance, and much regard a comely person) but especially his skill in their language made him respected of them, so as I thinck no Christian euer had greater power with any Emperor of Turkye or the officers of his state, and Court, then he had in his tyme. When Amurath father to Mahomett the third began the Hungarian Warr, with the Emperor of Germanye, he cast his Ambassador into prison with sixteene seruants, and some Barons and gentlemen of Germany (who at that tyme had the ill hap to be lodged in his house) and after many yeares, when the Emperor resolued to sett them at liberty, and the French Ambassador made great means, and gaue large guifts to haue the honor to send them back, the Emperor of his free will said, he would giue them to the Lutheran Elshi (so they call the English Ambassador) and this shortly after he performed, deliuering all those prisoners to his hands, and Mr. Barton as freely sent them into Germany. But I haue heard him complaine with greife, that for his Courtesy, he neuer receiued so much as thancks from the Emperor, but rather heard that some imputations were laid vppon him in the Emperors Court, who therevppon incensed the Queen his mistres against him. The most proud Turkish Tyrant, as he disdaynes to speake to his owne Subiects, so when he admitts any Ambassador, he only adores his person, but seldome or neuer speakes with the Emperor, or at least neuer receiues any answer to his speach, whatsoever some may report to the Contrary. Yet hath this master Barton our Ambassador receiued many tokens of speciall fauour in this Court. He had the Emperors graunt that the Flemings and other christians not being in league with him might enter his Havens vnder the Protection of the English flag. For which and some other causes, he was much envied by some Christians espetially by the French Ambassador who formerly had enioyed that priuiledge. Myselfe being at Constantinople, waited vppon Mr. Barton to SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE 29 the Serraglio, where he was told he should be admitted to speake with the Emperor. In which case all his attendants should haue kissed the hem of his garment, and each one should haue receiued a Cloth of gold gowne (for they according to the old fashion of the East, still giue rayments for rewards, and tokens of favour) but after long attendance, the Emperor sent him the graunt of his petition, and a gowne of cloth of gold for himself e, and so we were dismissed. When this Emperor Mahomett the third led his Army to the seige of Agria, in Hungarie, among the Christian Ambassadors he chose Mr. Barton to goe with him, and when he retorned to Constantinople, Mr. Barton being to goe to his house, the Emperor stayd on horsback till he came to kisse the hem of his garment, and till he retorned to his horse, and was mounted, at which tyme he answered his wonted reuerence with bowing of his body, and so roade into the Citty, not without the wonder of all his Army, that he should doe such honor to a dog (for so they call and esteeme all christians). But howsoeuer leiger Ambassadors vse not to refuse their attendance to the Princes with whome they reside, and howso- euer Mr. Barton followed his Camp without bearing Armes ; yet this his iourney into Hungary, made the Queene of England much offended with him, for that he had borne the English Armes vppon his Tent, whereof the French Ambassador acciised him to the Emperor, and the French King, who expostulated with the Queene that her Armes should be borne in the Turkes Campe against christians, though indeed in that iourney, he intended and might haue had many occasions to doe good vnto the christians; but had neither will, nor meanes to doe them hurt. But the truth is, that howsoeuer Mr. Barton had strong parts of nature, and knew well how to manage great Affaires in the Turkes Court; yet he coming yong to serue our first Ambassador there, and being left to succeed him, could not know the English Court, nor the best wayes there to make good his actions. Besides that the English Marchants were ready to accuse rather then excuse his actions in Court, being displeased with him for medling in State matters, whereby their goods in 30 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE Turky might vppon some ill accident be confiscated : for howsoeuer he bore the name of the Queenes Ambassador, yet he lay there only for matter of traffique, and had his stipend of some 1500 Zechines by the yeare paid from the Marchants. By the way giue me leaiie to add that not only he, but all Christian Ambassadors, haue as great allowance as that before named from the Emperor of Turkye, though not in ready mony yet in mutton, Beefe, hay, oates, and like prouisions, saue that they spend halfe thereof in bribes or presents to the officers of whome they are receiued. Nothing is more hatefuU to the Turkes then pouerty, who doe nothing without guifts, yet this our Ambassador notwithstanding he was poore, had power in his tyme both to treate and depose Princes vnder that State. The Emperor Amurath made a King of Bulgarie at his request, and vppon his word giuen for payment of his great tributes, which that king failing to pay, and falling to the Christians party in open Rebellion, yet the Emperor not only forgaue Mr. Barton that ingagement, but in his last testament (never disobeyed) commaunded Mahomett the third to remitt the same vnto him. And this Mahomett likewise did so much esteeme him, as he had power with him to preferr a friend of his to be Patriarke of the Greekes (a place of so high dignity with the Greekes as the Papall seate with the Papists). And when Mahometts Army was ready to march against the king of Poland, he had power to diuert him from that warr, and to make peace betweene them, for which good office the king of Poland retorned thankes to the Queene of England. Besides that in discourse with myselfe, I found him confident, that he should be the meanes to make peace betweene the Turke[s] and the Emperor of Germany, but his vntymely death prevented that his hope. By these and other his like actions, it may appeare that they did him wrong, who did attribute his greatnes in the Turkish Court, to his betraying the Counsells of Popish christian Princes, especially such as were enemyes to the State of England. For as he was a man of good life and constant in the profession of the reformed religion, so he protested to abhorr SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE 81 from furthering the Turkes designes against any the greatest enemy of his profession and Country, further then to diuert them for the tyme from some malicious attempt. Forrayne Princes. The Queene of England. Touching forrayne Princes, England was so farr remoued from Turkye as from the forces thereof the Turkes could expect neither good nor ill, and when the Emperor beheld England in a Mapp, he wondred that the king of Spaine did not digg it with mattocks, and cast it into the Sea. But the heroick vertues of Queene Elizabeth, her great actions in Christendome, and especially her preuailing against the Pope and king of Spaine, her professed enemyes, made her much admired of the Emperor, of his mother, and of all the great men of that Court, which did appeare by the letters and guiftes sent to her Maiestie from thence, and by the consent of all strangers that lined in that tyme at Constantinople. The Persian King. For the Persian king; The Turkes hold their strength to be farr greater then his in the bands of foote, and aswell in the quantity as the vse of Artillery. But the power of the Persian is in his troopes of horse, to which he only trusts, and howsoeuer by the same he hath often giuen great ouerthrowes to the Turkes; yet at the same tyme they gott Prouinces from him, and held them by strength of their Foote, and plenty of Artillery both which the Persian wants. And by Sea the Persian then could doe him no hurt, being hindred from building Gallies, or attempting any thing at Sea, by the forces which the Portugalles held aswell in the Persian as in the redd Sea. Preste Jean or Gianni. Seriffus. In Africk Preianes commonly called Prester Gianni ruling the south parts towards the redd Sea is freed from the feare 32 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE of the Turkes, not so much by Armes as by the high mountaynes of the moone and the mountaines of Sand carryed with the wynds like the Wanes of the Sea, yet have they taken from him all his cheife places vppon the red-sea. The Seriffus his king- dome lyes from thence towards the West, not so large but more fertile then the other, and he doth no way acknowledge the Turkes, but is a free Prince, yet they are both kept from acts of hostility by their mutuall feare of the Spaniards lying vppon them. The Kingdome of Poland. The Turkes doe not willingly prouoke but rather seeme to feare the Polonians, as very strong in braue troopes of horse, and no way yeilding to them in their body of Footemen. No doubt the Turkes haue for a long tyme passed oner without any reuenge diuerse incursions and spoyles made by the Polonian Cosacchi, and of late haue for their owne purpose wincked at great iniuryes offered by them. In the yeare 1597 when Mahomett the third beseiged Agrea in Hungarie and great troopes of Tartarians coming to his ayde, were to passe the Confines of Poland, they were ouerthrowne with a great prey taken from them by the Polonian horsemen called Cosacchi, about which action two Polonian messengers came in one and the same day to the Turkes Campe, whereof the first advised the Turkish Emperor that the Tartarians might be ledd an other way, lest they falling vppon the Cosacchi guarding the Confines, and they being both furious and prone to Armes, it should not be in the power of the Captaines of either syde to keepe them from mutuall iniuryes, but was rather to be feared that they would ioyne in battell together. The second Messenger brought Newes, that they had fought, and the Tartarians were ouerthrowne; yet the Turkish Emperor with a chearefull Countenance was content to vnderstand this act as hapning by chaunce, not of purpose according to the messengers relation, tho he could not but thinck it as manifest an iniurye as any SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 33 open enemy could have done him. Notwithstanding it cannot be denyed, that for the Common sloth of all christians, or the priuate Want of mony, Artillery and all munitions, the Polonians have not only not bene able to free the Moldauians and the Walachians their Confederates from the slauery of the Turkes, but have themselves lost to the Turkes a Territory lying vppon the black or Euxine Sea. The State of Venice. On the Contrary the Turkes seemed of purpose to prouoke the Venetians with continuall iniuries, and they taught by experience to be ielous of the Spaniards ayde vppon any league, and themselues wanting Victualls and soldiers, and equall strength of any forces to make warr without ayde against the great power of the Turkes, were content to stopp their fury by strong fortes, till by peaceable arts and guiftes, they might have tyme to appease the Turkish Emperor, and make their peace with him, in which kinde they had vnfaithfull peace with him, troubled with many iniuries, and yet were said to pay him the yearely Tribute of 18000 duccatts, for enioying the Hands and Townes they possessed in the mediterranean sea, whereof not- withstanding he hath taken many from them at diuers breaches of peace. While myselfe was in Turkye, certaine Turkish Pyratts of the South West part of Morea or Greece, spoyling the Christians with a few small barques, had the Courage to assaile a Venetian Shipp of 700 Tonns burthen, and well fur- nished with brasse ordinance, which they tooke and loaded all their Barques with the most precious Commodityes thereof. Vppon Complaint of which hostile act made to the Emperor of Constantinople by the Balye of Venice for a shewe of Justice he obtayned that a Chiauss was sent thither to apprehend the Pyrats but they withdrawing themselues into other Havens, and vsing meanes by large presents to make the Chiauss their freind for the present, and after in like sort to make their peace with the Emperor, the cheife Visere and the Admirall they so 34 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. handled the matter as first the Chiauss retoined back with answer, that they could not be found, and after the Venetians were so tyred with delayes of Justice, in that Court, as they were forced in the end to desist from following the cause, with- out having any restitution. The King of Spaine. The king of Spaine, being of the elder house of Austria had no league nor Ambassador with the Turkish Emperor, and how- soeuer about this tyme vppon a peace made, the king of Spaine had sent an Ambassador to Constantinople, yet Mr. Barton the English Ambassador professed, that he had caused him to be stayd by the way and forbidden to come to Court, with absolute denyall of his residence in that Citty. The Spaniards and Turkes at that tyme did some hostile acts one against the other at Sea, and on both sides the Captiues were made Gaily slaues, but they had no open Warr, because the Territoryes of the king of Spaine lay so farr of, as the Turkes could not assaile him without a strong Navy at Sea. In which Sea-fights, the Turkes had no confidence in their strength and much more feared to ingage themselves in such a kinde of warr since they receiued the great ouerthrow at Corsolari neare the Gulfe of Lepauto, by the Confederate forces of the king of Spaine the Pope and the Venetians vnder the generall Conduct of Don John of Austria. And the Turkes more feare the Spaniards at Sea, because they haue bene heretofore fouly defeated by the Portugalls, having Forts in the Red-sea; yet the king of Spaine in regard of his dispersed dominions and distracted forces, hath neuer alone attempted the Turkes. It is very probable especially in respect of the infinite number of Christians groning vnder the Turkish Tyrannye, that the king of Spaine might with lesse charge and efusion of blood, have conquered all Greece, and Palestine itselfe, then he [sic'] made warr in those dayes with Christians, and howsoeuer his iust anger, and good reason, might moue him rather to sxibdue his SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 35 rebelling Subiects; yet all men would have nidged this a more honourable and religious Warr, then that he made with England and France, except the Pope, with his votaries, who as he thought it for his greatnes to suffer the Greeke church at first to be subdued by the Turkes : so in our tyme he had rather see all Christendome turned vpsyde downe, then himselfe to fall from his Antichristian tyranny to the iust dignity of a Christian Bishopp. The Emperor of Germanye. The Emperor of Germany being of the younger house of Austria, hath in our tyme continually born'e an vnsupportable warr in Hungarye against the powerfull forces of the Turkish Emperor, and with losse of great part of that kingdome ; which ill successe Botero the Romane attributes to a false cause, as if the Germans had lost the glory of Warr together with the puritie of Religion. For not to dispute of the Romane Religion to be nothing lesse then pure, no doubt the Warr of Hungarie hath bene made by those Germanes who still remayne Papists, Wherein the auxiliarye bands of the very Italians haue as litle preuailed against the Turkes, as any other. And if euer the Germanes resume their old Customes to visitt and reforme the Romane Church, I doubt not but the Italians shall finde them no lesse equall in the glory of warr, then they passe them in the truth of religion. But indeed the difference of religion betweene the Emperor and the Princes of Germany, and the advantage of the Turkes horse swift to pursue, or saue them- selues ouer the horse of Germany, howsoever able to endure assault, yet vppon any disaster vnfitt to escape by flight and other like advantages of warr, on the Turkes part many and easy to be named haue made the Germanes vnable to withstand the great power of the Turkes. And God graunt that the Princes of Germanye through their dissention, doe so not lay open that easy way to the Turkes inuasion as all christian Princes when they most would, shall hardly be able to stopp the same. 36 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. The foundations of the State and Army. I haue formerly shewed that they which gouerne the Turkish tyranny, are not Turkes borne, but voluntary or Captiue Christians torning Mahometans, and the Children of Christian subiects exacted for tribute and trayned vpp in the Turkes Religion and discipline, in parts so farr remoued from their natiue Country and freinds, as they forgetting both become most deadly enemyes to all christians. Each fifth yeare (or oftner as need requires), the Turkes Emperor sends officers into Greece and Natolia (the lesser Asia) and to his Prouinces in Asia the greater (excepting some priuiledged places) to exact the tribute Children choosing in each family the children they iudge most strong, and of best Capacity for witt, of which they bring away tenn or twelue thousand at one tyme, and howsoeuer by old custome, they should only take the third sonne of a Family, yet now they spare not to take a mans only childe. The poorest of these may rise to the highest places of that State, if they can make their way by valour and Wisdome. They are disposed by phisiognomy selecting the most Witty to learne the Lawe, the most beutifull to be brought vpp in the Emperors Serraglio, the strongest (according to their age and strength) to learne the vse of bowes and arrowes, whipping them so oft as they misse the marke, who are promoted to be Solacchi (which are choice Janizaries appointed for the Emperors guard) or els learne the vse of the sword and the peece, and then are made ordinary Janizaries. But many of them especially those which are to make Solacchi and Janizaries are first brought vpp for fower Yeares in Caramania and Bursia vnder husbandmen who for their labour during those yeares mantaine them without any charge to the Emperor, in which tyme they learne the Turkes Language and religion, and are invred to learne labour, hunger and thirst. After with the rest, they are distributed into CoUedges, where they Hue together in large Chambers. Of these 500. chosen for beauty are brought vpp in like Chambers within the Walles of the Emperors Serraglio. The like number SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 37 of a second sort is brought vpp in the Colledge of Pera or Galata (being as it were a Svbvrbe of Constantinople beyond the Water). Of a third sort 300. are brought vpp in a Colledge of Adrianopolis in Hungarie, out of these and some other CoUedges, the troopes of horses are supplyed, namely the Spachi, the Silichtari, and the like. The rest of the tributary Children are called Azimoglani, and Janizarotti, that is rude Janizaries, and they are brought vpp in diuerse Colledges of Bursia (or Bithinia) of Constantinople, and of Adrianopolis out of which ye Janizaries come being the strength of the footebands, and therefore chosen of the strongest Children in Europe, not of those in Asia, who haue euer bene reputed effeminate. The second foundation of the Army is the Timariotti : For when the Emperor takes any Prouince, he retaynes to himself the Inheritance of the land, dividing it into Timares or Farmes which he giues only for life to his great vassals with Condition, besides the tythes and tributes, to finde him a certaine number of horse after 60. Sultanons yearely Rent for a horse, whereby he not only supplyes his troopes of horse, but in some sort establisheth husbandry, which being neglected by other Subiects in regard of the soldiers tyranny (the people having a prouerbe, that no fruit will grow where the Emperors horse hath once sett his feete) by the giving Commodity of husbandry to the soldiers themselues, it is for their owne profitt in some sort mantayned by them. Europe hath of old had some lands possessed by like tenure in Fee for life only, namely to serue the Lord in his Warres, and howsoeuer Emperors and Kings haue made these Lands to be hereditary, yet still the owners are bound to some military duties, the difference only is, that these lands at the first and the Worst, had vnder christian Princes light military duties imposed on them, whereas the Turkish Tyrant, according to his absolute Will and pleasure exacteth almost to the highest value of the Land. These Tymariotts are horsemen, and are of an vnspeakable number, being thought to be some 250 thousand in Europe and almost 500 thousand in 38 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Asia the lesser, and the greater, and in Africk. They keepe in awfull subiection all the Christian Subiects vnder the Yoke of extreme Tyranny, being sodenly ready, and sufficiently able to suppresse any the greatest sedition may be stirred vpp. Yet indeed the Christians, there borne and bred in slauery especially having neuer tasted the sweetnes of liberty, are of such abiect myndes, as with the Israelites, they seeme to preferr an Egiptian bondage with slothfull ease, before most sweet Christian liberty, with some danger and hazard. Howsoeuer the number of these horsemen is so great, as two third parts being left at home for these and like ends; yet the Turkish Emperor can lead forth in his Army, for any sommers seruice some 200th thousand of them. These foundations of the Army being laid, the Turkish Emperors not without cause vse to vaunt, that they care not for the defeate, no nor yet the destruction of an Army, so their christian mares (so they call the wemen their Subiects) liue and be fruitfuU, and so they leese no Prouince, for these preserued, they doubt not in short tyme to strengthen or renewe their Army. And this makes them so prodigall of their subiects bloud, filling ditches with their bodyes in warr, so they may gett a Towne and Territory, and many other wayes destroying them, as only fatted for slaughter. Warfare in generall. Certaine positions of religion and the due conferring of rewards and punishments make the Turkes bold adventure their persons and carefully performe all duties in Warr. By blinde religion they are taught, that they mount to heauen without any impediment, who dye fighting for their Country and the Law of Mahomet. And that a Stoicall Fate or destiny gouernes all humane affaires, so as if the tyme of death be not come, a man is no lesse safe in the Campe then in a Castle, if it be come, he can be preserued in neither of them, and this makes them like beasts to rush vppon all daungers euen without Amies to defend SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 39 or offend, and to fill the ditches with their dead Carkases, thincking to ouercome by number alone, without military art. Againe all rewards as the highest dignityes, and the like giuen continually by the Emperor to the most valiant and best deseruing, make them apt to dare any thing. And in like sort seuere punishments neuer failing to be inflicted on all offendors, more specially on such as brawle and fight among themselues, who are punished according to the quality of the offence, sometymes with death, and also such as breake martiall discipline, sometymes punishing him with death that pulls but a bunch of grapes in a Vineyard. I say these punishments neuer failing to be inflicted vppon offendors, make the soldiers formerly incouraged by rewards no lesse to feare base Cowardise, brawling, fighting or any breach of discipline, and keepe them in awe, as they keepe all other Subiects and enemyes vnder feare of their sword hanging ouer them. And the forme of this State being absolute tyranny, since all things must be kept by the same meanes they are gotten, the State gotten and mantayned by the sword, must needs giue exorbitant Priuiledges or rather meanes of oppression to all the Soldiers who (as I formerly haue shewed) are not themselues free from the yoke of the same Tyranny which they exercise ouer others, while the superiors oppressing their inferiors are themselues grinded to dust by greater men, and the greatest of all hold life and goods at the Emperors pleasure, vppon an howers warning, among whome happy are the leane, for the fatt are still drawne to the shambles. The poorest man may aspire to the highest dignityes, if his mynde and fortune will serue him, but vppon those high pinnacles, there is no firme abiding, and the same Vertue and Starr, that made him rise, cannot preserue him long from falling. The great men most rauenously gape for treasure, and by rapine gett aboundance, but when they haue it, all that cannot be made portable, must be hidden or buryed, for to build a fairer house, to haue rich household stuff, or to keepe a good table, doth but make the Puttock a prey to the Eagle. Thus the Emperor nourishing poore men to strangle 40 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. them when they are rich, seemes not vnlike the Seriffo in Africk, whom Boterus the Romane writes gladly to giue large pentions and stipends to rich men, that he may gett their wealth by the Law that makes him heyre to all his Pensioners, so as for feare of this fraudulent bounty, the richest men liue as farr as possibly they can from his Courts. Our Ambassador told me, that the Turkish Emperor giues daily stipend to some Eighteene hundred thousand persons, and that as well in peace, as in Warr. The number seemed in- credible vnto me though great part thereof should be of Women and children having small stipends, except all that serue the Timariotts in tillage may iustly be said to liue of the Emperors purse. But no doubt his Army is mantayned as well in peace as warr, so as it seemes Warr is litle more chargable vnto him then peace, yea more profitable by the gayning of Townes and Territories, saue that it consumes his Subiects. The foresaid incredible number receiuing stipend from the Emperor, makes me lesse wonder at the French gentleman Villamount, who writes that all the Turkes Subiects haue some pay from him, tho it is most certaine that most Turkes borne, living as Pleibeans vppon manuall Arts, and tillage, not only haue no pay, but are much oppressed by the soldiers. Men of experience in Turkish affayres agree that the Emperor cannot gather all his forces into one Army, no Country being able to feed them, besides that the Christian Subiects living vnder great tyranny might haue meanes to rebell by such remote absence of the soldiers. But many of them thinck that the Emperor can make an Army of five or sixe hundred thousand, as he hath often led forth more than halfe the number Which I dare not attribute, with Boterus the Romane to the plenty of Victualls in the Easterne parts, since of old, the Hunns Gothes and Vandalls in diuerse Countries of Europe, and the dukes of Muscouy of late in the Northern parts, haue led forth like huge Armyes. But giue me leaue to say, besides vulgar opinion, that the invention of Gunns and Gunpowder was not diuelish and bloudy, but profitable to all mankinde, since histoiies Witnes, that when battells were SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 41 fought by hand strokes, then huge Armies were Levyed, and the part defeated euer lost great numbers, Whereas since that invention, Armyes haue not bene greater then some 20000, and the part defeated seldome lost the fourth part, the rest retyring to safe Forts. As also experience teacheth that the invention of dangerous fights, as Rapiars, pistolls and the like, hath caused fewer quarrells and lesse bloodshedd, then the old vse of swords and bucklers. Therefore I thinck that the great Armyes of the Turkes may be attributed to their small skill, and rare vse of fighting with gunns, which only some part of the Janizaries vseth, tho they haue great store of Artillery, which in like sort they cannot generally so Well manage as the Christians. Or els lett these great Armyes of the Turke and Moscouite, be attributed to their tyrannicall gouernments making all Subiects ready to follow them, and all officers rather comitt any rapine, and not to spare their owne goodds, then the Army should be vnfurnished with victualls to the hazard of their owne heads. But especially the Turke may lead great Armyes, by reason of his subiects singuler temperance in diett. For they vse no wyne nor any kinde of drinck, but only water in the Campe, being also forbidden wine at home in peace by their lawe if they would obserue it. Euery man can carry his owne prouision of meat being only Rice and hony, except sometymes they gett mutton, and their Cariages are not great, having in Campe as at home only a small pott to seeth Rice or Mutton, and vsing no Corsletts or other Armor for defence. Only they vse not to ly in Townes or Villages but in the open feild, so as all sleeping vnder Tents, that Kinde of baggage is great. For offensiue Weapons, they carry store of Artillery, but for great part in rude matter to be cast in the feild. Of their Armes, I shall speake in due place, only I will say that all in generall are furnished with excellent short swords whereof they haue great store, those of Damascus being famous for the mettall, but they seeme not much to delight in musketts, nor to haue such ready vse of them as the Christians. Whereas our Christian Soldiers are in tyme of peace cast out of pay, and exposed to 42 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. perish by want, The Turkes have asniuch pay in peace, as in Warr, and so are more ready and willing to spend their life for the Emperor, and againe the Emperor receiuing no lesse Revenues in Warr then in peace, Yea rather more by selling Captiues at high rates, by turning subdued places into Timars, and by making good vse of Victories in all parts, is thereby enabled at all tymes to make quarterly payment to his soldiers, wherein he neuer faileth. The Sangacchi going to or coming from their gouerments, ride in tyme of peace (as I thinck they march in the Armyes) with drumms and Hoboyes, or such lowde instruments as we in our Citties vse by night, but they haue two drums, one litle one to be beaten at one end, which they vse by the way, and a great one to be beaten at both ends, not wearing it about the neck when they beat it, but setting it downe vppon the ground, and with that they sett their Watches. All degrees among them are knowne by their heads ; For as all Turkes in generall weare white heads, (as the Persians weare greene) called by some Tsalma by others Tolopa, and vulgarly Tulbent; so all degrees are distinguished by the same either by feathers and Jewells, or by the forme, lesse or more rounde or Long. This Tulbent is made of twenty or more ells of most fine linnen, and very white, only the Christians wearing Shasses of mingled Coulors, and it is folded into a rounde or long forme, the Emperor, the Viseres and some cheife degrees putting out of the top, a peece of red-velvet, vppon which they fasten Jewells, and other things to distinguish their degrees. The Janizaries, being in the house weare such a Tulbent without any red velvett, but when they goe abroad in the Citty, and in the Campe, or before any Magistrate, they weare a Capp proper to their order, made of cloth standing vpp from the head, with very small brimmes and a guilded home of brasse standing vpp before, and a flapp like that of a French hood falling behinde, some having plumes of the Ostridge fastned to the guilded home, falling backward downe to the very leggs, which feathers they only weare who are of the guard to the Emperor, to the Viseires and some great persons. In like sort the Azimoglani SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE 43 weai'e Piramidall-capps Like our auger loaues made of a mingled coulored stufEe. The Turkes have no fortifyed Townes or Castles, in the hart of the Empire, excepting only the two Castles of Hellespont, and the two Castles of the black-sea, guarding the passages by Sea to Constantinople, neither haue they any vppon the Persians, who make Warr after their owne manner, but vppon the Confines of Christians, they are forced to keepe the places, as they tooke them fortifyed from the Christians, namely Famogosta in the Hand of Cyprus, and another in the Hand of Rhodes, and diurse Townes in Hungarie, yet they keepe them rather with strong Garrisons, lying vppon the Frontiers ready to be drawne into the feild vppon all occasions, then with small numbers resolued to indure any long seige without present succour as Christians vse to keepe them. Their discipline of warr. For their discipline of warres. They haue small art in ranging battells, especially in small numbers fitting them to the advantages of the place, and howsoeuer they haue ofiicers for each tenn men, Whome they readily obey, yet priuate men runn after a tumultuarye fashion to fight, and they are often beaten out of their Tents to fight as in like sort Without discharge they leaue the place, and retorne from fighting. In which respect, and because they haue no Corsletts, or other Armor of defence, it is no Wonder that a small number of Christians in a strong Fort, or vppon advantage of straights, and skill to chuse places to fight fitt for their number, hath bene able to resist, and sometymes to defeat their huge Armyes. But their discipline is singuler in duely giuing rewards, and punishments. Whosoeuer disobeyes his Commaunder or neglects his charge, may himselfe goe to the gallowes, for he shall neuer escape it, and he that fights or performes his charge bravely, may of a poore tribute childe become the cheife Visere of that Empire. They keepe Wonderfvdl silence in the Army, speaking with becks, and aignes, so as they will rather lett a Captiue escape U SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. by flight, then they will make the least noyse to stopp him. In their huge Armyes there is not one woman to be found; The entring a Vineyard or an orchard to steale anything, is a Capitall offence. But aboue all things they are to be praysed aboue Christians, and to be imitated by them, that single fights are forbidden them by the law of Mahomett, and by military discipline, vppon paine of death, so as they neuer happen among them, as also that all brawles are seuerely punished as if such were vnworthy to eat the Emperors bread, who fall out with their Felowes, whome the lawe teacheth to ioyne in brotherly loue, and to vent all their anger and rage vppon the Common Enemyes of their Country and the law of Mahomett. Of the Seige of Agria. Some three monethes before my coming to Constantinople, Mahomet the third retorned thether from the seige of Agria in Hungary, and because our Ambassador and his gentlemen attended that Emperor in this Sommers Warr, I thinck it not amisse to relate some things which I vnderstood from them by discourse. The Army began to march at Midnight, and satt downe the next day about noone. The Emperor rode in the midst of the Army, with two Viseres, one on the right, the other on the left hand, and before him certaine Janizaries of his guard carryed torches lighted in the darke of the night, and likewise certaine horsmen called chiausslari bearing maces of yron in their hands kept the press from him. On both his sydes rode the horsemen called Spachi and Silichtari (of whome we haue spoken, and shall treat more particulerly) being chosen men for the guard of his person. . . . The Emperor had two suites of Tents, whereof one was pitched in the present Campe, the other carryed before him to the next quarter. And when his Tents were once pitched, then all the Army according to their place and order pitched their Tents or Tabernacles about him, in a huge Circuite of ground, few or none sleeping in the open ayre. The discipline is so rigorous and seuere against SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 46 those that take any thing by force, as litle boyes brought all things to be sold in the Campe, and no soldier (as I have said) durst spoile meadow corne. Vineyard, or Orchard vppon paine of death. The Beglerbey of Greece, and the Sangiacchs vnder him did in their seuerall gouernments furnish the Armies with muttons, and necessary prouisions, which they might easely doe for that huge Army, their diett (as I haue said) being very simple, with small or no Variety or Change of meats, and did neuer faile in performance, such negligence neuer being passed ouer without seuere punishments euen to death. The Turkish Army thus marching forward, daily expected the coming of the auxiliary Troopes of the Tarters of Circassia, vsing continually to serue the Turke, when he leades forth his Army to any sommer seruice. Who within few dayes ariued and ioyned with the Turkes, but their troopes had bene broken by the way and in great part defeated by the Polonian horsemen called Cosacchi, Who lay to guard the Frontiers of Poland, for they both being feirce nations, could not be restrayned from incountring one an other by any Commaund of their Captaines tho the king of Poland, and the Turkish Emperor, were then in league of peace. These Tartars were said to eat the flesh of horses and Camells, not otherwise roasted then by putting it vnder their sadles, and riding vppon it. They serue altogether on horsback, and when they come to any great riuer, the horses swimm ouer, and great part of the men passe by holding fast by the tailes of the horses, but the best sort carry boates of leather for that purpose. And the Turke vseth them only to forrage for his Campe, which they doe each man having some five spare horses tyed one to the taile of the other, still changing his horses as they grow weary, so as they being swift and thus often changed, these Tartars in short tyme range ouer large Compass of ground. The Turkish Emperor ariued with his Army at Buda in Hungarie vppon the second of September, and part of the Army begann the seige of Agria the xxjth of the same moneth, and after six dayes the beseiged Christians burnt the Citty being a Bishopps seat, which the Turkes tooke at the first assault with losse of 800 men, 46 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. but the Christians retyred into the Castle, and held out some 20 dayes seige, and then yeilded vppon composition, which the Turkes kept not but killed them all. The christian Army con- sisting of Thirty two Thousand horse, and Twenty eight thowsand foote, and having 120 peeces of Artillery, began to skirmish with the Turkes, vppon the 23th of October. Mahomett the Turkish Emperor himselfe arriued not till the xxiiijth of October at night. Whose Army was thought to exceed three hundred Thowsand fighting men, besides halfe as many more Camell driuers, and like base people. The 25th both Armyes skirmished, and the next day both were ranged in battell, but they "Were diuided by a Riuer and a marrish ground. The Turkish history writes at large, how the Christians passed ouer the Riuer, tooke the Turkes Artillerye, and defeated the Army, which with the Emperor Mahomett retyred to Agria for safety. Only Sigala a Renegate of Genoa, and one of the Viseres retyred with some tenn thousand horse, and the troopes of Tartars vnto places of safety neere hand, whence beholding the Christians, not somuch as turning the Turkes Artillery for their owne defence, to fall negligently vppon the tents for pillage, he fell vppon them thus scattered, and vtterly defeated them, who had gotten the Victory, but could not vse it. The Prince of Tran- siluania made a good retrait of his men with litle or no losse, but the Hungarians greedy of spoile, and the slow horsmen of Germany, and most of the Christian Army vnder the Emperors brother were killed to the number of some Twenty Thowsand; Yet was the Victory bloudy to the Turkes, who had some sixty Thousand men killed, and were putt in such feare, as for three dayes they durst not retorne to their Artillery and Tents, lest the Transiluanians should retorne and fall vppon them againe. Then about the end of October, the Turkish Emperor left tenn Thousand in Garrison of Agria, and distributed halfe his Army to Winter in the Country of Belgrade, and with the rest retorned to Constantinople, and the last day of his iourney incamped a myle without the Citty, which he entred the next day with great triumph as I haue formerly shewed. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 47 Thus fair I haue digressed to make a breife relation of that I heard from our Ambassador and his gentlemen who followed the Turkes Army in that sommers seruice; Now I retorne to follow the generall discourse of the Turkes forces and Common Wealth. Of their great ordinance. The Turkes haue in former Victoryes taken great store of brass ordinance from the Christians, in Hungary, Cyprus and in Galetta, and it is manifest by all seiges and assaults made by them often, and with much fury, that either at home or brought by Marchants, they haue great plenty of Artillery, Bulletts and Gunpowder. Of their horse and horsmen. Their horse are very beautiful having their skinns shining which is caused by the horsedung, which they lay vnder them first dryed into powder, for I neuer saw any of them lye vppon any other litter, or soft thing vnder them, either in Asia subiect to heat, or the more cold parts about Constantinople. They are very swift, and vsed by their lliders either to galloping or a foote pace, but not taught to amble or putt to a trott or managed by Ryders as our great horses are, for indeed they are but of a midle stature the best of them. And thus vntaught they gener- ally hold vpp their nose with vncomelines. For this swiftnes rather then strength they are preferred before the heauy horse of Germany, the shock whereof they cannot beare, but they soone ouertake the horse of Germany flying, and easily scape from them being chased. They are not fitt for long iourneys, but soone tyred if they be putt to gallop, and no lesse tyre the Ryder, when they goe a foot pace. In warr they are only fitt for light horse, neither vse the Turkes any great horse armed, Nor themselues (either horsmen or Footmen) weare any defen- sive Armor, but only for offence carry Lances and sheilds and 48 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. good short swords. They haue no Racks nor Mangers, but feed their horses on the ground. Their sadles are litle, and hard in the seate, for they vse no Warr sadles which their horses cannot beare, and the Crooper is comonly Wrought like a Caparison, and the stirrops are vnder the foot long, and sharpe beyond the heele of the Rider seruing them for spurrs, which I neuer saw vsed of any horsemen nor yet boots, all riding in their cloth stockings close to their breeches, and their bridles are like our snafles but commonly sett with Copper studds guilded, yea sometyme sett with glistering if not precious stones, For the Turkes are proud, as of their swords (in like sort adorned with stones) so no lesse of their horses, for which they will giue great prices. The horsemen for the most part are mantayned by the Timarrs as I have formerly shewed, which are called Timariotts, and I haue likewise spoken of their incredible number, and how they are distributed vnder the two cheefe Beglerbegs, and in- ferior Bassaes or Beggs. These Hue all vppon Timars or Farmes, tilling their grounds by Christians, or Mores, or their owne bought slaues, and many of them mantaine more horses then one for themselues, and they are of a mingled sort of people. But the cheife strength of the Turkish horse is of them which were tributary Children or Captiues or Renegates and are paid partly in mony, partly by Timar, being in number aboue Thirty thousand generally called Spachi and out of them some troopes are chosen to guard the Emperors person. The first of them in dignity are the Spachoglani (Spachi signifying an horseman, and Oglan a Youth) who being tributary Children brought vpp in the Emperors Court, (except some Captiues and Renegates) attaine this degree while they are young, and from thence are promoted to the highest degrees as Sangiachs, Beglerbeges, Bassaes and Visiers. Of them 3000 guard the Emperors person riding on his right hand, and each hath some Twenty, some Forty Aspers by the day, and each mantaynes fewer or five slaues and horses for them. Their Aga hath 500 Aspers, or as others say tenn Sultanons by the day. His Checaya or lieuftenant hath a hundred Aspers by the day. But SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 49 of the Cheife Officers stipends I haue formerly written, and will hereafter omitt them. The Silichtari are in the second ranck being of tributary Children, having the same stipends, and the same hopes of preferment to the highest places, only they differ in the Coulor of their pendants and in that they ride on the left hand of the Emperor, three thousand of them being likewise chosen to guarde his person. Next to them two thowsand Olefagi (that is Stipendiaries) guard the Emperors person on both hands, and eighty Muteferachi beare long lances before him, whereof the least hath tenn, the Cheife Eighty Aspers by the day. The Chiausalari, are horsemen, that beare sheilds and lances, and having broken their launces, they fight with their Simiters or short swords, holding it disgracefull to thrust and kill with the point of the sword, or to kill an Enemyes horse, and having no other Armes of defence. Of these hors- men I did meet diuerse Troopes in the way sent out by the Sangiachs to cleare the high way of Theeues, And they seemed to me so many Amades of Gaule. The horsmen in generall are armed with a Simiter or short sword, a weake launce and a round buckler or sheild, and some of them also carry short bowes and arrowes. They haue an other sort of horsmen, which wee call Adventurers, (they call Vlacchi if I be not deceiued) having no stipend, but the hope of preferment and freedome of tribute, being said to be sixty Thousand, only when they are in the Army they are allowed victualls. Also I haue heard them called Achengi and by others Delli, but this last name I thinck to be giuen them in scorne as seeming madd; for so the Turkes call those that shew to be lightheaded by Countenance, apparrell or gestures, as if they were madd men. And indeed these are in those kindes ridiculous, wearing a Gippo or Jackett, and breeches of the skinns of lyons and beares, with the hayre outward, and Capps of the skinns of ownees, and leopards couered with an Eagles Wing, Which wings they also fasten to their bucklers and the hinder parts of their horses are couered with skinns of lyons and wilde beasts, affecting thereby to seeme terrible to their Enemyes. They are light horsmen 60 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. and are armed with a Simiter or short sword, and a short weapon of yron hanging at their Saddles, bearing a long dart or short horsmans stafEe in the right hand. I passe ouer the horsmen vppon the Confines, who make excursions into the Enemeyes Country, and haue no pay but the booty they can gett, as also those that haue pay only in the tyme of warr, and serue for the baser Imployments. Neither will I speake of the great auxiliary troopes of the Tartars, comonly some 50 or 60 thousand, nor those of Walachia and Moldauia. Only I will add that the Turkish Emperor having these great numbers of horsmen, yet placeth small trust in them, being excellent in nothing but in swiftnes to pursue and fly. For the Timariotts and Spachi axe corrupted with rurall sloth, or by living in Citties waxing Couetous, and louers of peace. And the very Spachoglans and Silichters are in like sort corrupted by living in Court, and how- soeuer they rise to the highest dignityes, yet for the most part having bene prostitute to lust in their youth, this suffering like Women must needs make them effeminate, and they being after vsed to Hue in the Court, cannot but loue ease and freedome from the labours and dangers of Warr. Yet no doubt the huge nomber of them keepes the great multitudes of Christian Subiects in awfull slauery, and were they not disioyned by imployment in vast Prouinces farr remoued one from the other, were they not of necessity to be best in great numbers to keepe the Christian subiects in awe, so as they cannot be gathered together, without great difficulty, long tyme, and apparent dangers of rebellion, their huge number might iustly seeme fearefull to all Christians that ly nere their Confines. Of the footemen. The cheife strength of the Army consists in the Footemen called Janizaries (as a new order of Soldiers), who like the Roman Triarij, come last to fighting, when others haue prepared the Way and filled the ditches with their bodyes, and they consist of Captiues and voluntary men of ripe yeares forsaking SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 61 the Christian faith and of the Azimoglans, so called as boyes of tribute ; yet all tributaiy childien are not so called as those who are brought up in the Emperors Serraglio and other Colledges, whence they are made horsmen, and preferred to the highest places of the State but only those Children which are seuerely brought vpp vnder husbandmen, and after in Colledges for this purpose, and are of the strongest children, and of the most Warlick nations, for the greatest part of Europe, those of Asia, being reiected as of more soft and peaceable natures at least by old Custome for of late, this and all the austere institutions are neglected and infringed. These are first circumcised then instructed in the Mahometan Law and that in places farr distant from their Parents and Country, so as they easily forgett both, only calling and reputing the Emperor their father, and they are taken so young as they cannot remember anything of Christian Religion, but are trayned vpp, and easily made deadly haters of all christians. After they haue bene fower yeares vnder husbandmen, they are brought to Constantinople and there receiued by the Azimoglan-Aga who distributes them into Colledges there, and in other parts to be trayned as a Seminary of the Janizaries. These Janizaries were first instituted by Amurath the second in number sixteene thousand, and Amurath the third added two thousand to that number. Which since hath bene much increased, and cannot be lesse then Forty thousand. Howsoeuer Sansonime and Botero Italians writt them to be no more then 12 or at most 14 thousand : For I haue formerly said that when Mahomet the third began his Baigne, there were 24 thousand Janizaries at Constantinople which receiued his larges, and nothing was more generally knowne at Constantinople then that 12 thousand of them lye continually there in tymes of peace and the Common Voice was that the Beglerbeg of Asia had 12 thousand vnder him, besides those in Egipt and them that lye vppon the Persians And a farr greater number in all proba[bi]lity lying vppon the Confines of Hungary, Where they haue strong enemyes bordering vppon them. Yet doe I not thinck them to 52 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. be 60. thousand as our Ambassadors men at Constantinople affirmed to me. The Janizar-Aga or Captaine of them is one of the greatest dignities in that Empire, to whome the Emperor doth often giue a sister to wife, but no man is had in such ielousy, the loue of the Janizaries being Capitall to him, so as he seemes to walke vppon Thornes and bryers while he neither dares gaine their loue for feare of the Emperor, nor vse them roughly for feare of their insolencye. And such is this ielousy, as he may not (according to the Custome) appoint his owne Checaya or leiuftenant, but the Emperor names him and giues him 200 Aspers by the day, as each Odebassi sett ouer tenn hath 40 Aspers, and each Boluibassi or Bolichbassi that is Captaine of one hundred hath 60 Aspers by the day. These may ride, and these Commaunds, and to be Solacchi, are the highest preferments a Janizary can expect. For I haue formerly spoken of the Solachbassi having 300 Aspers by the day, sett ouer the Solachters or Solacchi, Which are some of the strongest Janizaries chosen to guard the Emperors person, and armed with bowes and Arrowes, besides their swords wearing a Capp differing from the Janizaries and having a larger stipend each man 20 Aspers by the day. All the male Children of Janizaries (some say only the Eldest) as soone as they are borne, haue three or fower Aspers by the day, the yonger Janizaries haue noe more, but the rest haue eight Aspers by the day, and each new Emperor besides his largesse or donatiue adds an Asper by the day or some like increase to each mans pay. Three of them in the Campe haue a horse allowed to carry their baggage, and to each hundred a Tent is allowed. At the ends of two lents or tymes of fasting, the Emperor apparrells them, and all without difference weare large Trowses with stockings vndiuided from them, and a long gowne or vpper garment both of violett coulored cloth. Some of them have Wiues contrary to their old institution or Custome, and these liue scattered through the Citty in litle houses, but the rest, by eights, by tenns and by twelues as it were in brotherhoods, liue in CoUedges or houses appointed for SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 53 them, wherein they haue a Cooke, (tho lesse needful! since in their temperate diett each man may soone haue skill inough in that art) and Contributing their mony, they haue a Cater to buy their meat, and the younger having lesse stipend bring in their meat, which is soone done, they having but one dish of meat, and a Cruse of water betweene three or fower. When they are past seruice of Warr, they are putt to guard Castles, and keepe Watches by night, and their Captaines likewise being old, haue the gouernments of those Castles. Some of them are armed with Halberts, some with musketts, but their muskets are not very good; neither are they actiue or skilfull in vsing them, and some only carry Semiters or swords. They who commend the Janizaries that warr being ended they willingly retorne to enioy peace, doe not consider that they haue the same stipend in peace as in warr. For if our men had the same, without doubt they would be no lesse glad of peace. In like sort they who praise them for laying downe Armes in tyme of peace, and not so much as wearing a sword, seeme not to haue obserued that they neuer haue any single fights, and very seldome any quarrells among themselues. Whereas our soldiers are forced in peace to weare swords for their owne defence. Besides that our men haue no such authority ouer men of peace as they haue, who are more feared bearing no weapons, then our men should be with swords and PistoUs. For as a Christian is most seuerely punished if he draw a knife against a Musulman, (that is a circumcised Turke) or strike him with the hand; so is it a greater offence for any Common Turke to resist a Soldier, who aboue all tremble for feare of the Janizaries, so as I haue seene one of them having no Armes but only bearing in his hand (as their manner is) a Cudgell of an hard reed, more then an Ell long, not only beat many Citizens in Townes and Cittyes, but also a whole Caravan in the high way, of two or three hundred men armed with musketts and swords till they obeyed all his Commaundements and kissed his feet for mercy. Of the last kinde myselfe did see a straunge example in my iourney from Tripoly to llaleppo. Aboue all Soldiers the Janizaryes are 54 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. insolent aswell for priuiledges, as because they take part one with another in all tumults. When myselfe went to see the Emperor, and standing next to him, did fully behold him a Chiauss on hoisback, bearing a mace, offered to thrust me back, and to strike me, but a Janizary that our Ambassador had sent to conduct me, putt him back, and when he would not admitt his excuse for me, but said it might not be indured that a Christian dogg should come so neare to the Emperor, presently other Janizaries whome I had neuer scene, ioyned with my guide, and threatned the Chiauss, so as in spite of his teeth, he was forced to lett me stand. No maruell then that these men willingly lay downe their Armes, being without them as terrible as feirce mastyes to all inferiors they meet, for they are knowne by the Caps peculiar to their order, and if they be offended so much as with a looke, vpp goes their long Cudgell (Which they call Mutcher) and they will giue him that offends them, according to their pleasure hundreths of blowes vppon the belly, or the back, or the soles of his feet, and that without any sentence or condemnation of a Judge, and not only for offences against themselues, but for mony giuen them by an enemy, so as being protectors of Christians, they will vppon their Complaints beate any other Christian or Plebean Turke, till they craue mercy of him for whose sake they are beaten, except they haue also a Janizarie to protect them, in which Case they vse not to fight, nor yet striue one with an other. And one Janizarye of the least, is sufficient to guard a man against a thousand Mores, or Arabians or Plebean Turkes in respect of his awfuU authority ouer them, as also against all other Soldiers or Janizaries in respect of their brotherly agreement, and feare to breake their law by fighting or quarrelling among themselues. Therefore the Christian Ambassadors at Constantinople haue assigned to each of them, fower or six Janizaries, and the ConsuUs of Christian nations lying in other Citties and Townes, haue one or two of them to guard their houses and persons from all Wrongs, neither will any Christian having meanes to spend, goe abroad in Cittyes and Townes or take a iouniey SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 65 without a Janizarie to guard him. And it i8 wonderfull, how faithfull and affable, they wilbe to a Christian thus hyring them for hyring them for some viij Aspers by the day, yea how readily they will serue him, doing his busines, buying, and (if need be) dressing his meat, especially if they haue taken this charge from any Ambassador or Consul, to whome they must giue accompt of his safety, and bring back letters, without which charge out of meere rules of their law or nature, myselfe haue by experience found them faithfull, courteous and faire Companions. And by these seruices to Christians many of them gett Crownes, and lead faire lines. Myself not well knowing the Turkish fashions, and taking iourneyes without any Janizarie to protect me, did often by the way meet spachies and Janizaries, who would take away my wine and prouisions of Victualls, as if they had bene their owne, and once being to take a Journey with some of them, our Muccaro (that is he who letts horses and Asses) hearing them inquire after our Condition, advised each of vs to giue them halfe a Piastro or siluer Crowne, wherevppon they vndertooke to protect vs, who otherwise were like to haue plotted some mischeife against vs as at Tripoli some Janizaries had almost betrayed about this tyme an English gentleman, by selling him to husbandmen, within land for a slaue. An other tyme having a Janizary to protect me, and landing in a Greeke Hand, the wemen hidd all their bedding, bread and meat, lest he should force them to intertaine vs for litle or nothing, since they vse to take any thing from them, and going iourneys in tymes of peace to extort victualls from them for litle or nothing, but when one of our Company being a Christian, and speaking the Greeke tongue, told them we would pay a iust and honest price for anything we tooke, they presently receiued vs into their houses, and furnished vs with all necessaries for meat and lodging. An other tyme landing at an Hand of Greece without any Janizarie to protect me, and walking abroad, a Plebean Turke mett me, and taking my hatt in his hand first desyred to borrow it for a base vse (for the forme not vnlike the pann of a Closestoole) and after 56 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. flung it into the durt. For a Christian having no Janizarie With him cannot avoyde many such insolencyes, though myselfe had the happ to meet with very few like affronts, and neuer to receiue blow from Janizarie or other, which notwith- standing are no rare accidents vnto Christians. Of the Janizaries it is vulgarly sayd they haue all skill in one manuall trade or other (as the very Emperor hath), but as all Turkes are idle, and very slow woorkmen for gaine, which they cannot enioy further then from hand to mouth, so I did neuer see any Janizarie woorking at his manuall trade. To conclude the insolency of the Janizaries cannot well be imagined much lesse described, by whome the Ottoman Empire seemes to stand, and the Emperors first to enter. For the heyre of the Emperor assoone as he is circumcised, vnder pretence to gouerne a Prouince, is sent away to be hidden from the Janizaries lest they should cast their eyes vppon him, or he insinuated himselfe into their loue, and while in that Prouince he expects his fathers death, nothing is more dangerous for him, then to affect to be esteemed and renowned of them. The new Emperor thinkes not himselfe safe till he be saluted by them, beginning his Raigne with their ioyfuU shouts, and a largesse or donatiue giuen to them, besides the foresaid small increase of each mans pay. So as they are and still grow more and more like the Pretorian bands in the State of Rome, who being at hand nere the Citty, at first strengthned the choice of the Emperors, but at last named and deposed them at pleasure. No doubt the Janizaries want little of their power, and pride, for in the life of Amurath father to Mahomett the third living at the tyme of my being at Constantinople, they made a tumult, requiring the head of the cheife Visere much esteemed of the Emperor, only because he had putt a Janizarie to death by due forme of Justice, and the Emperor was forced to giue them his head before they would be appeased. And because they will not be Judged but by their owne Agha, nor can without tumult indure any of their number to be putt to death, the Custome was then priuately to strangle such of them, as had deserued to dye. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 67 At my being there I remember that walking in the streets, I did see a dead Carkasse that had bene cast out, which being naked the person and quality of the dead man could not be knowne, but the vulgar opinion was, that he should be a Janizarie so strangled, because no man durst proceed against him by publick iustice. Many tumults like to the former haue bene raised by them, wherein they haue driuen the Emperors into great straights, but none more famous then that which hapned there shortly after my retorne vppon the death of the Emperor then being, which the French history relates at large, and to the same I referr the Reader. Finally howsoeuer the wicked practice of killing the Emperors brothers, takes away all likely good of any great Ciuill warr among them (by which Commonly all kingdomes and Empires haue bene ouerthrowne) yet Christians haue one probable hope, that as the Pretorian bands of Rome at last vsurping the power to name, and depose Emperors, without any decree of the Senate, and often contrary to the same, did first wound and by degrees weaken the Maiesty thereof, till it was transplanted into Germany, whereat this day it languisheth so the Janizaries by like insolency, if not pre- sently, yet in short tyme, will breake the power of the Turkish tyranny. The Army hath other footmen but of small reputations being neither tributary children, nor trayned vpp in that discipline. Such are the Azapli, Whome the Italians call Asappi, having no stipend in peace, but only in warr, being otherwise imployed about the Navye. And these are the sonnes of Turkes knowne from others by their fowre Cornered Capp of red cloth, vulgarly called Tachia. Also they haue an other kinde of Footemen like to the former called Voinichlar, raised out of Walachia, who have no stipend at all, but serue in the Campe only to be free from Tributes. And both these kindes of Footemen are only vsed as Pyoners and for all base seruices. They only are beaten to the first assault of beseiged Castles, and exposed by the Turkes like so many beasts to be murthered, and fill the ditches, that vppon their dead bodyes, the Janizaries may by the breaches enter the Castles and Townes. 58 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Of their nauall Power. Touching their Nauall power, I haue spoken of the Admirall among the cheife Comaunders. The Emperor cannot want matter to build Shipps, having most large Coasts of the Sea shadowed with vast Woods, but his cheife woodds most vast, and most fitt to make tymber for this purpose, are said to be in Albania, Carimania, Trapezuntium, and most aboundantly in Nicodemia, all Prouinces lying close vppon the Sea. At this tyme whereof I write they had of their owne few and vnskilful woorkmen to build shipps; only there wanted not Couetous Christians, who for large stipends wrought with them, and taught their art vnto them, so as after the Navall defeate of the Turkes at Corzolari (called the defeate of .Lepanto) they could the next yeare bring forth a Navye, which seemed able and willing to fight with the christians. But no doubt the Gallies of the Turkes are neither so well built, nor so swift in saile, nor so fitt to fight, nor so strong, nor built of so durable Timber, as those of the Spaniards, Venetians and other Christians their enemyes. And howsoeuer the Gallies, some Fifty in number, yearely wont to be sent out, to cleare the Sea of Pyrats, and diuerse lesse Gallies and small Barques armed by priuate Turkes to robb Christians (many times not sparing those that were in league with them) gaue some good meanes to furnish the Turkes Nauie with Marriners; yet since the Jewes and Christians had all traffique in their hands, so as nothing was exported by Turkish Shipps, (excepting some twelve great Shipps each of seauen hundreth or a Thousand Tonus, built rather for burthen then Warr, which the Emperor had to bring necessaryes yearely from Egipt, to Constantinople), and since all Turkes and Christian subiects are by nature sloth- full, which kinde of men loue not the trouble and danger of the Sea, the Emperor was forced to vse Cow beards and Shep- heards to fitt the sailes, and row in the Gallies, and howsoeuer the Greekes had some practice at Sea, to sayle by the Coast rather then by Compasse ; yet they being slaues and Christians, SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 69 the Turkes could promise themselues no faithful! seruice from them especially in tymes of danger. So as I dare be bold to say the Turkish Mariners were partly vnskilfull in the art, partly vnfaithfull to them, and generally all dasterly in Courage. They consisted of Christians taken Captiues, most comonly in places faxr distant from the Sea, and of condemned men, all chayned to the oares, except cases of necessity forced them to vse christian Greekes and Country people, and this made them gently to vse all Captiues and to pref err all voluntary forsakers of the Christian faith, who were skilfull Seamen, or Carpenters to build shipps (as also Sadlers for their horses and Juellers to make their treasure portable) and much to esteeme the said Captiues, if they would torne Mahometans. Barbarossa the famous Pyratt of the mediterranean sea, in the tyme of Charles the fifth Emperor of Germany, forsaking the Christian faith and becoming Mahometan, was made Admirall of the Turkish Nauye, who subdued the kingdome of Tunis in Africk and made the Turkes somewhat better Seamen then they had formerly bene, but nothing equall to the Christians. Their Navall power in those days was scene at Goletta, at Cyprus, at Malta, and at their great defeat at the Corsalari, since which ouerthrowe to the tymes whereof I write, they neuer drew forth their full forces to fight at Sea. They had at this tyme a place in Pera or Galata beyond the water from Constantinople walled in for building and wintering of Gallies, Which the Chiistians call Arsenale, the Turkes Terferate, And without the Walles it had Thirty two vaults, b\it within, it was narrow, and of small Compasse. They said that two hundredth woorkemen did daily labour therein and two hundreth Masters or cheife Mariners, had each man tenn Aspers by the day, and that Fifty Carpenters, and Artificers had each man twelue Aspers by the day when they wrought, and sixe Aspers when they had no woorke. That they had a thousand Asappi (vsed also for footemeu in the Army as I formerly shewed) which did woorke about the Gallies, and had each man fower Aspers by the day. That in this Arsenale at that tyme were two hundred Gallies, and twelue Gallions, but 60 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. that the Emperor could in short space for his full force send three hundred Gallies to Sea, besides some of fewer oares and small Barques to victle and attend them. Within some sixteene yeares last past, the generall peace of Christendome made our soldiers, for want of meanes to liue, turne Pyratts, who having no safety in the Ports of christian Princes, retyred themselues to Algier in Barbary, the people whereof and of the parts adioyning, are most daring of all the Turkes (except those perhapps vppon the Confines of Hungarie). They gladly intertayned these Pyratts, and were content at first to haue share of the spoyles and to goe with them to Sea, but of late they haue gotten some 60 or 80 good shipps of warr from the Christians by their meanes, and from them haue learned such skill to saile by the Compasse, as they haue bene able to man these Shipps with Turkes, and haue had the dareing to rob vppon the Ocean, which they neuer knew, nor durst behold in any former age. And of what consequence this may proue after ages shall finde (I feare me) by wofuU experience. Of their ciuill iustice. I haue formerly spoken of Judges and Magistrates, and the stipends they haue from the Emperor. Now it remaynes to add something of Ciuill Justice. The strict obseruance of lawes among the Turkes is worthely called Tyranny, as I haue formerly shewed, since that which is iust must be done iustly. Whereof there is no practice in this Empire. I formerly said that there be two supreme Judges called Cadilischieri which reside at Constantinople, the one sett ouer the Causes of Asia, the other ouer those of Europe, both vnder the Mofti with absolute authority. These two appoint all inferior Judges of the Law, as those called Cadi, which are magistrates sett ouer Prouinces and Cittyes, with a mixed authority of our Bishopps, and lay Judges, for the Law of Mahomett is obserued aswell in administration of iustice, as in matters of religion. Each Citty and Towne hath military magistrates, as Sangiachi, who are like SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 61 the Captaines of Garrisons, and Gouernors of Townes, and if there be any Castle or Fort, it hath also an Agha to commaund it. And as with vs in tyme of war the Ciuill Judges giue place to Marshalls having martiall law in their hands; so among the Turkes living with the same discipline at home as in the Campe, (the Common Wealth being as it were gouerned by the sword). These Cadies are vnder the authority of the Sangiachs in each Citty or Towne. And from them there is appeale graunted to the Diuan or Court of the Basha gouerning diuerse Prouinces and from those Courts to that of the Visyeres in the Emperors Serraglio at Constantinople as from it to the Mafti the oracle of the Mahometan Lawe, from whose sentence there is no appeale. One thing causeth great oppression to the Christian subiects that howsoeuer they are more in number then the Turkes; yet they haue no peculiar Judges, but haue their causes tryed vnder Turkish magistrates, where the witnes of a Turke is taken against a Christian, but not of a Christian against a Turke. What Justice can be expected where a Common soldier for mony without any triall at law, or priuate examination of the cause, will beat with Cudgells a Christian, or common Turke, euen accused by a Christian, till he craue mercy of his enemy. When wee being Christian straungers retorned from Hierusalem to Joppa, and there found an Arabian Turke, who had done vs wrong by the way, vppon our guides accusation, and three Meideines giuen to a Janizarie, he was beaten till he kissed our feete, And if they dare doe this to the Turkes, how may you thinck Christians are vsed. The false accusations and frauds, which daily they lay vppon Christians espetially vppon straungers (whome they call Francks of their league with Fraunce) are vulgarly called Vaines. Such was that which Villamont a french gentleman relates of the Sangiach of Hierusalem, who cast the Guardian of the latin monastery into prison, pretending that a Spanish old Woman coming with him, had brought the dead body of the King of Spaynes sonne to be buryed there, and howsoeuer the fraude was manifest; yet the Guardian vnderstanding that it was a mony matter, offered 62 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Thirty Crownes and the Sangiach demaunding five hundred, at last he paid Fifty to haue his freedome. The like is that which he also relates of the Christians at Tripoli, who being accused by the Turkes for killing a More, whose dead body was cast among their dwellings, were forced to pay one hundred Crownes to be acquitted. Like fraudes they continually practice against Christian societyes, and priiiate men by casting a dead body before their dores of burying it nere them, and as it were casually finding it out, or by like fraudes drawing them into suspition of Crimes, from all which notwithstanding they are redeemed with mony except they be accused to haue done or spoken any thing against Mahometts Religion or be intangled in like netts, from which there is no redemption but death or turning Mahometans. When myselfe and my brother tooke our iourney from Haleppo towards Constantinople, an English Marchant Factor to Sir John Spencer Alderman of London sent diuers Camells loaded with his masters goods, as Kerseyes and Tinne, which were to passe in the same Carauan with vs, and howsoeuer the Camel- driuers, and many Turkes knew them to be his goods, and he not without a present or guift commended both vs and these his goods to the protection of a cheife Magistrate passing along with vs ; yet my brother dying by the Way, all these goods were seized vppon for the Emperor, only to putt a Vaina vppon the Marchant, who not without trouble and bribes long after recouered them againe. It cannot be expressed, what great iniuryes the Turkes will doe vnto Christians vppon the lightest causes. When we came neere vnto Hierusalem, a horseman of the Army crossing our way, rann a full course at one of our Company with his Launce, in rest, who only escaped killing, by the slipping of the Launce into the pannell of the Asse wherevppon he rode, and with like force he was ready to assaile each man of vs, and that only (as our Interpreter told vs) because wee did him no reuerence as he passed, so that we were glad to tumble off from our Asses, and bend our bodyes to him, which done, he rode away with a sterne proud looke. For a Turke will not abide any Christian to looke him full in SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE 63 the face without striking him, so as I then vsing to walke with my eyes cast on the ground, as going about some busines, tooke that ill custome which I could neuer leaue, though I haue often bene reproued by freinds for the same. Neither may a Christian carry Armes, yea Woe to him that drawes a knife against a Turke; so as we hearing what Asses patience wee must haue, except we would perish in the iourney, by our freinds advice, left our Rapiers in a Chest at Venice trauelling through all Turky with our hands in our hose. At Hierusalem wee were forced to beare a thousand iniuries, hardly keeping the very boyes from leaping vppon our shoulders from the Shopps and higher parts of the way while their Parents looked on, and commended them for so doing, besides many wrongs done vs in the way by Mores and Arabians, who mixed with some other nations, inhabit that Country (the Jewes only living scattered vppon the Sea Coasts and in Citties of traffique) and a more wicked people cannot be imagined, so as the Duke of Normandie being carryed on some of their backs towards Hierusalem, and meeting a freind retorning into Fraunce, did pleasantly and in that part iustly desyre him to tell his freinds there, that he saw him carryed into heauen (meaning Hierusalem) vppon diuells backs, for litle better they were that carryed him. In our Journey from Tripoli to Haleppo, when our whole Carauan was in danger, for a fyre casually burning the Feilds howsoeuer my brother and myselfe were free from causing, yet we knowing how the magistrate would woorke vppon vs more than the rest, thought good to giue the Janizarie that droue vs a large bribe to dismisse vs, and not to bring vs before him. And howsoeuer we were not altogether vnskilfull in the fashions of Turky, and did warily obserue the Customes, so as we neuer came within iust danger, nor prouoked any Turke to strike vs (which kind of Wronge they are easily moued to offer any Christian) yet myselfe landing in the Hand Aloni had my hatt taken from my head (as I formerly said) and with Words of scorne cast into the durt by a plebean Turke which I was glad to take vpp without repining. And when I landed at Constantinople in a 64 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Greeke Shipp of Candia, assoone as our Anchor waa cast, many plebean Turkes came aboard and the shipp being laded with Muskedines, they drunck as freely as if they had bene Owners, and the basest of them hardly held their hands from beating the best of the Greeke Mariners, whereof some were graue men, and well skilde in languages, though they neuer forbadd them to drinck. But within a short space, when a Janizarie came to protect the Shipp sent from the Balye of Venice, it was no lease straunge to see him alone beat out all the Turkes like so many doggs. To conclude it may appeare what iustice Christians may expect in this Empire by one example of the Venetians, who were in league with the Emperor, yet having a very rich Shipp robbed by Turkish Pyratts withdrawing themselues, and bribing the cheife Visere, after long delayes, were forced to sett downe by the losse. In generall howsoeuer the Turkes are seuere in punishing offenders, seldome vsing mercy, yet the administration of iustice both towards Christians and Turkes, is made infamous by tyranny For first all Gouernors and Judges buy their offices and are often chaunged, so as they that buy being forced to sell, and hunger-starued flyes sucking more then those that are gorged, these Gouernors paying dearely for their places, and from the first entrance daily expecting a successor to recall them, are in rapine not vnlike the diuell, roaring like a lyon, because he knowes he hath but a short tyme. Againe no magis- trate, nor yet a priuate man, will doe anything for an other without a present or guift; yea the Courts of iustice are so corrupted with briberie, as the best cause is in danger to be lost, if mony be wanting, and where that is, an ill cause may pass and the woorst shalbe excused. The most Commendable thing is that generally causes, are summarily decided and soone ended (excepting such Cases as that of the Venetians foresaid shipp robbed, which they seeme to mingle with State matters). And this expedition is the greater, because they haue no multi- plicity of Lawes, or Pleaders, holding themselues to some morall rules left them by Mahomett. But especially because the SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 60 Magistrate is loth to leaue any cause to his Successor, that will yeild mony. Yea such is the Corruption of bribery and so generall, as when the Emperors mother sent a present of a whole linnen attyre richly wrought, to Elizabeth Queene of England, many peeces thereof were detayned by her women, to the vtter disgrace of the present, till our Ambassador redeemed them with more mony then they were woorth. And as I formerly said the Emperors large allowance to the Christian Ambassadors, vsed to be more then halfe purloyned by the officers. Nether is the Emperors person free from this Corruption, no Ambassador or other great suiters being admitted to his presence without larg presents. So as the office of the Capagi or Porters, keeping the gates of the Emperor, and other magistrates, is most gainefuU for they will thrust Homer himselfe out of dores if he bring nothing. Of the lawes of inheritance. Touching the lawes of inheritance. The Emperor is heyre to all strangers dying in the hideous Gulfe of this Vast Empire, be they neuer so rich Marchants ; yet their goods are commonly by freinds sequestred before their death, as belonging to them and so kept for the heyres or owners according to euery mans faith and honesty, which in so remote parts is not alwayes sound. And often the goods are secretly purloyned and more commonly stollen by them that are present at the partyes death. But the goods that remayne, and cannot well be hidden, are swallowed by this Gulfe. When my brother dyed in Asia, the Turkes of our Carravan not only snatched his goods, but myne also, and the magistrate (as I formerly sayd) seased the rich goods of Sir John Spencer, Alderman of London, in the Emperors Right, as if they had belonged to my brother. In like sort while I was at Scanderoon, Mr. Saunders coming from Constantinople to be Consul of the English Marchants at Haleppo, and dying by the way in Natolia, the Turkes tooke not only all his goods, but those also that belonged to his poore 66 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. seruants and followers. For this cause, myselfe being sick in Turkye, and fearing that my host hoped to haue my Crownes at my death, thought to publish what mony I had about me, and so taking away all hope of gaine by my death from my Host and those of his house, from that tyme I found myselfe better vsed and better attended by them. The Condition of Subiects in Turkey is not much better. For vnmoueable goods : The Emperors soldiers haue none, nor yet his great Officers, being all Captiues or tributarye Children. And howsoeuer the Emperor subduing any Prouince divided it into Timars or Farmes giuing them vppon the foresaid Condi- tions to the cheife men of his Army, yet they hold them only for life, or at his pleasure. In other parts, and perhaps in these subdued Prouinces, some say that priuate Turkes and christians haue inheritance of houses and lands, but surely they are not great for I did neuer see any Subiect that was reputed to haue such inheritances, but all looked like poore slaues, nothing being more dangerous to any man then the reputation of rents or of mouable wealth. And the same men told me, that as the Turkes haue few lawes and short pleading, so for these Lands (whatso- euer they be) their euidences are not great nor many having only a small paper subscribed by the Cady to witnes the emption or the discent. For moueable goods. The great men of the Army gather huge treasure by extortion but the Emperor comonly strangles them, and takes all their goods, if they doe not convey them to some Childe or freind being most in Jewells and portable things. And for the rest of the great men he taketh their goods and giues their sonnes stipends for life. Some say that other Subiects make last Wills and Testaments to giue their goods, whereof a third part belongs to the Emperor, but I rather thinck these goods are priuately conveyed to the heyre. For I am sure they are not possessed without much feare and danger, nor can be transmitted by publiqu» act to the heyres without vnavoydable oppressions. To conclude if any Turkes haue vnmouable inheritances, they for these causes care not to SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 67 increase them, and all their riches comonly consisting in moue- able goods, they hide or bury them in life, and convey them secretly at death. Judgments corporall and capitall. Touching their Corporall and Capitall Judgments. For small offences they are beaten with Cudgles on the soles of the feete, the bellyes and backs, the strokes being many and payne- fuU according to the offence, or the anger of him that inflicts them. Myselfe did see. some hanging and rotting in Chaynes vppon the Gallowes. Also I did see one that had bene impaled (vulgarly Casuckde) an horrible kinde of death. The malefactor carryes the woodden stake vppon which he is to dye, being eight foot long and sharpe towards one end, and when he comes into the place of execution, he is stripped into his shirt, and laid vppon the ground with his face downeward, then the sharpe end of the stake is thrust into his fundament, and beaten with beetles vpp into his body, till it come out, at or about his Wast, then the blunt end is fastened in the ground, and so he setts at litle ease, till he dye, which may be scone if the stake be driuen with fauour, otherwise, he may languish two or three dayes in payne and hunger; if torment will permitt him in that tyme to feele hunger, for no man dares giue him meat. They haue an other terrible kinde of death vulgarly called Gaucher. The malefactor hath a rope or Chaine fastned about his body, whereof the other end is made fast to the topp of a Tower or of a Gibbett made high of purpose, and so this rope or chaine being of fitt length, his body is cast downe to pitch vppon a hooke of Iron, where he hangs till he dyes, with horror of the hight of payne, and of hunger. For howsoeuer he may dye presently if any vitall part pitch vppon the hooke, yet hanging by the shoulder or thigh he may Hue long. And if any men giue these executed men, meat, or helpe to prolong their miserable life, he shall dye the same death; Mores and 68 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. christians and they that are not of the Army, are often putt to this death, yea the Beglerbegs sometymes putt Gouernors to this death for extortions or Cruelties committed by them, or rather to gett their wealth. They haue an other terrible kinde of death to flea the skinn of from the living body, and thus they cruelly putt to death Bragadino a Venetian Gouernor of Famagosta in Cyprus, after he haxl yeilded the Citty vppon Composition for life to him and his soldiers. A Turke forsaking his fayth and a christian doing or speaking any thing against the law of Mahomett are burned with fyer. Traytors or those whome the Emperor so calles, are tortured vnder the nayles and with diuerse torments, but the great men of the Army are only strangled. A murtherer is putt to some of the former cruell deathes. A theefe is hanged, and I haue read of a soldier that had stoUen milke and denyed the fact, who was hanged vpp by the heeles, till he vomitted the milke, and after was strangled. The Adulterer is imprisoned for some Moneths, and after redeemed with mony, but the Adultresse is sett naked vppon an Asse with the bowells of an oxe about her neck, and so she is whipped about the streetes having stones and durt cast at her. If a Christian man committ fornication with a Turkish woman both are putt to death, and this Common danger to both, makes them more wary of others, and more confident to trust one an other, but the sinne is Common, and at Constantinople the houses of Ambassadors being free from the search of magistrates very Turkes, yea the Janizaries guarding the persons and howses of these Ambassadors, will not stick to play the bawdes for a small reward. In case of this offence nothing frees a Christian from death, but his turning Mahometan. Yet I remember that I saw a Tower at Tripoli called the tower of Loue, built by a rich Christian to redeeme his life being condemned for this Crime. But if a Turke lye with a Christian woman, he is not putt to death, but sett vppon an Asse with his face towards the tayle, which he holds in his hand, and hath the bowells of an oxe cast about his neck, and so is ledd through the streetes in SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 69 scorne. If a Christian lye with a Christian woman, the fault is punished with paying of mony. All harlotts write their names in the booke of the Cady or the Sobbassa, and not only the Turkes but euen the Janizaries are permitted to haue acquaintance with them so it be not in the two lents, wherein they yearely fast, For in that Case, while I was in Turkye many women were sewed in sacks, and so drowned in the Sea at Constantinople. Generally for greater Crymes, the Judge of the Turkes deuiseth and imposeth a death with greater torment especially for reproching their law or Prophett, which a Christian cannot redeeme, but by turning Turke. Of degrees in the common wealth and Family. Touching degrees in the Commonwealth, and Family, I haue spoken of the former particulerly in this Chapter, and haue shewed that they are all knowne by their heads, I will only add that there be not any noble Familyes in this Empire, excepting that of the Emperors, who are called Ottomans, of the first of that Family Founder of the Turkish Empire. There be no dukes, Earles, Barons, knights nor gentlemen, neither can any vertue bring a man to such dignityes, the greatest men being slaues howsoeuer with military titles and gouerments. Like players on a Stage they carry themselues like Princes for the short and slippeiy tearme of life. A man most basely borne may attaine the highest places vnder the Emperor, So he will turne Mahometan and be strong valiant and actiue of body and mynde. Neither doth the Valor or greatnes of the father anything profitt, but rather hurt the sonne, all authority in the Empire being putt in the hands of new men, that are Captiues or tributary Children or such as tume Mahometans at ripe Teares. They haue no Gentry nor high nobility by discent, nor Armes belonging to seuerall Familyes. Only the Emperor to leade his Army, hath a Standard, and therein beares a new moone. For the Turkes when they first see a newe moone, fall to their prayers, and thanck God they haue liued to see it. 70 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Of the miserable state of Captiues whose buyers haue power ouer their goods, and ouer their bodyes to prostitute them to lust, to make them Eunuehes; and to dispose of them at leasure, I haue formerly spoken, as likewise I haue shewed, that the Condition of borne Turkes, and of Christian Subiects, is in many thinges litle better then that of slaues. For the priuate Family each man may haue as many Wiues as he is able to feede so he take a letter of permission from the Cady, and some of them keepe their wives in diuerse Cittyes to auoyd the strife of women; yet if they line both in one house with him, they seldome disagree, being not preferred one aboue another. The Turkes vse not to take a dowrye but as they buy captiue women, (whome they may sell againe or keepe for Concubines or for any other seruice) ; so they also buy Free women to be their wiues, so as the father is inriched by having many and fayre Daughters. Diuorce is permitted for peruerse manners, for barrennes or like faults allowed by the Cady. As they buy Captiue Women, so may they buy any other for Concubines so they write their names in the booke of the Cady. For as Christians are maryed by Preists in the Church; so Turkes are maryed by taking a letter, or bill from the Cady (who is their spirituall Judge) and writing the mariage in his booke at his priuate house. But at the day of mariage, they also vse to bathe, and to pray in their Moschees. Lastly it is no disgrace to be borne of a Captiue Woman, or out of mariage, for that is the Condition, of the very Emperors, Whose mothers are Captiues, and before the birth of their first Sonne, neuer haue a letter of dowry to make them free women and wiues, which after they haue a sonne was of old wont to be graunted them, but the Emperors of late tymes seldome giue that letter to them, for ielousy lest they should practice their deathes to haue power in the raigne of their succeeding sonne. To conclude howsoeuer this power of the Turkish Empire may seeme dreadfuU to all Christendome ; yet the Emperors of late being giuen to pleasure and nothing Warlike, the whole force being not possibly to be vnited for feare of Christians, and SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 71 other subiects lebelliug, the greatest part of the Army consisting of baser kindes, of horsmen and footemen, the best horsemen generally being corrupted with rurall sloth and dilicate lining in Cittyes, the best footemen the Janizaries having lost the old seuerity of manners, and therewith the old valor of their Predecessors, many of them being now marryed, and all prone to insolent mutinyes, the soldiers generally wanting defensiue Armes, and for offence having few musketts or shott (great part of the Foote vsing bowes and Arrowes insteed thereof, as the horsmen haue no Carbines, but staues or speares), the particuler soldiers of Asia being more effeminate then the rest, the iustice of State being giowne to the hight of extortion, and oppression, the zeale of their religion being generally in all degrees abated, and the great Commaunders having of late made strong rebellions against the Emperors, For these reasons, and because no Tyranny (especially so great as this) hath euer bene durable, and lastly because the Empire is so great, as by his owne weight it seemes to threaten ruine, Christians may well hope, that the power of this great enemy is declining, if not sodeinely falling, which God in his mercy graunt. [The silver crowne or Piastre worth fiue shilling's English is given heere for 70 there for 80 or more Aspers— an Asper is some three farthings English. — Moryson. ] 72 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. CHAP : ii. Of the commonwealth of Poland according to the seuerall heads conteyned in the title of the first Chapter. The historicall Introduction. FoK the Historicall Introduction, know that the Polakes or Polonians are discended of the old Sarmatians or Slauonians, of which nation Zechus a yonng Prince, to avoid factious sedition at home, ledd forth a Colony in the yeare of our lord 550, and planted himselfe in a Country full of thick woods, which since hath bene called Poland of the plaine ground. The Family of Zechus being extinguished, twelue Palatines gouerned the Common Wealth, called Vuoyuodes to this day, and next to the king in authority, not hereditary, but chosen by the king for life. But after twenty yeares these Palatines disagreeing, Cracus nephew to the king of Bohemia was chosen Prince about the yeare 700, who built the Cittye Crakaw, at this day the seate of the kings. His Family being extinguished, in the yeare 730, the Common wealth was againe gouerned by twelue Palatines to the yeare 750, at which tyme the people growing weary of many Gouernors, againe chose them a Prince. About the yeare 842 (others write 806), Piasti was chosen Prince, whose Family ruled to the yeare 1370, as it were by hereditary succession, but so as euery Prince was chosen to succeed the other. Myesco a Prince of that Family became Christian with all the nation in the yeare 9G5, whose sonne Boleslaus had the title of king and a Crowne giuen him in the yeare 1000, by the Germane Emperor, Otho the third with freedome from all tributes and homage to the Emperor. Cassimere a Prince of the said Family being a Monck the Polonians obtayned of Pope Benedict in the yeare 1041. to haue him freed of his vowe, and to be their king, vppon three Conditions, first that each man of that kingdome by the pole should yearely pay an halfpenny to the Bishopp of Rome (called St. Peters due) secondly that all SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 73 the men should shaue the haire of the head vpward aboue the eares (which most of them vse to this day). Thirdly that vppon holydayes all the men should weare white linnen Cloth for girdles. About the yeare 1124 the Palatine of Ciakawe forsaking the king in a battell for shame hanged himselfe, since which tyme the Castellan of Crakaw (contrary to the manner of Poland) is preferred before the Palatine in dignitye and authority. King Cassimere not long after dying, the kingdome was long divided betweene that kings sonnes till by their death it was againe vnited vnder one king. About the yeare 1370. king Cassimere in his life tyme appointed Lodwike his sisters Sonne by the king of Hungary to succeed him, and so the kingdome of Poland came to a straunger, which had bene to this tyme gouerned by naturall Polonians. But Lodwick being dead the Polonians gaue a yonger daughter of the foresaid extinct Family (not respecting any right of the Eldest sister) to Jagellan duke of Lituania and chose him king in the yeare 1386. Albrecht master of the Knights of the Teutonick order in Prussen did in the yeare 1521. make agreement with the king of Poland that the order being extinct, the king should presently haue part of Prussen and part should remayne to him and his heyres males with the title of duke, and for want of such heyres fall to the king of Poland. The foresaid Family of Jagellon beginning to raigne 138G. by continuall discent succeeded in that kingdome to the yeare 1572, as if it had bene by right of inheritance, yet not one of them being Crowned that was not first chosen in a solemne and free Assembly by the Palatines and gentlemen of Poland. At that tyme the heyres males of that Family failing, Henry of Valois brother to the French king was chosen king, and he within few yeares retorning to inherrit the kingdome of Fraunce the Polonians in the yeare 1575, chose for their king Stephen of the Family of Bathori, Prince of Transiluania, and howsoeuer part of the Polonians at the same tyme chose Maxmilian brother to the Emperor of Germany, yet he made no warr for that right, after Stephen was possessed of the kingdome. 74 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. The king then liuing. Stephen being dead some of the Polonians in the yeare 1587. chose Sigismund the third who lined and raigned at the tyme of my being there, and was sonne and heyre to the king of Suecia [Sweden] and by the mothers syde of the foresaid Family of Jagellon. But an other part did againe choose the said Maximilian who beseiging Crakawe was opposed, and putt to the worst by Zamoski the Archchancelor of Poland and so he retorning into Germany to reinforce his Army, Sigismund was crowned the same yeare at Crakawe. Zamosky followed Maximilian and defeating his forces tooke him prisoner in the moneth of January 1588. and kept him in Poland till the moneth of September in the yeare 1589, at which tyme he freed himselfe (as the Germans write) in the manner following. A place in Silesia was appointed for treaty of peace, whether the Polonians brought Maximilian, and the Silesians at the same tyme levying forces for Hungarie, Maximilian by that meanes finding his party strongest, the Polonians being farr inferior in number refused to retorne with them into Poland. At last Sigismund marrying the daughter of the Archduke of Gratz vncle to Maximilian, he yeilded his right to Sigismund. The Tartarians in the yeare 1589 prouoked by the Cosacchi Polonian horsmen vppon the borders, did invade Podolia with a great Army, but were defeated by the Polonians and lost 25000 men in that battell wherevppon they craned ayde of the Turkish Emperor, so as the Cosacchi also prouoking the Turkes by many skirmishes vppon the Confines of "Walachia and the Cheife Gouernor of the Turks demaunding of Zamoski to haue the breakers of peace deliuered to his hands to be punished and Zamoski referring the matter to the king, and the king referring it to the Generall Assembly of the Nobles, the Turkes in the yeare 1590 prepared for open Warr, and were ready to invade Poland, had not the English Ambassador at Constantinople made peace betweene them as the Common voyce was, and as himselfe avowed to me. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 75 The Common wealth. It appeared by the history of Poland that the kingdome is electiue and so limited as it rather seemes a Common Wealth then a kingdome, yet that the Polonians alwayes vsed such Constaneye in publick Counsells, as not only they chuse the heyres males (except sometymes the affayres of the State being turbulent) but also reputed the kings widowes and daughters to pertaine to the Care of the State (as hath bene scene by many examples for many ages, while the two Familyes of Pyastus and Jagellon raigned) so as they often imposed vppon the newe Chosen king the Condition, to marry the widow or daughter of the deceased king, (whereof the historyes yeild many examples) and had great respect for want of heyres males to the Father to chuse the male childe on the mothers syde of the blood Eoyall if he were Capable of that dignity, (for which respect Sigismund the king then living was chosen by them). In the tymes betweene the death of the king, and the Choyce of the new king, by an old lawe the Arch-Bishopp of Gesna hath the priuiledge to call the Assemblyes, and to publish the choyce of the king, who is chosen by the Palatines, Bishopps, Castellanes, deputies of Townes and Cittyes, and by all the gentlemen. For euen those gentlemen haue voyces who are become so poore, as they are forced to attend on other gentlemen as likewise those who come from holding the plowgh, barefooted without hose or shooes, haue asmuch freedome in their voices as any other. At this election to auoid confusion, they chuse Certaine gentlemen who like Tribunes pronounce the voyces, and these in latter ages haue vsurped so great authority to the preiudice of the kings (whome they daily restraine within stricter limits) as therein they passe the Bishoppe of Leopolis and his Suffragane yea the very Palatines, and Castelanes. Their History sheweth that some Prouinces of Germany belonged of old to Poland, which in process of tyme by Contracts of mariage, by diuisions of Prouinces among brothers, and by warr especially Ciuill, became alienated from Poland which notwith- 76 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. standing hath in the meane tyme vnited to itselfe many other Prouinces no lesse then the former in greatnes, riches and power. The heyres males of the dukes of Masouia failing, that dukedome was vnited to Poland. The large dukedome of Lituania was vnited to the same by duke Jagello when he was Chosen king of Poland vppon his mariage to a daughter of the last kings bloud, and howsoeuer the Princes of Lituania being of the dukes Family long deferred the vniting of that Prouince to Poland, lest they should loose an hereditary Dukedome for an electiue kingdome, yet their heyres males failing, it was at last fully vnited to the same. The Prouince of Liuonia was wonn by Armes from the order of the Teutonick Knights and from the Dukes of Moscouy. After warr betweene the Polonians and the said order of knights, at last agreement was made, that the Polonians should presently possess great part of the dukedome of Prussen, and the said order being then extinguished, the rest should remayne to the master thereof with title of Duke, and to his heyres males, he being a Germane Prince of the Family of Brandeburge, yet so as for want of heyres Males that part also should be vnited to the kingdome of Poland. This Prouince is more ample and rich then almost any other of the Germans, whose language they speake. The Citizens and Marchants are most rich and magnificall, and the husbandmen are very rich and next to the English of any I haue scene in forayne parts. The Cittyes are many and stately as Konigsberg the seate of the duke, as Mariemburg a Fort and Cheife Citty of the Polonians part, as the free Citty Danzk, sumptuous in buildings and famous for TrafBque, and the litle but most pleasant Citty Meluin, and more pleasant for the Ciuill Inhabitants, where the English Marchants had their Staple, which is of no small moment to inrich any Citty. The two Cittyes last named are free and gouerned by their owne Magistrates, yet acknowledge the king of Poland, who hath an officer in each of them to gather his tributes, but they will not receiue his forces, nor himselfe without a limitted trayne. And the king is content with this their subiection, lest they should SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE 77 refuse to pay his tributes, and they being Germans, and the Citties well fortifyed, and bordering vppon the Sea, should seeke meanes to vnite themselues to the Empire, and the free Cittyes thereof. King Sigismund at this tyme raigning, was also by Inheritance king of Suetia, but that kingdome was not otherwise vnited to Poland. If a man consider the large Circuit of the vast Prouinces and the vnited power of the king, the Palatines and the gentlemen to resist Common enemyes, he will say this kingdome is most ample and powerfuU. But if withall he obserue the many and vast deserts and woods, the moderate riches of priuate men, rather seruing to liue plentifully at home, then sufBcient for the vndertaking of any great actions abroad, the former amplitude and power, will seeme much extenuated. And lastly if he consider the kings limitted power often subiect to the constraint of the Palatines in publique Counsells, and the Palatines, Castellanes and Gentlemens immunity from lawes and liberty in generall, and absolute Comaund with power of life and death in their owne Territories and lands, the said amplitude and power of the kingdome will appeare to be vanished into smoke; yet euery king hath more or lesse authority, and respect, as he is more or lesse Wise, and valiant. For in the age past Stephen Bathori Prince of Transiluania being Chosen king of Poland, was said vppon pretence of publick occasions to haue raised an Army, and still keeping himselfe armed and strengthned therewith to haue abated the pride of the Palatines & Gentlemen, and then ioyning himselfe with Zamosky Chauncellor of the kingdome, and his faction, to haue preuailed so farr against the Contrary faction as he banished, yea putt to death (a thing neuer heard of in Polonia) some of the Sborosky a cheefe Family on that part. It belongs to the king to appoint publick assemblyes and with consent of the same to make peace and warr, and to giue for terme of life, the places and dignityes of Counsellors, Bishopps, Palatines and Castellanes; For these dignityes are not hereditary, but only giuen for life by the king, who is also the head of these Assemblyes, and the supreme Judge of all Causes euen 78 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. concerning gentlemen whose pride, and liberty is such as he cannot well moderate, and suppress, so [id est, howsoeuer] great is this authority and power of the king. Breifely I say that Poland is divided into the greater, whereof the cheife Citty and seat is Guesna, and the lesser Poland, whereof the Cheife Citty and seate of the kings is Crakawe, besides the vnited Prouinces, All which are gouerned by Palatines, Castellanes, Captaines, Judges, Senators or the kings Counsellors. The Palatines vulgarly wawoedes are in seuerall principali- tyes. The Castellanes their leiutenants, are leaders of the gentlemen. The Captaines are Gouernors of Forts, and Castles. The Judges or Burgraues determine Criminall, and Ciuill Causes. The Bibhopps of old 9. be many in number by annexed Prouinces, the Palatines of old Fifteene now 26. The Castel- lanes are about sixty five, and the number of the rest is farr greater. Besides they haue great Ciuill and martiall Officers, Ciuill, as two Chauncellors that haue the great Scale, and two Vicechancelors having a lesse Seale, two Secretaryes having no voyce in the Senate. Martiall, as two Marshalls, two Generalls of Armyes. 91. Colonells Chosen by the king. In generall obserue that only the Castellane of Crakawe hath place of the Palatine thereof, as I shewed in the History, and so of all other Palatines, vppon the Cause therein mentioned. The Historyes often make mention of two noble Familyes, the Zborowski seated neare the Confines of Prussen, and the Zamoisky of greater power seated vppon the Confines of Transiluania. The King and his Court. Myselfe did see Sigismund the third and his Queene at the Port of Dantzt, a free Citty of Prussen, where 30 shipps of Swecia, and one of Holland (in which shipp the king and Queene passed) were ready to conduct him into his hereditary kingdome of Suecia, expecting nothing but a faire Wynde. He made this voyage to take possession of his Fathers kingdome lately dead, which in the meane tyme was gouerned by his SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 79 Vncle Charles, not without the suspected fauour of the people, he being of the reformed Religion as they were, but the king being brought vpp by his mother in the Roman Religion. The king was tall of stature, somewhat leane of body, with a long visage and browne Complexion, and the hayre of his head was black and short, with a thinn, short, and sharpe pointed beard of a Yelowish Coulor. He wore a litle black silck bonnett hanging downe about his neck, and plaine black garments, he then mourning for his father. The Queene of the Family of Austria and the house of Gratz, was of a low stature, a full face, and sanguine Complexion. When the Gentlemen brought vpp meat for the king, one went before with a short white stafEe in his hand, and three gentlemen carryed vpp each of them three Couered dishes with a white Napkin betweene euery dish, and each of them had a Page to beare vpp the trayne of his gowne, for they did weare two long Garments, the Inner hanging to the knees, the other to the Anckles. They who kept the dore of the Chamber, wherein the king and the Queene did eat were base Groomes, and they admitted any man to enter, so as the roome was full with people of all Conditions, and those that stood somewhat distant from the Table, putt on their hatts, only when the king did drincke, the Queene herselfe, and they that satt at the Table rose vpp, and all that were in the Chamber putt of their hatts. They seemed not to know any such reuer- ence, as kneeling to the king, or putting of the hatt to the Chaire of estate. The king came to this Port, an english myle distant from Dantzt, Where there was only one house, and that very vnfitt to receiue a King with his trayne, because some few dayes before, a tumult had happened at Dantzt, betweene the Polonians and the Citizens which Credible men thus related to me. A Porter of the Citty being loded, and passing by a Polonian, first hurt him with his burthen, then bad him take heed, wherevppon he (as all Polonians are soone stirred vpp, and prone to quarrells) drew his short sword or Semiter, and there- with almost cutt of the poore Germans Arme, who running through the streets, bewayled his mayme, and so stirred vpp 80 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. the Citizeus, as they killed Fifteene Polonians, and among them, a boy that carryed meat to his master, these being all they could meet. For there were no other Polonians in the Towne, but only those of the kings Court. Of the Germans no more then fewer were killed, but the king had fower hundred footemen of his Guarde called Haiducs, who were lodged in the Suburbs, and vppon this Tumult marched with banner dis- played towards the Citty, and had not the Gates bene shutt vppon them in fitt tyme, no doubt there had bene farr greater slaughter. The king was most offended at the shewting of a peece, the buUett whereof came in at his Chamber window. At last the Magistrates with great difficulty appeased the multi- tude. For the Germans having the advantage doe not willingly forbeare, neither can the Polonians though vppon disadvantage, easily sett downe by the losse. The tumult being appeased, the Magistrates made a Proclamation to haue him made knowne that shott into the kings Chamber, and (as it seemed for forme) promised an hundred Guldens to any man should bring him forth, but neither could he be found, nor were the Polonians herewith satisfyed. The king had come from Crakaw to Danzt in boates vppon the Riuer Vistula, vulgarly Wexel. Crakaw is the seat of his Court, and I vnderstood by some Polonian Gentlemen, that he there mantayned for his guard 60 horsmen called Hascheri, whereof each man had fowerteene Guldens by the moneth, and 400 Footemen called Haiducs, whereof each man had fower Guldens by the moneth. And that his Courtiers kept 2000 horses, some one officer keeping eight horses with the monethly stipend of Thirty Guldens. But that these stipends were slowly payd, the king being alwayes in their debt, and hardly making full payment once in fower yeares. Neither did these Courtiers or officers eat in the Court, there being no Table kept but the kings, the reuersion whereof serued the Queenes Women. So as howsoeuer the king might be well attended riding abroad, yet within dores his Court seemed to haue small magnificence. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 81 The King^s reuenues and tributes. Indeed the Kings Reuenues are small, For the Mynes of siluer belonging to him are few, and yeild not great profitt, and the Citties of traffique being few, and the exactions not great, his Customes also are small. The mynes of salt also belong to the king, and yeild him greatest profitt, but the Gentlemen haue a portion thereof at a moderate price, whereof they sell, what they cannot spend themselues. And this salt is partly decocted of water, but most growes in pitts, and is digged vpp in black and great peeces like stones. The king hath also certaine Territories of land proper to himselfe, wherein he hath absolute power, the husbandmen being his slaues, as particuler Gentlemen haue in their owne Territories And all things being very cheape in Poland, excepting forayne Cloathes, Stuffes, wynes and spices, these Reuenues may well answer the kings expences, but for publike vses, I could neuer heare nor read that the kingdome had any great Treasure. Diuerse affirme, that the mynes of siluer and salt, yeild the king sixe hundred thousands Crownes yearely, yet vnderstand that part thereof was ingaged by Sigismund Augustus, and that almost halfe was alienated by Henry of Valois to diuerse gentlemen for gayning their loue. They said also that Lituania and other Prouinces giue the king all necessaries for food, while he keepes his Court among them. And that in publike Causes of Warr, and necessityes of State, Subsidies are imposed by consent of the generall assembly, aswell vppon lands, as beare, and all things to be sold. The dukes part of Prussen yeildes him yearely twenty thousand Crownes and the king of Polands part thereof being as great and as fruitful!, cannot but yeild him like profitt. It is most certaine that the king hath also many meanes of great moment to gratify his -subiects as the appointing of his Cownsellors and great Officers, the keeping of Castles and Territories, which he giues to gentlemen for life, and if he would make profitt thereof, he might very much increase his Reuenues, but in that case he should offend the Gentlemen, whose loue the 82 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. kings are so carefull to preserue, as they not only bestow these guiftes freely among them, but comonly graunt to the Palatines and Castellanes, such rights as belong to the king in their seuerall Territories. But it is a matter of no small moment, that vppon any inuasion of enemyes, or vppon offensiue warr decreed by common Consent in publique assemblyes, the Gentlemen are bound to assemble, and serue vppon their owne Cost and Charges, in whome is all the strength of the kingdome, so as no great Treasure is required for defending the same, or for making offensiue warr decreed by publike Consent. The horse and horsmen. The Polonians are a warlike nation, valiant, and actiue, but all their strength consists in their horse, whereof they haue so great number, as some affirme they can bring a hundred thou- sand horse into the feild, and one Prouince of Lituania, can bring 70 thousand, and king Stephen in the last age had 40. thousand in his Army. Of these horsmen, some are called Hussari, who are armed with long speares, a sheild, a Carbine or short gunn, and two short swords, one by the horsmans syde, the other fastned vnder the left syde of his sadle. The light horsmen called Cosachi are armed with short swords, Jauelin, bowes and arrowes, and a Coat of maile and the whole Country of Poland being playne, this great body of horsmen must needs be a powerfull strength to the kingdome. The horses are of small stature, but of no lesse agility, then those of the Turkes and singuler in boldnes for any seruice of warr. Yet are they all made Gueldens; And the gentlemen are not prouder of any thing, then of their horses and horsmanshipp professing to weare long garments, as Commodious for horsmen, that they may cast their vpper garment vppon their horses when they are heated with running. And for this Cause many haue their bridles (Which are alwayes snafles by Which the horses are easily turned) sett with studds of gold or siluer, sometymes having gold Chaynes, and like ornaments at the eares of their SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 88 horses, and Commonly paynting the mayne and taile yea the whole body, excepting the back of their horses with light Coulors, as Carnation and the like, therein seeming ridiculous, that whereas art imitates nature, these Coulors are such as are most vnnaturall for horses. They haue guilded stirropps as also spurrs which are some handfuU long at the heele. Not only soldiers but Ambassadors and their gentlemen, haue the hinder part of their horse couered with the wings of an Eagle, or skinn of a Tyger, or leopard or some like ornament, either for beauty, or to seeme more terrible, as in generall all haue them couered, some lesse, some more richly. The Polonian horsmen restraine the incursions of the feirce Tartars, and seeme so bold to the Turkes, as they haue no hart to invade Poland; Neither can the Moscouites indure their assault, how- soeuer for feare of their Tyrant, they must be prodigall of their bloud. The Polonians haue no care to fortify Cittyes professing nothing more to be disgracefuU then to fly from their enemyes, and vaunting to defend their Country with their owne brests, not with walled Townes which they lesse desyre to fortify lest their kings should vsurpe power ouer them by giving the keeping of such places to their denoted seruants. The footemen. The Germans inhabiting strong Cityes haue no cause to feare the Polonians, having no strong body of Footemen to force them. For those that dwell in the Cittyes of Poland, are Marchants or Tradesmen, both enemyes to Warr, and the Country people are all slaues, a generation not capable of military glory. And of these should the bands of Foote consist ; For the gentlemen are all horsmen, and the strength of horse being only in the playne Feild, strong Townes need not feare them. Thus whiles the kings authority is limitted so as he cannot make warr of himselfe, nor force his siibiects to take Armes with him, and while they want treasure the sinew of Warr, except the warr and the meanes to raise mony be decreed 84 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. in the generall Assembly, it falles out, that as in the Comunion of Plato, what all men care for, each man neglects; so many tymes a Senate of many heads, is either diuerted from the best Counsells by Confusion of opinions, or letts the best occasion slipp by slow and too late resolutions. For which Causes, and for the foresaid want of Footmen, the Polonians, howsoeuer in a Common danger they readily concurr to stopp any inuasion ; yet seeme vnfitt to inlarge their kingdome by Conquering new Prouinces. The strength of their Warfare consisting in their horse, and their slaues seruing only for Pioners, or like oxen to draw Artillerie, and for like vses, whensoeuer they raise an Army the Footmen are mercenary straungers, commonly Germans, Hungarians, and Slauonians (whereof king Stephen had sixteene thousand in his Army). But the king mantaynes a certaine number of Hungarian and Slauonian Footmen, not sufficient to serue in the Army, but only to guard his owne person, and these being commonly taken for Polonians are called Haiducs, and are most bold in fighting and vndanted in receiuing vgly wounds, and maymes made by the Simeters or short swords they vse. Their nauall power. All parts of Poland lying within land excepting Prussen and part of Liuonia, which are subiect to the king vnder a free yoke, and haue few shipps of their owne, most commonly vsing those of strangers for trafficke, the Polonians may be sayd to be altogether ignorant in Nauigation. So as when king Stephen had beseiged Danzt, and the Citizens had hyrdd a Flemish shipp to cutt downe a Bridge of Wood, by which the Polonians passed ouer the Riuer, the Dantzkers at this day tell for a Jeast, that the Polonian Footmen stood vppon the bridge to defend it thincking with their Pikes to stopp the shipp vnder all sailes with a strong gaile of Winde, till the shipp cutting the bridge with an instrument in the Prowe, these ignorant men were all drowned in the Riuer, SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 85 Warfare in generall. In generall the warfare of Poland hath three impediments one of wanting mony and power in the Kings to make peace and Warr, both these being raised and determined in Parliaments and againe the want of Footmen for which they vse strangers, but (as I formerly sayd) it hath more or lesse reputation and power according to the kings person. For the histories shew that some vnwarlike kings haue suffered Losses, and indignitye without reuenge or repayre of them, but their Successors being valiant, and of warlike myndes haue not only recouered and repayred those losses and wrongs, but haue at home kept the proude Gentlemen in awe, and haue abroad mantayned their owne and their kingdomes reputation against all their powerfuU neighbors. The Polonians suffer the present vsurpation of the king of Suecia confining vppon Liuonia because they haue not power at Sea, and cannot lead an Army against him by land without great difficultyes, neither doth he offend them being restrayned by iust feare of the Danes and Moscouites, continuall enemyes to that kingdome, and bordering it on all sydes. The Duke of Moscouye, in the Warr for Liuonia, with Stephen king of Poland, did by his victorys finde him so powerfull, as he was content to haue peace with him. The Moscouite hath his subiects more at Commaund and more vnited vnder tiranicall obedience, but the Polonians are more valiant, more bold and apt to dare any thing in a iust warr decreed by publike Consent. The Moscouites are more fitt to defend fortifyed places, the Polonians invincible in the playne Feild. The Moscouites lesse feare hunger and want of necessaryes, the Polonians more despise the sword and death. The neighbor Germans feare not the power of the Polonians, wanting footmen (as I sayd) to force their strong Cittyes, and the Polonians doe nothing lesse then feare the Germans in the playne Feild since in such fights the Polonians, though farr inferior in number boast themselues to haue often prevailed against the Germans, as namely of late in the Warr of Prussen, and likewise when Maximilian the Emperors brother, was taken 86 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. prisoner in the Feild. The Tartaiians haue often made incursions into Poland, but rather as Robbers then Invaders, wasting the Country for the tyme, but ueuer planting themselues therein, and this they haue done in tymes betweene the death and choyce of kings, when the Polonians wanted their head to lead them, yet euen then haue they often (of old and lately in the age past, and this present) bene beaten back with such ouerthrowes as they had litle cause to bragg of their booty. The Turkes haue subdued the Prouince of Walachia, the Prince whereof did homage to the king of Poland, and haue bene bold to prouoke the Polonians in tymes betweene the death and Choyce of Kings, or when they had vnwarlike kings. Againe the Polonians remembring the great defeat of king Ladislaus by the Turkes and being compassed on all sydes with the aboue named powerfuU neighbors, and warily obseruing the disvuited myndes of Christian Princes, are not willing to make any Warr against the Turkes. But no doubt the Turkes had rather make any warr then against the Polonians, in regard of their strength in horse, wherein the Turkes ouertopp all other enemyes fearing to be forced by them to fight a battell with all forces. And for this Cause they haue of late borne with the Polonians seruing against them in Valachia, and with many incursions made by their Cosacchi that is light horsmen into the Confines of Turkye. As also when the Tartarians passed the Confines of Poland to ayd the Turkish Emperor, at the seige of Agria in Hungary, and were vtterly ouerthrowne by the Polonian Cosacchi, the Turkish Emperor was Content to dissemble as if he thought this hostile act to haue happened by Casualty, though the same day the Polonian Ambassador came to the Turkish Court to excuse the king in Case they should fight, a messenger within few howers after arriued there, who related the defeat and ouerthrow of the Tartarians. Ciuill iustice. The Polonians owe their lawes aswell martiall as Ciuill, which at this day remayne in force to Cassimere the great SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 87 Crowned in the yeare 1333. But besides these Prouinciall lawes or Statutes, the Ciuill Causes of debts of Inheritances, and the like as also cases belonging to our spirituall Courts, about dowries, divorces, last Testaments, and the like are determined by the Ciuill and Common lawes there in Common vse, the sonnes of Gentlemen and of Citizens studying those lawes in the vniversityes, and many of them taking the degree of doctors. In Cittyes they haue two Courts of Justice, the inferior of certaine Richters or Judges from whome the greiued party may appeale to the superior Court of the Senators. And from both these if the cause be of a certaine value, or aboue one hundred pounds, the greiued party may appeale to the kings Courts of Justice, which are likewise two, the one of Judges, called Assessors from whome appeale is likewise admitted to the highest Court where the king setts in person, attended by his Lords spirituall and temporall, not vnlike our Starr Chamber. And these Courts are in the place where the king resides for the present, be it at Crakawe, or at Warsawe, where he commonly abides, or otherwhere. The causes of dowrye and inheritance are determined by the Ciuill and Comon lawes. The daughters and sonnes have equall portions. If the husband outline the wife, he hath halfe the goodds, and the other halfe is divided among the Children, as likewise if the wife outliue the husband, and when the longer living Parent dyes, that halfe also is divided among the Children. Among gentlemen the eldest sonne may haue the Cheife house, and lordshipp, but if the value exceed the portions of his brothers and sisters, he must pay them that proportion in mony. For our strange lawe of giving all the land to the eldest sonne, is not pratized among them. Capitall Judgments. Touching Capitall Judgments. The gentlemen, trusting to their exorbitant priuiledges, often comitt murthers against strangers or any other prouoking them to anger; For they 88 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE cannot be iudged but in a generall assembly which is comonly called at Warsaw where also the Kings are chosen, and that but once in two yeares (except the Kings death, or some like great occasion of meeting happen) and then they are tryed by the most voyces of gentlemen, who are thought partiall Judges in a Common Cause, which may concerne any of them vppon the like euent; yet men of Creditt report that they proceed directly in this manner. The dead Corpes of the murthered is imbalmed and brought to that assembly, whether the murtherer is cited, and not appearing is banished, looseth his goods, his howses being pulled downe, and the very trees being turned vpp by the rootes, and his person made infamous, but appearing as commonly they doe, he must either purge himselfe by the law or sometymes by the fauour of great freinds by voyces finding him not guilty of murther, (but neuer by any pardon which the king neither doth nor can graunt) or els must dye, but in that case his goods goe to his Children or heyres. And the gentlemen for murther are beheaded, whereas others haue their bones broken vppon a wheele. Of late a slaue, that had killed his master (as I vnderstood by credible report) had first one hand and foot cut of in the place where he did the fact, and after in the place of execution had first the other hand and foote cutt of, then had a large thong of his skinne fleaed round about his body, and lastly being yet aliue, had his body cutt into fower quarters. Coyners of mony by the lawe are to be burned, but sometymes in mercy are only beheaded. They that sett houses on fyre are fastned to a Gibbett and smoked to death. He that deflowres a virgine of noble Parentage, must dye by the law, and generally he that Comitts a rape is burned. Adulterers by the law are beheaded, if they be accused; but I heard that gentlemen maryed, did many tymes keepe Concubines, seldome questioned, neuer condemned to death for it, being (as I haue formerly sayd) only to be tryed in cases of life by gentlemen in the said generall assemblyes. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 89 Degrees of Common wealth and Family. Touching the degrees in Common wealth and Family, the Archbishopp of Guesna is primate and legate to the Pope, and crowneth the kings. The Archbishopp of Lempurg and diurse Bishopps haue priuiledges as Princes. I did only heare of two Earles of Osterloch, but I neuer heard nor read of any more Earles nor any Barrons among them. The highest secular dignityes are these of the Palatines and Castellanes, Marshalla Chauncellors Vicechauncellors Generalls and Colonells, which are only for life. The next and cheife for number and power is that of the gentlemen who haue very great priuiledges aswell in the choyce of the kings as in all things iudged by the publike assembly (wherein as I sayd Crymes Comitted by themselues are iudged by themselues) and also in the absolute Commaund of their owne Territories, wherein they haue power of life and death ouer their owne slaues, and all Confiscated goods and tributes, as the king hath in his territories. These priuiledges were first graunted them by Cassimere the great Crowned in the yeare 1333 and since by other kings haue bene increased, alwayes with so much diminution of the kings power. And the priuiledges of the nobility are comunicated to the nobles of Conquered, and vnited Prouinces. Euery king at the end of his Coronation doth with solemne Ceremony knight some Counsellors and gentlemen. And some two or three dayes after, coming into the markett place of Crakawe to take the oath of the Citizens and their guifts presented him, he doth againe draw the sword, and knight some men of best meritt. But they are not dubbed after the manner of our knights nor haue any adition to their names as Sir with vs, and if perhapps they add the title of knight to their written stile, yet are they not vulgarly named by it. All these haue moderate riches scarce sufficient to buy forayne Commodityes, farr brought and much vsed by them as Spanish wynes and spices and stufEes of silk and English Cloth, the greatest not having aboue 500011. yearely Rent, excepting the 90 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Duke of Prussen, of Brandeburg house, and the duke of Curland of Denmark Family, nor were they subiect. The marchants and Artisans in Cittyes are not many in number, there being few Cittyes for so great a kingdome, neither are they rich dwelling farr from the Sea, so as straungers fetch their Commodityes, and they are subiect to the gentlemen in whose Territories they dwell as they are subiect to the king that line in his Territoryes. The rest are meere slaues, (as in Bohemia) the Lord hauing power ouer their bodyes and goods, and ouer their Children to make them seruants in their houshold, and if they haue skill in any art to make them woorke for their Lordes profitt, for they cannot woorke for themselues, nor haue any proper goodds, all belonging to the lord; Yea the Germans aifirme and write that in Lituania, the lord will cutt of his slaues foote, lest he should runn away. But their seruants attending their persons, are comonly poore Gentlemen : For many Gentlemen are so poore as they drinck water, and follow the plough bare-footed, yet loose they not their right to be gentlemen, nor their voyces in generall assemblyes, as in choyce of the King, and like occasions. These gentlemen seruants waite with their hatts on, and sett at their masters table, both at home and abroad where their masters are invited : For they account it a disgrace to haue slaues wait on them, yet some will apparrell their slaues as Gentlemen to attend on them to the Court, or to Cittyes, and when they retorne take this apparrell from them. The Polonians are Courteous and kinde hearted, and so vse their wiues with much loue and respect, as also these Gentlemen seruants with mildnes and affability. In generall a gentleman will not marry a marchants daughter, nor any ignoble woman, for any riches whatsoeuer, and if any should so mary, his Kinsmen would force him to be diuorced. For they are Carefull not to stayue their nobility, insomuch as a gentleman will not buy or sell anything, but his owne Come and Catle. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE 91 CHAP: Hi. Of the Common wealth of Italy according to the several heads contayned in the title of the first Chapter and the severall absolute Princes thereof. But in this Chapter only of the Historicall Introduction in generall for all the Domioions. CHAP : iiii. Of the Common wealth of Italy namely the Pedegrees of the Princes, and the Papall dominion, and the new power of the kings of Spaine in Italy ; Of these I say touching some of the heads contayned in the title of the first Chapter. The Popes of Rome and the Dukes of Venice haue no hereditary succession, but are chosen for life, so as I omit their private Pedegrees. V. CHAP. Of the Common wealth of Venice in particular touching some of the heads conteyned in the title of the first Chapter. [I have decided to omit the whole of these three Chapters •which extend from Page 56 to Page 135 of the original MS. They are laborious compilations and are enlivened with very few personal Touches. The first sentence of Chapter III. has an unconscious humour of its own. " Italy was inhabited at first by the Ligurians and Iletrurians, then by the Galles who called the lower part thereof Gallia Cisalpina that is on this syde the Alps." 0. H.] 92 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. CHAP: vi. Of the Commonwealth of the Dukedome of Florence inter- mixed with that of the Free Citty Lucca; of both touching some of the Heads contayned in the tytle of the first Chapter. Florence is sayd to haue beene inhabited some yeares before the birth of Christ, and to haue bene destroyed by Totilus king of the Goathes, or as others write by the Frisolanes, a people of that Territory, at this day subiect to the Florentines, and that the Emperor Charles the great after that he had onercome the Lombards, retorning from Rome that way tooke such delight in the pleasantnes of the Seate, as he caused the Citty to be built againe in the yeare 802 from which tyme it was vnder the Emperor, and other Princes, till the yeare 1287, when the Cittyzens bought their liberty for 6000 Crownes from Rodulphus Emperor of Germany, which liberty they enioyed many yeares, till the Family de Medicis growing great brought them in subiection. Which Familye beares fine Pills, gules, and one Azure in a feilde ore, for their Coate of Armes. Cosmo de Medicis was the first of that Family, that grew eminent in the Citty, who had such power as he might easely haue disposed of that Common Wealth, but for the publike good he attempted no change, and dyed in the yeare 1464. His sonne Peter the first kept his fathers authority, and the loue of the Citizens, wisely gouerning the Common Wealth, rather as a priuate Citizen then as a Prince. The Pedigree of this Family inserted in the beginning of the fourth Chapter of this booke, among other Princes of Italy, doth giue light to that I now write. The said Peter left two sonnes Lorenzo called the Great, and Juliano. By a Conspiracye of the Familyes de Paccij, and de Saluiati, the yonger Juliano was killed, but Lorenzo keeping his old authority, demeaned himselfe so modestly and so wisely, as he seemed not only to gouerne the Citty, but all Italy, the SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 93 Princes thereof reuerencing him, and seeking Counsell of him as from an Oracle. But he dying in the yeare 1492, his sonne Peter the second, seeking to rule as absolute Prince, when Lewes the french King entred Italy, with an Army, was banished with his brothers Giouanni and Juliano. At which tyme Pope Alexander the sixth sought to bring that State subiect to his sonne Csesar Borgias, who to that end, Peter being dead, laboured to bring back his two brothers from banishment, but their reuocation was effected in the yeare 1512, by Ramondo Generall of the Army of Ferdinand king of Naples, yet still the Cittizens had theire wonted Magistrate called Gonf aloniere, and theire Priour of Justice, and howsoeuer the Commonwealth was gouerned at the becke of the Pope Leo the tenth, and Pope Clement the seuenth, both of the Family De Medici, and by theyre fauorites, yet the sayde Magistrates were yearely chosen, till Pope Clement the seuenth being besidged by the Emporour Charles the fyfth, the Florintynes resolued in the yeare 1527 to take Armes for the recovery of theire liberty. Wherevpon the Pope after obtayned of the Emperour desirious to regaine his fauour, to send the Prince of Orange with his Army to Florence, who droue the Cittizens to such want of Vittles as they were forced to obey the Pope in receauing his kinsman Alexander sonne to Lawrence, and in electing him perpetuall Priour, whome shortely after in the yeare 1535. the sayd Emperour created Duke of Florence, giuing him his base Daughter to wife. Alexander was killed by one of his kinsmen in the yeare 1537. And Cosmo sonne to John succeeded him first stiled great Duke from which tyme to this day, that family by right of inheritance succeedes in that Dukedome, as absolute Princes. The sayd Pope Clement the seuenth was a bastard, and historyes record with what art he proued himselfe legitimate, for bastardes are not capable of the Papall seate. Now the family de Medici begann to be in great estimation, hauing had diners Popes and Cardinalls, and the French King Henry the second hauing marryed one of that family namely Queene Catherine that so wonderfully in our 94 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. age troubled Fraunce by factions, which she raysed, and so tempered, as the strongest still had neede of her helpe (but vnderstand that Henry the second was a younger brother when he maryed her and by the death of his elder brother came to that Crowne) yea Pope Leo the tenth Chusing 30 Cardinalls together of his owne faction, left the Papall Sea as it were intaled to his Family, for by them Julio de Medici was likewise chosen Pope who wrote himselfe Clement the seuenth. Fraunces the last deceased Duke before my being at Florence, had to wife Joane of the house of Austria, and by her had a Sonne who dyed yong, and two daughters Leonora then maryed to the Duke of Mantua, and Maria then a Virgin and a most fayre lady, of whose marryage I shall hereafter speake. His wife Joane being dead, he lined long vnmaryed, and it was vulgarly spoken aswell among his subiects as strangers, and a thing sowell knowne in Italy as I thincke it fitt for good vses to be here mentioned, that during the tyme of his single life a Floryntine marchant intangled in his loue a Venetian gentle- woman called la Signora Bianca di Capelli, so as shee stole from her frendes, and being his Concubyne came with him to Florence, where he hauing wasted his estate in shorte tyme, shee was thought a fitt pray for a better man. Wherevpon Duke Fraunces, after the manner of Italy, in the tyme of Carnovall or shrouetyde going masked through the streetes with a little basked of egges filled with Rose water, passed by her windowe and threwe vp an egge, which shee caught and retorned it broken into his bosome, and so modestly played the wanton with gracefullnes, as the Duke inamored brought her to his Palice, where shee being his Concubyne, first brought him a sonne called Antonio, then seeming to make conscience to line a Concubyne, at last shee had the power to make him to take her to wife, which donne shee bent all her witts to haue her sonne legitimate, and admitted to succeede in the Dukedome, and while Cardinal! Ferdinand brother to Duke Fraunces opposed this her desseigne, it happened that he came to Florence to passe some dayes merrily with the Duke, and SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 95 they being to goe out hunting earely in a morning, the Duchesse sent the Cardinall a March payne for his breakfast, which he retorned with due Ceremony saying that he did eate nothing but that was dressed by his owne Cooke, but the Duke by ill happ meeting the messenger, did eate a peece thereof, and when the Duchesse sawe it broken, shee smiled and spake some wordes of Joy, but the messenger telling her the Cardinalls Answer, and that the Duke had eaten that peece, shee with an vnchanged Countenance tooke another peece, and hauing eaten it, locked herselfe in a clossett, and herevpon the Duke and shee dyed in one hower, and the Cardinall Ferdinand succeeded in the Dukedome, who lined at the tyme when I was at Florence. Duke Fraunces (as I heard from Credible men) was of a meane stature, black hayre, nothing curious or gumptious in Apparell, not delighting in hunting or any laborious exercises, but giuen much to his studdyes, hauing invented the melting of Cristall of the mountayne, and delighting to make Porcellana d' India which wee call China dishes, and to Cutt Jewells, and sett the false to make them appeare true, to norish silke wormes, to distill many waters, for which he had many fornaces, to make buUetts to breake and murther. He was sayd to be of good and sounde Judgement, warye in speech, eloquent to discourse of the Mathematiques or such thinges wherein he was more Conversent, faythfuU in his promises, a louer of peace, frugall, popular, and so confident as by night he would walke out alone. The noble Familyes of Pulci and Caponi are sayd to haue Conspired to kill him, and his two brothers Cardinall Ferdinand and Don Petro, but that one of the consperitours made knowne theire purpose, wherevpon they were all put to death, yet the Duke vsed such moderation therein, as he scarcely confiscated 3000 Crownes of their goods, and put the Judgement of them to the publike magistrates, who had not yet forgotten the loue of theire owne liberty, nether did he after the manner of the Italian factions punish any of theire Familyes that were Innocent, but still held in his seruice with good estimation the brother of a Cardinall 96 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. one of the Consperitours. Don Petro yongest brother to Duke Frances marryed the daughter of Don Garzia di Toledo a Spaniard brother to his mother, so as his wife was his cosen germane, of whome he had a sonne, yet because he lined in Spayne, he was sayd to be lesse loved of Duke Frances, so as he perswaded Cardinall Ferdinand his brother not to be a Cardinall Priest, that he might succeede him hauing no sonnes, and might be free to marrye. This Ferdinand hauing giuen vp his Cardinalls hatt, possessed the Dukedome when I was in Florence, being of a meane stature, Corpulent and fatt with great leggs, one eye a litle squinting or some such way blemished, his visage broode and full with a great Chinn and a browne bearde, not thicke of hayre and kept short. He seemed to mee to haue nothinge in his apparell furniture or trayne to drawe mens eyes vpon him. His Cloke was of blacke Cloth with one silke lace, his breeches were rownd of black velvett without any the least ornament, he wore lether stockings and a lether sheath to his sworde, his Coach was lyned with greene velvett, but worne till it was thredbare, nether was it drawne with braue horses but such as seemed to come from the Plough, and those that went on foote by his coach spake to him with theire heades Covered, only the Bishop of Pisa satt in the Coach with him on the same syde, and on his right hand, who was his cheefe fauorite. He was sayde to be of good and sounde Judgment, affable, and mercifully disposed, and in matters of loue to desyre the first gathering of the Rose, but neuer after to care for the tree. At the same tyme when I did see him passing the streetes of Florence, his Duchesse was in his Company carryed in a litter vppon mens shoulders, for that she was great with Childe; she was daughter to the Duke of Loraine whome the Duke had wooed with rich Jewells and presents, and not long before at her entry into Florence intertayned her with great pompe and magnificence. I did see her apparrelled once in a Tuft taflety gowne and an other tyme in a purple Taffety gowne, then and alwayes attyred after the French fashion, her visage was long and pale with a short nose. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 97 The second tyme when she came from her Pallace to the Church, she had none in her trayne but a wayting mayde and two dwarffs, only the Princesse Maria, daughter to the late Duke Francis by his wife of the howse of Austria, went before the Dutchess, being a Lady of excellent beauty, and in all things of princely Port, tall in stature, her face gracefully mixed with white and redd, so as a straunger by her sanguine complexion might know her to be of the German bloud, the hayre of her head hunge downe Knotted in curious wreaths. Her gowne was of Cloth of siluer, loose yet not hanging only at the back, but like our ladyes night gownes with larg hanging sleeues, and buttoned close vpp from the brest to the Chinn, and she wore a thick short Ruffe altogether of the Italian fashion, and she was ledd by a man on each hand. This Dukedome contaynes three famous Common Wealthes, that of Florence, that of Pisa (first bought by the Florentines, and after in tyme of their liberty vppon a long rebellion reduced againe to subiection), and that of Sienna, added by Duke Cosmo to this dominion, and these with their territories contayne the greatest part of old Hetruria, being compassed on three sydes with the Mount Apennine, and open on the fourth syde in a playne towards the Sea, and to the Roman Confines being said to haue in length some two hundreth and in breadth one Hundred Italian myles. The State of Florence hath one Archbishopp, and xviij bishopps vnder him. The State of Pisa hath one Archbishopp, and two Bishopps vnder him, and the State of Sienna hath likewise one Archbishopp, and three bishopps vnder him. The Duke had no Counsell of State, but gouerned the Common Wealth by publique Magistrates, and his secrett affayres by the advice of some fauourites, among which the Arch-Bishopp of Pisa was sayd to be in greatest grace with him whome commonly he carryed with him in his Coache, and in his Company wheresoeuer he went. Formerly I haue shewed that this Dukedome was setled by Spanish forces vnder the Family of Medici, in fauour of some Popes of that Family, but at this H 98 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. tyme the Duke of Florence no lease then all other Princes of Italy, suspected and maligned the greatnes of Spayne as ready to swallow vpp their Principalityes, and oppresse the liberty of all Italy, howsoeuer for the present they were not disturbed while the king of Spayne was busy about his ambitious dissignes of subduing Fraunce, Netherland and England. In which warrs, he had great vse of the Popes fauourable authority, which once ended Italy was so intangled on all sydes with his netts, as the Conquest thereof seemed not difficult. The Dukes at the first setling of their State by Spanish forces, either to shew their Confidence in Spayne, or because they had neede of forrayne succors to keepe their new Subiects in obedience, did receiue and pay Spanish Garrisons in two Forts of Florence and in three Ports vppon the Sea, called Telamone Pentevole, and Orbetello, but they soone groned vnder their suspected support, and ceased not till by petition, mony and all like meanes, they had freed themselues of that burthen, so as at this tyme Ferdinand the present Duke had only one Spanish Garrison in a Towne vppon the Seacoast called Porto d' Ercole. Francisco his brother and Predecessor, in the life of his father Cosmo, was brought vpp in the Court of Spaine, and being there when his Father dyed, did not without some difficulty gett the possession of his Dukedome; For while he lined in Spayne, he had by diuerse accidents, alienated the Spaniards myndes from his afifayres. And after he did more prouoke them against him, by releeuing the Citty of Genoa with victualls, and their fauourers abroad by all other meanes, when Don Jean base brother to the king of Spaine sought to bring that Citty vnder his subiection, whome thereby he also made his open Enemy, yet in the midst of these Jelousyes, he was strengthned by his mothers being of the Family of Toledo most powerfull in Spaine. As he was likewise strengthned by his Consanguinity with Catherine Queene of Fraunce, and by the fauour of the Pope, and the Colledge of the Cardinalls, by which meanes he kept his State in peace. No doubt while the kingdomes of Fraunce and Spaine were equally ballanced, the freneh were SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 99 a strong support to preserue the Italian Princes from the yoke of Spaine, so as the Dukes of Florence had great strength by- Catherine de Medici, then Queene of Fraunce. But this Queene had borrowed great sommes of mony of Duke Francisco her kinsman vppon her Jewells laid in pawne to him, and before a third part of the debt was paid, she desyred the vse of her Jewells, which the Duke to witnes his loue and Confidence easily restored to her, yet he after finding that not only the mony was kept from him, but that also the Queene pretended right to some of her Fathers goods that the Duke had in his possession, he did not only euer after forbeare like offices of Loue, but diuerse ielousyes therevppon grew betweene them. Touching Ferdinand the present Duke at this tyme whereof I write, he had none of his brothers Jealousyes with the Court of Spaine, he had the same mother of the Spanish Family of Toledo, and the same or greater grace with the Pope Clement the Eight, being a Florentine gentleman borne, and with the CoUedge of the Cardinalls, whereof himselfe had bene a member, but he could haue no Confidence in any support from the kings of Fraunce, that kingdome being then rent and wasted with strong factions of the league, the Royalists and the party of the good Patriotts, as also the party of the Protestants betwene whome three Ciuill warrs had long continued. Only in this Dukes latter tyme, those Ciuill warrs being composed, the Duke much strengthned himselfe and his Successors, by giuing the Lady Mary his deceased brothers daughter in mariage to the famous french king Henry the fourth. And no doubt he did nothing lesse then fauour the growing power of Spayne. For howsoeuer that kings warrs with England and Fraunce for his mayne proiect of obtayning the Westerne Empire, kept him for the present from attempting anything in Italy, yet the greatnes of his power, could not but be fearefuU to all the Princes thereof. And that this Duke feared the king of Spaine appeared by many infallible arguments, and not to insist vppon all, in particular, namely by his deliuering the miserable Captiue bearing himselfe for the king of Portugall 100 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. into the hands of the Viceroy of Naples ; whome men feare, they also hate, and as all the people subiect to him manifestly shewed at this tyme great hatred of the Spanish nation, so no doubt the Duke, howsoeuer he in policy obserued the king of Spaine by outward offices, yet he was farr from wishing well to the successe of his ambitious affayres, and earnestly laboured by all meanes to haue the foresaid Spanishe Garison in Port Ercole drawne out of his Country. For his mariage, he sought not a wife in Spaine, though his mother were a Spaniard; but as I formerly sayd, he maryed a french lady daughter to the Duke of Loraine, which Family then pretended to be of the Spanish faction, and the Ciuill warrs being ended (as I sayd) gaue his neece to the french king, vppon whome himselfe and the other Princes of Italy then cast their eyes for protection against the power of Spaine. The last Duke his brother had much depended on the Emperor of Germany, in regard his first wife was of the house of Austria, and with the expence of mony mantayned freindshipp with him, and the Princes of Germany, more specially the Diike of Bauaria, aswell to gett a more full investiture of his Dukedome from the Emperor, as in hope to haue aydes from them in any tyme of danger. But this Duke Ferdinand litle inclined to the declining Empire, but rather nourished amity with the Protestant Princes especially after the appeasing of the Ciuill Warrs in Fraunce. He had long tyme kept the picture of Elizabeth Queene of England and expressed asmuch reuerence and loue towards her as he might well doe towards the Popes professed Enemy, and not only he but the State of Venice had for many yeares admitted the said Queenes priuate Agents, as they and the Duke of Sauoy haue since receiued the publike Ambassadors of our Soueraigne king James to be resident with them, and haue openly shewed much to depend vppon his Royall ayde and protection. For the Citty of Genoa I formerly shewed that Duke Francisco ayded them against Spaine, but this could not take away the hereditary quarrells betweene that Citty, and the Dukes of Florence, in regard that Genoa still keepeth the Forte SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 101 of Sorezana of old belonging to the Citty of Florence and the Hand Corsica of old subiect to the Citty of Pisa. It is manifest that the Princes of Italy depend vppon the fauour of the Popes, and Cardinalls, aboue all others. And I haue shewed that this Duke and his deceased brother especially affected and euer had great power in the Court of Rome. For no State is more able to anoy them, then the Popes, Rome lying on the Eastsyde, and the Popes State of Bologna on the Westsyde of them. From which parts their State can only be entred, being otherwise compassed with the Sea, and vnpassable mountaynes. Besides that a great Army of Enemyes cannot finde victualls in the State of Florence, being all layd vpp in Cittyes, which only the Pope can supply having aboundance thereof. And this they haue found by wofull experience in that two Popes had the power to oppresse the liberty of that State, and bring it in subiection to the Family of Medici. Thus say the Florentines, but for my part I thinck aboue all they feare the Thunderbolts of his Ecclesiasticall Censures, which no mountaynes can resist, though our ages contemning them, and the frequencye thereof, hath much blunted and abated their force, and terror; Neither doe I reade that the Popes temporall power hath euer done great hurt to any State, and howsoeuer two Popes haue of late oppressed and subdued the liberty of Toscanye ; yet it was effected by the Army of the Emperor Charles the Fifth for their sakes, not by their owne forces. The Commodityes are of no lesse importance which this Duke findes in the freindshipp of the Popes and Cardinalls, as the reputation he thereby gayneth among all Princes of the Roman Religion, together with his safety from any their purposes against his State, and the true intelligence thereof from Rome, where by Confession and all other meanes they best know all such Princes most secrett Counsells, yea euen by their owne communicating of them to the Pope for his approbation thereof: As also by the benefitt the Duke reapes of Ecclesiasticall livings, which by the Popes fauor, he hath liberty oftentymes to bestow on his seruants and Followers. 102 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. For howsoeuer the Popes for some 400th yeares past, haue made a new heresye and Simony for laymen to dispose of Ecclesiasticall Benefices, tho neuer so freely bestowed without any the least bribery, yet they approue laymens disposing of them with their Consent and indulgence first obteyned. Not to speake of the supply of Victualls from the States vnder the Pope, and many like Commodityes. To conclude howsoeuer the Popes are not in these dayes as of old, the Arbiters of all Christian affayres; Yet the Vnion of the Pope, the State of Venice, and the great Duke of Florence, is the cheife foundation and strength of the peace of all the small Principalityes of f Italy. For the Venetians since their State was almost ruined by the french king Lewes the xijth seeme to haue cast of all ambition to invade their neighbors, and are not as before they were suspected in that kinde of the Italian Princes, but are honoured by them as defenders of the Common liberty. The commonwealth of Lucca. The Citizens of Lucca are afrayd of this great Duke as Partridges of an hawke, being compassed with his territories on all sydes, and furnished with Corne from the Maremme of Sienna, with flesh and oyle from the Territory of Florence, and with all kindes of victualls from other parts of his dominion, and if they haue any victualls from any other places; yet the same as all other goods of Marchants or Citizens whatsoeuer, can passe no other way to Lucca, then through some part of the Dukes dominion, and with his safe conduct, so as it is apparent the Duke might with ease subdue that Citty were it not that he forbeares to disturbe the peace of Italy, which warr would soone bring in confusion, Italy consisting of many petty principalityes gouerned by many heads. All which the beginner of any Warr should make his enemyes, and so the Duke in stead of gayning a Citty, might leese or disturbe his owne Dominion. And besides that Lucca in this Case is like to receiue strong aydes from Genoa which of old in like sort so SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 103 supported Pisa rebelling against the Florentines, as also from other Cittyes, and States of Italy, who making the Case their owne, would in all probability assist any member in Italy invaded by an other, no doubt Lucca relyeth vppon forraine succours, which the Emperor Charles the fifth and after his Sonne Phillip in their tymes professed to haue in protection. Againe the Duke suffers Lucca to rest in peace, because the Citizens wealth consists litle of stable inheritance, and almost altogether of ready mony and moueable goods, who finding their liberty in danger, would no doubt remoue their estates and dwellings to some other free Citty, and so the Duke should haue lesse profitt in taking the Citty thus vninhabited, then now he hath by their respect and feare of him in regard whereof vppon his occasions he may commaund the loane of any mony he needeth, and all like offices from them, who seldome refuse him any request, being in name free, and yet in some manner subiect to him. Lucca is a small Citty lesse then two myles Compasse, and hath a small territorye, as I haue shewed in my Journall of Italy, but is Compassed on all sydes by States of farr greater power. It is gouerned in cheife by the great Counsell consisting of 150 Citizens, and the Citty is diuided into three parts, and of each part thiee Senators are chosen, and in course of each part the cheife magistrate called Gronfaloniere is chosen, which tenn men inioy this dignity for three yeares, and representing the Dominion, are vulgarly called La Seignoria. This Senate heares Petitions, giues all graunts, administreth Justice, and to these ends alwayes remayneth in the publike Pallace, whence none of them may goe forth vppon payne of death, but they are there mantayned out of the publique Treasure. These tenn men chuse one among them who is called Commandator, and for three dayes comaundes all the rest, euen the Gonfaloniere himselfe, and for those three dayes, he receiues all Petitions, which he must notwithstanding (howsoeuer contrary to his liking) comunicate to all the rest, and can doe nothing without their Consent, and whatsoeuer is agreed by them with seauen voyces, the Gonfaloniere propounds 104 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. it in the great Counsell to be approued or reiected. This Senate of Tenne men hath absolute authority ouer strangers, but not so ouer Citizens, whose causes, and all other matters they cannot fully determine, but must propound them in the great Counsell. Three Secretaries are absolute Judges of Treasons, and therein are aboue the Gronfaloniere, yet he must necessarily be present at those Judgments, and howsoeuer they must comunicate such causes to the great Counsell, yet often it happens, that after the execution of the iudgment, they giue accompt thereof to the great Counsell, as in cases dangerous to be deferred till the Counsell can be assembled. They haue a second Counsell of 18 Citizens chosen by the great Counsell to determine doubtfull Causes. And a third Councell of six men, that hath care of the receipt and expence of the publique Treasure, chosen likewise by the great Counsell, as all other magistrates are. They haue a body of Judges called La Rota, namely three Doctors of the Ciuill Lawe, whose place of birth must be fiftye myles distant from Lucca, and one of them hath the title of Podesta, the other Judgeth Crymes, and the third Ciuill Causes, and these places by course they chaunge euery halfe yeare. If any Citizen be accused before the Podesta, he only formes the processe, and subscribeth his opinion, but the Judgment is referred to the great Counsell to be approued, reiected or moderated, only in the Causes of Straungers this Podesta hath absolute power. They haue a Court of nyne Marchants assisted with one Doctor of the Ciuill Lawe being a straunger borne, who iudge the Causes concerning Marchants, and in those Cases also may condemne to death. In like sort they haue nyne men sett ouer the office called Abundanza, namely three of each third part of the Citty, and the office hath that name, because their duty is to furnish the Citty with victualls in aboundance, and to see that the Citty neuer want three yeares prouision of Corne before hand. They haue a like Counsell of men sett ouer the Ordinance and munitions of Warr. Many Citizens inroll themselues soldiers, and six Commissaries are sett ouer them. Three Officers haue the Care SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 105 of health, whose duty is to looke that no musty or rotten thing be sold, that no filthines be suffered in the Citty, and that no goods or persons be admitted into the Citty coming from places suspected to be infected with the plague. Besides they haue a Counsell called de Discoli, most woorthy of obseruation and imitation, and their duty is once in the yeare some fewe weekes before Easter to assemble together, at which meetings any one of them may putt into a Chest the names of such persons as with vs are called of the Damned crue or roaring boyes, and these names being after read in the great Counsell, if two or more of those Counsellors haue concurred in any one mans name, he is called in question by voyces in the great Counsell (the voyces being dumbe, not by mouth, but by litle balls putt into diuerse vessells) and if he be iudged such a person by the voyces of two third parts of that Councell, then he is banished for three yeares, so as he may not for that tyme dwell within 50 myles of the Citty, wherein if he fayleth, he is in absence condemned to death, and a reward of mony sett vppon his head is proclaymed to be giuen to any man who shall kill him, which is the highest prosecution in Italy against banished men; and after sentence is pronounced against him, he must goe out of the Citty before night, and after three yeares he may retorne agayne to dwell in Lucca, but shall euery yeare be subiect to this tryall, if he mend not his manners. Thus the Athenians banished their Citizens by Ostracisme, but they bannished for tenne yeares, and not Wicked persons as these of Lucca doe, but eminent persons in power or riches, being therby like to inuade their liberty. The Judges called vulgarly de La Loggia, inquire what buisinesse Strangers haue in the Citty, and finding suspicious persons, examine them by the Tortor of the Strappa di corda, which wee call Strappado, and all that keepe Inns must giue to these Judges the names of all strangers they receaue, and must aduertise what buisines they haue in the towne, and that dayly, so as it may appeare to them how long they stay. Thus doe they with great warines and feare watch to preserue theire Liberty, but for 106 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. trayned soldiers, they haue only some hundreth in the Pallace, whose places of birth must be fifty myles distant from Lucca, and out of these are chosen Captaines to leade theire soldiers in tyme of warr, but they are punnished no lesse then with death, if in the night time any of them alone or accompanied goe to the walls of the Citty, for only the Artisans of the Citty (hauing good wiues and children there) watch vpon the walls in the night, and two Cittisens with a Commissary, keepe each Gate therof in the day time. And the sayd hundreth soldiers haue each of them three gold Crownes stipend by the moneth. The Court of the great Duke of Florence. After this excursion, I retourne to speake of the great Duke of Florence. The Italians write and speake of the Dukes Court, as if it were magnificall, aboue the degree of a Duke yet somthing vnder that of a King, and that he hath a great number of Gentlemen attending him, whereof some only haue a stipend, others both dyett apparrell and stipend. But in my opinion strangers, be they English or French, will hardly say that they haue obserued any such magnificence therein. For howsoeuer wee may yeald the Italians some preheminence of glory in Fountaynes, Aqueducts, Gardens, Jewells, and some such permanent goods, yea somtimes likewise in theire Feasts, which being rare, and the people being as proud as rich, may often tymes exceede like Niggards Feasts. Yet no doubt they of all Nations can worst iudge what it is to keepe a plentif uU house, or a Princes Court and trayne. The Duke was sayd to <^ haue sixty young gentlemen for his Pages, whome he trayned vpp in exercises fitt for them. He had 100 Dutchmen for his guardd, for the Italians trust not their owne Countrymen for the guarding of their bodyes but commonly vse Dutchmen whome they esteeme most faithiull and each of them had fiue Guldens of Germany by the moneth, finding themselues apparrell and dyett. Perhapps formerly they had somewhat more allowed for apparrell or dyett, for themselues told me, that SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 107 this Duke had abated their intertainment. Thirty of them by course each day and night attend at Court, be it held in the Citty or in the Dukes Pallaces, not farr distant, and that day they haue 14 loaues of bread and two Flagons of wyne allowed them by the Duke, but otherwise I haue scene them vppon high dayes haue homely fayre, as Cabages and Colewoorts, only they haue great releife by wayting on their owne Countrymen and other straungers that come to the Cittye. He had 30 Footmen which by course wayted and followed his Coaches; And they said that the Dutchess had not more then some 12. women in her seruice. For my part, I saw nothing in the trayne, or Tables of the Court, wherein many of our Earles and Barons doe not equall it, and I dare boldly say, that very few, and I dare boldly say, that very few, and I thinck not aboue 30 persons haue their diett allowed. The Italians that magnify this Court, say that the Duke spends some fine hundreth thousand ducates yearely in his Court, his priuate delights, his pleasures and the keeping of his houses, Gardens, Aquaducta, in repayre. For his Stable they report, that he had 150 Coursers of Naples and Gianetts of Spayne, besydes choyce horses of his owne Eaces. For my part, I could only see in Florence two Stables, each having some 32 horses, which seemed to me of his owne Races, and not of any extraordinary woorth, and twice or thrice I saw his Coaches drawne with very ordinary horses, and I conceiue that the Italians reckon the expence of his Stable in the estimate of all his like expences formerly made. Of the Dukes forces. Tributes, Lawes, and Justice, I shall speake in the following Eight Chapter of this Booke. The Citty of Pisa. The Citty Pisa with the Territory is the second principall member of this Dukes State, first subdued by the Florentines, and after rebelling by the aydes of the french king Charles the Eight, when he entred Italy to conquer Naples, againe subdued 108 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. by the Florentines while they yet enioyed their old liberty, and free Common Wealth, which the Family of Medici shortly after invaded. And for the manner of the second subduing of Pisa, Guicciardine in his history hath fully described it. It is a pleasant Citty, and an vniversity, and the Duke hath there an Arsenall, or Storehouse for his Gallyes, in which respect the knights of St. Stephen imployed to goe to Sea with them, haue their residence in that Citty where also the great Duke was wont to hold his Court, Some three monethes in the yeare, aswell to shew his loue to the Citizens, as by his presence to incite them to more diligence in drying vpp the adioyning Fenns, not only for profitt, but also to make the ayre more pure and free from the wonted infection. Sienna. Sienna is the third principall member of this Dukedome, having a shadow but not altogether so true fruition of the old libertye as Florence itselfe hath in the Continuance of the wonted magistrates. For it was a free Common Wealth; First subdued by Duke Cosmo, by whose institution they haue still their wonted Magistrates, and the wonted authority of the Pallace, where they line to iudge causes; yet the Duke setts his Gouernor called Podesta to represent his person, without whose approbation the said Senate determines nothing of importance. The Senators oflBce lasteth for two monethes, and they are said vppon payne of death to be tyed not to goe out of the Pallace by day during that tyme, but with their faces couered, perhapps lest the people should be incited by them to mutinyes for recouery of their old liberty, and myselfe haue scene diuerse of them goe abroad thus masked; yet I thinck they are allowed some pompe vppon some festiuall dayes, for myselfe haue seene these Senators vppon such occasion come in solemne pompe from the Church of St. Katherine cloathed in gownes of Eedd silke, and square Caps of redd veluett with two banners, and SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 109 two maces before them. But howsoeuer these Senators Hue in the publique Pallace of the Citty and there assemble to iudge causes, no doubt the Dukes Gouernor hath absolute power in all affayres, and vseth their helpe rather to dispatch, then to determine them. Also the Duke hath a Fort in the Citty where he mantaynes Soldiers to keepe the Citizens in due obedience, and hath a Captayne ouer them chosen by himselfe as an officer of great trust. 110 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. CHAP: vii. Of the free Citty Genoa and of the Dukes of Mantua, and of Vrbine touching some of the heads conteyned in the title of the first Chapter. The Citty of Genoa. Genoa is an ancient Citty whereof the Romans make mention some 300 yeares before Christs birth, and when the Empire of Rome declyned, it became a free State, and was of old powerful! at Sea, having vnder it all Liguria in Italy, and diuerse Hands adioyning, besides sondiy dominions vppon the Sea Coasts of the Easterne Parts. And at this day it possesseth Liguria, a large and though mountanous and rocky, yet pleasant and fruitful! Proiiince of Italy, and the Isle of Corsica not farr distant. But by the factions of the Citizens, betweene the Guelphs and Gibellines, one of the Popes, the other of the Emperors syde, and the Familyes Adorni and Fregosi, as also other noble and popular Familyes, the Common Wealth hath bene subiect to many hazards, and sometymes oppressed, and subiected to the french, sometymes to the Dukes of Milan. At last when it was subiect to the french, Andrea d' Auria a cheife Citizen of Genoa, being Admiral! to the french king, and having by Sea gotten a victory against the Spaniards, refused to send his Captiues taken into Fraunce, desyrous to keepe their Ransomes to himselfe, and so combined with the Marquis of Vasto alluring him to the Spanish party, and not only opened the first advantage to the Spaniards of casting the french out of the kingdome of Naples, but practised by all meanes to free Genoa from subiection to the french from which party himselfe was fallen, and this he easily effected by the vnion of the factions newly made, whereof the frenche Gouernor had improuidently bene the cheife Author, whereas wise men thought he should rather haue nourished some dissention among them. This Prince d' Auria (after the manner of the SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Ill Italian Princes and States often to chaunge their protecting Patrons to better their estate vnder others) thus falling from the Frenche to the Spaniards, animated the Genoesi to expell the french, and to institute that forme of gouernment, which they haue at this day. The said vnion of the factions was made in the yeare 1527, and the yeare following the said Prince d' Auria fell from the french to the Spanish party. And for the making of the said vnion twelue Reformers were chosen, who made a lawe to abolish all faction, and reduced all the nobles into 28 cheife Familyes, all other inferior being inserted into them, 80 as to auoyde factions, no Nobleman might signe any other Sirname then one of them, and to the hands of these 28 Familyes, the Stern of the Commonwealth was committed, all Plcbeans being excluded from the same, yet so as by a lawe then made tenn of the richest, or best deseruing Citizens might euery yeare be receiued into the number of these noble Familyes. And thus all factions haue from that tyme ceased from any fact, but to this day they are iealous one of an other, and haue certaine fashions of attyre, of wearing Roses in their Capps, and sondry manners of drincking, and like signes whereby they are easily distinguished and knowne among themselues. The said Andrea d' Auria is much praysed of the Italians, that he not only freed his Country from all subiection, but also hauing that power yet forbore to invade the liberty thereof himselfe. But no doubt, if he had not had the protection of Spaine in such measure as he could not probably haue had in any action of his priuate ambition, he could not haue expelled the french or resisted their powerfuU forces, neither would the Citizens haue bene so constant to him, but for the loue of Common liberty. The Genoesi are generally reputed to be of a wauering disposition, affecting chaunge. Wee reade that their estate hath bene much troubled with factions and innouations among themselues, and when for the miseryes thereof they haue bene forced to cast themselues into the subiection of forrayne Princes for present protection, wee finde that assoone as they could in any reasonable manner allay these 112 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. troubles, their first endeuours were to practise for recouery of liberty, yea since their state setled by Andrea d' Auria in the forme of gouernment it now hath, Conte Gio : Luigi Fiesco wanted litle of oppressing their liberty, and making himselfe Lord of Genoa, by a tumult he raysed in the night, if in his first attempt to surprise the Gallies, while he leaped from one Gaily to another, he had not bene drowned by a casuall fall into the water. Touching the Kings of Spaine by whose aydes the french were cast out of Genoa, they haue searched all Counsells to finde the best course to subdue this Citty, and at first builded a Fort, kept it with a strong garison, and probably thought to keepe the Citizens in awe of them possessing great part of Italy and adioyning Lombardy, but in the end considering that they could not be subdued without disturbing the peace of Italy with Common preiudice of all, and as the affayres stood no lesse of Spayne in priuate, that the Citizens vsed to subiection of forayne Princes were dead, all now lining having beene borne in the tyme of sweet liberty : That the cheife riches of the Citizens are in mouables and huge Treasures of ready mony : That they are like Froggs coming to Land for pleasure, but vppon the least feare ready to leape back into the water, and having bene of old antiquity a nation powerfuU at Sea, are not only like to flye with their Wealth vppon danger to be subiected, but also to surprise the Spanish Gallies harbouring in their Port, and vse them for their defence, I say considering these and like reasons, they haue not thought good to hazard the certaine power they presently haue in the Citty for the vncertaine hope absolutely to subdue it. Spaine presently hath full vse of their Commodious Port for harbouring and building of Gallies and of the Citizens bodyes and Treasures aswell in warr as peace. The cheife Princes or Nobles of Genoa, haue Commaunds in the Spanish Army and Navye (as the aboue named Andrea d' Auria was Admirall of the Spanish Gallyes in Italy), and aswell the Noble as popular Familyes are great Marchants and sayd to be the richest in ready mony of any Citizens in the world, and this Treasure the Kings of Spayne SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 113 may not only commaund at all occasions to their great advantage, but also they inthrall the priuate men and the publick liberty by having it in their hands : For as we reade that the french king Charles the viijth after the example of his Progenitors, had and held the Florentines in awe and dutifuU respect to his Commaund by their couetousnes of gayne in the traffick of Lyons ; so the kings of Spayne by the same art but a stronger bayte haue the Genoesi at their Commaund. For they continually borrow great sommes of those marchants giuing them for assurance of repayment, the Tolls and Customes of Maritime Ports and Cittyes and diuerse Monopolies of traffique yeilding great gayne for the vse of those monyes, and the same being not halfe repayd still renewe the debt, and so having alwayes in their hands the Citizens Treasure, and the hart being where the Treasure is (as of all men so more specially of the Genoesi noted aboue others with the vice of vnsatiable Couetousnes) they haue the Citty more in their power, then if they had a Fort and strong Garison therein. Lett a Citty be neuer so strong, yet if the Enemy beseiging it, can cutt of the Conduicts of Water seruing it, he shall soone be master thereof, and in like sort if the King of Spayne not paying his debt to the Genoesi, or stopping the payments Course for a tyme, can make all them and their bancks breake and faile in Creditt, I may boldly say he hath them fast bound in Fetters of gold. And that Genoa hangeth in this sort vppon Spaine as a dore vpon the Hinges, experience sheweth plainely to the world at this tyme of my being in Italy, when the King of Spaine having besides his exhausted Cofers contracted great summes of debt, and so not being able for the present to giue his wonted Assignments of Customes, and the like for payment of his debt, the cheife Marchants and bancks of Genoa were forced to breake with their Creditors, and the Contagion of this mischeife soone had spread itselfe to Venice and Florence, and other Cittyes after a straunge manner. Yet howsoeuer this Comon Wealth is thus at the beck of the kings of Spaine, it hath the name and reputation of a I 114 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Free State gouerned by the Nobles, that is gentlemen of 28 Familyes. The magistrates are not chosen (as of old) so many of one faction, so many of another, neither (as of old) are the Gentlemen excluded from being Dukes, but these and like nourishments of factions are abolislied, and at this day out of the body of the said 28 Familyes, 400 Senators are chosen, Which Senate is called the great Counsell, and chuseth the Duke and 8 Gouernors, which nine persons represent the Dominion, and are vulgarly called la Signoria. The Duke, the 8 Gouernors, and the great Counsell, gouerne the affayres of State but they chuse by dumb voyces, that is with diuerse balls, out of the body of the great Counsell, 100 gentlemen called the lesser Counsell, which dispatcheth other things of lesse importance. The Duke being head of the Common Wealth is chosen for two yeares, during which tyme he Hues in the publike Palace, and hath 300th Dutchmen for the guarde of his body ; when he enters this dignitye for the first two dayes he weares the Ducall habitt, but after vseth an other habitt, comonly a gowne of Veluett, or Satten of Crimson, or Peacocks blewe Coulor, and a Corner Capp of the same Coulor, as myselfe haue scene him attyred, and the 8 Gouernors weare black gownes and Capps. The Duke hath great authority, since no man besides himselfe can propound any thing in the great Counsell, so as nothing can be confirmed therein, which he doth not first allow. The two yeares ended, vppon the first day of January he becomes a priuate person, and goes to dwell in his owne house, but euer after he hath the dignitye of a Procurator during his life. Then (as he formerly was) a newe Duke is chosen after the manner following. The third day of January the lesser Counsell, and the Eight Gouernors chuse 28 gentlemen, namely one of every Family and these chuse the like number who in like sort chuse 28 gentlemen, and these last chosen, with the Senators who for age or other cause are not capable of the Ducall dignity, choose 4 gentlemen whose names are propounded in the great Counsell, and he that hath most voyces is chosen Duke for the next two yeares. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 116 The foresaid Eight Goiiernors (who with the Duke represent the Dominion, yet can determine nothing without the Consent of the great Counsell) are chosen in like manner for two yeares, yet not all at one tyme, but two each third moneth in manner following. The Duke, the Gouernors, and the lesser Counsell, chuse 28 gentlemen who chuse 12 gentlemen, and propound their names to the great Counsell, out of which number the Duke, the Gouernors and the great Counsell chuse one day one, and the next day an other to succeede in the place of two Gouernors whose tyme is ended. And of these Gouernors being like Counselors, two dwell for three monethes by course, with the Diike in the Pallace, and the other sixe dwell in theire owne howses. The Gouernors having ended that office, are chosen Procurators for two yeares. And these Procurators namely the old Dukes chosen for life, and the old Gouernors chosen for two yeares, haue Care of the Treasure, and other publique affayres, and are of great reputation. The magistrates of St. George are eminent in this Citty, instituted in the yeare 1407, who haue long preserued this Commonwealth. These officers first setled the meanes to raise mony sodenly for publique vses, in any doubtfull occasion of the Commonwealth, taking it vpp of priuate men, were they willing or vnwilling, yet so as the State, according to the variety of tymes, allowed sometymes 10. 9. or 8, sometymes but seauen in the hundreth, for vse of the mony, lest priuate men should suffer losse by promoting the publike good, besides that they gaue them security for repayment by ingaging to them some publike reuenewes, or by selling to them some Tolls or Customes of the Citty for a certayne tyme. By this institution Eight men were yearely chosen to be sett ouer this busiues to prouide for the satisfaction of publike Creditors. The charge of this office daily increased, by many villages and Communityes subiected to the gouernment thereof, and many large Priuiledges were granted to this office in process of tyme, aswell by the State of Genoa, as by diuerse Popes and Emperors, and all men coming to any place of gouernment in the State, must take an 116 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. oath not to infringe these Priuiledges of the office of St. George, which is not subiect to the power of any other magistrate. At this day more exact courses are taken in these afPayres, and the Creditours haue not the same gayne at all tymes for vse of theire mony, but more or lesse according to the increasing or decreasing of the publike Rents, Tolls, and customes. And this office in tyme hath apropriated to itselfe diuers large revenuewes. So as this one Citty may be sayd to contayne two Commonwelths, the greater of the Pallace, administring Justice to all the Citty, which hath often bene oppressed with tyranny, and the lesser of St. George sett over publike Creditours, which hath allwayes beene free without suffering any such oppression, so as the same Citty within the same walls and at the same tyme might be sayde to haue lost liberty and to inioye it. The foure sayd eight Magistrates of this office, are called the protectors of St. George, and are chosen for a yeare in this manner. All the Creditors in the Citty of what condition soeuer, chuse by lott among themsellues 80. persons out of which nomber agayne 24 are by lott selected, who being shutt vp in a chamber, may not depart till by dumb voyces, that is by diuers litle balls, they haue chosen eight Protectours, and each one that is chosen must haue 16. voyces of the 24. Electors. This office increasing, so as the eight protectors in one yeare could not dispatch all the affayres thereof, the Creditors in the year 1444. instituted the choyse of 24 men, who should dispose the remayning Reuenewes (which is the sinewe of the publike Treasure) for the Common good of the Citty, and that most secretly, lest any Tyrant might take occasion to lay violent hands on the Treasure. The Hand Corsica, and other places of no small importance, are vnder the gouernment of this office, which is bound to preserue them aswell in warr as peace. Touching the forces of Genoa, the munitions for warr, the difference of degrees in the State, the iustice and Judgments, both Capitall and Ciuill, I shall speake in the following Eight Chapter of this Booke. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 117 The Duke of Mantua. Vincenzo Duke of Mantua, (at this tyme whereof I write) was a young man, having a redd bearde, a full visage, a chearefull ruddy Complexion like the Germans of whome he discends, and of somewhat a low stature, and mourning then for his dead mother, he was apparrelled in black Freesado. His Court was after the Italian manner, faire for building but solitarye for trayne of Courtiers; yet he was sayd to giue pay to Geiitlemen for 200th horses after six Crownes the moneth for each horse, and when these gentlemen vppon occasion iourney with him, they also haue diett in Court, but not otherwise. In his Stable, neare his Pallace in the Citty, I numbred 114 horses (whereof many were Coursers of Naples, the rest of Italian races, and most of his owne races, which are accounted more generous then any other in Italy) and two Camells, beside a like number of horses, Which they said were kept in an other stable for Coaches and other seruices, and a stable without the Citty, wherein were some sixty faire Colts all bredd of Neapolitan horses and Mares with that Dutchye. The Duke had 50 Germans for his guarde, hauing each man 4 Crownes stipend by the moneth, without any diett, except each Eight day when it comes to euery mans Course to waite, vppon which day they haue diett in Court, I was credibly informed that the Duke gaue pay to 500th soldiers in tyme of peace, kept for defence of his Dominion, and that his yearely reuenue amounted to some 350 thowsand Crownes by the yeare, yet that he was greatly in debt. Of tributes exacted by him is to be spoken in the following Eight Chapter of this Booke. This Dukes honor was much scandaled among the Italians, because in his youth while his father lined, he had in following manner killed a Scottish gentleman reported to haue bene indued with extraordinary vertues. This Prince one night walked the streets with his followers but vnknowne, and by ill adventure meeting the said Scottish gentleman well reputed in his fathers Court, took a fancye to trye his valor, and to that end 118 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. commaunded one of his familiar freinds to assault him with his drawne sword, whome he taking for an enemy, in good earnest resisted valiantly, and at the first encounter hapned to giue him a deadly wounde, wherevppon the Prince much lamented, and the Scottish gentleman knowing him by his voyce, and so humbling himselfe at his feete, with tender of His Rapier the point towards himselfe, the Prince in rage killed him with his owne Weapon. Inferior Princes. For the Duke of Vrbine, I passed through some part of his Territory, but did not see his person, or Court, and of the tributes exacted by him I shall speake something in the following Eight Chapter of this Booke. Of the Neapolitan Princes subiect to the King of Spaine and others not having absolute power, I haue no purpose to write. Passing from Pisa to Lirigi, by chaunce at Masso lying vppon the Confines of Toscany, I did see the Prince of that Towne and small Territory, wherein he hath absolute power, and is of the Family Malaspina being a goodly gentleman of a good stature, comely person, and manly Countenance, with a black pointed bearde. Besides this small Territory, whereof he was absolute Prince, they said he had great Inheritance in the kingdome of Naples vnder the King of Spaine. Here I heard that the Count Stentafiori was absolute Prince of a Territory not farr distant, but I did neither see him nor his Court. These are petty Princes of small power to defend their States, only subsisting by the equall ballance of Italy, and protection from Spaine, or Fraunce, or other States of power, and more specially by the Common ayme of all States in Italy, to preserue it in peace ; For as a Crased shipp may be safe in a calme Sea, but lyes open to the waues vppon any storme, so the small States of Italy haue safety in peace, but fewe of them may iustly haue confidence to stand vnshaken vppon troubles of Warr. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 119 CHAP: viii. Of the Common wealth of Italy in generall and of some of the greater States thereof in particular touching the remayning Heades conteyned in the tytle of the first Chapter. Tributes in generall. The Princes of Italy aboue all others in the world impose not only vppon their Subiects but vppon all strangers passing through their Territories great and many Tolls, Customes, and like exactions. All gates of Cittyes and Townes swarme with searchers, who if the passengers haue any thing that payes custome search narrowly to finde it, and if they haue nothing, yet will ransack the smallest things they haue, except they will giue them some reward. The Cittyes, and Townes and newe Territoryes of petty Princes, are very frequent, so as a Traueller passeth in any of them in one dayes iourney, and he cannot passe a Towne or a bridge, but he shall pay for his person, at euery bridge two or three Quatrines, at some Gates six at some Eight Solde of Venice, besides that he payes for his baggage. He that carryes Jewells or any thing of Gold or siluer or pretious thing of small weight easy to be hidden, if he conceale it, and pay not Custome for it till he haue passed a certaine stone or marke, then the same found by the searchers is confiscated to the Prince, and if he shewe them to paye Custome, he runnes no lesse danger of his life by being knowne to haue such things about him. For any thing almost that he carryes through Italy, he shall pay asmuch as the thing is worth. In some places it is vulawfull to carry a sword, in some to carry a dagger, and at these Gates men attend to offer their seruice to carry the Passengers sword to the Inn, whome he must pay, and these places being frequent, he shall pay the worth of his sword before he haue passed through Italy, paying for carrying of it in each Citty at the entring and going out of 120 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. the Towne, and many tymes in one dayes iourney. A poors woman that carryes twelue Eggs to the markett, must giue one at the Gate for Custome, and if she buy a payre of shooes in the Towne, or spice, or any like thing, tribute must be paid going out of the Gate. If a poore body gett his living by a wheele, to spinn, by Carding or by a Weauers Loome, he must pay yearely tribute to his Prince for licence to vse that trade. And all Inkeepers and those that sell any thing to eat or drinck, pay so great yearely Tributes to the Prince (as likewise the Poast- masters and those that haue horses to hyre) as they must needs vse great extortion vppon all Passengers, and vppon subiects that haue occasion to vse them, for such licences are sold to them as it were at the outcrye, to him that will giue most for them. The Tributes in the Popes State. The Pope is more mylde to his Subiects in this kinde then any other Prince in Italy. And no doubt the fame of this gentlenes auayled him more then his excommunications to gayne the Peoples harts, when he tooke into his possession the Dukedome of Ferrara, the Dukes whereof had formerly oppressed their Subiects with great exactions; so as all other Princes haue iust cause to feare this Foxes practises, lest he conuert this fame of his gentlenes to their preiudice by like vsurpations. Yet the Popes themselues lay vppon their Subiects many and heauy exactions, so farr as they make filthy yet great yearely gayne of the Harlotts in the Stewes, who haue for theire Judge the Marshall of the Court Sauella, and he also for himselfe makes no small yearely Rent of them. As also for gayne they allowe the Jewes a place in Eome for theire habitation, wherein they haue theire Synagoges, which priuiledge they would not permitt to any Christians differing from them in poynts of Religion, and (after the manner of Italyan Princes) suffer the Jewes to grynde the faces of theire subiectes, so they may extorte large tributes from them. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 121 and haue the commaund of theire treasure to vse vpon all occasions. Besydes the Popes governours and Magistrates sett oner theire Provinces and townes, are more often changed then by any other Prince of Italy, and as hungry flyes sucke more greedily than those that are full, so these gouernorg often changed must needes be a greater burthen to theire subiects then if they continued long in office. Of the Papall exactions by spirituall Power, as Indulgences Pardons and the like, I haue formerly spocken in the fourth chapter of this booke. I will only add in generall, that a learned historiographer of Germany, after theire manner of Computation of Treasure, writes the yearely Reuenewe of them to haue exceeded one hundreth Tunns of Gould Guldens, but in oure age to be much abated by the defection of many Dominions from the Popes obedience. In the same chapter I haue spocken of exactions by the Popes temporall power and State, and the yearely Reuenewe of all his tributes, I will only add that passengers going through the Papall State, in all his Portes, Frountyer townes, the Citty of Rome, and all passages where tribuites are frequently imposed, not only pay Customes for all Marchantdize, but for every litle Portmanteau to carry daly necessaryes pay one Julio, yet haue not the same ransacked as in other places. The tributes in the Dukedome of Florence. They who will learne the Art to spend treasure sparingly and to exact it cruelly from theire Subiects, lett them Imitate the Italian Princes, among whome the Dukes of Florence excell in both kyndes, of whose frugality I haue formerly spoken, and now will perticularly sett downe some exactions in that State. For each measure of land vulgarly called Stoara contayning 60. Perches euery way, the owner payes yearely to the Duke (if the land be most barren) tenn Julij, if it be firtile thirty Julij yea more, not only according to the firtelity of the land, but also vpon any extraordinary increase of the yeare. For an asses loade vulgarly called Soma of wyne they pay 32. Quatrines, 122 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. For a bottle of some three quartes of wyne two Quatrines, For the like measure of oyle three Quatrines, For an asses loade of oyle 4 Julij. For a Barrell of wyne one Julio. For the grynding of a Sacke of Come 12. Quatrines, and for a note of license to grynde it 6. Creizers (very Monkes and Religious Fryers paying this trybuite for grynding of Corne). The Country people to the age of 60. yeares pay each man for his head a Crowne yearely : For euery beast or any head of Cattle 20. Soldi, and asmuch for euery horse, Asse, or like Beast solde from man to man, how often soeuer the property is altered, but the worth of the beast allters the payment after the rate of one Julio in two Ducates. He that will keepe a shop to sell warres payes at the entrance 50. lire, and yearely one Crowne. The Duke sells all Salt as his owne, and the Country people are bound to carrye it, hauing in that respect the priuiledge to buye a measure theireof for foure Quatrines, which is soulde to others for 12. but they must buye no more then serues theire priuate vse, for if it be knowne they sell any, they are condemned for a tyme to serue in the Gallyes, or in like sorte punished. The Duke Commandes the very Snowe to be gathered and layde vp in the winter, which he sells in the Sommer to be mingled with wyne, and for like vses. Whosoeuer brings the least thing into the Citty to be solde, or Carryes out the least thing bought, payes tribuite at the gate. For Jewells or any thinge of gould or siluer according to the worth they pay a Gross for each Crowne : For a payre of new shooes foure Quatrines. An old woman that hath a Cerchio of eggs, that is 12. eggs to sell, payes two Quatrines, or giues one of the eggs to the officers at the gate. Flesh sold in the markett payes a quatrine the pound that is some iiid. [Piiijd.] of our English mony in the stone, For a liuing hogg solde, they pay to the Duke 4. Julij, one for each f oote : And the like trybute the poore people pay for Cherryes, Rootes, and the least thinge they haue to sell, yea a dead body carryed in or out of the Citty to be buryed, payes a Piastro or Crowne to the Duke. And least any fraude should be vsed by those that are poore or crafty, the officers search not SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 123 only the Carryage but the very Apparrell of the people, and sometymes the secrett parts of the body, and there is a place at each gate with a marke which if any haue passed without paying of tribuite, those goods are forfeited to the Duke. Yet they report of many that haue plesantly and coningly deceaved the Crafty and Crewell searchers. As of an old woman, that tooke a gold Chayne her master had bought, and foulding it vnder the Flax of her Distaffe, passed the gate without paying tribuite. And of an other old woman, who carryed a Gammon of Bacon to sell, and being demaunded at the gate if shee had any thinge that payed tribuite, scoffengly yet truely answered that shee had Vna coscia secca a dry thigh, and they thincking her to speake of her owne body, with laughter dismissed her free of tribuite. And of a Country Clowns, who hauing bought Cherries for which they demaunded tribute, at the Gate, did rather eat them vpp in their presence, then he would pay ought for them. And of an other that having bought a Cruciiixe of siluer, for which like things being newe, and vnvsed, tribute is payd, hung it vpp at the gate, and falling vppon his knees, mumbled prayers to it, by that vse to saue the tribute ; And of a soldier who having bought a gold Chayne putt it into the hollow handle of his horsemans speare, so as the Searchers could not finde it, tho by spyes they knew he bought it. And of a pleasant Monke, who having bought spice, and sewing it in the hinder part of the Cusheon, which the Italians vse ouer their sadles, and being demaunded what he had to pay tribute, answered scoffingly yet truely, Ho del specie al culo, I haue spice at my backsyde, and so passed for a rude, or merry Felowe and paid no Tribute, without danger to forfeit the confessed spice, if they had after found it. But to omitt Jeasts, I retorne to the serious purpose. In the dowryes of women to be marryed, and all bargaynes, the Duke hath seauen (others say eight) Crownes in euery hundreth Crownes. In hyring of houses he hath the tenth part of the yearely Eent and a like Tribute out of the last Wills and Testaments of his subiects. And one tribute I wish all Princes would imitate and exact the 124 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. like, that no man goes to Lawe, but he payes tribute, according to his cause before he can enter his suite. When the Duke foresees a dearth of Come, he makes search what Corne priuate men haue, and leaving them as much as will serue their owne Familyes, he buyes the rest at a reasonable price, and layes it vpp in the office of Aboundance, as they vulgarly call it, vsing equalitye towards all, in that he spares no man more then another, but when Corne growes scant, it is sold to the people with great gayne. In like sort to preuent famine, the Duke buyes sheepe, comonly each yeare three thousand, and more if need seeme to require, out of Lombardye the only Prouince of Italy yeilding plenty of grasse to feede Catle, and these sheepe he distributes amongst the Butchers of his Dominion at such rates, as howsoeuer he pretend the releife of the publique want, yet those Butchers thinck themselues most fauoured who haue fewest of his sheepe allotted to them. The State of Florence aboundeth with wyne and flesh for foode, and the Fenns of Sienna called la maremme yeild such plenty of Corne as from thence great quantity vseth to be transported for the releife of neighbors as Lucca, and Genoa, yet often it happens that when corne beares a good price in Italy, shipps fraught therewith ariue in the havens of this State, in which Cases priuate Marchants buy not this Corne according to the Custome with vs, but the Duke himselfe buyes it, and sells it by small measures in the markett with good gayne, and with such priuiledge, as the Dukes corne must be sold before any priuate man may expose his in the Markett. And if by any accident the foresaid Office of Aboundance (as they call it) suffer losse in buying any prouision, a taxe is allotted vppon euery Family for repayre of that losse, yea euen vppon those that were no way releiued by that prouision, In which case I haue seene my host a poore Inkeeper pay three lire at one taxe, and his brother a poore Artisan pay halfe asmuch, having had no whitt of the Corne for which it was imposed. If an extraordinary Death happen the Duke hath vsed to make an Edict, that all men shall haue a quantity of brann mixed with theire meale, and SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 125 howsoeuer the very meanest Italians vse to feede of pure wheaten bread, wherewith and a poore rootte, or apple, they will make a good meale, so their bread be pure, and so greatly abhorr this mixture, yet for feare of spyes (neuer wanting) the richest dare no more breake this Edict then the poorest. Besides ordinary Tributes, many extraordinary taxes are imposed vppon diuerse accidents, as when the Duke is maryed, when his Children are baptised, when his daughters are maryed, when any bridges are broken by the ouerflowing of the Riuer Arno, or like accident, and vppon many such casuall events. Yea the Statua of Duke Cosmo, newly then sett vpp in the markett place, was erected at the charge of the people, by a generall taxation. And in generall, since in all publique Collections more is gathered comonly then laid out, the Prince himselfe gaynes by the very mischeifes^ and burthens of the Common Wealth. The Ditches of Cittyes and Townes and Wast places of highwayes belong to the Duke, and in them he planted mulbery trees, whereof he sold the leaues for feeding of silke Woormes with great profitt, no man daring to breake a leafe from them. Myself e in heat of Sommer breaking a small branche to carry for shade, a gentleman meeting me and obseruing me thereby to be a stranger, advised me nobly to cast the bough away before I passed by any house or village, for otherwise the breaking thereof would cost me many Crownes, besides imprisonment. Aboue all other things the Duke makes excessiue profitt by Innes and victualing howses, which sometymes he builds and letts the houses at high rates. Againe those that haue houses of their owne or hyred, that are fitt to be made Inns, yet pay excessiuely yearely tribute for license to keepe them, so as it makes litle difference, whether the house be publike or priuate, and since he that buyes must needs sell, the Florentines otherwise courteous to strangers by their Princes auarice, are forced to oppresse them. When any Inne (I meane not the house but the license to keepe an Inne) is to be lett (for the Custome is to lett them at first for one, and then for sixe yeares, and those ended againe for one and then for 126 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. six yeares, and so euerlastingly in that order) I say when such Inns falling voyd are to be lett, it is done by the Outcrye, a Candle being lighted, where the people are called together, and he that offers most before the Candle is burnt out, shall keepe that Inn during the foresayd tyme, and many tymes Citizens of noble Familyes harken, and beare out poore men in taking these high rented Farmes, to the end themselues may vtter in those Inns more easily at an high rate, the increase of theire owne Wynes, oyle and fruites which they haue to sell. Myselfe for learning of the Language did lodge for some moneths in two Inns, whereof the first was in the high way to Rome, yet in a village, about eight myle distant from Florence, and the Hostesse being an old widow, and paying 23 Crownes yearely to a gentleman for the Rent of her howse, did also pay to the Duke 56 Crownes yearely for license to keepe that Inn, wherein she sold no wyne but such as she fetched from an other man, that had license to sell it. The other was kept by a shooemaker out of the high way to Rome, in a village, whose house was his owne Worth six Crownes by the yeare to be lett, and he paid to the Duke yearely 20 Crownes for license to keepe this Inn and sell wyne, and a Julio and a halfe to exercise his poore trade. For the poorest old woman may not keepe a wheele to spinn, without paying tribute and each weauer payes a Crowne or more yearely to the Duke for his Loome. Most Inns pay the Duke yearely one hundreth or a hundreth Fifty, some few pay fine hundreth or six hundreth Crownes yearely, as I remember the Inn vppon the Confines of Toscany in the way to the Sea-syde of Liguria paid six hundreth Crownes yearely to the Duke. Whensoeuer the Duke wants mony, he takes a list of his Subiects able to lend it, and diuides the same among them according to their ability giuing them assurance for repayment by assignments out of his Customes, which payments are alwayes duly made to them. The Siennesi are rich in yearely Rents of Lands, but the Florentines having a more barren soyle are rich by arts & traffique. For Sattens they pay to the Duke 50. in the hundreth and the very traffique of Sattens in the SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 127 Citty of Florence amounted in one extraordinary yeare, to two millions of gold. The Reuenues of the Duke were said ordinarily to exceede a Million and a hundreth thousand ducates, others said one million and a halfe. The very Citty of Florence was said to yeild fiue hundred thousand Ducates. The Port of Ligorno one hundreth thousand yearely. The other Fortes in generall one hundreth Fifty thousand. The Tribute of flesh one hundred forty thowsand. The mynes of salt and of yron, and the Tribute for siluer a like somme. The Toll of milstones (besyde the State of Sienna) was said to yeild yearely one hundreth sixty thousand Ducates, And the sole Tribute for Inns was said yearely to amount at least to two hundreth thousand Crownes. Besides that the Duke makes great gayne by the bankes of Exchaunge wherein he hath much mony espetially in Banco de Eizzi whereof himselfe is the Cheife. If we consider the Continuall peace of Italy wherein the Duke was thought to lay vpp yearely at least halfe a milion of gold, no doubt he must be powerfull in Treasure. And as I dare boldly say that no Christian Prince euer did or can exact more of his Subiects, so I reade in a late writer that this Duke Ferdinand left to his sonne and successor ten millions of gold in ready mony, and two millions in Jewells. No Prince of Italy exacts much lesse of his subiects, and for the Dukes of Ferrara of the Family of Este, before that Dukedome fell to the Pope as Lord of the Fee for want of heyres males, I did not obserue more exactions in any place then in the Citty of Ferrara. Each straunger paid a Gagetta to the Duke at the Gate for his head where the searchers rifeled all parts, Carriages, and the least Portmanteau, to finde out things for which Tribute was to be paid, and if they founde any such thing, as gold Chaynes spoones any thing of gold or siluer (which as I sayd in Italy can neither be hidd without danger, nor shewed without as great daunger of spoyling), nor any new apparrell, or any thing newe or not vsed, so as it may be fitt to be sold, all these things if they had not paid tribute for them, were confiscated to the Duke. The searcher followed 128 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. V8 to our Inn, there to search the small things we carryed with vs, and for this office of Respect that he did not stay vs and search vs at the gate, he extorted a reward from each one of vs, and those straungers who gaue them not rewards aswell as Dutyes, were sure to be molested by them many wayes, as by keeping their mayles or other Cariage at the gate with them, to be searched at their leysure, in which meane tyme they would not suffer him to take out a shirt to chaunge or any other necessarye for daily vse. The Dukes territory was small, yet this one Citty lying in the beaten way to Rome, by like exactions yeilded large yearely Reuenues. The very fishing of Eeles in the lakes of Comaccio where the Riuer Po enters the Sea, or rather ends in standing waters, was said to yeilde to the Duke 150 thousand Crownes Yearely. The tributes in the state of Venice. The State of Venice in imitation of the Pope, calling his Rents the Patrimony of St. Peter, doe also call their tributes the Reuenues of St. Marke the protecting Saint of the Citty. Of Stable Rents, not such as are Casuall and gotten by industry, each man payes tenn Crownes to St. Marke in the hundreth. Each measure of wyne called Botta vulgarly, payes fine Ducates, and each Secchio of wyne payes tenn Soldi. Each measure of Come called Staio vulgarly payes 48 Soldi. But the shopkeepers pay no such Tributes as are exacted in Florence, exercising their trade freely. The Magazines of Wyne only in the Citty of Venice, were said yearely to yeild three hundreth thousand Ducates, for those that sell wyne by small measures, paid each man some thousand Crownes for his License, after which rate the Inkeepers also paid for their licenses. Many houses kept Chambers to be lett, and suppose the house be hyred for some hundreth Crownes the yeare, or being theire owne be valued at so much, they pay halfe the Rent, namely Fifty Crownes to St. Marke. The very boyes and men wayting in the marketts, like our Porters with basketts to SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 129 carry home things bought, and vulgarly called CisterolH, doe pay each moueth Fiftye Soldi each one for his License. In diuerse written relations I finde the generall Reuenue of this State valued at two millions of gold yearely though Monsr. Villamont attributes so much to the Citty of Venice alone. And for seuerall tributes of the State, I finde them thus valued in generall. The wyne yearely at one hundreth sixteene thousand Ducates; The oyle at fower Thousand; Marchandize imported at Thirty thousand, and exported asmuch. Come at fowerteene : Flesh at seauenteene thousand. The fatt vulgarly II Grasso, as butter, suett, and the like, Fourteene thousand. The Iron seauen thousand. The fruites foure thousand : The wood six thousand. And for particular Cittyes, these relations record, that Padoa brings yearely into the Treasure of Venice thirteene thousand Ducates. Vicenza thirtye two thousand : Verona nyntye thousand : Brescia (besydes many extraordinary Subsidyes) one hundreth thousand foure hundreth and fyfty : Bergamo fyfty thousand : Vdane twenty fyue thousand : Treuigi foureskore thousand. Not to speake of the Ilandes of Istria, and Dalmatia Cittyes, Cataro and Zara, and other places of small importance, this sufficing for probable coniecture of theire Reuenues, which may satisfye a stranger, who can hardly and needeth not for his owne vse search the perfect knowledge thereof. My selfe retorning from Padoa towardes England, and hauing the testimony of the vniuersity (vulgarly called Matricola) that I was Student thereof was thereby freed from many small payments in that State, as six Soldi demaunded at the Gate of Padoa, and eight Soldi at the gate of Verona, and some Quatrines for the passing of bridges, and the like, which I mention only to shewe that these payments were due to St. Marke only for my person, since I carryed nothing with me but some two or three shirts, and that the same payments being exacted of euery Passenger for his head, in such a beaten waye from Fraunce, Germany and many kingdomes to Rome, must needes amount to a great somm yearely. I haue omitted to speake of the Tribute raysed by ISO SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Harlotts, called Cortisane, which must needs be great in that State, neither haue I spoken of extraordinary Tributes, as in tyme of warr, wherein the Tenths for Land, and in like sort the Customes are doubled or trebled, and priuate men not only with Chearefulnes lend, but also giue great sommes of mony and the women haue not spared to giue their Jewells, so as it may be sayd that the publique treasure is neuer poore, so long as priuate men be rich. Neither haue I spoken of the depost payd by gentlemen when they are admitted capable to beare office, nor of many like Reuenues. Giue me leaue to add that a late writer hath published in print, that the generall Reuenue of Venice amounts yearely to two millions of gold Crownes. That the Townes yeild yearely eight hundreth thousand Crownes, of which summ Bergamo and Brescia yeild three hundreth thousand; That the Imposts of Venice amount to 700 thousand, wyne alone in the State to 130 thousand, and salt alone to 500 thousand Crownes. Tributes in the Dukedome of Mantuoa. The Duke of Mantua maketh no lesse exactions vppon his subiects and all straungers, then other Princes of Italy, but hath one thing singular, that to the preiudice of his subiects he intertaynes the Jewes with greater priuiledges then they haue in other parts of Italy, so as in Mantua they keepe the cheefe shops, and are not easily knowne from Cittizens, carying only a marke in obscure places, as vnder theire Clokes, whereas all Jewes in other parts of Italy ether weare yellow hatts, or haue other notorious markes by which they are very aparently knowne. Tributes in the Dukedom of Vrbin. The Reuenues of the Duke of Vrbin were sayd to amount yearely to one hundreth thousand crownes, yet his territory was small, and he thought to be a gentle exactor in comparison of others, wherevpon he was sayd to be much beloued of his SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. ISl subiects. Notwithstanding passing by Senogallia (which towne belongs to the Pope, but it seemed the Dukes territory came to the gate therof, for the Inn without the gate lodging all passengers belonged to the Duke) I say passing by Senogallia and lodging in the Inn without the gate, I vnderstood that the Innkeeper payd yearely 500th Crownes to the Duke of Vrbin, for keeping that Inn, and his being Postmaster, so as I nothing marueiled to be abused in our supper and the hyring of horses, but rather wondred at the auorice of the Italian Princes, who by these immoderate exactions not only oppresse theire subiects, but force them to grinde the Faces of all strangers passing through theire territories. Tributes in the kingdome of Naples. The tributes of the kingdome of Naples are no lesse rather more excessiue, for not only marchants pay them, but gentlemen buying silkestockings and like smale thinges, pay tribute, except they were them once, and so likewise for chaynes and Jewells of gold except they be openly worne about the neck or handwrests. And if any haue passed Naples gate without paying tribute and taking a testimony therof, his goods shalbe forfeyted when the Searchers at Sportelle vpon the Frontiers fynde them. Yet all these caterpillers will also extort somthing of guift. And great tributes are payd for horses which cannot goe out of the kingdome without license from Naples, searchers attending at Fondi and other places otherwise to forbid theire passage. Yea the Searchers will not only rifle a strangers portmanteau, but will see what mony he hath in his purse, and those who lett horses & Mules, must haue a pasport for passing of theire beasts. To conclude this point too perticularly handled already. I will only add that the Catholike king of Spayne imitates his holy Father the Pope in the tribute exacted for harlotts, wherof 60. thousand were sayd to be in the Citty of Naples, and of them the poorest payd two Carlini the month, but the proudest and fayrest not only 182 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. payd much more to the kings treasure, but allso were subiect to many extortions of diuers magistrates sett ouer them. So as the Pope and these Papal Princes seeme to haue learned of the heathen Emperour of Rome, that the smell of gayne is sweete though it come of Dung, who exacting mony of vrine sold, and taxed by his owne sonne for the basenes of the gayne, putt to his nose a peece of mony of that tribute, and another of a sweete Commodity (as spice or the like) and asked him what difference there was betweene the smell of them. Of the power of Italy in warr generally. The Princes of Italy placing all the hope of preseruing theire States in the greatnes of theire treasure, not in the loue of theire subiectes, which they loose by the foresayd cruell exactions (vnder which they grone as vnder the bondage of Egipt) and so hold theire faythfulnes suspected, for that cause keepe them from any the least experience in military seruice, or somuch as the vse of the wearing of the sword desyring to haue them as base & fearefull as men may be. And for this Cause in their warrs, they vse auxiliary soldiers, and especially Generalls of other Nations. Yet I confesse that the State of Venice being a free State, vnder the which the people are not so much oppressed as vnder other Princes of Italy, raise part of their foote of their owne Peasants, but the strength thereof is in straungers, as likewise they imploy some gentlemen of the Cittyes subiect to the State to comaund some troopes of men at Armes or Armed horses. But howsoeuer they make gentlemen of Venice Gouernors and Generalls of their Navye, yet they neuer imploy them to commaund their Land forces, having alwayes a Straunger to their Generall. But this they doe, not that they suspect their faith, but lest any gentleman gayning great reputation in Armes, and the loue of the soldiers, should haue power at any tyme to vsurpe vppon the Freedome of their State. Againe I will boldly say that the Italians generally haue so litle Confidence in the hopes of the life to come, and SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 133 finde such sweetnes in the possession of their earthly Paradice, as they care not to hazard Certayne things, for those that they hold vncertaine, and so howsoeuer they are more proude then valiant in reuenging priuate wrongs with base advantages, which pride may also make them braue in warr, when they are forced to that Course, yet I thinck they are not willingly bold adventurers of their persons in any action that presents death to their eyes. And for this Cause in the great warrs of Europe, in forrayne parts, and particularly in the long Warr of our tyme betweene England, Fraunce, Spayne, and Netherland, wee neither reade, nor heare of any great voluntary troopes or bands of Italians carryed to that seruice with Loue of that profession. For those few Italians which haue serued in Netherland, were for the most part Neapolitans, pressed by the king of Spayne, or banished men, or such whose fortunes permitted them not to Hue in Italy. For the Foote of Italy the Marchians subiect to the Popes of Rome, are most commended and I know not how good soldiers they are abroad but surely straungers finde them at home rude, and feirce towards them. But the woorthy Historiographer Guiccerdine, being himselfe an Italian confesseth in the warr of the French king Lewes the twelueth in Italy, that the Italian foote were base, and litle to be esteemed, and that the Italian horsemen could not sustayne or beare the strength and the force of the french horsemen charging them. And he that reades his Historye, shall finde in the warr at that tyme, aswell in the kingdome of Naples, aa in the State of Pisa & Dukedome of Milan that the Italian Troopes and bands deserued small or no prayse, and sometyme much blame. I will not dispute whether the old Romans conquered the world by their owne wisdome which they still retayne, or by the valour of forrayne Legions, made free of the Citty and so called Romans, or whether the old Romans were indeed braue soldiers while they beleeued that all men dying for their country went directly to the Elisian Feildes, rather then now, when they haue woorse Maximes of Religion, but Historyes warrant me to say, that after the declining of the Roman 134 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Empire, the barbarous people neuer made inuasion, nor the Emperors of Germany any expedition with Armyes into Italy, wherein the Italians did make any braue resistance for life liberty and goods, but rather did not basely yeilde themselues to the invading power. And that in the last age, when Fraunce and Spaine stroue for the dominion ouer Italy, the Italians euer subiected themselues to the invading Armye, yea that all the forces of the States and Princes of Italye combyned and assisted by the power of Eerdinande king of Arragon were all straungly beaten by the French alone. And for the ill successe of the french in the kingdome of Naples, Guiccardine himselfe attributes it in no part to the Italians, but altogether to the Valour of the Spaniards. About the tyme when I was in Italy, one of the brothers to the Duke of Florence ledd some Italian bands of Foote and troopes of horse to assist the Emperor in Hungarie against the Turkes, but after a yeare they retorned, having done no memorable seruice. For the horse of Italy, the race of the kingdome of Naples is much prised, being vulgarly called Corsers of their swiftnes, wherein notwithstanding the Giannetts of Spaine excell them. And that kingdome also yeildes strong and great mules. Otherwise in Lombardy they vse litle naggs, and comonly Mares for cariage & riding, and oxen to drawe euen in Coaches; sometymes as in Toscany and the mountanous vpper parts of Italy, they vse Asses and litle mules, neither haue any good races of horses, saue that some few Princes breede a small number of the Race of Naples. Yet some Princes and especially the State of Venice in tyme of peace mantayne some troopes of Armed horse, which I haue seene mustered in very braue equipage, the horses being well armed and beautifuU, and the horsemen attyred in Coates of blewe Veluett or like Coulor, whereof I shall speake in the particular discourse following. The Foote Captaynes especially of the State of Venice, are to be commended that they Hue not luxuriously and prodigally, but content with their pay of Twentye five Crownes the moneth. Hue modestly both for diett and apparrell, as the Common Soldiers likewise line of the pay SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 135 of some three or fower Crownes the moneth, the Pioners having only 12 Soldi of Venice by the day. Nether doe the Captaynes make any extraordinary advantages by their Companyes, either in deficiency of numbers or in victualls or Apparrell for them, only Guiccardine writes that the Popes vse to be much cosened in those kindes. The nauall power in general!. For the Nauall power of Italy in generall. The Italians the old Conquerors of the world, are at this day so effeminate and so inamored of their Paradice of Italy, as nothinge but desperate fortune can make them vndertake any voyages by Sea, or Land (great part of them having neuer scene the villages and Townes within fiue or tenn myles of their natiue soyle), or any warfare by Sea, or Land, or any hard Course of life. And as generally they are reputed not very confident in Gods protection by land, so they lesse trust him at Sea, thincking that man to haue had a hart of Oake and brasse who first dared to make furrowes vppon the wanes of the Sea, having nothing but a boarde betweene him and ougly death. To which purpose they haue a Prouerbe, Loda il mar', sta su la terra. That is. Praise the Sea-tyde, on Land abide. So as they seldome proue expert, neuer bold marriners. And howsoeuer some venture to sayle along the Coast at home, fewe, or none professe to be marriners at Sea, having their shipps for the most part (or altogether) furnished with Comaunders and Common Saylers of the Greekes, and Ilanders about them. These Greeke Marriners I haue found by experience to be very superstitious for ominous tokens of Shipwrack, and they sayling only in the narrow Mediterranean sea, if once they haue lost the sight of the Loued shore by any mist vppon the least ill weather, most of them soone leese the knowledge where they are, and if any storme arise, they make such a fearefull noyse, and by confusion shew such ignorance, and want of Courage, as would make a man afrayd where no feare is. In my Joumall of my retornc 136 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. from Constantinople & landing at Zante, I haue shewed that with great wonder I vndeistood a Venetian Shipp of five hundreth Tonnes well armed, to be taken by a fewe small Frigatts of Turkes, being themselues neither good Seamen, nor bold soldiers, but only Pyratts hartned to Rapine where they finde small resistance. Neither durst any Italian Shipp in that Port, for feare of these Pyrates goe forth to fetch Come for the necessarye foode of the Hand, but were forced to compell an English Shipp to wast their Corne from Morea into the Port of Zante. Likewise I obserued English Shipps going forth from Venice with Italian Shipps to haue sayled into Syria and retorned to Venice twice, before the Italian Shipps made one retorne, whereof two reasons may be giuen, one that the Italians pay their Marriners by the day, how long soeuer the voyage lasteth, which makes them vppon the least storme, putt into harbors, whence only fewe wyndes can bring them out, whereas the English are payde by the voyage, and so beate out stormes at Sea, and are ready to take the first wynde any thing fauourable vnto them. The other that Italian Shipps are heauy in sayling, and great of burthen, and the Gouernors & Mariners not very expert, nor bold, and so are lease fitt in that narrow Sea full of Hands, to beate out stormes at Sea, whereas the English Shipps are swift in sayling, and light of burthen, and the marriners excellent both in knowledge and Courage, and so more fitt to beat out all weathers at Sea. Insomuch as I haue obserued the Italians with astonishment and admiration stand vppon the shore beholding an English Shipp woorke into the harbor with a very slant, and boysterous gayle of wynde while their Shipps lay abroade and neither durst nor could come in. In generall the shipps of Italy trading in forrayne parts, are of great burthen From five hundreth to twelue hundreth Tonne, and howsoeuer they are well furnished with great peeces of brasse ordinance; yet in regard of this greatnes, being slowe to vse their sailes, and being built large in the Wast and Keele for Capacitye of Marchandize, they are vnfitt to fight at Sea, howsoeuer they SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 137 may serue like Castles to defend a Port or the entrance of a Eiuer lying at Anchor. The lesse Barques seruing to vnlade these shipps, and for passage vppon the Coasts, are altogether vnarmed. For in Warr vppon that Calme Sea, they altogether vse Gallyes, whereof the greatest are called Gallyons, the Midle Gallies and the least Galliasses and Frigotts. And only the king of Spaine, at Naples, and in the Hauens of that kingdome and in the Port of Genoa (as likewise that Citty in the same Poi-t, and the Venetians in the Poi-t of Venice) may be said able to arme a Navye of Gallyes : For otherwise the Ports of Italy are fewe, as Ligorno subiect to the Duke of Florence and Ciuita Vecchia on the one syde, and Ancona on the other syde vppon the Sea subiect to the Pope, which Ports also are not open and secure Rodes for great Shipps, but shutt and fortifyed for security of Gallyes, and that in no great number. And howsoeuer the Pope hath some fewe Gallyes, and the Duke of Florence, and the Knights of Malta, haue likewise some fewe Gallyes, whereof they arme some part yearely to spoyle the Turkes vppon that Sea, yet the number of them is so small as they deserue not to be called a Nauy. More miserable men cannot be found than those who are condemned to Rowe chayned in the Gallyes. Some of these for Capitall Crimes are condemned to this slauerye for life, othei-s guilty of lesse Crimes are condemned to this seruice for certayne yeares, and some are so foolish as to sell their liberty for mony to vndergo this bondage, till the mony be repayd. As at Naples they haue a stone where vnthrifts play at dice, and the Commaunders of Gallies are alwayes ready there to lend them mony, who will take it vppon this slauish Condition, and if they haue ill luck to leese those fewe Crownes, they are presently carryed into the Gallyes, and they are chayned, whence they are seldome or neuer redeemed. For their allowance of victualls being scant, and the victualers in the Gaily giving them Creditt, their debt monethly increaseth, till it be so great as fewe or none can fynde freinds to pay it. And this their misery proues more intoUerable by the extreme Cruelty of the Commaunders who 138 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. beat them with Cudgells and whipps for slacknes in rowing, and when they fall downe for faintnes they lift them vpp with a Rope, and beat them still to their woorke, yea after the manner of Turkye when they committ any fault, they are terribly beaten with Cudgells vppon the back, the bellye, and the soles of the feete. The power of the State of Venice in warr. The State of Venice is more powerfull in warr then any other State, or Prince of Italy. And this power made them suspected in the last age to affect the subduing of all Italy, where vppon the Pope of that tyme, the Emperor Maximilian, the french King Lewes the twelueth, and Ferdinand the king of Arragon made a league at Cameracum to ioyne all their forces for suppressing the power of this State, which with great Courage defended itselfe against these strong vnited forces, and being beaten by the French alone, yet the wise Senators thereof applyed themselues first to appease the Pope by yeilding to his demaunds, who combined the rest of the league in that great action almost to the fatall ruine of this state. And the Pope being once satisfyed, by his inconstant leaving of his Confederates, and their mutuall ielousyes among themselues, the Venetians having lost all their dominion on firme land soone recouered the same, excepting the Townes yeilded to the Pope (from whose possession as from Hell there is no redemption) and the Townes of the kingdome of Naples which the King of Arragon had ingaged for mony to the State of Venice, and now during this league had by Armes extorted out of that States possession. From which tyme the Venetians haue only laboured to preserue their owne, and seeme to haue cast of all proiects to vsurping vppon their neighbors. The written relations of this State taxe the Nobles (so their gentlemen are called) with want of Courage, whereby they abhorr from any Warr, and more spetially against the Turkes daily prouoking them with many iniuryes, to whose Sultans (or SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 139 Emperors) they not only pay yearely tribute for the peaceable possession of some Hands they hold in the Mediterranean Sea, but also vppon all occasions when the Sultanes are incensed against their State, spare not by large bribes, and like meanes to appease them. And indeed the Gentlemen of Venice are trayned vpp in pleasure and wantonnes, which must needes abase and effeminate their myndes. Besides that this State is not sufficiently furnished with men and more specially with natiue Commaunders and Generalls, nor yet with victualls, to vndertake (of their owne power without assistance) a warr against the Sultane of Turky. This want of Courage, & especially the feare lest any Citizen becoming a great and popular Commaunder in the Warrs, might thereby haue meanes to vsurpe vppon the liberty of their State, seeme to be the Causes that for their Land forces they seldome haue any natiue Comaunders, and alwayes vse a forrayne Generall. Yet we reade that Gentlemen of Venice haue brauely commaunded their Navye euen in cheefe. In tyme of peace, they vse to giue a great yearely stipend to some Prince or great Commaunder to be generall of their land forces in tyme of warr. * The Fortes. This State hath many and strong Forts well furnished with Artillery, munition and victualls vppon all their Confines being many and dangerous as before I haue shewed. The horse. The written Relations of this tyme testifye that in tyme of peace they mantayned in pay 600th men at Armes, or Armed horse, of their owne Subiects being gentlemen of their Territoryes vppon firme Land, each one of these 600th mustering three horses with their Riders all armed, and each one having yearely 120 Ducates, And that they can rayse 1000 or 1500 vppon necessity. They were diuided into twelue 140 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Companyes or Troopes, and made a generall Muster euery Sommer. Two of these Troopes were of the Citty of Paduoa, which myselfe did see mustered making a glorious shewe, the horse being beautifull and well armed, and the horsemen in like sort armed & Wearing Coates of blewe veluett, with great plumes aswell for the men as horse. Of old they also mantayned one thousand light horse, but of late had none such in pay vsing for that purpose the Stradiotti of Dalmatia, whence they say 3000 may be drawne vppon occasion to vse them. The foote. They doe not altogether distrust their owne subiects to whome they are (after the manner of Common Wealthes) more milde and gentle in exactions, then the Princes of Italy. So as according to the number of Fyers the Subiects are to mantayne soldiers aswell for land as Sea seruice, and the Captaynes haue the names of all Subiects written for the one, or the other seruice. They mustered 25 thousand Foote of their Peasants, seruing both in Gallyes and Land Armyes, at least for baser vses, but for foote they generally vse and haue the strength thereof of Grrisons and Sweitzers, and to this end some Commauilders among them haue stipends euen in tyme of peace, but in warr each man hath 3 Crownes for 45 dayes while they were imployed, and in cases of necessity they haue giuen each man 5 Crownes the moneth. The Gentlemen of Venice serue freely without pay. The Nauye. For their Navall power, in the last preceding generall discourse, I haue sayd that the Italians or rather Greekes vsed by them, are neither expert nor bold Mariners, and that the great shipps are slowe in sayling, and vnfitt for fight at Sea, and that the lesser Barques are vnarmed, and that vppon the Calme Mediterranean Sea, all nauall fights vse to be made with SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 141 Gallyes whereof the greatest are called Galeoni the midle sort Galee and the lesser Galeasses and Fregates. And therein I spoke of the miserable Gally-slaues. All this spoken in generall belongs to Venice as a principall part of Italy. The Venetians haue a lawe that each marchants shipp of 500 Tonnes, must carry in the voyage it maketh, a young gentleman of Venice, giuing him sixe Crownes stipend by the moneth, and must bring vpp two boyes of Venice to breeds them Mariners. But this wisdome of their Progenitors hath bene made vayne by the sluggish disposition of their posterity, for neither haue the gentlemen any skill thereby in nauigation or commaunding at Sea, since the young gentlemen chuse rather to stay at home, so they may haue the stipend and value of their diett for the voyage, neither are the shipps thereby furnished with natiue mariners, since (as I formerly sayd) the Italians in their nature abhorr from that or any like hard Course of life, tho otherwise they are so proude, as they will doe any seruice at home rather then basely to begg. They who serue in the Gallies of Venice, are partly Freemen, as the Gondelieri or watermen of Venice which for the Tragetto or passage where they haue priuiledge to plye, or transport, are bound vppon extraordinary occasions to serue in the Gallyes to rowe, as likewise the Soldiers are free, aswell the natiue Peasants aboue mentioned as straungers, and of them that are free some haue stipend and victualls from this or that Citty setting them forth, others haue the same from the Treasure of St. Marke (so they call the Exchequer) as the Pope calles all he hath St. Peters, and at Genoa the publique Treasure is called the treasure of St. George (their protecting Saint). Others that serue in the Gallyes are slaues, vppon Crimes condemned to the Gallyes for life or certaine yeares, and St. Marke giues them raggs to couer their shame, and victualls in scant measure, but the victualer giues them Creditt that are condemned for yeares, by which growing debt they are made perpetuall slaues, and both sorts of Condemned slaues are chayned by the legg to the place where they rowe, which their 142 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Gouernor vnlocks at one end when he sends them forth for fresh water or wood bearing still their Chaynes on their leggs. The Gallyes are commonly called after the names of their Cheefe Gouernor. Myselfe did enter one of the Gallyes, and the Castle in the Prowe was some twelue of my paces, and the bodye with the Poope some fifty of my paces long, and the master commaunded from the Castle to the great mast, as the Comito (or mate) commaunds the rest. In the poope satt the cheefe Gouernor, vnder hoopes couered with a fayre Cloath, and beyond the sterne was a litle Gallery, and vnder the deck his Cabbin, and aboue the poope hung the cheefe banner of St. Marke, the Gaily being grauen on all sydes with white lyons for the image of St. Marke. The Gaily bore fower great peices in the Castle (where the Trompetters sounde) and Thirty more on the sydes, and in the poope twelue whereof two great lay aboue directly layd out vppon the sterne, and two of like greatnes vnder them, and two of like greatnes some 22 spanns long were turned towards the Gallye to shoote sydewayes, the other were lesse, but all of brasse. The Gallye had 25 oares on each syde, and seauen men to rowe each oare, and when they are in Port two sleepe vppon the benche where they vse to sett, two in the place which is vnder their thighes, and two where they setle their feete, when they rowe, and the seauenth slept vppon the Oare, and vppon a litle boarde betweene each Oare three soldiers vsed to sleepe. So as their being in the Gallye is nothing commodious, but straight, vneasy, and subiect to contagion. The State or Citty of Venice continually vsed to arme Fifty Gallyes, whereof 25 were called of the Schooles or Companyes of Arts, arming and paying them, and 25 Palatines, Armed and payd by St. Marke in which the foresaid Watermen are bound to serue when they goe forth. In each Gallye the Cheefe Commaunder is a gentleman of Venice, and the next Commaund is likewise committed to two gentlemen, and they are called Sopracomiti as aboue the mate, and they which commaund in the Palatine Gallies are of greater estimation then the other. And I finde SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 143 in written Relations, that these Commaunders haue each of them 1600 Crownes yearely stipend, for which it is expected from them, they should giue some releife to the Soldiers, and specially to the slaues, having a slender diet allowed, and so being forced to runn in the Victualers debt. They write of twelue Gallies armed by subiect Cittyes of the firme land towards the Sea Coast. This Navye they are forced to arme against the Turkish Pyrates vsing to spoyle their Shipps in the tyme of peace, and in Winter tyme, it commonly lyes in the haven of Corfu having a strong Fort, and sometymes in the havens pf Candia. And hereof some five Gallyes, and some small Barques armed, lye vppon the Gulfe of Venice to purge the same of Pyrates, more specially the Vscocchi, who liuing on the Coast of Dalmatia in Signi vppon the Confines of the Empire, Turkey, and the State of Venice, and being Christians, yet liue as outlawes, neither subiect to the Turkes nor to any Christian Prince, and robb all men especially the Italian Shipps at Sea. In the Citty of Venice, they haue a fayre and large Arcenal compassed with walls, wherein they keepe all munitions for Warr, and haue a secure Station for their Gallyes, where likewise they build their shipps and Gallyes, to which purpose they haue much timber on the Sea coast of their dominion. The walles are some three myles Compasse, and the officers shewe the same Courteously to straungers. The Maestranza consists of some 2,200 woorkemen, weekely paid by St. Marke, whereof 300 are expert men in building of Shipps and Gallyes. They shewed me fower vpper Chambers, wherein Sayles were made and layd vpp, and therein some 20 or 30 woorke continu- ally, and each of them hath a portion of wyne, Bisquitt and Soldi by the day. In fower low roomes are layd the Cordage and Cables sufficient to furnish more then 300 Gallyes, besides an infinite number of Oares, each woorth fiue ducates, and Costing the State more then fower Ducates. They shewed mee five Magasines vppon one syde. In the first were great peeces of Artillery, disposed in 24 Howes. In the second were peeces 144 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. for 60 Gallyes, besides 150 peeces, some greater, some lesser. In tke third were great peeces for five great Gallyes, Forty for each one, besides 250 other ordinary peeces. In the fourth vppon the right hand were 72 small peeces for the Feilde, and vppon the left hand 356 peeces of battery and some 100th Instruments called Trorjibi for fyre woorkes. In the fifth were laid vpp such peeces, as at diuerse tymes were taken from the Turkes, whereof many had bene and were daily melted and newe cast. They told me they had in all some 2000 great peeces, the buUetts whereof were some 70, some 100, some 200, some 300 pounds weight, and myselfe did see one great peece of 12400 poundes, and the BuUett 120 pounds. In diuerse other roomes they layed musketts and all Armes for Soldiers at Sea. They sjiewed me many Gallyes newe built, and some 100th old, but strong, lying at Anchor, and together with the Navye they haue alwayes abroad, this State can Arme 1200th, other say 1300th Gallies, and of late in tenn dayes they had armed 30 great Gallyes ready for a Seafight ; Besides that they haue many litle Barques and f regates. They shewed me a litle Gallye called Bucentoro because it beareth 200th men D. by corruption of speach being changed into B. and therein I had seene the Duke with the Senators goe forth in pompe especially at Whitsontyde when the Duke vseth to marry the Sea by casting a Ring into it. Vppon this Gaily is a Chamber some 38 of my paces long, which is all guilded and co\iered with a rich Cloath when the Duke and Senators goe forth in it, and vnder the Chamber sett 150 mariners to Rowe it, and it is then hung with many banners taken from the Turkes, and the image of Justice is grauen at the Prowe. The Duke of Mantuoa hath the like and so called, to rowe for pleasure, and for iourneys vppon the Riuer Po. The keele thereof is flatt bottomed, and the Prowe and sterne are voyde for mariners to rowe, only the sterne is couered as in Gallyes, ouer the rest of the Gaily is a litle house contayning fower Chambers belowe, the one of 16 paces the second of 8, the other two each 5 paces, and aboue them a gallery some 40 paces long, SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. US having stayres at each end to ascend it, and all furnished round about with seates. The Arcenall of Venice hath moreouer many roomes furnished with all mxinitions, Armes and necessaryes for an Armye at land, sufficient for 70 thousand Foote, and 2000 horse. Besides many Armes now growne out of vse, and layd vpp apart from the rest at the gate of the Armorye. To conclude they haue aboundance of all necessaryes for warr by Land and Sea, so that howsoeuer this State wants victualls for an Army, and numbers of men answerable to the furniture, and haue the defect to vse straungers for Soldiers, and euen for their Generalls by land ; yet since they want not Treasure the sinewe of Warr, and the Sea is open to bring victualls which is commaunded by their Navye, and they haue orderly Officers appointed in peace and warr, and euer carefuU to prouide victualls, and since the straungers are so duely paid by them, as they haue no cause to mutinye or be discontented, no doubt this State were able to vndertake and preuaile in any great attempt in Italy and vppon their neighbors at Sea, had they not the vast power of the Turkish Empire lying heauy on their shoulders. The power of the Duke of Florence in warr. The Duke of Florence vsed to giue large yearely stipends euen in tyme of peace, to forraine Princes and noblemen (I meane Italians but not borne vnder his Dominion) to some 1500 to some 2000 or 3000 Crownes according to their quality, that he might ingage them to his seruice in tyme of Warr. They said the Duke had some 150 peeces of Artillery in the Castle of Florence with a due proportion of powder match and buUetts. And to the same Castle, as also into the strong Cittyes, they sayd the Duke vsed yearely to haue brought and layd vpp all the Come and victualls of his Territoryes, aswell ordinarily thereby to releiue and serue the necessityes of the Countrye and villages as in tyme of warr to mantayne soldiers. ii 146 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. So as for that reason, and because Lis Territory is all compassed with high mountaynes except the part that lyeth towards the Sea, and towardes Rome, an Army of enemyes entring the same, can fynde no victualls in the open Country, if the number were great, and so would either be driuen out with ease, or doe litle harme, if the number were small. Only because the Popes Territories are plentifull in victualls whereby they are able, aswell to furnish the Dukes subiects therewith as to detayne it from them and releiue their enemyes, for this and many other reasons before alledged, the Dukes neuer faile by all meanes to keepe the Popes and Cardinalls fauour. Againe the Duke vsed to trayne his subiects of diuerse Townes and Territories (but not the Florentines, for suspition of Revolt), and of these he was sayd to haue inroUed some 35 thousand Foote, some 100th men at Armes or horse armed (having seauen Crownes the moneth pay), and some 400th light horse, having each man three Crownes the moneth, besides that in tyme of Warr, the horsmen haue a proportion of Victualls allowed them. All these haue many immunityes and priuiledges, as to weare swords, not only abroad, but euen in the Citty of Florence, and to be free from imprisonment for debt (which doth not a litle increase the number of them), and diuerse like. And all these may be drawne to Florence in eight dayes, as they say, but the Territory is of so small Circuite, as me thinkes they might be drawne thether in much shorter tyme. In tyme of peace, the Duke sometymes vsed these men to keepe watche vppon the Sea Coast for feare of African Pyratts, whome the Duke yearely prouoked by the Gallyes he sett out to spoyle the Turkes. The Duke hath a Commodious hauen at Ligorno a Citty newly built and fortifyed, but the Florentines haue no Traffick at Sea, but haue their goods exported by forraine marchants, who likewise bring them victualls, and other necessaryes, and the Duke made much of the Captaynes and owners of these shipps espetially bringing victualls, whereof he made no small profitt. He had no league with the Turkes, but yearely sent out Gallies to spoyle them SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. U7 at Sea, and euen in their hauens, and by landing sometymes on their Coast. To which end there was an Arcenall in the Citty of Pisa for building and keeping of Gallyes, and munitions to furnish them, and tymber and hempe. They said that Duke Francis mantayned 12 gallies, but this Duke Ferdinand at this tyme whereof I write, had only seuen, whereof he vsed to arme euery sommer three or fower to ioyne with the knights of Malta, in spoyling the Turkes. But some write that now the present Duke hath two Gallions, twelue gallies, and five galliaces. And for the reputation of this Navall power, Duke Cosmo instituted an order of Knights of St. Stephen, who haue their residence in the Citty of Pisa, where I said the Duke hath his Arcenall, and that Duke obteyned priuiledges for this Order of Pope Pius the Fifth, namely to haue each man two hundreth Crownes yearly pention of ecclesiasticall benefices, yet so as none of them can haue a Commendum or beare any office in the Gallies, till he haue serued three yeares therein, and likewise priuiledge or freedome to haue wiues (as Relations tstifye, tho contrary to all other military orders that I remember). Of this Order Duke Cosmo was himselfe cheife master, in which title his sonne succeeded him, as other Dukes since that tyme. Lastly the Duke was serued for Marriners, by Greekes, Ilanders of Corsica, and french men. Of Genoa for warr. The State of Genoa is gouerned (as I sayd) by the gentlemen, and of that body of the Nobility (So they, the Germans and French call the Gentrye) forty Captaynes are yearely chosen and changed, who commaund each a Company of one hundreth Citizens, and these 4000 soldiers the Cittye vseth for defence in tymes of vprore, or other danger, to keepe, watch, and to guarde the State. And these 40 Captaynes, are attyred in veluett Coates, the honorable habitt of the Senators, and so attend the Duke, and the Gouernors, when they come out of the publike 148 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Pallace. Besides the rest of the Citizens, and the Inhabitants of the Territory, from 20 to 60 yeares of age, are inroUed vnder other Captaynes to serue vppon occasion for defence of the Country. Also the State in tyme of peace giues an honorable pay to a Generall of their Army, which place is giuen by them to some Citizen most eminent in military experience, as to the D'Aurise, Spinolse or the like. The Port of Genoa is a secure Station for Gallyes, and Commodious to build them, being large, and Compassed with a wall, and having a Mola or banck for defence, reaching into the Sea, most fayre, and some 600th of my paces in length. And for this harbors sake the Dukes of Milan, and after them the Kings of Fraunce & Spaine contending for that Dukedome, haue much laboured to haue that Citty in subiection, or in some sort at their Comaund. This Citty of old, and till after the fall of the Christian Empire in Constantinople, was famous in Nauall power. At this day it hath good shipps for traifique and a number of armed Gallies sufficient to defend their liberty, at lest from any sodeine attempt. But the king of Spaine for the reasons aboue mentioned is much respected of the Senators, and hath free vse of the Port for his Gallies. Myself did enter one of the cheefe Gallies of Genoa called la Reale, fayre, and strongly built, being some 75 of my paces in length, and having 400 Mariners to rowe it. Their shipps beare St. George (the English Tutelar Saint) in their flaggs. Of inferior Princes for warr. For the Duke of Mantua I formerly sayd that he mantayned 600 soldiers to defend his State, and keepe his Forts, and as I passed by Senogallia, I heard that the Duke of Vrbin then trayned some 1200 Foote of his owne subiects. But it were superfluous to speake particularly of the inferior Princes, since all the power of Italy is in the States of the Pope, the King of Spaine, the Venetians, and the Dukes of Florence, since the Dukedome of Ferrara is fallen into the Popes hands. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. U9 The difference of degrees in grenerall for the Common wealth. In generall all Italians desyre to Hue of their owne and generously thinck nothing more abiect then to depend vppon othei"8 for meate or any mantenance. They which are not absolute Lordes are litle esteemed among them. Yet the Familyes of Colonna and Vrsini being Princes subiect to the Pope were reputed then to haue great Reuenues and power, and were much esteemed as braue Captaines, by the Princes and States of Italy. The Cardinall Colonna alone was said to haue 300 Townes and villages in the Territory of Rome, besides great inheritance in the kingdome of Naples. And the Vrsini were sayd to haue some 100 Townes and villages vnder the Pope, besides some inheritance vnder the king of Spaine in the kingdome of Naples. Myselfe at Sienna did see a Countesse passe the streets attended with poore maydes not any one gentlewoman, litle or nothing respected by those that mett her, and as litle in the Church, where she could hardly gett a seate. I should first haue spoken of the Clergie, Cardinalls and Bishopps, whereof are no lesse proude in their degree then the Pope, and the Cardinalls haue great Reuenues, but the ordinary Bishopps, howsoeuer they be infinite number (the Popes for voyces in Councells having made many Italian Bishopps, so as euery small towne is a small Bishopprick) yet our Bishopps in England haue much greater reuenues yearely then most of them. In all Italy I neuer heard of any Barron, only in reproch they call Barrons such as begg and keepe dicing houses. They haue no such degree of Knights as we haue, nor any military orders of Knighthood in Italy except that of St. Stephen which I haue said to be instituted by Cosmo Duke of Florence to commaund his Gallyes armed to spoyle the Turkes. For the Nobility, whereas we call our Lords Noblemen, and the inferior Nobility Generosi, that is Gentlemen, the Germans and many forraine nations giue the title of Generosi to Princes and Lords, and call the gentlemen Nobles. In Italy the Gentlemen of Venice in singular pride wilbe called Nobles, 150 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. whereas the rich ancient Familyes of Florence, and other Italians are called Gentilhuomini Gentlemen. In generall the Italian Gentrie vseth litle, or no pride in diett, or apparrell, and disdayne not to be Marchants, yea in Florence and other Cittyes to be weauers of silke, and since the riches of Italy lye therein, by this gayne and generall frugality the gentlemen haue much Treasure in Jewells, ready mony, and rich household stuffe, and haue all pleasant Gardens, with carued fountaynes of stone, and stately Pallaces, the Chymneis whereof are litle anoyed with smoke. The husbandmen and Country people Hue poorely and basely, whome the Italians vse and hyre like oxen and Asses for their Woorke, and at the yeares end turne them out of dores, not giuing them Leases or accounting them seruants belonging to the Family, as we vse them. Thus oppressed and after haruesttyme commonly turned out of seruice, they neuer grow rich, nor study to advance their masters profitt further then themselues prouide for it, and hate their masters for exactions, so as whiles I was in the State of Florence, a gentlewoman being a Widowe was found killed by one of her husbandmen. The Landlords take no rent of them, but a proportion of Come and all things they haue, euen of their very Chickens, and Eggs, in such hard measure, as they haue not to eate or Cloth themselues in any convenient sort. Degrees of Familyes in generall. Husbands take straunge liberty in the vse of Courtezans (so their Harlotts are called) who liue a merry life courted and Feasted at home by their Loners, and honoured by all men with respectfuU salutations, when they pass the streets so long as they are yong, and sound. I say straunge liberty to all forreinors but so generally vsed in Italye as no man doth otherwise; neither doe the wiues marry with any hope to enioy their husbands alone, but are content if they may haue the tythe of their loue. They marrye vpon agreement of Parents without having seeue one an other, and the husband takes a SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 151 noble wife only with purpose to haue Children by her litle caring that her person may content him, since he is free with strange women to satisfy his desyres which are Comonly in high degrees of wantonnes, while the poore wife sitts alone at home, locked vpp and kept by old women, not having liberty to looke out of the windowe, especially if it be towards the streete. And if they goe to Chtirch which liberty is rarely graunted, their faces are couered with a vaile and they are attended with the old women their keepers. Yea many are so cruell that they keepe them in awe with beating, and if the husband bring home a Courtezan (which he doe not generally having libertye inough abroad) the wife daies not in word or deede shewe dislike. Yet by corruption of the old wemen, and by any occasion of having Conuersation, though it be with meane men, this strict keeping makes them thinck it simplicitye not to taJie the reuenge their husbands most feare, euen with hazard of their honors and liues. And mariage is reputed such a yoke as brothers living with goods in Common (whereof I shall speake in the lawes of inheritance) thinck themselues much bound to that brother who will marry for procreation and leaue them free, in which Case they will mantayne him and his wife with their goods in Common and much respect her and be as ielous of her honor as they woiild be of their owne wiues. In like sort they keepe the Chastity of their daughters and sisters at home, or for more safety putt them into Nunneries to be kept either till they may be perswaded to become Nunnes, or at ripe yeares may be taken out and maryed. To the sounes and kinsmen vnder their charge they giue great liberty and good maintenance. And myselfe heard two gentlemen, who asked why they were so indulgent, the one to his sonne, the other to his Kinsman of ripe yeares and challenging right to the inheritance he enioyed, did answer playnely for their particular, that if they should doe otherwise, they feaied practising of their Deathes, as themselues should doe in like Case. I haue not obserued Italians to keepe menseruants in their houses, but to be serued altogether by Women except in Courts of Princes, where they dyett and liue 152 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. apart from the women. For as they are viciously frugall in housekeeping, so they dare not trust men seruants with their wiues and daughters. Neither haue I obserued that the Italians make it an ordinary Course of life £o serue in other mens Familyes. Of Venice in perticular. In my Journall describing Venice I haue sayd that they numbred 3000 Familyes of Gentlemen in that one Citty, and among the famous men of former ages, I haue named the Justiniani, Contarini, Grimani, Morosyni, Dandoli, Barbarigi and others. The Gentlemen of Venice in singularity wilbe called Nobles, and appropriate to themselues the title of Clarissimo, for which and their generall insolencye, they are reproued and condemned, not only by strangers (who may as safely stumble vppon a Bull as vppon one of these gentlemen, so as when one of them passed by, I haue heard men say Guarda il toro, Looke, or take heed to the Bull, as they crye when a -Bull is bayted in the streets) but also by other Italian gentlemen who by writings in the vulgar tongue taxe them of vnsupportable pride insomuch as (to vse their owne words) they dreame themselues to be Dukes and Marquises, while they are indeed couetous, miserable, breakers of faith & hatefuU to all men for their pride, vayne glory and ambition, yea in the very Citty they haue a Prouerb D'vna pietra bianca d'vn Nobile Venetiano, et d'vna Cortigiana ch' abbia madre Dio ci guarda, from a white stone (because it is slipperie) from a gentleman of Venice (for their pride) from a Cortisan that hath a mother (to teach her to spoile her louers), God deliuer vs. No doubt the Senators are most graue iust reverent and comely persons, and generally they are all rich, and many abound in Treasure. In Poduoa, II signer Pio obici, was sayd to haue 12000 Crownes yearely Rent, and I was credibly informed that in Brescia SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 153 diuerse gentlemen had from tenn to thirty thousand Crownes yearely Rent. And the estates of the Gentlemen of Venice must in all prohabilitye be much greater. Of Florence in Particular. The Courtesye of the Florentine Gentlemen was by all men highly praysed at my being in Italy. Of old in tyme of their freedome they had powerfuU Familyes, then diuided into factions. We read of the Agli, Ariqui, Adimati, Grandonici, Ardinghelli, Bardi, Gualterosi, Importuni, Boun-del-monti, Sucardetti, Mozzicerchi, Caualcanti, Merli, Pulci, Donati, Fresco- baldi, Tebaldi, and other powerfull Familyes of the Guelphes faction, and the Ammidei Giuochi, Amirci Galli, Agolauri, Abbati, Tudi, Vberti Bruneldeschi, Vbriacchi, Capiardi, Lamberti, Capriarni, Castigliani, Malespini, Capon Sacchi, Palermini, Scolari, and others of the Gibelline faction. These deadly hated each other, yet at last agreed with singular vnity to defend the liberty of their free State against the house of Medici invading it, but Pope Clement the seauenth of the house of Medici preuailed against them not without the slaughter of many and totall mine of diuerse familyes before he could make his kinsmen absolute Dukes. So as at this day the number and riches of the gentry are much decreased, but they which now Hue being borne vnder absolute Dukes, with ease beare that yoke, hauing not theire Progenitors loue of lost liberty, nor theire feruent desyre to recover it. And as all gentlemen of Italy so those of old and to this day exercyse Marchandice and the trade of weaving silkes, though not laboring with theire owne handes therein. Of the gentlemen of Genoa. The Genoesi haue euer beene much deuided in factions but howsoeuer one faction had the name of Nobles the other of popuUar, yet no doubt the latter was so called because the people tooke parte with them, being otherwise as noble aa the other. For among them some are called Marquises some Earlcs some 154 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Vice Royes, not that they are such indeede, but that vpon diuers occasions such names haue beene vulgarly giuen them. And in the most Factious Citty of Pistoia (now subiect to the Dukes of Florence who lately forbad vpon payne of death the wearing of Roses or like signes of Faction) wee reade that the sonne of the Chancelor and the sonne of Signor Petruccio being both kins- men of one Family, when contending together the sonne of the Chancelor gaue a blow on the eare to the other, the Chancelor sent his sonne to Petruccio to craue pardon on his knees, who cruelly cutt of his right hand, wherevppon all the Citty was diuided into a long lasting faction, and because the Chancelors wife was named Bianca that faction tooke the name of Bianchi that is the white, and the other tooke the name of Neri that is the Black. In Genoa they are Grentlemen who haue their names written in the booke of Ciuilta (Civilitye) and some of them are saluted with the titles of Marquis and others aboue-named and are stiled illustrious by the Genoesi howsoeuer they exercise marchandise and cannot challenge those titles abroad. No man of the highest degree in Genoa disdayneth to be a marchant and to haue mony at vse vppon the bankes of Exchange. And many of them were sayd to haue at home and in Spaine Fifty thou- sand Crownes. The Marquis of Spinola was said to haue one hundredth thirty six thousand Crownes yearely Reuenue. How- soeuer the Fuggari of Augspurg in Germany are famous for their great Treasure, no doubt Genoa hath a farr greater masse of ready mony then any other Citty of the world wherein many Citizens were sayd by expert men to haue 500 thoiisand ducates, and some one or two to haue a Milion in ready mony, and that it was common among them for Marchants to haue Cabbines of 5 foote long, parted into diuerse boxes, all filled and piled vpp with diuerse Coynes of Gold. Of Italian lawes in generall. Sigonius shewes that when the Westerne Empire was reuiued, the Italians chose whether they would line after the Roman or Salique lawe. Now Italy is gouerned generally by SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 155 the Ciuill lawe of the old Emperors, and the Cannon lawes of the Pope, and diuerse municipall lawes of seuerall States and Cittyes. Before I speake of the iustice and iudgments, I will in a word sett downe some Common lawes of Inheritance. In the seuerall Common Wealths of Italy the father dying intestate, the brothers diuide his mouable and vnmouable goods, yet in the kingdome of Naples and in the Fees of absolute Princes the eldest brother succeeds and the Care to mantayne their sisters, and to dispose them in mariage lyes vppon the brothers Inheritance, the magistrate of Pupills inter- posing his authority, and forcing them to equity if need be. And Comonly these young virgins are putt into Nunneries for education, where they are by all Cunning intisements allured to become Nunns by vowe, in which Case the brothers saue their Dowrye, but if they will not take that profession vppon them, the brothers and the said Magistrates may take them out of the Cloisters when they will, or when they are to be disposed in mariage. Sonnes may not be disinherited but for iust and lawfull causes, as for striking their Parents, for not having releiued them in any distresse or like Crimes, I meane for lands discending from their Ancestors, yet euen for those it is in the fathers power to charge them with legacyes, and the bestowing of such goods as the father hath gotten is altogether in his power. A notary, and fower legall witnesses are required in a mans last Will, or els they must be sealed in a monasterye, in which Case the Fryers vppon payne of Excommunication must keepe the same secrett. The Sonne who in tyme of his fathers life wilbe emancipated (that is made free from the Fathers Family to Hue of himselfe) may challeng his portion of his Fathers goods, and after that tyme all that he getts by his owne industry is proper to himselfe, but while he remaynes in the Family vnder his Father all the chilldren and the Father haue equall share in all goods gotten by any of them, as all are lyable to the debts of any of them for theire goods. And for this cause many Fathers emancipate prodigal! Children, that they may not be lyable to pay any debts they may after contract. 156 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Neuer did I obserue brothers to Hue in such vnity as in Italy, so as the Father being dead, many of them ordinaryly Hue in one house together, not deuiding theire patrimony, but hauing aU goods in common or as they caU it in brotherhood (vulgarly fratellanza) and perswading one to mary for procreation, the rest lining vnmarryed, and much respecting theire brothers wife and her honour as theire owne. And while they Hue in this sorte, if any one spend wastfully, or giue his daughters in marryage, all is supplyed of the common charge, and if at any tyme after by consent, or by desyre of any one to leaue that course and Hue of his owne, they will deuide theire patrimony, that brother shall not haue a penny lesse then any of the rest for hauing formerly spent more. And it is strange but most true, that the Italians in common practise make the inheritance of mony as firme and stable to the heyres as of land. As the sayd brothers by theire Fathers will or owne consent liuing in fratellanza, haue only in theire owne priuate power to dispose of the yearely increase of the mony (by what meanes soeuer), and the Creditours of any of the brothers growing in debt, haue right to recover that his part of increase, but the principall or stock is common to all, so as any one of them cannot deminish it, nether can any priuate Creditors sease therevpon, for any one brothers debt or bargayne, but only for the Common debt or contract of all the brothers ioyntly. If any mans wife dy without children, the husband keepes halfe her dowry, and restores the other halfe to her next kindred, but if shee haue children he retaynes all her portion for them. If a husband dye, his widowe leaues his Family, and taking her portion retornes to her owne kindred, whether her portion were in land or mony and mouable goods, and if she marry agayne, the second husband hath that portion, saue that the Magistrate of the Pupills iuterposeth his authority for due respect to be had of her children by the first husband when shee marryeth agayne, as likewise when shee dyes a widow in the house of her next kinsman. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 157 Of Justice in generall. The Italyans in generall are most strict in the courses of Justice, without which care they could not possiblie keepe in due order and awe the exorbitant dispositions of that nation, and the discontented myndes of theire subiects. Yet because only the Sergiants and such ministers of Justice are bound to apprehend Malefactours, or at least will doe that office (which they repute a shame and reproch), and because the absolute Principalities are very many and of little circuite, the male- factors may easily flye out of the confines, where in respect of mutuall ielosies betweene the Princes, and of theire booty in parte giuen to those who should prosecute them, they finde safe retrayt. In the meane tyme where the Fact was donne, they are prescribed and by publike Proclamations made knowne to be banished men vulgarly called Banditi. And where the mine is haynous besydes the bannishment rewardes are sett vpon theire heades to him that shall kill them or bring them in to the tryall of Justice, yea to theire fellow banished men not only those rewardes but releases of theire owne banishments are promised by the word of the State vpon that condition, which proclamation vpon the head is vulgarly called Bando della Testa, These banished men are only found vpon confines hauing mountaynes and espetiall woods which are very rare in Italy. But because the confines of Naples kingdome vpon the State of Rome are both mountanous and also woody, they abound more spetially there, and (as in all places) committ robberies and murthers with Strang examples of cruelty. For which cause Pope Sixtus Quintus first by the sayd Bando delle Teste : that is rewardes and impunityes and releases to like malefactors, sett vpon the heades of the most wicked outlawes, did free in great part those confines and all passengers from those great dangers, yet to this day the carriour of Rome or Naples dares not passe weekely from either Citty without a guarde of soldiers appointed for the guard of them, and all strangers and Passengers vsing to passe in their Company with 168 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. their loaded mules. And the very weeke before I passed that way, I remember a gentleman banished by Pope Clement the eight (if I be not deceiued the Nephewe of the Cardinall of Caieta) hearing that one of the Popes minions passed that way, did assault the Carryer of Rome, his guarde and all his Company, with hope to take him prisoner, whereby he thought to make his owne peace vppon good Conditions, but vnderstand- ing vppon the first assault that the said minion was escaped to the next towne, he presently did withdrawe himselfe and his men, without offering any more violence to the Company. And perhapps these Outlawes fynde more safe being in those parts, by the wickednes of the people commonly incident to all borderers, and more spetially proper to the Inhabitants thereof. But these rewards, and impunityes promised to outlawes for bringing in the heads or persons of other outlawes hath broken their fraternity. So as hauing found that their owne Consorts haue sometymes betrayed others to capitall Judgment or them- selues killed them, they are so ielous one of an other, and so affrighted with the horror of their owne Consciences, as they both eat and sleep armed, and vppon the least noyse or shaking of a leafe, haue their hands vppon their Armes, ready to defend themselues from assault. They haue many other meanes also to redeeme themselues from banishment, as for murthers by intercession of freinds at home, vppon agreement made with the next freinds of the party murthered. And myselfe at Loretto did see some of these outlawes ready to passe to Sea towards Hungary, who looked like Cutthroats, and were armed (as the Italians prouerbially say) Dal capo fin' al buco del culo, from the head to the very backsyde, and these all had their pardons vppon Condition to seme the Emperor in Hungarie two yeares against the Turkes. But in Crimes extraordinarily haynous, the Princes and States are so seuere, as in their publique Edict of banishment, besides rewards sett vppon their heads, great punishments and Fynes according to the qualityes of offence and person are denounced against them who at home shall make petition or vse other meanes at any SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 169 tyme to haue them restored to their Countryes Lands and livings. Of Judgments in generall. No doubt all Italy is more free from Robberies and more happy in trades and Arts by the nature of that nation, abhorring from living vppon others, and from not having meanes to line in some free sort, by their owne industry, as likewise by the Comendable Course to condemne vagrant, idle and wicked persons to rowe in their Gallies. They haue no single Combatts, which are forbidden by the Councell of Trent, to which the Italians yeild obedience, because it is consonant to their disposition; For indeed you shall seldome or neuer heare of any mans slaughter vppon heat of bloud, but if any man be killed, it is commonly premeditated murther, vppon all advantages of Armes and otherwise, as many armed sodenly assayling one vnarmed, whether it be by theeues in woods or by murtherers in Cittyes. Of which bloudy act some are knowne to make profession to be hyred therevnto, and many are knowne to be likely men for that imployment, so that he who hath malice and mony, cannot want a man to doe the mischeife. These murthers are most common in places lying most open for escape, where banishment is the highest punishment. And are most committed in the tyme of the Bachinall Feasts of Shroue- tyde, lasting with them from after Christmasse to Lent, and vulgarly called, II Carnoual' that is the farewell to flesh. And they are most frequent in the lower parts of Italy, more spetially in Lombardy, where many carry long peeces (the short gunns being forbidden for feare of sodeine treasons) and goe daily armed from the head to the foote, so as myselfe haue seene young Gentlemen, for feare of those with whome they had some quarrells, weare continually an yron Coate of male of 30 pounds weight, next aboue their shirts. The murtherers that cannot escape, but are taken by the officers, are putt to death by beheading. 160 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Adulteries (as all furyes of Jelousy, or signes of making loue, to wiues, daughters and sisters) are commonly prosecuted by priuate reuenge, and by murther, and the Princes and Judges, measuring their iust reuenge by their owne passions proper to that nation, make no great inquiry after such murthers besides that the reuenging party is wise inough to doe them secretly, or at least in disguised habitts. The frequent punishment for common breaches of the Lawe, is the Corde called Strappado, or strappa di corda, where the delinquent is cast downe with Cords fastned to his Armes running in a puUy, so as at the fall the ioynts at the shoulder turne rounde about, except he haue agilitye to saue himselfe, which some practise, and haue, so as they dare take the Jerke of the Corde for a small reward. For vsury five in the hundreth is allowed in the mounts of piety, which are bankes of mony to be lent to the poore, but in Common Contracts it is not limitted, so as they may take as they can agree. The very name of the hangman, and of his seruants and officers belonging to him in Criminall Justice are odious, as in Germany. About this tyme whereof I write, a Foraine gentleman lying in Rome, and being in some grace with one of the Cheefe Cardinalls had license from him to weare his sworde, but it happened that he becoming Rivall to the Cardinalls Nephew (so their bastards are called) and by free spending of his mony getting the Cortizans grace, so much as she excluded the other, he for reuenge plotted with the Serieants to take the gentleman going thether by night with his sword when he had not his License about him to shewe, and to giue him a touche of the Strappado who did accordingly, and when they had apprehended him, and he avowed his License, and ofEered mony to send to the Cardinalls house, they suffered him to send a messenger, but in the meanetyme putt him to the Corde, and gaue him a little Jerke, when presently the same Nephewe of the Cardinall, and some of his other gentlemen came in, and freed him, after they had attayned their end. For in reguarde the officer of Criminall Justice had but giuen the gentleman that litle touche of their hands, the SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 161 Cortisan would neuer after adraitt his loue or Company, but gaue herselfe wholy to the sayd Cardinalls Nephewe. The like thing happened about that time in Vicenza a Citty vnder the Venetians ; where a yong Cortisan arriuing, and setting a very high price vppon herselfe, such as the gentlemen of the Citty, howsoeuer desyrous of new game, would not giue, after they had in vayne tryed all meanes to make her fall in the price, they called the hangman, and one gaue him a dublett, an other a hatt, and so for all gentleman like attyre, and all ioyntly furnishing him with the mony she demaunded, they sent him to her that night, and the next morning all coming to her Chamber, the one cast his dublett, the other his hatt, and so the rest of the attyre into the fyer, and then the hangmans man bringing him his apparrell, after their departure, the miserable Cortisan perceiuing how she was skorned, fledd secretly out of the Citty, and was neuer more scene there. The Justice, Lawes, and Judgments in the Popes State. At Rome, the Lawes are with much seuerity putt in exequution, and namely the Lawes of Pope Sixtus Quintus against outlawes, Cortisans, quarrells, and the like. And it is peculiar (as I was informed) to the State of the Church, that a murtherer escaped out of an other Princes Territory, where he committed the fact, shalbe executed for the same in the Popes State, if he be there apprehended and accused thereof. It is Capitall to challenge, or answer a Challenge of Combatt, and in quarrells he that first drawes his sword, shall dye or be condemned to the Gallies or in some such sort punished. And it is not only vnlawfuU to weare swords in that State without license, but the wearing of daggers openly is forbidd, and the Carrying a pistoU secretly or like pockett weapons for feare of sodeine murthers, is capitally forbidden. And at Rome, more then in any other Citty of Italy, the Strappado is giuen for euery small offence. Monsieur Villamont writes of a principall gentleman of Bologna about this tyme executed by 162 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. strangling in his Chamber at Rome, only for having receiued an outlawe into his house : And of an other who was hanged on the bridge of St. Angelo for having giuen a blowe to a Sweitzer of the Popes guard. If a man be cast into prison for debt, the Judges after the manner visitting frequently those prisons, finding him to be poore, will impose vppon the Creditor a mitigation of the debt, or tyme of forbearance, as they iudge the equitye of the Case to require, or if by good witnesses they finde the party so poore as really he hath not wherewith to pay the debt, they will accept a release or assignement of his goods to the Creditor, and whether he consent or no, will free the debters body out of prison. At Rome the least idle word of the Pope, the Church, or Religion, will drawe a man into the Inquisition, where he may lye long tyme close prisoner (not somuch as a keeper comming to him, but his meat being giuen out at an hole in the dore, and he making his owne bedd), before he shall know who hurt him, or why he is imprisoned, and if he be found of the reformed religion (whome they call heretiques) of old he was soone brought to the stake, but the constant death of some, having (as they found) done hurt, since they are kept in perpetuall prison, and a credible Convert deceiues vs, if by the Jesuits they be not many tymes strangly affrighted, and euen secretly putt to death in close prisons vnder the ground. Pope Sixtus Quintus made a lawe, that no Cortisan should ride in a Coache vnder paine to pay a 100 Crownes, and the Coachman to haue the Strappado for the first tyme, and death for the second tyme, but they weare Clothe of gold, and liue in all excesse for meate, and all things, and haue incredible respect shewed them in salutations, only they are knowne by going on foote so richly attyred. Tet I am deceiued if knowne mistresses of great Clergymen, tho no professed Cortisans, passe not Rome in as great pompe and pride as any. Speaking of Justice in generall, I haue shewed the late Popes Justice against Outlawes, whereby their strong partyes vppon the Confines of Naples haue bene in tyme broken, and are now weake, and almost destroyed. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 163 The Justice, Lawes, and Judgments in the State of Venice. The Senate of Venice is most reuerent for the gray heads, grauity and Comelynes of their persons, and their stately habitts but for nothing more then their strict obseruing of Justice. They haue a lawe that in tyme of Carnauall or Shrouetyde, no man that is masked may weare a sword, because being vnknovme, he might thereby haue meanes to kill his enemy on the sodeine, and while I was in Italy a forayne gentleman vppon a fancy to mock the officers of Justice, being masked wore a woodden lathe like a sword. The officers apprehended him, and finding it to be a lath, yet carryed him to the magistrate, who with a graue Countenance said to him, Non burlar' con la Giustitia, Veh : Jeast not with the Justice, marke me. And he found that he had mocked himselfe more then the officers, for he payd not a few Crownes before he could be freed by mediation of great freinds. But since the Citty of Venice lyes open without any walls, so as malefactors may easily escape, and the Citty lyes vppon Lombardye where murthers are frequent, this Citty especially in the tyme of Carnouall is much subiect to murthers, and like outrages. And so is the next Citty Padoa, vppon priuiledges of the Vniuersity, whereby murther in schoUers is punished only by banishment. And that the rather, because in the State of Venice (for the great Confluence of strangers) it is free for all men to weare Armes by the day, excepting Pistolls, which no man may haue without the Locks taken of, and also because they who haue ill purposes, will aduenture and vse to weare these Armes by night also, I say for these reasons, murthers (especially in the libertine tyme of Carnouall) are frequent in this Citty, from which also the lesser Cittyes of that State are not free. Murther was punished by hanging till death, till Duke Michaele Morosino created in the yeare 1381, made a law that murtherers should be beheaded. But most comonly they escape by flight, and so are banished till they can make peace with the freinds of the murthered, and 80 obtayne liberty to retorne into their Country. Adulterers 164 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. are punished (as other like Crymes) according to the Ciuill and Cannon lawes, but the Italians impatient to bring their honor vnder publique tryalls dispatch the punishment of all Jelousyes by priuate reuenge, killing not only the men so prouoking them, but their wiues sisters or daughters dishonour- ing themselues in those kindes. Yea brothers knowing their sisters to be vnchast when they are maryed, and out of their owne house, yet will make this offence knowne to their husbands, that they may kill them. Whereof Examples are frequent, as namely of a Florentine gentleman, who vnder- standing from his wiues brother that she had dishonoured them by adulterye, tooke her forth in a Coache having only a Preist with them, and when they came to a fitt place gaue her a short tyme to confesse her sinnes to the Preist, and then killed her with his owne hands. And howsoeuer in this Case, it is like she Confessed the Cryme, yet in this and like Cases the Magistrate ^vseth not to inquire after these reuenges, which the Italians nature hath drawne into Custome, besides that many are done secretly without danger to be reuealed. Among other high Crymes it is not rare to heare blasphemous speeches in Italy, and the State of Venice is much to be praysed for the most seuere Justice they vse against such offendors, having a lawe to cutt out their tongues. Yea while I lined there, some roaring boyes one night went out vppon a Wager who should doe the greatest villany, and when they had done most wicked things, at last they came all to the windowe of the Popes Nuntio, where they song horrible blasphemyes against our Lord, his blessed mother, and the Apostle St. Peter. The next morning all these Eascalls (so I call them, whereof most notwithstanding were gentlemen) had escaped out of the Citty, only two were taken whome I did see executed in this manner, their hands were cutt of in fower places where they did the greatest villanyes, their tongues were cutt out vnder the windowe of the Popes Nuntio, and so they were brought into the markett place of St. Marke, where vppon a Scaffold they were beheaded with an axe falling by a Pully, SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 165 which done the Scaffold and their bodyes were burnt, and the Ashes throwne into the Sea. Ciuill Judgments in the State of Venice. For Ciuill Judgments I remember a stone at Paduoa called lapis turpitudinis (that is the stone of filthines) because vppon markett dayes such were sett vppon it with naked backsydes, as had runu into debt having no meanes to repay it. The lawes of Venice in generall were reputed so iust by the Senate of Nurenberg in Germany as in the yeare 1508, by Ambassadors sent to this State they obteyned a Copy of them. Among other Ciuill Judgments they giue singular Justice in Cases of debt and haue particular Judges ouer Marchants banckrowting, who giue the Creditors security to keepe them from prison, and cite such banckrowtes as fly, selling their goods and dividing them equally among the Creditors and preuenting all fiaudes may be vsed. So as if they finde other mens goods deposited in their hands they keepe them for the Owners. In which Case myselfe when I passed from thence into Turkye, and also my brother leaning our Chests with our apparrell & bookes in the hands of a marchant, who shortly after proued banckrowte, the magistrate kept our goods safe, and when I retorned, did restore to me without any Charge, not only my owne goods, but also my brothers who dyed in the Journey. I haue formerly sayd that all the Venetian lawes are made in the Counsell called Pregadi, for when any Magistrate iudgeth it profitable for the Comonwealth to haue any new lawe made for any thing concerning his office and Charge, he propounds his reasons in the CoUedge of the Sauij, and they being there approued, the lawe is propounded, enacted, and published by the Councell di Pregadi. So the Magistrate of the Pomps (or Ceremonies) caused certaine sumptuary Lawes for diett and apparrell to be made in this Councell which are in force to this day. Yet sometymes the law is made in the Great Counsell, if the magistrate thinke that it will receiue 166 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. more life and force by being confirmed therein. So the Censors in the last age past desyring a lawe should be made against making any Congratulations with any man that had obteyned an Office or magistracye, the same was first approued in the Counsell of Pregadi, and then with generall Consent confirmed in the great Counsell. Of the iustice in Genoa. I haue formerly spoken of the gouernment and magistrates in the free Citty of Genoa ; Now it remaynes in a word to speake of their Judges. A doctor of the Ciuill Lawe borne out of the State, hath a great yearely stipend, and is vulgarly called the Podesta. He dwells in a Pallace adioyning to the Dukes, and iudges all Criminall Causes, but no Capitall sentence is executed without the Consent of the Senate, neither can he otherwise commaund it. He hath two doctors to be his Assistants, and one is his Vicar, who also medles in some Ciuill Causes. Five Doctors of the Ciuill Lawe borne out of the State, are likewise hyred for two yeares to iudge Ciuill Causes, the body of which Doctors or Judges is vulgarly called La Eota. Also of the Citizens the Magistrates called the seuen men extra- ordinaiy, are chosen for six monethes to represent the Dukes person as busyed with higher affayres, in hearing of differences betweene men, and in appointing Tutors for Pupills. And because the lawe forbiddes a rich man to goe to lawe with a poore man, or one kinsman with an other (a lawe in my opinion most woorthy to be imitated), these seuen men in such cases appoint Judges, who as Arbiters end their differences. Fine men called the supreme Sindici may and vse to call in question the Duke and the Gouernors after the tyme of their magistracye ended, and vppon iust causes to punish them, liberty being giuen by publique proclamation for eight dayes to all men, that they may accuse them, or any of them, for any fault done in their magistracye, after which eight dayes, these fiue men giue them letters Pattents to testifye their innocencye, without SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 167 which letters they cannot be admitted to the dignity of Procurators belonging to their places, as I haue formerly shewed. These fine also heare many appeales being men of great estimation, and they are chosen by the lesser Counsell. All arts haue their Censors, who sett the price of things sold, and prouide no deceite be vsed in weights or measures. Besides all seuerall Arts haue their owne Magistrates chosen by the Artisans themselues, and called ConsuUs, all which haue authority ouer those of their owne Art or trade. Among them the ConsuUs of the silke weauers haue the greatest authoritye, for they may putt any of that art to the Strapado, yea condemne them to banishment, or to be slaties in the Gallies, and to like high punishments. The Justice, Judgments and lawes, in the state of Florence. I haue formerly shewed that the Duke of Florence is an absolute Prince, and hath no priuy Counsell of State, but comunicateth his most secrett affayres to the aduise of his Fauorites, whereof the Archbishopp of Pisa was reputed cheefe, and gouerneth the Commonwealth by publique Magistrates. For the magistrates and Tribunalls of Justice remayne still the same they were in the tyme of the free State. Ciuill Causes (as in other Cittyes of Italy) are iudged by a certaine number of Doctors in the Ciuill Lawe (whose body is called La Rota), And criminall Causes are iudged by the magistrates of Florence, in nothing changed, but that the cheefe of old called Gonfaloniere is now called Lieuftenant. All other magistrates as the old Counsellors, eight men &c. and the Vicars and Gouernors of Townes and Jurisdictions (vulgarly called Podesta) are now chosen as in tyme of the free State, saue that the Gouernors of the cheefe Cittyes, as Sienna and Pisa and the keepers of Forts, are appointed sent and reuoked at the Dukes pleasure. The said Magistrates are in this sort chosen. The gentlemens names of the first Ranck, and so of the second and third are putt into three vessells and the cheefe magistrates are chosen 168 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. out of the first, the inferior out of the second, and the lowest out of the third, by drawing out for each Magistrates place five names of whome he [who] hath most voyces in the Counsell is chosen. And the gentlemens names are yearely altered in the> vessells, & changed out of one into the other. These Elections are confirmed by the Duke, but otherwise he medles not with their choise or Judgments, only he hath his Secretary vulgarly called Del criminale who sees the Processes of Criminall Judgments, aswell in the Citty as in the Territory, and acquaintes the Duke with those of greatest moment, and no doubt from him directs the Judges proceedings, which makes them more vigilant in doing Justice. One thing I cannot omitt, which I wondred to see in the Citty of Florence, namely a Court of Justice, whose title is written vppon the gates. La corte de 1' honesta, the Court of honesty, and wherein Judges sett in Scarlett Robes to doe right to Cortisans or Harlotts if any wrong them therein. For howsoeuer the Stews be restrayned to certains streets, no Harlott being permitted to dwell among the houses of the Matrons, if she be but seene at a window; yet it hath such priuiledges, as if a mans wife flying from him can come into the Stewes before he lay hold on her, he cannot bring her back, nor haue her punished. The very Duke passing the streete will in honor putt of his hatt to some of them, and at publique Comedies Cortisans and Torchbearers enter freely, and pay nothing. The State of the Duke of Florence is to be praysed aboue all other paits of Italy for Justice, where strangers line more safely then any where els, so they bring not themselues in danger by foolish shewing of their mony, and may safely passe in the Citties and highwayes by day or night with their pocketts full of gold. Besides that Strangers haue more priuiledge then Natiues in wearing their swords, which is only granted to some gentlemen of Florence, but other Natiues hardly obtayne license to weare them which is easily graunted to all straungers. Nether doe any in this State (as in Lombardy) carry Gunns or goe armed from head to foote, For no man in Citty or Country may weare or haue in their howses SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 169 other Armes then Rapiers and daggers vppon great penalty. Yet cannot I commend the Citty Ligorno for this Ciuility, nor the Inhabitants for honest men. And no maruell for howsoeuer it hath of old bene a place of dwelling; yet Duke Cosmo first compassed the place with walls, Duke Francis caused many howses to be built there, and Duke Ferdinand (living when I was in Italy) first brought it into the forme of a Fayre and well fortifyed Citty. And these Dukes, with lesse charge to furnish it with buildings & inhabitants, as Rome at the first was made a Sanctuary to malefactors, so they imposed punishments on malefactors in lesser Crimes, according to the quality of their offence, to build one or more howses in this Citty, and to dwell there for yeares, or for life, so as the Inhabitants were not like to be of the most peaceable and best sort of men. 170 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Booke II. CHAP: I. Of the commonwealth of Fraunce according to the seuerall heads conteyned in the title of the first Chapter of the former booke. [I was tempted to omit the whole of this long Chapter, for Moryson's work here is what critics sometimes call " conscientious." However, the passage on " The Tributes and Revenues," commencing on Page 207 of the MS., is such an extremely favourable specimen of it, that I quote it in full. It has a special interest for the general reader from its bearing on later French history. The Chapter extends from Page 188 of the MS. to Page 231.— C.H.] The Tributes and Reuenues. The Tribute and Reuenues of this large kingdome are manifold and great, and howsoeuer it be charged in high measure with a multitude of great Stipends, since the very Counsellors attend not the publike affayres without reward of large pensions, and the officers of the Exchequer so exceede in number as they must needs wast the same Treasure they gather (of whose multitude, reformation hath bene often intended and attempted, but by their art was euer frustrated). And howsoeuer it be charged with the maintenance of many Troopes of horse and bands of Foote continually in the kings pay, and of diuerse Fortes and Garrisons vppon the Confines for defence of the kingdome ; yet would it aboundantly suffice the priuate and publike vses, were it not that in the last Ciuill Warrs, not only many Customes, and Tributes were ingaged, but euen great part of the kings Domaine or land of Inheritance (which should not be ingaged SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 171 vppon any other Cause then for the necessity of warr and of Apennages of kings yonger sonnes). But the king then raigning, Henry the fourth, no lesse famous for policye in peace, then for the militaiy Art, began to drawe all expences to the wonted limitts, and not only something too much (as the french confesse) restrayning his bounty in guifts, but also gouerning all things with more then kingly frugality, gaue the french hope to restore the wonted plenty of publike Treasure. Of the Impositions in Fraunce, some were of old graunted, others haue bene lately extorted by the necessity of the kingdome, and long Ciuill Warrs to which the french haue in the last age bene easily drawne), and for other causes partly true, partly pretended. In which exactions not only the french, but most kings of the world make vayne the Maxime of Logick, that the Causes being taken away the effects cease, easily learning to raise Tributes but not knowing how to abate them. For in Fraunce the exactions raysed in the fury 'of warr, continued in the fayrest tyme of peace. Tributes willingly offered to avoyde the spoyle of Soldiers, still remayned, and that without restraint of their insolencyes, and tributes allowed in tymes of publike danger by consent of the three estates, were in peace as it were by prescribed Custome made the Kings annuall llents. Yea exactions made by the Princes of the league taking Armes against the king were after in tyme of peace taken for the king, in iust punishment of those who supported Rebells by them. Popular seditions for like exactions haue no where bene more frequent then in Fraunce (tho Italy be farr more oppressed therewith) and that not only of old, but euen of late since the Ciuill "Warrs appeased, and in all these tumults, as dogs bite the stone in steed of the Caster, so the fury of the people fell not vppon the Imposers, but vppon the Exactors. The Nobility high and lowe, I meane lordes and gentlemen, are altogether free from Impositions or Tributes because they serue the king in his Warrs (aswell in person as with a certaine number of horsemen according to their quality) without taking any pay. And this Immunity litle diminisheth 172 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. the kings profitt, because the Nobility scornes to be Marchants, thincking such traffique ignoble, according to the Heraulta rules, howsoeuer the Italians even the very Princes disdayne not traffique by the great, leaving only the gayne of Retayling to the people, and wisely thinck it madnes to inrich the people with the cheife Commoditye of the land and to inable them to buy their lands, which idlenes must needs force them to wast and sell. As the Nobles are free from all exactions, so some fall only on the Common people, from which the Citties, and all the kings officers and ministers are exempted, but they are likewise charged with some, as with mantayning the ordinary troopes and bands of horse and foote, and for the Tenthes the very Clergie is not spared. It is a great mischeife in Fraunce that all offices vppon the necessity of the State, euen the iudiciall offices, have of old beene vsed to be sold by the king, which out of ill Custome continewes till this day, all offices being sold at high rates, and (which is more straunge) the sales thereof among priuate men being of force, as if they were graunted vnder the kings Seale, so the seller thereof Hue a moneth or two after the sealing to take away all suspition of open fraude. For howsoeuer this Custome may be profitable to the king, it makes vnwoorthy men come to high offices, and since he that buyes must needs sell, it makes the king for his iudiciall places author of selling Justice. All Writers obserue that Fraunce hath fowre loadstones to drawe Treasure, namely Corne, Wyne, Salt, and linnen Cloth, and no doubt the Tribute or Impost of wyne is great, and that of Salt greater, which in many places is proper to the king, and generally payes him Tribute especially baysalt whereof plenty is made in Fraunce especially in some Hands, and in many places the selling of white salt is forbidden, that the bay Salt may be sold for the kings better profitt, but this Eeuenue of Salt was said to be then ingaged to priuate men. And since I heare from french men that the king vseth commonly to Farme out this and other Gabels (or Impositions), and that Salt alone at this tyme is farmed out to Marchants at some six hundreth thousand SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 178 pounds sterling yearely, and that the king particularly for each mued of Salt receiueth fower pounds tenn shillings sterling to make vpp the foresaid Rent, and that twelue Lettiers make a Mued, and each Lettier is about a quarter of our measure. And the french Marchants say that each Mued of wheate yeildeth the King three pounds sterling for Gabell or Impost. And that each Mued of Wyne commonly yeildes the king Eighteene Shillings of our mony, three Mueds being aboiit a Tonn. Considering the multitude of all exactions and the power the king assumeth to impose them at pleasure, that which Lewes the Eleuenth said merily wilbe found true, that Fraunce is a pleasant Meadowe of a rich soile which the King moweth as often as it pleaseth him. But he that clenseth the bodye too much shall at last fetche bloud. For the last kings of the house of Valois drew drye the brookes and Channells of this pleasant Meadowe, and that when the Sunne in the Lyon (I meane the Ciuill Warrs) most parched the same, and so dissipated the Mowen grasse thereof, as they left all in ruine to the succeeding house of Bourbon. 174 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. CHAPTER ii. Of the Common wealth of Denmarke. [This chapter on Denmark extends from Page 231 of the M.S. to Page 243. My first quotation commences in Page 234 and terminates Page 238, while the passage on " The Forces by Sea" concludes the chapter. — C.H.] The Kinge. King Christiern or Christian the fourth then living, was yet vnder age, being the seuenth king of the Oldenburg Family, and in generall the hundreth seuenth king of the Danes, who was borne in the yeare 1577, and when his Father dyed was not fully aeleuen yeares old. The king of Swetia John the third, some twoe yeares before my passing this way, had vndertaken warr against the Moscovites, to recover Naroua and other Citties and teritoryes they had taken from him in Liuonia, in which warr he made his brother Charles the Generall of his Army, and this John the third about this tyme dying, the sayde Charles gouerned the kingdome in the right of his absent Nephewe Sigismund king of Polonia (whereof in the treaty of the Commonwealth of Poland, I haue written somethinge more at large). And in this warre the English mar chants furnishing the Moscouites with Armes and Munitions, did there obtayne great priuiledges of traffique. But I retorne to speake of Christiene the fourth king of Denmarke, whome I did see at Roschild, to which towne or Citty he came, attended with tenn Coaches, and a Courtier satt by the kings syde in his owne Coache, which was drawne with three horses, and these Coaches were like those are vsed in Germany, couered with black coarse Cloth lyned with Canves or Course Cloth, and borne vpp with litle rounde hoopes of wood fastned with hookes of yron, so as the Couer falles backward if they will ride in open ayre, or may be pulled ouer their heads at both ends and buckled in the SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 175 midst, if the weather be rayny or cold. He was of a fayre Com- plexion and bigg sett, and about some fifteens yeares of age, and they said he could speake the Dutch, French, and Italian tongues, and was delighted with shooting in a muskett, with musick and with reading of historyes, and spent two howers in the morning and as many after dinner at his booke, and passed the rest of the day in diiierse exercises, attended by his Hoffmeister (that is master of his Court) then called Hockhol- gersen a gentleman who hatl beene generall of the Army in the last Warr with Suetia. When he vouchsafed to salute any man, he gaue them his hand, not to kisse but to take in his hand, neither doe any vse to kneele to him except they answer before him accused of Capitall Crimes, but the Courtiers stood bareheaded to him in great distance. His yongest brother John followed the Court at that tyme, but Vlricus the second brother was then Student at Wittenberge in Germany who besides his Inheritance in Holsatia, had the administration of a Bishopprick in the Dukedome of Mecleburg and of an other nere Lubeck and a Channons place in a Cathedrall Church. The king was then on his iourney to Flansburg, where an extraordinary Parliament was called. For his Subiects of Holsatia to sweare him homage, which they had refused to yeilde at Copenhagen in Denmarke, where an ordinary Par- liament is yearely held, the next day after Trinity Sonday. Of old 24 Counsellors or Senators did gouerne the Common Wealth vnder the king, but at this tyme twelue gentlemen chosen of the Kings Counsell for life, did gouerne the same, the generall States of the Church and nobility being assembled only for some greatest affayres. The yong kings Father by his last will and Testament appointed him six Tutors, the Threasorer, the Admirall, the Arch Marshall, the Chauncelor and two others, but some of them by the Assembly of the States were deposed, as namely the Treasorer for having beheaded one Hainson a Citizen, of which act the Danes said he should be called in question when the king should be Eighteene yeares of age, and by the same Assembly fower Tutors were confirmed, namely 176 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Nicholas (vulgarly Nelse) Case the Chancelor, George Rosen- krantz a grayheaded old Senator, Peter Munck Admirall, and Hackwolfstand, the two last being so aged, as they could not follow the Coiirt. The young king is called Prince by the Danes while he is vnder age gouerned by Tutors. The Court. The king had 70 Trabantoes for guarde of his person, and each of them had for his diett monethly five Dollers, and for wages yearely 24 dollers, and twice in the yeare they were apparrelled. And he had tenn horsemen called Hascheri, whereof each man had 20 doflers monethly for keeping of two horses, and yearely wages 20 dollers, and apparrell twice in the yeare. Some thirty gentlemen following the Court at that tyme had each man Fifty dollers monethly to keepe five horses. The Cuppbearer had asmuch to keepe so many horses, and moreouer 300 dollers yearely for wages or pention. The like intertainment had the cheefe Cooke and the gentlemen Sewers who carryed vpp the meat, and one of them supplyed the place of Caruer, but no man tasted the meat, which Ceremonye I heard was not in vse with them. Of these some haue allowance in mony for diett, others eate in the Court, but they haue no tables for Counsellors or Cheefe OflBcers, and they which eat not in the Court, goe thether but once in three or fower dayes. Neither did any great traine follow the Court. The king did eat alone, with the dores open for any man to ent«r. When they haue a Queene she dwells in a seuerall syde of the Pallace, and hath her owne officers, and her table apart from the king. The Reuenues and Tributes- Touching the Reuenues and Tributes; Denmarke hath no Mynes of gold or siluer (for Suetia hauing some fewe or poore Mynes hath not in these last ages bene vnited to that king- dome). The fishing of Herrings Codd and like fishes to be dryed, and the exportation of maats for shipps, and of great SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 177 quantity of deale boaxdes out of Norway, and of Brimstone from the Mountayne Hecla in Iseland and some like Commodityes yeilde a good reuenue to the Ciowne. Giue me leaue to mention the fishing which the English haue in a place called Wardhouse to which they saile about the North syde of Norway once in the yeare for that purpose, the Inhabitants thereof are subiect to the King of Denmarke, and were said to liue vnder the earth, feeding altogether vppon dryed fishes, and for the continuall snow seldome or neuer coming out of their Caues, and there- vppon having a drye complection infected with a kinde of leprousy. And these English Marchants or Fishermen, though they neuer enter the Sounde, yet for secure passage and leaue to fish there, payd the king of Denmarke yearely one hundreth Rose Nobles of gold. But these Reuenewes are of small moment compared with two Tributes wherein the Treasure of that king- dome consists. For the first an incredible tribute is raysed of the Shipps passing the Narrow Sea called the Sounde, dividing Denmarke and Norway, and so leading into the Baltick Sea, which shipps paid tribute aswell at the entrance as the retourne out of the Sounde. For the Danes had two strong Forts built in the narrowest mouthe of the Sounde (at the entrance into the Hauen of Elsenure, whence the passage lyes open into the Baltick Sea) and one of the Forts is called Chronoburg seated in the village of Elsenure and the Cheef e Hand of Denmarke called Sealand and the other Fort is called Elzburg seated in the kingdome of Norway, and these Forts are so neere one to the other, as no shipp can safely passe them without leaue, besides that if any shipps should passe either by force, or some other way by stealth which might easily be done, those shipps and goods should be confiscated whensoeuer they are forced againe to passe that sounde. So as this tribute must needes be exceed- ing great. For euery shipp entring vnladen (as the hoUanders doe for the most part) payeth for the ship a Rosse noble of gold, and for beacon gelt a DoUer. But those that are loden pay of old for last gelt the hundreth penny of the goods, and a Rosse noble of gold for the ship, yea two or three Rosse nobles if 178 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. diuers partners were owners of the ship, and halfe a dollour for beacon gelt (or mony). Only those shipps whose burthen is not aboue forty last, pay nothinge for the shipp, as others doe (euen those that are vnladen, after the rate I formerly named, but only for the Marchandise they beare after the rate of theire burthen. An English shipp lately returning from Dantzke laden with wax (a light commodity) had payde 900th Dollers at the Sound for tribute. And while myselfe was at Elsenure, another English shipp of 140 Tunns burthen, being scarcely halfe laden, payd there 312 Dollers and an halfe for tribute. The kings of Denmarke by the Commaund of that narrowe sea, shutting vp the trade at Dantzke and those partes (whence all partes of Europe are furnished with precious marchandise, as Corne, wax, hony, hemp. Cables Masts, Deale boardes, sope ashes, and many like) may easily reveng any wrongs done to them by neighbor Princes, or at pleasure may doe wrong to them in theire subiectes. For Christian the second (whome I formerly sayd to haue bene hated of his Subiects and his neigh- bors, and cast out of his kingdome for his Tyrannye) having warr with Suetia did at his pleasure for supporting that warr impose vppon Lubeck and the Neighbor Cittyes of Germany bordering within the Baltick Sea two guldens vppon euery last (twelue Tonnes making a Last) aboue the accustomed Tribute, and vppon all other straungers trading that way the last gelt was highly raysed, so as the English paid a dollor for eight Clothes and a dollor for each last of Flaxe, of Waxe, of wheate, and like Commodityes, and a quarter of a dollor for each Last of Pitche, of Tarr, of Eye Corne, and of like Commodityes, and if any entred Wheate for Rye, or vsed like fraude, the goods were confiscated. And howsoeuer Lubeck and the other Cittyes by grace obteyned or by Warr extorted freedome for great part of the Imposition thus layd vppon them, and likewise the Hollanders were sayd to be then freed of the said new Imposi- tion, yet at this very tyme whereof I write, the English and Scotts only (no other Nation that I heard) did still pay the new Imposition for all goods, wherewith they were laden aboue the SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 179 old tribute. Yea the late deceased King (as I heard) being not long before offended with the States of the Vnited Prouinces, for having opened certaine letters directed to his Ambassador, did suffer their shipps to enter the Baltick-Sea (as they vse) vnladen, but when they retorned laden in a great Fleete, he made stay of them all, till they had satisfyed him for that wrong. Besides, this tribute must needs be exceeding great, since often 100 and sometymes 500 shipps lye at one tyme in that harbour, (myself e having numbred more then 100 Sayle going forth in one morning, and the like number coming in another day in one Fleete). But that which makes the tribute greatest is that these Shipps are comonly laden inward with Sacks, Suger, Spices, and Woollen Clothes, all sold deare in those North East parts, and are laden outward with honye, Waxe, rich Furres, and Corne (wherewith all Europe is supplyed thence) being all rich and light Wares, whereof great value is carryed in small roome. So as I haue heard Danes of good sort esteeme this yearely tribute at six Tonus of gold or five at the least, reckoning one hundreth thousand doUors for a Tonne of gold. And the same Danes assured me that this Treasure was laid vpp for the extraordinary vses of the kingdome, the ordinary charge for the kings Court and all expences in tyme of peace being borne by a second great Tribut* formerly men- tioned, namely the Tribute of horses oxen and Calues passing the Confines of Halsatia to be sold in the lower parts of Germany towards Netherland. Otherwise small Tributes are raysed of the Subiects from which the gentlemen are free, only in tyme of warr they contribute mony and serue in person, and the Citizens are poore not able to beare them, and the Country people are base, and slaues to the king or to priuate gentlemen, and so not to be taxed in that kiude. Therefore the Subiects pay no Tribute for flesh, bread or Danish beare (which is very small) but for beare brought out of Germany (which they drinck as largly as the Germans) ; for each Tonne whereof costing about seuen markes, they payd two markes to the king. 180 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Lawes and Judgments. Denmarke is goueined by a peculiar lawe of the kingdome, but Holsatia of old inhabited by Saxons hath the Saxon lawe, whereof I haue spoken in the discourse of Germany. For Ciuill Causes my stay in that kingdome was so short, as I will only say that the tryalls are much agreeable to those in England. In Capitall Judgments they doe not as the Germans extort confessions by torment, but the accused are tryed and pro- nounced guilty or not guilty by a Quest of sixteene men, as in England they are tryed by twelve men. King Christiern the second of Condemned men in Suetia for treason beheaded some, broke others vppon the Wheele, hanged others, and drowned some. Christiern the third beseiging Copenhaggen beheaded Meierus for Treason, and after his fower quarters were sett vppon a wheele to rott. But these things may seeme to tast more of Martiall lawe then the setled lawes of the kingdome. Therefore I will breifely add that by the lawe the Condemned, for Parracide, and for premeditated wilfull murther, haue their bones broken vppon the wheele, for manslaughter are beheaded, for theft or Robberies are hanged in Chaynes till they rott. For witchcraft are burned, for coyning and clipping mony haue their bones broken on the wheele, and then quartered are layd vppon the wheele to rott, for defiling Noble Virgins are be- headed, For adultery are putt in perpetuall prison at Dracholme a Castle of Holsatia. The goods of all (excepting Gentlemen) condemned to death, are confiscated to the king. For gentle- men are not condemned to death, but only by the publique assembly of the States, and forfeite not their goods; and for mutuall wrongs and manslaughters among themselues, com- monly they pursue them by priuate reueng, in which quarrells notwithstanding they (as the Germans) are of a placable nature. In generall none but the Sargeants will apprehend mur- therers or Traytors (as all men are bound to doe in England) for that office is held to belong to the hangman and his Sergeants or seruants (for such they are), which office is ab- SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 181 horred as in Germany. The king neuer pardons any murther or Capitall Crime. Robbing by the high way is very rare, and only happens sometymes to Footemen, so as Trauellers passe safely for their bodyes, and for their goodes, so they take heede of Pilferers. Their forces by Sea Touching their forces by Sea : The old Invasions of the Danes vppon our Coasts of England, serue nothing to proue their strength at Sea, since they preuailed not by Sea-fights but by landing in diuerse places, and flitting from one place to an other, but especially since Navall fights and strength at Sea cannot be measmed by those tymes, being long before the In- vention of Artillery. From which tyme to this day, the Danes did no exployte by Sea saue in Warrs they haue had within the Baltick Sea in manner aforesayd. But to giue some guesse to their forces at Sea in our age. First I haue shewed in the former Chapter of their traffique, that their maxchants vse not to export or fetch Commodityes by any long Navigation into forrayne parts, because the Shipps of all nations passing the sounde supply their wants, and export their dryed fish and like Commodityes they can spare. So as the Marchants haue no strength of well armed shipping. But I did see the Kings Navye wintering in the haven of Copenhagen, then consisting of some tenn great and well-armed Shipps, which for building or sayling of all other Shipps in Europe came neerest to the English, saue that they last not so long by tenne yeares at the least. For I vnderstood from good Seamen, that their Shipps built of the Oakes in Norway last not aboue twenty yeaies. And it seemes they haue no very good Shipwrights, for the cheife Shipwright who then built the kings Shipps was an English man named Matson, to whome the king gaue one hundreth Fifty dollors yearely pention, besides a house, fuell, Come, and other necessaryes of asmuch more value. The said English Shipwright, howsoeuer the Danes doe not without 182 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. suspition shewe their Forts or Shipps to straungers, yet per- swaded me in his Companye to enter some of the kings Shipps. Among the rest I entred a great Shipp newly built, and at first called Dauid, but after Fortune, the burthen whereof was 1400 Tonus, the very ballast being 700th Tonus, and to man and furnish the same, were required 400 Mariners, 300 Gunners, and 700 soldiers, as he told me, and the breadth was 25 Ells the length of the keele 67 and aboue the Hatches 108 Ells, the depth of the holde was Eleuen Ells and a halfe, and it bore in the lower Orlob 22 Cannons, in the midle 22 Culverins, and in the vpper Orlob 24 Sakers; the mast was 37 fadoms long, and 36 Palmes thick, and it cast out seuen Ankers lying in the Haven. Vppon the Poope these great letters were written, M.H.Z.G.A.* (For the Danes as the Germans vse to expresse the Mott of an Embleme by great letters for wordes) and this sentence was likewise written, Regna Firmat Pietas, that is. Piety makes Kingdomes firme, and the yeare of our Lord 1592 was vnderwritten in which the Shipp was built, which the best Seamen iudged more fitt to serue as a Fort in a Riuer then to fight at Sea where lesse and swifter Shipps would haue great advantage of it. Also I did enter other of the Kings Shipps in his Company, namely the Raphaell reputed very swift and said to haue runn with a fayre Wynde in 33 howers from Dantzke to Elsenure. And an other called the Gedeon, and a third called the Jehosaphatt which some few moneths before had bene admirall of three men of warr wafting the Danish Ambassador into England, Each whereof was of some 400 Tonnes burthen, and all were strong, swift, and well armed. Besides I did see some old shipps, as the Sampson that could not last aboue nyne yeares, the Josuah built before the former, the Drake built 16 yeares past, and the Wolhiere, or rather the Carkas thereof, all being tall shipps of like burthen, and of the • I leani from Copenhagen, through Mr. C. Collman, German Consul in Manchester, that Frederick II., King of Denmark (1559-1588), had a favourite Motto " Mein Hoffnung zu Gott Allein "—and that several of his portraits bear it C.H. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 183 kings Navye. In the same Haven were fower other men of warr not of halfe that burthen, whereof one was English lately- taken by the Danes in the more northern parts beyond Norway for some offence in Fishing. And before my going out of Den- marke, I did heare that two other English Fishermen but well armed and furnished with Artillery were in the same parts seased by the Danes for the king vppon the occasion and in manner following. The Danes gaue freedome of fishing to straungers in all the Hauens and Coasts thereof, excepting one which they reserued for themselues. And these English Shipps fishing at the mouth of this forbidden Hauen, and driuen in by Tempest, presented the Gouernor with a Tonne of English beare for liberty to Anchor in that Hauen till the storme was ouer, who receiued the present, but while the master and Cheife Marriners were drincking with him, sent soldiers to seaze the Shipps and possess them for the king, and they said the Shipps with the masters and Maryners being in the way to be brought into Denmarke one of the English masters walking aboue the Hatches and lamenting his estate with his Countrymen, as having small hope to finde mercy in Denmarke, and doubting that the Queene of England having her hands full with warr on all sydes against the Spaniard, would not easely be induced to write earnestly to the king of Denmarke on their behalfe, did vppon the sodeine desperately cast himselfe ouer board, and so perished. 184 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. CHAP : iii. Of the comonwealth of England according to all the particular Subiects mentioned in the Title of the first Chapter and first Booke of the Part. Being lo write more exactly of the Common Wealth of England, then of others, lest while I seeme to affect knowledge of other kingdomes, I should bewray my ignorance in the State of my owne Country, I haue thought good to referr the same to a Treatise to be written of purpose, and with deliberation vppon that nice Subiect; which Treatise I haue begunn, but it will require tyme and leysure to perfect it, And so for this tyme I passe it ouer vntouched. CHAP : iiii. Of the common wealth of Scotland according to all the particular Subiects mentioned in the Title of the first Chapter and first Booke of this Part. Foe the like reasons I haue thought good likewise to referr this discourse to the said intended Treatise to be Written more exactly and at large, And so for this tyme passe it ouer vntouched. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 185 CHAP : V. Of the common wealth of Ireland according to all the particular Subiects mentioned in the Title of the first Chapter and first Booke of this Part. [I omit the historical introduction for which Moryson acknowledges his indebtedness to our " worthy antiquary Camden " (page 244 to 250). The history of the last few years of Queen Elizabeth's reign had been written by Moryson him- self with extreme completeness in Part II. of his 1617 volume. — C. H.] Now briefely I will write of the Irish commonwealth wherein it shall suffice with a finger to point at the fountaynes of past mischeifes. The lord Deputy and Counsell. It is gouerned by a lord deputy and Counsell of State resident at Dublin, and the Counsellors are made by the kings letters, and continue in that place during their life, yet at the kings pleasure to recall, or remoue them, whereof notwith- standing we haue few or none examples, and at the end of the Warr, they were not many, only consisting of the lord chancelor the lord high Treasorer, the master of the Rolls, the Marshall of Ireland, the master of the Ordinance, the Treasorer at "Warrs, the Bishopp of Meath, the Secretary and some fewe Cheife Colonells of the Army, but since that tyme there haue bene two Secretaries of State, and the number hath bene much increased by the lord Cheife Baron and many other gentlemen both of the Army and otherwise. Besides that the lords Presi- dents of Prouinces are alwayes vnderstood to be of this Counsell when they come to Dublin or any place where the lord Deputy resides. As for the lord Deputy he is made by the kings letters Pattents during pleasure, and commonly hath continued some 186 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. three yeares, but sometymes fewer, or many more yeares at the kings pleasure. Sometymes he hath the title of Lord Leifetenant for greater honor, as the Earle of Essex lately had, and some- tymes for diminution is stiled lord Justice, as more spetially when vppon the death of the lord Deputy one or more Lordes Justices are Chosen to gouerne till a new lord Deputy be appointed. Yet of old when our kings were stiled lords of Ireland, this cheife Gouernor vnder them, was commonly styled lord Justice. But howsoeuer the titles differ, the power is all one. Sometymes of old, kings brothers, and sonnes (as John Sonne to Henry the second and Leonell Duke of Clarence son to Edward the third and George Duke of Clarence brother to Edward the fourth) haue gouerned this kingdome with title of Lord Leiuftenant, and with power to leaue their owne Deputy to gouerne it, when at any tyme themselues retorned into England, which Deputy gaue them at the Court an Accompt of the Irish affayres, where they gaue the like accompt thereof to the king and his Counsell of State. In our tyme Charles Blount Lord Mountioy for his great deserts in subduing Tyrones Rebellion was by our Soueraigne king James created Earle of Deuonshire, and besides rich rewards of Inheritance in England was made Lord Leiuftenant of Ireland, with two parts of the Lord Deputies int«rtainment, who had the other third part with his owne Commaunds in the Army and kingdome, and gaue like accompt of the Irish affayres to this noble Earle living at Court, only he was not the Earles, but the kings Deputy. And this Earle during his life, not only swayed all Irish suits at the Court, but all other cheife affayres in Ireland, his letters of direction being as Commaunds to the Deputy. But after his death the intertainement, and full power retorned to the lord Deputy, the Commaund of Lord Leiuftenant ceasing from that tyme to this day, which dignity indeed seems more fitt for the sonnes or brothers of kings then for any Subiect. It is enacted by Statute of Parliament in the 33th yeare of king Henry the Eight, that vppon the death of the lord Deputy or like vacancy of that gouernment the Lord Chancelor and Counsell SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 187 there may chuse one or two to supply the place of lord Justice, till the king may be advertised of that vacancy, and appoint an other gouernment Prouided that they chuse no Churchman, nor any but an English man. The foresaid lord Leiuftenant deputy or Justice (be they one or more) haue ample power litle differing from Regall, yet alwayes limitted according to the kings letters Pattents, which doe very rarely inlarge or restrayne the same to one more then the other, and that power also is countermaunded many tymes by Instructions from the State, and by letters from the kings of England. The lord Deputy by his letters Patt^nts vnder the great Seale of Ireland, may graunt Pardon of life, lands and goods, to any guilty or condemned men, euen to Traitors, only spetiall treasons against the kings person are commonly excepted, as likewise wilful! murthers, which the kings themselues professe not to pardon. And to these men he may likewise giue the kings Protection for a tyme, when they Hue in the woodes as outlawes or Rebells. And in like sorte he may giue the landes and goods of Fellons and Traytors Convicted, to any of his servants or frends, or to whome he will ether English or Irish. The king commonly reserues to his owne guift some Eight cheefe places, as of the lords Presidents the lord high Treasurer, the lord Chancelor, the master of the Rowlles, the Secretary, the Cheefe Justice, and cheefe Barron, and likewise some cheefe places of the Army, as of the Marshall, the master of the Ordinance, and the master Treasurer at warrs. For all other places, the lord Deputy graunts them vnder the great Seale of Ireland (as the former also when he is first warrented by letters out of England) and these he disposeth, not only for his owne tyme, but for the life of the Possessors. The king reserues to himselfe the choyse of Bishopps, but all other Church liuings are in the lord Deputies guift. The king reserues to himselfe the Puples of Earles and Barrons, but the rest are in the lord Deputies guift, who likewise desposeth to his servants frendes and followers all intrusians, AUinations, Fynes, and like thinges of great moment. And howsoeuer by inferiour Commissions some of the Counsell are 188 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. ioyned to assist the Deputy in disposall of these thinges, yet that was wont to be only for forme, these Counselors very rarely apposing themselues to his pleasure. Yea the guifts of the higher places in the State and Army, Of Bishoprickes, of Earles and Barrons Pupills, tho reserued to the king, were wont seldome to be granted in England but vpon the lord Deputies letters of recommendation sent out of Ireland. Fynally the lord Deputy may leiue Forces, and doe all thinges of Regall authority, saue Coyning of mony, which was allwayes Coyned at London, and sent into Ireland : True it is, that in those thinges which are putt in his meere power by his letters Pattens, he hath allwayes subiected himselfe to instructions and letters sent out of England, which notwithstanding seldome haue crossed his Free disposall of all thinges in his power, since he vsed to graunt them presently, before any can passe into England and retorne hauing obtayned them there, not- withstanding in thinges putt in his meere power, the most wise and moderate Deputyes, foreseeing the shorte tyme of theire gouernement, and knowing that the Counselors of State haue theire places for life, and obseruing that most Deputies retorned into England laden with Complayntes, aswell of Counselors as many priuate men, so as after good seruice they haue beene glad to receave the Pa[r]don of theire errors for theire deserued rewarde, for these causes haue beene so warye, as in many thinges of theire absolute power they vsed to referr the Con- sideration of them to one or two of the Counsell,, by that art drawing theire Consent, and yet still hauing theire owne in- tentians, seldome or neuer apposed by those Counselors, who founde those referments gracefull and profitable to them, and so willingly seconded the lords Deputyes pleasure. In my opinion nothinge is so contrary to the affections of the Irish to which the kings personall presence might not easily leade or drawe them, more then his sworde in his Deputies hand can force them, but the dangerous passages of the Sea and the generall affayres of State giuing the Irish small hope of theire kings frequent presence, no doubt in his absence they SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 189 more reverence a lord Deputy that is by degree a Duke Earle or Barron, then any knight though he be of any like great Family, and such a Deputy shall by the Authority of his degree, more easily suppresse theire rebellious spirittes against the State, and tyranny towardea theire tennants, then any Deputy of inferiour degree can doe, by greater vallour and wisdome. And since the Irish are most prone to tumults and Commotions, theire nature in generall rather requires a valiant Actiue Deputy, then one that is wise and politicke if withall he be slowe and fayntharted. But it may well be doubted whether the shorte gouernment Commonly allotted to the Deputies be profitable to our State or no : For Magistrates often changed like hungry flyes sucke more blood, and aa the Deuill rageth more because his tyme is shorte, so these Magestrates feareing soone to be recalled, are not so much bent to reforme the Commonwelth, the fruite whereof should be reaped by the successor, as they are vigilent to inrich themselues and theire Followers. Nether indeede can that Crafty and subtile nation be well knowne to any governnour by fewe yeares experience, so as the Irish, hopeing the Magis- trate shalbe recalled before he be skillfull of theire aifayres, and that another farr more vnskilfuU shalbe sent ouer in his place, vse nothinge more then delatorye temporising in theire obedience to the kings Commaundes or lawes, hopeing that newe magistrates will giue newe lawes, and so if they can putt off any buisinesse for the present if it be but for a day, thincking with Crafty Davus that in the meane tyme some chance may happen to theire advantage, dayly gapeing for such changes and inquiring after nothinge more. Yea many tymes they are not deceaved in this hope, but flocking to the newe Deputy at his first arivall, with theire causes formerly determined though not to theire mynde and likeing, they many tymes extorte from these Deputies wanting experience newe determinations dis- agreeable and perhapps contrary to the former, with great hurt to the Commonwealth, and disgrace to the government. It may be obiected that it may proue dangerous to giue a great man 190 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. the absolute Commaunde of a kingdome for many yeares. No doubt, as barbarous Nations, not knowing God whome they see not, worship his Creatures by which immediately he conferrs ill or good vpon them, so the Irish in the first place obey theire landlordes, as neerest benifactors or oppressors, and in the next place the lord Deputy, whose person they see and whose power they feele, yet so, as keeping Fayth promised to the present Deputy, they thincke themselues Free from keeping the same to his successours, and for the king, he as vnknowne and farthest from revenge, hath euer beene lesse feared by them. But the State may allwayes be confident of a lord Deputy, whose fayth- fullnes and endes free from ambition, are well knowne to them. And lett him be neuer so fitt to imbrace newe and dangerous Counsells, yet if he haue a good estate of landes in England there is no danger of his attempts For a wise man would not change that Certayne estate for any hopes of Ireland, which will allwayes be most vncertayne, as well because the kingdome can- not subsist without the support of some powerfuU king, as because the myndes of the Irish are instable, and as the Common people euery where, so they in a Farr greater measure haue most inconstant affections. Besydes that such ambitious designes cannot by any man be resolued in Counsell, much lesse putt in execution, before the State of England may haue meanes to knowe and prevent them. Theire obiection is of greater force who thincke it fitt these governments be often changed that many of the English may knowe the afEayres of that kingdome, which otherwise wilbe knowne to fewe. But what if three yeares will not suffice to vnderstand howe to governe that crafty nation, suerly at least after these yeares of Contemplation, me thinckes some tyme should be giuen to the gouernoiir to bring his Counsells and experience into actuall reformation. For as heretofore they haue beene often changed, so the Deputies haue labored more to compose tumults and disorders for the tyme, then to take away the causes, and to make the peace permanent, lest theire successor should enter vpon theire haruest imputing the troubles to them, and arrogating the appeasing thereof to SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 191 himselfe. Wherevpon sharpe emulation or rather bitter malice hath Commonly beene betweene the Deputyes neerest foregoing and succeeding. So as the newe Deputy affecting priuate fame rather then publike good, hath seldome or never troden the steps of his predicessor, but rather insisted vpon his owne maximes of government, espetially careing that his actions be not obscured by those of his predicesser, And this Babilonian confusion of distracted and contrary motians in the Cheefe governours, hath made the Irish, like wilde Coltes hauing vnskillfuU Riders, to learne all theire Jadish trickes, whereas if the gouernment were continued till the magistrate might knowe the nature of the people, with the secrets of that State, and apply the remedyes proper therevnto : If after theire govern- ment, (according to the Custome of the State of Venice) each Deputy should giue in writing to the State in England a full relation of his gouernment and the State of that kingdome, so as his successour might weaue the same webb he had begunn, and not make a newe frame of his owne : If in reguard the kings presence in Ireland may rather be wished then hoped, some spetiall Commissioners, sworne to Faithfull relation, were chosen in England once in two or three yeares, and sent ouer to visitt the affayres of that kingdome, and to make like relation thereof at theire returne. No doubt that kingdome might in shorte tyme be reformed, and the kings Reuenues might be so increased, as Ireland might not only mantayne it Belfe in peace, but restore parte of the Treasure it hath formerly exhausted in England, and lay vp meanes to supply future necessityes of that State, Since the sayde Deputies and com- missionours would euery one be ashamed not to add somthinge to the Publike good of theire owne, and much more to doe that was allready done, or rather to destroy it, by theire imployment. And the Irish would thereby be putt from theire shifting hopes gapeing for newe vnskillfuU and diuersely affected Magestrates, which haue allwayes annimated them to delatorye obedience and Rebellious Courses. , By the Complaynt of former ages rather then experience in 192 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. our tyme, I haue obserued, that the Lord Deputyes a[u]thority in Ireland hath beene much weakened, by the graunting of suites and rewardes in England to many of the Irish, without hauing any recommendations from theire Deputy, and much more because the Judiciall causes of the Irish haue beene determined in England without the lord Deputyes priuity, or hauing beene formerly determined in Ireland, were sent backe to be agayne examined and determined, according to letters of fauour obtayned by the Plantiues in England, which made the subiect prowde, and to triumphe vpon the ouerruled Magistrate, who no doubt is ether vnfitt to gouerne a kingdome, or ought best to knowe who deserue punishment, who reward, and the most fitt wayes to determine iudiciall causes. Wherein I dare boldly say the contrary proceedinges of our tyme, giuing that magistrate his due honour, hath much aduansed the publike good. Some doe not approue the residence of the lord Deputy at Dublin, and would haue it rather at Athlone, vppon the edge of Connaght and Vlster, where he should haue those seditious Prouinces before him, and might easily fall with his forces into Mounster, and so should be nearer hand to preuent Tumults with his presence and compose them with his power, and likewise should haue at his back the Pale (contayning five shires, and so called because they euer were most quiett and subiect to the English) and so might stopp all Rebells from disturbing the Pale which would not only yeild supplyes of necessaries to his Trayne and Soldiers, but also giue safe passage for transporting munition and victualls to Athlone from the Stoare houses at Dublin. And this Counsell was so much vrged to Queene Elizabeth as these reasons together with the saving of the Charge to mantayne a Gouernor in Connaght with Counsellors to assist him, and the like charge then intended for Vlster moued her to referr the determination thereof to the Lo : Mountioy then Deputy and the Counsell of State, who altered nothing because that course would haue ruined or decayed the Citty of Dublin, and espetially because the SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 193 Rebellion was soone after appeased, and our State hath commonly vsed, like Marriners to be secure in faire weather, and neuer fly to the tacklings till a storme come. The Meere Irish. Touching the meere Irish before I speake of them, giue me leaue to remember fowre verses expressing fowre mischeifes afflicting them, as fruites of their idlenes, slouenlynes, and superstition. . Quatuor hybernos vexant animalia, turpes Corpora vermieuli, sorices per tecta rapaces, Carniuori vastantque lupi crudeliter agros, Hsec tria nequitia superas Romane sacerdos. For foure vile beasts Ireland hath no fence, their bodyes lice, their houses Ratts possesse. Most wicked Preists gouerne their conscience, and rauening Woolues do wast their feilds no lesse. That may well be said of the Irish which Caesar in his Commentaries writes of the old Germans; like beasts they doe all things by force and Armes, after a slauish manner. The Magistrate doth nothing publiquely or priuately without Armes. They reuenge iniuryes seldome by lawe, but rather by the sword and rapine, neither are they ashamed of stealth or taking prayes or spoyles. Formerly I haue shewed that the Englishmen who subdued Ireland, and long mantayned the Conquest thereof, did flock into England vppon the Ciuill warrs betweene the houses of Yorke, and Lancaster aswell to beare vpp the factions as to inherritt their kinsmens Lands in England and so left wast their possessions in Ireland. At that tyme the meere Irish rushed into those vacant possessions, and the better to keepe them, from that tyme were ever prounce to rebelions, that the course of lawe might cease while they were in Armes, and from that tyme resumed olde barbarous lawes and Customes which had beene long abolished, and by withdrawing themselues from IM SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. obedience to our lawes, became powerfull tyrants in all Conntryes. From that tyme they did euer putt forth and secreetely mantayne vpon all fitt oceations some outlawes to disturbe peace (like our Roben Hud and litle John in the tymes of Richard the First and John kings of England) growing io that Impudency, as these outlawes arc not by them termed Rebles, but men in Action, lining in the woodes and Boggy places. Among them (and many of the English Irish by theire example) those that became lords of Countryes were euer as many heades so many monstroiis tyrants. These haue not their landes deuided in many Countryes, as our noblemen in England (whereby they are lesse powerfull to disturbe peace) but possesse whole Countryes together, whereof notwithstand- ing great partes lye wast, only for want of Tennants. And because they haue an ill Custome, that Tennants are reputed proper to those lands on which they dwell, without liberty to lemoue theire dwelling vndcr an other landlord, they still desyre more land, rather to haue the Tennants then the land, whereas if they could furnish theire old landes with Tennants (as perhapps they haue in some sorte donne since the last Rebellion, of which and former tymes I wryte) they would much exceede our greatest lords in yearely Reixeniies. It is a great mischeefe, that among them, all of one name or Sept and kindred, dwell not (as in England) dispersed in many shyres, but all liue together in one village, Lordshipp, and County ready and apt to conspire together in any mischeife. And by an old lawe, which they call of themistry, vulgarly called Tanistry by many of our lawes abolished, yet still in force amonig themselues, euery Sept chiiseth their cheife head or Captaine, not the eldest sonne of the eldest Family but the oldest or rather the most daring man, (whereby they alwayes vnderstand the most licentious swordsman) as most fitt to defend them. And this Cheefe they not only chuse among themselues, but of Corrupt Custome impudently challenged to be confirmed by the Lord Deputyes producing many like graunts of that dignity made of old by the Lord Deputyes vnder SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 196 their hauda and scales, then which nothing can be more fitt to mantayne Factions and tumults and to hinder the Course of the kings lawes. By the same lawe often abolished by vs but still letayned in vse among them, they will needs haue the choyse of him that shall inheritt the land of the last Cheefe of any Sept, or name, not respecting therein the eldest sonne, according to out lawes but him that most pleaseth their turbulent humors, whence flowcs a plentifuU spring of Murthers Parracides and Conspiracyes against the kings and their lawes. For first hereby they professed to liue after their owne lawes, and openly denyed obedience to the kings lawes, and againe to giue an instance of one mischeife, passing ouer many other of no lesse moment, when any of these Cheefes or Lords of Countryes vppon submission to the States hath surrendred his lands to the king, and taken a new graunt of them by the kings letters Pattents with Conditions fitt for publique good, they boldly say that he held his Lands by the tenure of Thanistrye only for his life, and so will not be tyed to any of his Acts. And it is no matter what they professe, why should we heare their words, when wee see their deeds. I doe not thinck but know that they will neuer be reformed in Religion, manners, and constant obedience, to our lawes, but by the awe of the sword, and by a strong hand at least for a tyme bridling them. By these and like corrupt Customes, neglecting our lawes, they become disturbers of the peace, and after a barbarous manner, for terror or in pride, add to their names (noting the cheife or head) and Mac (noting the sonne of such a one), and thus they are called Oneales, Donnells, mac Mahownes with a rable of like names, some rather seeming the names of Devowring Giants then Christian Subiects, yea some of old English Familyes degenerating into this Barbarisme, haue changed their names after the Irish tongue, as the Vrslyes are called Mahownes taking the notation from the name of a Beare; yea some of the most licentious take to themselues Nicknames suitable to their wicked dispositions, as one of the O Donnells was called Game that is a Cholerick strong (or 196 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. lusty) Gallant, and such he was indeede. And some as if they were knights of Amadis of Gaule, and had the valor of those errant knights, were called the knight of the valley, the white knight, and the like. And withall they despise our titles of Earles and lords, which so weakens the great mens estimation among them, as they must cast them away, and assume their old barbarous names whensoeuer they will haue the power to lead the people, to any rebellious action. For in those barbarous names, and nick names, the Irish are proude to haue the rebellious acts of their forefathers sung by their Bards or Poetts, at their Feasts and publique meetings. Againe they haue a Corrupt Custome to increase their power by fostering their Children, with the most valiant rich and powerfull neighbors, since that people beares such straunge reuerence to this bond and pledge of loue, as they commonly loue their Foster Children more than their owne. The events of which Custome forced our Progenitors to make seuere lawes against the same, which notwithstanding, howsoeuer restrayned for the tyme, grew againe to be of force among them in our age. They haue likewise a ridiculous Custome, that maryed wemen giue Fathers to their Children when they are at the point of death. Insomuch as they haue a pleasant tale, that a younger sonne hearing his mother giue base Fathers to some of his brethren, besought her with teares to giue him a good father. But commonly they giue them fathers of the Oneales, Donnells or such great men, or at least those that are most famous for licentious boldnes. And these bastard Children euer after follow these fathers, and thincking themselues to descend of them, wilbe called swordmen, and scorning husbandrye, and manuall Arts Hue only of rapine and spoyle. These foresaid meere Irish lords of Countryes gouerne the people vnder them with such tyranny, as they know no king in respect of them, who challenge all their goods and Cattell to be theirs saying, that their Progenitors did not only giue them lands to till, but also Cowes and other goods to possesse at the lords will and disposall. Neither take they any rent of them SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 197 for their Lands, but at pleasure impose nioiiy vppon them, vppon all occasions of spending, as Journeyes to Dublin, or into England, paying their debts, intertayning of the lord Deputy, or Judges, and like occasions, sometymes true, sometymes fayned, taking a great or small portion of their goods, according to the quality of the Cause, and these exactions they doe well call Cuttings, wherewith they doe not only cutt, but deuoure the people. And it litle auayleth these poore Tenants, though some of them can proue by Indentures that they are Free- holders, and not Tenants at will, for of old to the end of the last warr (of which tyme I write and desyre to be vnderstood) the lords by tyrannicall Custome still ouerswayed the peoples right in these Courses. And this Custome was the fountayne of many evills, more specially of one mischeife, that if the Tenant by any Cryme forfeited his goods, the lord denyed him to haue any proprierty therein and yet if the same goods were seazed by the Sheriffe for any Fynes for the king, or debts of the lord, to priuate men, the tenants forthwith exclaymed of iniustice to punish them for the lords offences With this (as it were) Dilemna still deluding the execution of Justice. Tea these lords challenged right of Inheritance in their Tenants persons, as if by old Couenants they were borne slaues to till their grounde, and doe them all like seruices, and howsoeuer they were oppressed might not leaue their land to dwell vnder any other landlord. And these suites betweene the lords for right in Tenants, were then most frequent. Thus I remember the Sonne of Henry Oge to be killed in the Country of Mac Mahowne while he went thither to bring back by force a fugitiue Tenant (as they terme them). Like suits for Tenants were frequent at this tyme betweene the new created Earle of Tirconnell, and Sr. Neale Game, and at first the magistrate commaunded the Earle to restore to Sir Neale his old Tenants, but when peace was more setled, the Itinerant Judges going into Vlster, added a generall Caution in this case, that the Tenants should not be forced to retorne, except they were willing, professing at publique meetings with great applause of the people, that it was 198 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. most uniust the kings Subiects borne in a free Common wealth should be vsed like slaues. Againe these lordes challenging all their Tenants goods, thinck scorne to haue any Cowes or herdes of Cattell of their owne, tho sometymes they permitt their wines to haue some like propriety. They distribute their lands among their Tenants to be tilled only for one, two, or three yeares, and so the people build no houses but like Nomades living in Cabins, remoue from one place to an other with their Cowes, and commonly retyre them within thick woods not to be entred without a guide delighting in this Eogish life, as more free from the hand of Justice, and more fitt to committ rapines. Thus the Country people living vnder the lordes absolute power as slaues, and howsoeuer they haue plenty of Come, milke, and Cattell ; yet having no propriety in any thing, obey their lordes in right and wrong, and being all of the Roman church, and being taught that [it] is no sinn to breake faith with vs, and so litle regarding an oath taken before our Magistrates, the king wa« often defrauded of his right by the falsehood of Juryes, in his Inheritance, Wardes Attainders, Escheates intrusions, Alienations, and all Pleas of the Crowne. At the end of the warr among infinite examples, this was well scene in the Case of Meade the Recorder of Corke, who having committed open treason, was quitted by an Irish Jurye, himselfe craftily hastning his tryall for feare he should be tryed in England. The Court of the Starr chamber, shortly after established seuerely punished Juryes foi abuses of this last kinde but with what effect, is besydes my purpose to write. These Irish lordes in the last warr, had a cunning trick, that howsoeuer the father possessing the land, bore himselfe outwardly as a Subiect, yet his sonnes having no lands in possession, should liue with the Rebells, and keepe him in good tearmes with them, and his goods from present spoyling. The lords of Ireland, at this tyme whereof I write, nourished theeues, as we doe Hawkes, openly boasting among themselues, who had the best theeues. Neigh- bors intertayning these men into their Familyes, for mutuall preiudices, was a secrett fewell of the Ciuill warr, they being SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 199 prone to rebellion, and in peace not forbearing to steale at home, and to spoyle all passengers neere their abode. The wilde or meere Irish haue a generation of Poets, or ■ rather Rymers vulgarly called Bardes, who in their songs vsed to extoll the most bloudy licentious men, and no others, and to allure the hearers, not to the loue of religion and Ciuill manners, but to outrages Robberies living as outlawes, and Contempt of the Magistrates and the kings lawes. Alas how vnlike vnto ■ Orpheus, who with his sweete harpe and wholesome precepts of Poetry laboured to reduce the rude and barbarous people from lining in woods, to dwell Ciuilly in Townes and Cittyes, and from wilde ryott to morall Conuersation. All goodmen wished these knaues to be strictly curbed, and seuerely punished. For the meere Irish, howsoeuer they vnderstood not what was truely honourable, yet out of barbarous ignorance are so affected to vayne glory, as they nothing so much feared the lord Deputys anger, as the least song or Balladd these Rascalls might make against them, the singing whereof to their reproch, would more haue daunted them, then if a Judge had doomed them to the Gallowes. They had also an othei' Rabble of Jeasters which vsed to frequent the Tables of lordes and Gentlemen continuall tellers of newes which comonly they reduced to the preiudice of the publike good. Againe the Irish in generall more specially the meere Irish, being sloathfuU and giuen to nothing more then base Idlenes, they nourished a third generation of vipers vulgarly called Carowes, professing (forsooth) the noble science of playing at Cards and dice, which so infected the publique meetings of the people, and the priuate houses of lordes, as no adventure was too hard in shifting for meanes to mantayne these sports. And indeed the wilde Irish doe madly affect them, so as they will not only play and leese their mony and mouable goods, but also ingage their lands, yea their owne persons to be ledd as Prisoners by the winner, till he be paid the mony, for which they are ingaged. It is a shame to speake, but I heard by •200 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. credible relation, that some were found so impudent, as they had suffered themselues so to be ledd as Captiues tyed by the parts of their body which I will not name, till they had mony to redeeme themselues. Could a Prouost Marshall be better imployed then in hanging vpp such Raskalls and like vagabond persons. For howsoeuer none could better doe it then the Sheriffes; yet because the Irish frequently and in part iustly complayned of their extortions (as I shall after shewe), I dare not say that Marshall lawe might well be committed to them. The Irish thus giuen to Idlenes, naturally abhorr from Manuall Artes, and Ciuill trades to gaine their owne bread, and the basest of them wilbe reputed gentlemen and sword men, for so they are termed who professe to liue by their swordes, and haue bene alwayes apt to raise Ciuill warrs, and euer most hardly drawne to lay downe Armes, by which they had liberty to liue in riott. Many examples might be giuen in the highest kinde of mischeife produced by this idlenes, but that the vice is most naturall to the Irish; I will only giue one example which myselfe obserued of Fishermen in the Cittyes of Mounster, who being no swordmen, yet were generally so sloathfull, as in the Calmest weather, and the greatest Concourse of noblemen, when they had no feare of daunger, and great hope of gayne, though the Seas abound with excellent fish and the Prouince with frequent Ports, and bayes most fitt for fishing ; yet so long as they had bread to eate, would not putt to sea, no not commaunded by the lord Deputy, till they were beaten by force out of their houses. And in my opinion this idlenes hath bene nourished by nothing more (as I haue formerly shewed vppon other occasions) then by the plenty of the land, and great housekeeping, drawing the people from trades, while they can be fedd by others without labour. This experience hath shewed of old, aswell in England, where the greatest Robberies were comonly done, by idle seruingmen swarming in great houses, as in the more northern parts, and in Ireland, where they multitude of loose Followers hath of old bene prone to fight their Lords quarrells, yea to I'ebell with SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 20l them. Whereas no doubt the exercise of trades, and the Custome of industrye to line euery man of his owne, are a strong establishment of any Comon Wealth. The mere Irish giuen to sloath are also most luxurious. And not to speake of the aboundance of all meates, they are excessiuely giuen to drunkennes. For howsoeuer, whyle they liued in woodes and in Cabbines with theire Catle, they could be content with water and milke, yet when they came to Townes nothing was more frequent then to tye theire Cowes at the dores, and neuer parte from the taverns till they had druncke them out in Sacke and strong water, which they call vsquebagh, and this did not only the lords, but the Common people, tho halfe naked for want of Cloathes to cover them. No man may iustly maruell, if among such people dissolute hucksters apt to rayse seditions and Hue like outlawes, be frequently founde. Therefore at the end of the last warr, it was wished and expected, that this luxury should be suppressed at least from generall excesse, that all vagabond persons should be seuerely punished, that the people should be allured and drawne to loue manuall arts and trades, more spetially husbandry of tillage. For whereas all, yea the most strong and able bodyes, and men giuen to spoyles and llobberyes in all tymes gladly imployed themselues in feeding of Cowes, that Course of life was imbraced by them as suitable to theire innated slothe, and as most fitt to elude or protract all execution of Justice against them, while they commonly liued in thick woods abounding with grasse. But no doubt it were much better if Ireland should be reduced to lesse grasing and more tillage by the distribution of lands among Tenants in such sort, as euer after it should (as in England) be vnlawfuU to chaunge any tillage into Pasture. The English Irish. Touching the English Irish namely such as discend of the first English conquering that Country, or since in diuerse ages, and tymes to this day transplanted out of England, into Ireland. It is wonderfuU yet most true, that for some later ages they 202 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. haue beene (some in high some in lesse measure,) infected with the barbarous Customes of the meere Irish and with the Roman Religion so as they grewe not only as aduerse to the Reformation of Ciuill policye and religion, as the meere Irish but euen combyned with them, and shewed such malice to the English nation, as if they were ashamed to haue any Community with it, of Country, bloud, religion, language apparrell, or any such generall bond of amity. And for this alienation, they did not shame in the last Ciuill warr to alledge reasons to iustify their so doing, namely that they whose Progenitours had conquered that kingdome, and were at First thought most worthy to gouerne the same vnder our kings, were by a new lawe excluded from being deputyes, and had otherwise small or no power in the State. Agayne that after they were broken, and worne out in the Ciuill warr of England, betweene the houses of Yorke and Lancaster, they were not strengthned with newe Colonyes out of England, and so being weaker then the mere Irish, were forced to apply themselues to the stronger, by contracting affinity with them, and vsing their language and apparrell. Tliese and like reasons they pretended, which I will first answer and then shewc the true causes thereof. It cannot be denyed but the English Irish After the first Conquest were by our Kings made cheefe Grouernors of that kingdome, yea and many ages after were sometymes lord deputyes, and were alwayes Capable of that place, till the tyme of king Henry the Eight, but neuer without detriment of the Common Wealth and danger from them that possessed it. To the first English Irish borne of noble Familyes in England, our kings gaue large patrimonyes and great priuiledges making them sometymes Gouernors of the State but in processe of tyme, some of them forgetting their Country, bloud and all pledges of loue towards the English, not only became Rebells but by degrees grewe like the meere Irish in all things euen in hating the English, and becoming cheefe leaders to all seditions growing at last to such pride in the last Ciuill warr, as if they had not rewards when they deserued punishments, or could not obtayne pentions to serue the State, SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 203 they weri! more ready to rebell, then the meere Irish theni- selues. Among these some in hatred to the English changed their English names into Irish, yet retayning the old notation, as the Vrselyes called them selues Mac Mahownes, some in Vlstef of the Family of Veres, called themselues Macrones, others of the Family of great Mortimer, called themselues Macmarrs. These and some others, as Breningham discended of old English Barons, and the lord Curcy whose Progenitors of the English Nobility were among the Cheife, and first Conquerors of the kingdome, grewe so degenerate, as in the last rebellion, they could not be distinguished from meere Irish. The rest retayning their old names, and in good measure the English manners, as Tyrrell, Lacey, many of the Bourkes, and Geraldines, and some of the Nugents, yet became cheefe leaders in the late rebellion. These men no man will iudge capable of the cheife gouernments in that kingdome. But lett them passe, and lett vs consider, if the English Irish that in the Rebellion remayned Subiects, and will not be stayned with the name of Rebells, haue any iust cause to complayne that they are excluded from the gouernment, because the lawe forbidds them to be deputyes. Thej^ are in England free Denizens, having equall right with the English to inherritt lands, and beare offices, and obtayne any dignity whereof their merritt, or the kings fauour may make them Capable. Lett them remember that the Earle of Strangbowe being the leader of the English, that first conquered Ireland, when the king would haue committed to him the gouernment thereof, did modestly refuse the same, except the king would ioyne some assistants with him, not ignorant what daunger that magistracye would bring to him more then to any other. Lett them remember, that among other noble Familyes of the Englishe Conquerors, first Lacy, then Curcy, had the cheife gouernment of that kingdome, but the first was recalled into England to giue accompt of his gouernment, not without danger, of leesing his head, the other was long cast into prison. Lett them remember that the lord Deputyes place did weaken and almost destroy the Family of •204 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. the Geraldines, after which tyme king Henry the Eight by Act of Parliament first excluded the English Irish from being cheife Gouernors of that kingdome, as Common experience made all men finde, that gouernment not only dangerous to themselues aduanced to it, but also more displeasing to the people, who least like the Commaund of their owne Countrymen and were most ready to loade them with Complaynts in England, as also their owne Countrymen being Counsellors of State, whose oppressions they most felt, and greiued at. Yet many English Irish continued Counsellors of State all the tyme of Queene Elizabeth and the last Eebellion whereof I write. For my part if the English Irish had English affections, I would thinck no difference should be made betweene them and the English. But in the last Rebellion nothing was more euident then that our secrett Counsells were continually made knowne to Tyrone and other Rebells, and lett men iudge vnpartially, who could more iustly be suspected of this falshood, then the Counsellors of State, borne in that kingdome. Many Counsells were propounded for reforming the State, for banishing Jesuites and other troublers of the State, and lett themselues vnpartially speake, who did more frustrate those designes, then the Counsellors, of that tyme borne in that kingdome. Were not the cheife Justice and the Cheife Baron of that tyme both borne and bredd in Ireland? Lett them say truely for what good seruice of theirs, Queene Elizabeth appointed ouerseers to lookc into their actions and make them knowne to her deputy. No doubt that wise Queene either thought the Counsells of Sir Robert Dillon knight, and the said cheife Justice of Ireland contrary to the publique good, or vppon better aduise, she would neuer haue remoued him from that place, which her gracious fauour had first conferred vppon him. What neede we vse circumstances, the generall opinion of that tyme was, that the English Irish made Counsellors of State, and Judges of Courts did euidently hurt the publike good, and that their falseharted helpe, did more hinder reformation, then the open Acts of the Rebells. Generally before this tyme they were Papists, and SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 206 if some of them, vppon hypocriticall dispensation went to Church Commonly their Parents, children kinsmen and seruants, were open and obstinate Papists in profession. Tell me any one of them who did according to the duty of their place, publikely commend or Commaund to the people the vse of the Common prayer booke, and the frequenting of our Churches. Why doe they glory of their gouerning the Common Wealth, if they cannot shewe one good act of Reformation perswaded, and perfected by them. In the Baigne of king Edward the third, when the king found the Pope obstinate for vsurping the hereditary right of him and his Subiects, in bestowing Church livings vnder their Patronage, and valiantly opposed himselfe to this and other oppressions of the Pope, obseruing that his Counsells were no way more crossed, then by Italians and French men, whome the Pope, had Cunningly preferred to Bishoppiicks and Benefices, yea to be of the kings Councell of State, whereby they had meanes to betray the secretts of the State, he wisely made an Act of Parliament in the 25 yeare of his Raigne, whereby he prouided remidy against these vnfaithfull Counsellors and Churchmen. That which king Edward might doe in this Case, may not his Successors doe the same in Ireland vppon like danger, sequestring any suspected persons fiom places in Counsell and Judgment. When magistrates themselues vse only Connivencye in punishing disobedience to the lawes, and Sects in Religion, doth not their example confirme the people in disobedience to their king ? But yoti shall know the lyon by his Pawe (as the Proverb saith) lett vs further see, how the English Irish in those tymes caryed themselues in military commaunds committed to them. Queene Elizabeth finding that the lord Deputies from the first beginning of the last Rebellion, had made a great error, in levying Companyes of the English Irish, to suppresse the meere Irish, so having trayned them vpp as the very horseboyes of them following our Armye were proued good shott, was at last forced to intertaine of them many Companyes of Foote, and Troopes of horse in her pay, lest 206 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. they should fall to the Rebells party. Of these some wooithy Commaunders did good seruice, and all in generall, so long as they were imployed in our Army, serxied brauely, so as the lord Deputy was often bold to take the feilde when halfe his forces consisted of them. But when they were left in Garrison, especially in their owne Countryes, it was obserued that generally they did no seruice, but lying still, wasted the Queenes Treasure, and lest they should leese their pay, which they esteemed a Reuenewe, or religion should be reformed in tyme of peace, (which they most feared), they did make our Counsells knowne to the Rebells, did vnderhand releiue them, and vsed all meanes to nourish and strengthen the Rebellion. It is straunge but most true, that aswell to merritt the Rebells fauour, as to haue the goods of their Countrye safe from spoyling, the very Subiects gaue large Contributions to the Rebells, insomuch as one Country, (whereby an Estimate of the rest may be made,) did pay the Rebells three hundreth pounds yearely, vsing this art to auoide the danger of the lawe, that when they made a cutting vppon Cowes for this purpose, they pretended to make this exaction for the lords Tse, vnder hand sending the Rebells word thereof that they might by force surprise those Cowes which indeede were leuyed for them. And besides all or most of them had Children, brothers or kinsmen ioyned with the Rebells, as hostages of their loue, and pledges of reconcilement vppon all events. Againe, I said formerly that the Septs or men of one name and bloud, lined together in one Towne and Country, each Sept having a Captaine or cheife of that name. Now this point is a great mistery, that they could giue no more certaine pledge of faith to vs, then to drawe bloud of any of these Septs. But the lord Deputy making it a cheife proiect to maJce them drawe bloud in this kinde vppon their neighbors, founde it a most hard thing to effect with any of the English Irish, yea with those that were in the Queenes pay ; yet the English Irish being in the States pay, lest they should be held altogether vnprofitable, and to purchase reward of seruice, would sometymes kill a poore Rebell, or bring SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 207 him aliue to the State, whose reuenge they feared not, yea perhapps a Rebell of note to whome the cheife Neighbor Rebells bore malice, and so cast him into their hands. And this done they vsed to triumphe as though they had done a masterpeece of seruice, and could hardly haue the patience to expect a Shipp to carry them into England that in Court they might importune extraordinary reward besides their ordinary pay. To be briefe, the Queenes letters shall beare me witnesse that the English Irish placed in Garrisons at theire owne home lyved idlie withoiit doinge any seruice exhaxisted the publique Treasure and by all meanes nourished the Rebellioun, especiallie by plottes laid at priuate parlyes and at publique meetinges vppon hills (Called Rathes) where many treacherous Conspiraces weare made. Would any equall man blame a Prince for puttinge such Souldgers out of pay, for prohibittinge such partyes, and for Carefull wacchinge ouer such meetings? Great priuiledges weare worthely graunted at first to the great Lordes of English race for theire Conquest, and great power over the people was wisely giuen them at first both for Reward and for power to keepe the meere Irish in Siibieccion : But if theise Lordes vse theire priuilidges and power to Contrary endes, spoilinge the subiectes and wastinge the Countrey by theire sword men when the Cause Ceased, shall not the effect cease? When theire vertue is Changed and theire endes CoiTupted, may not a wise Prince abridge theire priuilidges and power? The same is the reason of the law forbiddinge any of the English Irish to be Lord deputy: The famous Queene Elizabeth findinge the ill Event of theise ill Causes became Jealous of the English Irish Counsellours of State and Judges and vsed the aforesaid Remedyes against a Cheeffe Justice and a ChefPe Barroun of that tyme. Formerly I acknowledge that the English Irish serued brauely in our Army, while they weare vnder the Lord deputyes eic, and some worthie Commaunders of them shewed great faithfuUnes, and did speciall seruices, yet this most wise Queene found theire defectes, and that the strength of hir affaires Consisted in breedinge English 208 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Souldgiers, soe as shee commaunded the other Companyes to be no more supplied, but to be Cast by degrees, as they grew defectiue, and in the meane tyme to be ymploied out of theire owne Countryes, where they might not feare to draw blood of the borderinge Septes. The Earle of Clanricard serued the said Queene soe well, as he cannot be to much Commended for the same, and was also highly in hir Fauour; yet when the Earle of Essex had left him Gouernour of his owne Countrey, howsoeuer shee would not openly displace him, yet shee Ceased not till by hir direccions hee was induced to a voluntary Resignacioun therof into hir handes : For indeed the English , Irish and meere Irish of that tyme weare generally soe humorous, as their fathers or brothers that dyed having any gouernment of the Country or commaund in the Army, they esteemed the same as due to them by Inheritance, or at least if they were not conferred on them, grew discontented and prone to any mischeuious Course. To conclude, the English Irish of that tyme (few or none excepted) were obstinate and most ^ superstitious Papists, and what our State might haue hoped from such men in high places of gouernment lett wise men iudge. The second excuse of the English Irish for applying them- selues to the meere Irish in manners Lawes and Customes, and so growing strangers (if not Enemyes) to the English, hath some Coulor of truth, but can neuer iustify this action. Namely that the Colonyes of the first English conquering Ireland, being broken and wasted in the Ciuill warr of England betweene the houses of Yorke and Lancaster, were neuer supplyed, but left so weake as they were forced to apply themselues to the meere Irish as the stronger. Since the noble Familyes of England were much wasted in the same warr, no maruell if at the end thereof, our kings first intended the restoring of England to the former vigor, before they could cast their eyes vppon Ireland, and in this meane tyme the meere Irish had taken such roote, and so ouertopped the English Irish, as the sending of English Colonyes thether so long as the meere Irish remayned SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 209 good Subiects, would rather haue diaturbed then established peace. The first fayre occasion of planting newe English .Colonyes there, was giuen in the Raigne of Queene Elizabeth by two Rebellions, the first of the English Irish Geraldines, who had the Earle of Desmond for their head, the second of the meere Irish, and many English Irish, having the Earle of Tyrone for their head. Touching the first, when the Earle of Desmond was subdued, and that Rebellion appeased, the said Queene (of happy memory) intended great Reformation by planting new English Familyes vppon the forfeited lands of the Earle of Desmond, in Mounster. But this good intention was made voyde by a great error of that tyme, in that those lands were graunted, partly to obstinate Papists, partly to Courtiers, who sold their shares to like obstinate Papists, as men that would giue most for them. Whereof two great mischeifes grewe. First that these Papists being more obstinate then others, and therevppon choosing to leaue their dwelling in England, where the seuerity of the lawes bridled them, and to remoue into Ireland, where they might be more remote, and so haue greater liberty, shewed the old prouerbe to be true, Caelum non animum mutant, qui trans mare currunt. Passing the sea with a swift wynde, doth change the aire but not the mynde. For they not only remayned Papists, but grew more and more obstinate with liberty, and by their example confirmed both the English Irish and meere Irish in that superstition. Secondly, these new planted English (commonly called vndertakers) being thus ill afEected, did not performe the Couenants imposed in their graunts, for establishing peace in that Prouince ; For they nether built Castles, to strengthen them against tymes of Rebellion, neither did they plant their lands with well afEected Tenants out of England, giuing them Freeholds, Coppy holds and leases, and tying them to serue on Foote, or horseback vppon all occasions of tumult or warr, which Would much haue 210 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. strengthned the English against the meere Irish and all Invasions. But they tooke a Contrary Course, not only planting their lands with meere Irish Tenants, (to whome they gaue no such tenor of Freehold Copyhold or lease, and who serued them vppon base abiect Conditions, whereby they made great profitt for the present) but also intertayning them for seruants in their Familyes, for the same reason of present profitt. And this made their great profitt of small continuance, and their dwellings of lesse strength and safety. For in the first troubles of the next Rebellion of Tyrone, themselues and the State founde by wofull experience, that they had no way strengthned the Prouince, but only dispeopled and wasted other lands to bring Tenants vppon their owne, so as the kings other Rents were thereby as much diminished as increased by their Rents, and the number of horse or foote to defend the Prouince, were nothing increased by them ; neither had they made any greater number of English to passe in Juryes betweene the king and the Subiects, so as the lord President had not power to suppresse the first Rebells, and the Judges in all try alls were forced to vse the Irish, who made no conscience of doing wrong to the king, and the English Subiects. Againe theire Irish Tennants ether rann away, or turning Rebells spoyled them, and the Irish in theire houses were ready to betray them, and open theire dores to the Rebells. So as some of those vndertakers were in the first tumult killed, some taken prisoners were cruelly handled, and had theire wiues and daughters shamefully abused, great part rann out of the kingdome, and yet shamed not to clayme and profEesse in the ende of the Rebelion these landes, the defence whereof they had so basely forsaken. Some few kept theire old Reuenued Castles, but with great chaxg to the State in mantayning warders to defend them, which warders were so many, as they greatly deminished the force of our Army in the fielde. Thus were the good purposes of that first plantation made frustrate by ill disposed vndertakers. Touching the other Rebelion of Tyrone, the appeasing thereof concurred at one instant with the death of our sayd Queene, beyond which tyme SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 211 my purpose is not to write, and therefore it should be imperti- nent for me, worthily to magnifye the Plantation in the North, established by king James our gracious Souerayne. Only I will say for the want of former Colonies planting, whereof the English Irish complayne, that as the Plantation after Desmonds Rebellion was made frustrate by ill disposed vndertakers, so from the foresayd Ciuill warrs betweene the houses of Yorke and Lancaster to the end of Tyrones Rebellion, all the English in generall that voluntarily left England to plant themselues in Ireland, ether vnder the sayd Vndertakers of Mounster, or vpon the landes of any other English Irish throughout Ireland, or to Hue in Cittyes and townes, were generally obserued to haue beene ether Papists, men of disordered life, banckrots, or very poore (not speaking of those of the Army remayning there after the Rebellion, who are of another tyme succeeding that whereof I write, and well knowne to be of good condition). By which course Ireland as the heele of the body was made the sincke of England, the stench whereof had almost annoyed very Cheap- side the hart of the body in Tyrons pestilent Rebellion. To conclude, I deny not but the excuse of weaknes in the English Irish Colonies, forcing them to apply to the meere Irish as stronger, hath in part a true ground, though it cannot Justifye the act. And if I should perswade the planting of Ireland with newe Colonies, I should now speake out of tyme, when that profitable and necessary action is in great measure performed by the prouidence of our dread Souraigne. If I should commend and extoll the Act, I feare I should therein be reputed as foolish as the Sophister, who in a publike assembly made a long oration in prayse of Herculus, whome no man at that tyme or formerly euer dispraysed. But I will passe from theire alledged excuses to the true causes of theire Alienation from vs and application to the meere Irish. The grand cause is theire firme consent with them in the Roman Religion, whereof I shall speal^e at larg in the next Booke of this part. The second cause also praedominant, though in a lower degree, is the profitt they haue long tyme found in the barbarous lawes and Customes of the 212 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Irish, by tyrannicall oppression of the poore people vnder them, of which point I haue formerly spoken in this Chapter. The third cause is theire Contracting affinity with them by marriage, and amitye by mutuall fostering of Chilldren. The fourth is community of apparrell. The fifth Community of language. Of which three last causes I will now speake breifly. The power of these three last causes to corrupt the manners and Fayth of any nation, being well knowne, the Progenitors of our kings with consent of the States of that kingdome in Parlament, did of old make many Actes against them, which sometymes wrought reformation, but without any during effect. For contrary to these lawes, the English Irish haue for many ages, almost from the first conquest, contracted Mariages with the meere Irish, whose children of mingled race could not but degenerate from theire English Parents, and allso mutually fostered each others Children, which bond of loue the Irish generally somuch esteeme, as they will giue theire Foster Children a parte of theire goods with theire owne Children, and the very Children fostered together loue one another as naturall brothers and sisters, yea theire Foster brothers or sisters better then theire owne. Only I must say for the English Irish Cittisens, espetially those of Corck, that they haue euer so much avoyded these Mariages with the meere Irish, as for want of others commonly marying among themselues, all the men and wemen of the Cittie had for many ages beene of kindred in neere degree one with the other. Agayne contrary to the sayd lawes, the English Irish for the most part haue for many ages had the same attyre and apparrell with the meere Irish, namely the nourishing of long hare (vulgarly called glibs) which hanges downe to the shoulders, hidinge the face, so as a malefactor may easily escape with his face covered theire with, or by collering his hayre, and much more by cutting it off, may so alter his countenance as those of his acquaintance shall not knowe him, and this hayre being exceeding long, they haue no vse of Capp or hatt. Also they weare strayte Breeches, called Trowses, uery close to the body SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 213 and loose Coates like large waskotes, and mantells in steede of Clokes, which Mantells are as a Cabinn for an outlawe in the woods, a bedd for a Rebell, and a Cloke for a theefe, and being worne over the head and eares, and hanging downe to the heeles, a notorious Yillane lapt in them may passe any towne or Company without being knowne. Yet I must likewise confesse that the best part of the Cittizens did not then vse this Irish apparrell. Agayne Contrary to the sayd lawes, the Irish English al- together vsed the Irish tounge, forgetting or neuer learning the English. And this communion or difference of language, hath allwayes beene obserued, a spetiall motiue to vnite or allienate the myndes of all nations, so as the wise Romans as they inlarged theire Conquests, so they did spreade theire language, with theire lawes, and the diuine seruice all in the lattene tounge, and by rewardes and preferments inuited men to speake it, As also the Normans in England brought in the vse of the French tounge, in our Common lawe, and all wordes of art in hawking, hunting, and like pastymes. And in generall all nations haue thought nothing more powerfull to vnite myndes then the Community of language. But the lawe to spreade the English tounge in Ireland, was euer interrupted by Rebellions, and much more by ill affected subiectes, so as at this tyme whereof I write, the meere Irish disdayned to learne or speake the English tounge, yea the English Irish and the very Cittizens (excepting those of Dublin where the lord Deputy resides) though they could speake English as well as wee, yet Commonly speake Irish among themselues, and were hardly induced by our familiar Conversation to speake English with vs, yea Common experience shewed, and my selfe and others often obserued, the Cittizens of Watterford and Corcke hauing wyues that could speake English as well as wee, bitterly to chyde them when they speake English with vs. Insomuch as after the Rebellion ended, when the Itinerant Judges went theire Circutes through the kingdome each alfe yeare to keepe assises, fewe of the people no not the very Jurymen could speake English, and at like 214 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Sessions in Vlster, all the gentlemen and common people (excepting only the Judges trayne) and the very Jurimen putt vpon life and death and all tryalls in lawe, commonly spake Irish, many Spanish, and fewe or none could or would speake English. These outward signes being the tuchstones of the inward affection, manifestly showed that the English Irish helde it a reproch among themselues, to apply themselues any way to the English, or not to foUowe the Irish in all thinges. In somuch as I haue heard twenty absurd thinges practised by them, only because they would be contrary to vs, wherof I will only name some fewe for instances. Our wemen riding on horsebacke behynde men, sett with theire faces towardes the left Arme of the man, but the Irish weomen sett on the Contrary syde, with theire faces to the right Arme. 0\ir horses drawe Cartes and like thinges with traces of Ropes or leather, or with Iron Chaynes, but they fasten them by a wyth to the tayles of theire horses, and to the Rompts when the tayles be puld off, which had beene forbidden by lawes yet could neuer be altered. Wee liue in Clenly houses, they in Cabinns or smoaky Cottages. Our cheefe husbandry is in Tillage, they dispise the Plough, and where they are forced to vse it for necessity, doe all thinges about it cleane contrary to vs. To conclude they abhorr from all thinges that agree with English Ciuility. Would any man Judge these to be borne of English Parents : or will any man blame vs for not esteeming or imploying them as English, who scorne to be so reputed. The penall lawes against abuses had often bene putt in execution, but as the Popes by theire booke taxing all sinnes with a penaltye, did rather sett sinne at a price, then abolish it, so they who had letters Pattens to execute these penall lawes did not somuch seeke reformation, as by a moderate agreement for the penalltyes to rayse a yearely Rent to themselues, and so making the fault more Common, did eate the sinnes of the people. The Citties. The fayre Cittyes of Ireland require somethinge to be sayd SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 216 of them. They were at first all peopled with English men, and had large priuiledges, but in tyme became wonderfully degenerate, and peruerted all these priuiledges to pernicious vses, As they were degenerated from the English to the Irish manners, Customes, Dyett, apparrell (in some measure) language and generally all affections, so besydes the vniversall in- clination of Marchants no swordmen more norished the last Rebellion, then they did by all meanes in theire power. First they did so for feare lest vpon peace established they might be inquired into for theire Eeligion, being all obstinate Papists, abhorring from entring a Church, as the beasts tremble to enter the Lyons denn, and where they were forced to goe to church (as the Maior and Aldermen of Dublin to attend the lord Deputy) there vsing to stopp theire eares with woU or some like matter, so as they could not heare a worde the Preacher spake (a strange obstinacy since fayth comes by heareing, to resolue not to heare the Charmer charme he neuer so wisely). Secondly for Covetousnes, since during the Rebellion great treasure was yearely sent out of England, whereof no small part came to theire handes from the Army for vittles, apparrell, and like necessaryes. Yea not content with this no small inriching of theire estate, to nourish the warr and thereby continue this inriching, as also for priuate gayne from the Rebells, they fur- nished them continually with all necessaries, neuer wanting crafty euasions from the Capitall daunger of the lawe in such cases, For among other subtileties, were obserued some of them to lade great quantity of English wollen cloth and like necessaries vpon Cartes and horses, as if they would send them to some of our neighbor garrisons, but wee founde manifest probabilities yea certayne proofes, that in the meane tyme they advertised some Rebells of this transportation, who meeting the goods intercepted the same as it were by force, and theire seruants retorned home with a great outcry of this surprisall, but nether wounded nor somuch as sadd in Counten- ance, as theire masters proued neuer the poorer, for no doubt those Rebells payd them largely for those goods, who without 316 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. warme clothes should haue suffered a hard life in the woods. Nay more, they furnished them euen with swords with gunnes and with Gunpowder and all our armes, by which abhominable »act they made excessiue profitt, the Rebells being sometymes in such want of munition, as they would giue whole heardes of Cowes for a small quantity of munition, for they could easily recouer Cowes againe by rapine, but most hardly gett supplyes of Armes and munition. And these Armes the Citizens vsed to buy of our Cast Captaines, as powder from our soldiers having a surplusage of that which was allowed them for exercise of their peeces, and also vnderhand of trayterous vnderministers in our office of the Ordinance residing in their Cittyes. And in like sort they furnished the Rebells with our best victualls. For the ministers of our victualers vnder pretence of leaue to sell victualls to the Citizens if they feared it would grow musty did often sell our best biskett and victualls to the Citizens who secretly sold it to the Rebells. These their abhominable practises were well seene and greatly Detested, but could not easily be remedyed, the delinquents euer having coulorable evasions, and especially because there was no forbidding the emption of munition to Marchants vppon payne of death (which was thought most necessarye), except our stores of munition had then beene, and had had sure hope to be fully supplyed, in regard that the wyndes are there so vncertaine, as the publique stores not being continually furnished, an Army might runn great hazard before new supplyes came, if the marchants could no way releiue it. And this necessity of supplying our stores, we found apparently at Kinsale, where assoone as our Shipps with men and munition were arriued, the wynde turned, and still continued contrary till we tooke the Towne by Composition, being more then six weekes. Againe for the great priuiledges graunted to the first English Ancestors of these Cittyes, more specially in all this discourse meaning Waterford, Cork and Lymbrick, For Dublin was in part ouerawed by the lord Deputies residencye, and Galloway gaue some good testimonyes of fidelity in those dangerous tymes I will shew by one or two SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 817 instances, how the degenerate Citizens of that tyme peruerted the same to pernitious vses. Waterford had a Priuiledge by Charter from king John that they should not at any tyme be forced to receiue any of the kings forces into the Citty. And when vppon their manifest rebellion at the very end of the last Rebellion, the lord Mountioy then lord Deputy bringing to their Citty the forces of our Soueraigne king James, therewith to conforme them to his Majesties lawes, they alledging this Charter, refused to receiue any of the said forces into their Citty, his lordshipp vowed to cutt king Johns charter (as not grauntable to such preiudice of his Successors) with king James his sword, and to sowe salt vppon the soyle of their destroyed Citty, if they obeyed him not, and with much disputation and power hardly drewe them from the ridiculous Plea of the said Charter. Secondly all Fynes for violating penall Statutes of the Admiralty and all others, were by an old Charter graunted to the Citizens, And in these days whereof I write, the Citizens degenerated from English to Irish (or rather to Spanish) if our Magistrates imposed any Fynes vppon delinquents, especially in Cases for reformation of religion, and the like, would priuately remitt those mulcts falling to the treasure of the Citty, which impunity made them offend the lawe without feare, as this and like immunityes, made them without danger of the lawe, to transport prohibited wares, to parlye with Eebells, to export and import traiterous Jesuites in their Shipps, and to doe manifold insolencies, while it was in the hand of the Maior and his brethren freely to remitt all penalties imposed on delin- quents. These and like priuiledges were in those dayes iudged too great for any Marchants, and most vnfitt for marchants of suspected fidelity (to say no woorse). To conclude, these Citizens were for the most part in those dayes no lesse alienated from the English, then the very meere Irish, vppon the same forealledged causes, as in one particular Case of their Com- munity of language with the Irish I haue shewed, and could many wayes illustrate, if I tooke any pleasure to insist vppon that subiect. 318 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Errors imputed to the state by the English Irish. The English Irish thus affected did generally in these tymes impute some errors to the State. First that when any dissolute swordman, for want, or for meanes to support his luxury, began to robb, and spoyle and so to Hue in the woods for safety from the lawe, and there neuer wanted some like affected persons, ready vppon the first rumor thereof, to flye vnto the woods, and Hue like outlawes with him, which small number the State might easily haue prosecuted to death, for example and terror to others, yet when these men had spoyled the Country, and all Passengers, experience taught that the State, for feare of a small expence in prosecuting them, vsed vppon their first submission to graunt them protections to come in, and then not only to pardon them, but to free them from restitution of that they had robbed, so as good and quiett Subiects might see their goods possessed by them, and yet could not recouer them. Yea nothing was more frequent then for the State to giue rewards and yearely pentions to like seditious knaues, in policy (for- sooth) lest they should trouble the peace, and putt the State to charge in prosecuting them. So as quiett and good Subiects being daily wronged without redresse, and seditious knaues being rewarded for not doing ill, and as it were hyred to Hue as Subiects, they said it was no maruell that so many dissolute persons swarmed in all parts of that kingdome. Galba the Roman Emperor in his oration to his Soldiers expecting and murmuring for a largesse or free guift at his election, said brauely that he did inroU, and not hire his Subiects to serue in the warr, but this free speech to a dissolute Army, cost him his life and Empire; And such was then the miserable State of Ireland, as these Corruptions could not altogether be avoyded, though they sauoured rather of a precarium Imperium, that is, a ruling by intreaty and by rewards, then absolute commaund ouer Subiects. But they further vrged, that these abuses grew from the Corruption of the cheefe Magistrates, for as he said well, that SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 819 no Citty was impregnable, that would open their gates to giue entrance to an Enemyes Asse laden with gold ; so Ireland could not haue firme peace, while no man was so wicked, who for a bribe of Cowes (such and no other are the bribes of the Irish) found not the lord Deputies followers, and seruants, yea Coun- sellors of State, and (I shame to speake it), the very wiues and children of the lord Deputy ready to begg his Pardon, who seldome or neuer missed to obtayne it. They further vrged, that not only armed Rebells were in this kinde pardoned, but also that those taken, and putt in our prisons, were comonly by like Corruption freely pardoned, or suffered vnder hand to breake Prison, and then pardoned vnder pretence of the publike good to saue charges in prosecuting them, whereof they gaue instances of Donell breaking prison in the beginning, and Cormoc mac Barons eldest sonne in the end of the Rebellion, and of many like Rebells of note. So as nothing was more vulgarly said among the Rebells themselues, then that they could haue pardon whensoeuer they listed, according to the Poett. Crede mihi res est ingeuiosa, dare. Beleeue, T'is a most witty course, to giue and bribe with open purse. And touching the Prisons, they said, that the Jailors of Prouinciall and other Prisons, seldome brought their Prisoners to be tryed before Judges, but some were executed by Marshall lawe, contrary to the dignity of Ciuill Justice, Others they would affirme to be dead, vppon their bare word without testi- mony of the Crowner, or any like proceeding necessary in that case. Others they would affirme to have bene freed by the commaund of Prouinciall Gouernors auaileable rather by Custome then lawe. Yea they would not shame to confesse some to haue escaped by breaking prison, as if they were not to be punished for so grosse negligence, admitting no excuse. Touching the sacred power of Pardons and Protections they 220 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. confessed that it was fitt to giue power of Protection to military Gouernors, that they might bring Rebells in to the state, but they alledged many corrupt abuses committed in that Case, whereby not only Armed Eebells, but many taken Prisoners, having once their Protection, had meanes with safety of their persons to importune the State for obtayning their Pardon, in which kinde Mac Carthen notorious for many murthers, and many like notable villanyes, had lately beene freed from the hand of Justice. Againe, they confessed that the generall giving of Protection and Pardons by the lord Deputy, was necessary after the Rebellion was growne strong, and generall, when it behoued the State (as a mother) with open Armes to receiue her disobedient Children to mercy, lest they should be driuen to desperate Courses especially since the punishment of all was vnpossible in such a strong Combination, of the cheife was difficult for their strong factions, and of particuler and inferior offenders was somewhat vnequall, if not vniust. But they freely sayd that our State had greatly erred in not making strong and sharpe vpposition to the first eruption of that Rebellion before they were vnited, yea rather dallying with them till by mutuall Combinations they were growne to a strong body, and that for saving of Charges, without which it was hoped they might by fayre treatyes be reclaymed, which foolish frugality in the end caused an huge exhausting of the publique Treasure, and which vayne hope had no probable ground, since the Irish attributed our moderate Courses in reducing, rather then conquering them, to our feare, rather then our wisdome, waxing proude when they were fairely handled and gently perswaded to their dutyes, as no nation yeildes more abiect obedience when they are curbed with a churlish and seuere hand. How much better (said they) had our State done to haue giuen no protection or pardon in the beginning, but to haue seuerely putt to death all that fell into our hands (which examples of terror were as necessary in Ireland as they euer had bene rare) or if pitty and mercy had bene iudged fitt to be extended to any, surely not to those, who after malicious and SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 221 bloudy Acts of hostilitye were at last broken, and vnable longer to subsist much lesse without some pecuniary Mulct or Fyne towards the publique charge, or with freedome from making restitituion to priuate men, and least of all with rewards and pentions bestowed on them for a vaine hope of future seruice. In all which kindes they gaue many instances, that our State had often erred. To conclude they said that sharpe, and speedy prosecution in the beginning had bene most easy (scattered troopes being soone suppressed with small forces) and no lesse advantagious and profitable to the State (aswell by the confiscation of their lands and goods, as by long and firme peace likely to follow such terrifying examples of Justice). Againe they bitterly imputed this error to our State, proued by many notable instances, that Irish and English Irish, who had forsaken their lordes in Rebellion, to serue in our Army, after when their lordes were receiued to mercy, with free pardon, and restoring of honor and lands, had beene quitted and left by vs to Hue againe vnder the same lords highly offended with them, and so neuer ceasing till they had brought them to beggery, if not to the gallowes, which proceeding of ours in their opinion argued, that so wee could keepe the great lords in good termes, we cared not to forsake the weaker, and leaue them to the tyranny of the other. Yea that to these great lordes that of Rebells were become Subiects, our State granted warrants to execute Marshall lawe against vagabond and seditious persons, who vppon the same pretences had often executed these men retorning to them from the seruice of the State, and more specially those who had faithfully serued vs in the warr for spyes, and for guides to conduct our forces through their boggs and woods and fortifyed places, or if they had not dared so to execute those men, yet by violent oppressions had brought them to beggery, and sometymes by secrett plotts had caused them to be killed. In this case if I may boldly speake my opinion, I should thinck it were impossible so to protect inferior persons of best desert in tyme of peace, from 222 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. the tyranny of great lordes, as they should no way oppress or hurt them, either by their power, which is transcendent or by their Craft wherein no people may compare with them. And as formerly I haue spoken at large of oppressions done by their power; so I will giue one notable instance of their Tyranny by Craft. The famous Traytor Hugh late Earle of Tyrone vsed in his Cupps to bragg, that by one Trick he had destroyed many faithfull seruants to the State, namely by causing them vnder- hand to be brought in question for their life, and then earnestly intreating the lord deputy, and the Judges to pardon them, who neuer fayled to execute them whose pardon he craued. But why we should subiect the seruants of the State to the oppression of great lords that had bene Rebells, or why the State should vppon any pretence graunt them Marshall lawe (the examples of both which I confesse were frequent and pregnant), I thinck no coulorable reason can be giuen. To be short among many other errors, they did much insist vppon this. That our State contrary to our lawe of England, yearely made such men Sheriffs of the Countyes, as had not one foote of land in the Countyes, and that they bought those places of the lord Deputies seruants on whome he vsed yearely to bestow them, which made great Corruption, since they who buy, must sell. Yea that these Sheriffs were commonly litigious men of the County, who having many suits in lawe, bought those places to haue power in protracting or peruerting the Justice of their owne (as also their f reinds) causes, especially by making Juryes serue their turne. And most of all that these Sheriffs, as having ill conscience of their owne oppressions, vsed yearely after the expiring of their offices, to sue out and obtayne the kings generall Pardon vnder the great Scale of Ireland, the bare seeking whereof implyed guiltines, so as the Ministers of the State aboue all other men should be excluded from being capable to haue these Pardons who ought to be free of all dangerous Crimes. Hereof my selfe can only say, that in England these Pardons are not obtayned without great difficulty: and that the Irish lordes in and before the last SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 223 rebellion, coinplayned of nothing more then the extortions and oppressions of these Sheriffs, and their numerous traynes and dependants, yet pretended the same for a cheile Cause of their taking Armes. The generall Justice. Touching the generall Justice of Ireland howsoeuer it was in the last Rebellion tyed hand and foote, yet of the former establishment thereof and the hopefuU beginning to flourish at the end of the Rebellion, something must be said. And first in generall the English haue alwayes gouerned Ireland, not as a conquered people by the sword and the Conquerers lawe, but as a Prouince vnited vppon mariage or like peaceable transactions, and by lawes established in their Parliaments with consent of the three estates. The supreame magistrate is the lord Deputy (of whose power I haue spoken) with the Counsell of State named and appoynted in England, and these haue theire residence at Dublin. The next is the lord Presedent of Mounster, with Counselors or Prouinciall assistants, named and apoynted by the lord Deputy, with a cheefe Justice and the kings attorney for the Prouince, not hauing any Courtes of Justice, but only assisting the lord Presedent at the Counsell table, where, and likewise at Dublin, causes are Judged by the lord Deputy and the lord President, as at the Counsell table in England, according to sequitie with respect to the right of the lawe. The Province of Connaght was in like sort governed by a governour (after styled lord President) with Counsellors to assist him, and among them a cheefe Justice and the kinges attornny, as in Mounster, both governing in cheefe aswell for millitary as Ciuill matters, according to theire instructions out of England, and the directions and commandes from the lord Deputy. The State purposed in like sort to establish the Province of Vlster, but at the ende of the Rebellion the Earle of Tyrone labored ernestly not to be subiect to any authority but that of the lord Deputy, so as there only some governours of Fortes and Countyes (as in other partes of 224 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Ireland) had authority to compose differences betweene inferiour Subiectes. The Cittyes and townes had their subordinate magistrates, as Maiors and Souranes, to governe them. But the Courtes for the Common lawe for all Ireland were only at Dublin, as the kings Bench, the Common pleas, and the Exchecquer, as likewise the Chancery for equity. And there the kings Records were kept by a master of the RouUs. And all causes in these seuerall Courtes were pleaded in the English tounge, and after the manner of the Courtes in London, saue that Ireland of old tymes had made such frequent relapses to the sworde, as the practise of the lawe was often discontinued, and the Customes of the Courtes by Intermission were many tymes forgotten, and the places being then of small profitt were often supplyed by vnlearned and vnpractised men. And there also at the ende of the warr was erected the Court of the Starr Chamber. And there resided the cheefe Judges of the whole kingdom, as the lord chaunceloiir, mr. Cheefe Justice, the cheefe Justice of the Common Pleas, and the cheefe Barron of the Exchecquer, who had not formerly the style of lords nor Scarlett habitts, both which were graunted them after the Rebellion ended, to giue more dignity to the lawe. All the Countyes had sheriffes for execution of Justice, yearely appoynted by the lord Deputy, only Vlster was not then deuided into Countyes, as now it is, and hath the same officers. The lawes. Touching the lawes. The meere Irish from old to the very ende of the warr, had certayne Judges among themselues, who determened theire causes by an vnwritten lawe, only retayned by tradition, which in some thinges had a smacke of right and equity, and in some others waa contrary to all diuine and humane lawes. These Judges were called Brehownes, all- together vnlearned, and great swillers of Spanish sacke (which the Irish merily called the king of Spaynes Daughter). Before these Judges no probable or certayne Arguments were avayle- SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 225 able to condemne the accused, but only manifest apprehensions in the fact. A murther being committed, these Judges tooke vpon them to be intercessours to reconcyle the murtherer with the frendes of the murthered, by a guift vulgarly called Iriesh. They did extorte vnreasonable rewardes for theire Judgment, as the eleuenth part of eueiy particular thinge brought in question before them. For the case of Incontinencye, they exacted a certayne number of Cowes (which are the Irish rewardes and bribes) from the maryed and vnmaryed, tho they lined chastely (which indeede was rare among them), yet more for the maryed and vnchast then from others. My selfe spake with a gentleman then lining, who affirmed that he had payde seauen Cowes to these Judges, because he could not bring wittnesses of his maryage, when he had beene maryed fyfty yeares. Among other theire barbarous Lawes, or rather Customes and traditions, I haue formerly spoken of theire tennure of land, vulgarly called Themistry, or Tanistry, whereby not the eldest sonne but the elder vncle, or the most valliant (by which they vnderstand the most dissolute sword- man) of the Family, succeeded the disceased by the election of the people, whereof came many miirthers and parricides and Eebelions, besydes great wronges done to the State, as in this perticular case. If the predecessor of free will or constrayned by armes had surrendred his inheritance to the king, and had taken it backe from the kings graunt by letters Pattents, vpon Bent and other conditions for the publike good, they at his death made this act voyde, because he had no right but for life. By these Judges and by these and like lawes were the meere Irish Judged to the ende of the last Rebellion, tho the English lawes had long before beene Receaued in Ireland by consent of the three States in Par lament. For in the tenth yeare of king Henry the seuenth, by the consent of the three States in Parlament, the barbarous Bre- howne Judges and lawes, and this perticuler lawe of Themistrey by name, were all obrogated, and the Common lawe and Statutes of Parlament made to that day in England, were all established 226 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. in Ireland. And from the first Conquest to that tyme and long after, the States of Ireland were called to the Parlament by the kings writts and the lawes there made were sent into England, and there allowed or deaded in silence by the king, and so the approued were sent backe to the lord Deputy, who accordingly confirmed them for acts of that Parlament, and reiected the other by the kings authority, by which also the lord Deputy, according to his instructions from the king, proroged or dis- solued the Parlaments, But if the worthy Progenitors of our late kings should reuiue, and see the face of these Parlaments changed, and the very English Irish backward to make lawes of Reformation, they would no doubt repent their wonted lenity in making them lawgiuers to themselues, and freeing them from constraynt in that kynde. Att first this government was fatherly to subiects being as Children, but if they were now degenerated, should not the Course of government be made suitable to theire changed affections. No doubt if the king of Spayne (whome then they adored as preseruer of their liberty, and whose yoake then they seemed glad to vndergoe) had once had the power to make them his subiects, they should haue . learned by woefull experience, that he would by the same power haue imposed such lawes on them as he thought fitt, without expecting any consent of theires in Parlament, and would quickly haue taught them what difference euer was betweene the Spanish and English yoke. But if this course might in vs seeme tyrannicall, the Statesmen of that tyme iudged it easy by a fayrer meanes to bring them to conformity in a Parlament. Namely by a newe plantation of English well affected in Religion, (who after the warr might be sent in great numbers, and fynde great quantities of land to inhabite) out of which men the lord Deputy by the Sheriffes and other assistance, might easily cause the greatest parte of the knights of the shire and Burgesses to be chosen for the swaying of the lower house. As likewise by sending ouer wise and graue Judges and Bishops, and if neede were by creating or citing newe Barons by writts (in imitation of king Edward the third) being men well affected to Religion and the State, so to sway the vpper house. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 227 The generall peace after the Rebellion (when Ireland was left as a payre of cleane tables, wherein the State might write lawes at pleasure) gaue all men great hope, that the lawe should receaue newe life and vigor. Hetherto the barbarous lords at hand, had beene more feared and obeyed then the king afarr of, and though they had large teritoryes, yet nether themselues had raysed answerable profitt (at least by way of Eent) nor the kings Gofers had euer swelled with the fattnes of peace. But the end of the warr was the tyme (if euer) to stretch the kings power to the vttermost North, to bring the lordes to Ciuill obedience, to inrich them by orderly Eents, and to fill the kings Gofers out of theire aboundance. And indeede the Gourtes of Justice at Dublin, began to be much frequented before our Comming from thence, and shortly after each halfe yeare Itenerant Judges began to ryde theire Gircuites through all the partes of Ireland, and those who had passed through all Vlster to keepe assisses there, made hopefull relation of theire proceeding to the Earle of Deuonshyre lord leftenant of Ireland residing in the English Gourte, advertising him, that in those sessions they had per- swaded the lords to graunt theire Tennants theire land, by free- hoolds, Goppihoolds, and leases, that they might builde houses, and cleare the paces of theire woods, to make free passage from towne to towne and likewise to giue the king a yearely Gomposi- tion of Rents and seruices, and themselues abolishing the old tyrannicall exactions called Guttings, to establish theire yearely Reuenues by certayne Rent«, which would be more profitable to them. That the lords seemed gladly to yealde to these per- swasions, and to establish certayne Rents to themselues, so they might be permitted after the old mannor to make only one Gutting, vpon theire tenants for the payment of theire debts. That they the Judges had taught the inferiour gentlemen and all .the Gommon people, that they were not slaues but free men, owing only Rents to theire lords, without other subiection, since theire lordes as themselues were subiect to a Just and powerfull king, whose sacred Majestic at his great charg mantayned them his Judges to giue equall Justice to them both, with equall 228 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. respect to the lordea and to them for matters of right. That a great lord of Vlster named Cane, hauing imprisoned a tennant without legall course, they had not only rebuked him for vsvrping that power ouer the kings subiectes, but howsoeuer he confessed his errour publikely, and desyred pardon for it, yet for example they had allso imposed a fyne vpon him for the same. And that the inferiour Gentlemen and all the Common 'people, gladly imbraced this liberty from the yoke of the great lords, and much applauded this act of Justice vpon Cane, promising with ioyfuU acclamations a large Composition of Rents and seruices to the king, so this Justice might be man- tayned to them, and they be freed from the tyranny of theire lords. So as it seemed to the Judges there remayned nothinge to content the people, but a constant administration of this Justice, with some patience vsed towardes the people at first, in beareing with theire humours, amonge which they more spetially noted these. That they not only expected easye accesse to the lord Deputy, the Judges, and the inferior magistrates, but were generally so litigious and so tedious in Complaynts, as they could not be contented without singular patience. And that from the lordes to the inferior sorte, they had a ridiculous fashion, neuer to be content without the magistrates hand vnder their Petitians, and therewith to be content were it neuer so delatorye yea flatt contrary to theire request, which hand they vsed to signe tho they knewe the ill and Crafty vses the Irish made of it, who comming home would shewe this hand to theire Tenaunts and adversaryes, without reading the wordes to which it was sett, and so pretending the magistrates Consent to theire request, many tymes obtayned from ignorant people theire owne vniust endes. Yet had not the lawe as yet that generall and full course in Ireland, which after it had, by con- tinuance of peace, and by that dignity which the kings Majes- tic gaue to the lawe, in graunting the title of lordes to the cheefe Judges, and scarlett Robes to them all. It remaynes to say somethinge of the handes whereby the lawe was to be putt in practise, namely the lawyers. They were SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 229 ether English, sent or willingly comming out of England more spetially at the ende of the Rebellion, of whose concurring in the reformation of Ireland I make no doubt, or English Irish, who of old and nowe after the Rebellion in greater numbers pleaded most of the causes in the Courtes of Justice. These English Irish lawyers were allwayes wont to study the Common lawes of England in the Inns of Court at London, and being all of the Roman Religion (as the rest in Ireland), did so lurke in those Inns of Courte, as they neuer came to our Churches, nor any of them had beene obserued to be taught the points of our Religion there, but hauing gott a smacke of the grownds of our lawe, and retayning theire old superstition in Religion, they retorned to practise the lawe in Ireland, where they indeuored nothinge more, then to giue the subiects Counsell howe they might defraude the king of his rightes, and fynd euasians from penaltyes of the Lawe, more spetially in matters of Religion, the reformation whereof they no lesse feared then the rest, and therefore Contrary to theire profession norished all barbarous Customes and lawes, being the seedes of rebelion, and sought out all evasions to frustrate our Statutes abrogating them, and tending to the reformation of Ciuill pollicye and Religion. For preuention of which mischeefe, many thought in those tymes it were fitt to exclude them from practise at the barrs of Justice, but since experience hath taught vs how weake this remedy is, while the Priests swarme there. Combining the people, according to the rule of St. Paule not to goe to lawe vnder heathen magistrates, for such or no better they esteemed ours, and 80 reducing all suites of lawe, and the profitt thereby arisinge, to the hands of the same lawyers in priuate determinations, whome the State excluded from publike pleading at our barrs. So as there is no way better to remedye this mischeefe, then during theire education at our Innes of Courte in England, to bring them to church, and teach them our Religion, and after to punish some particular men, that are of greatest practise and most refractary, by which examples and the strict eye and hand of our Magistrates seene to hang ouer 230 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. them, this mischeife might in tyme either be taken away, or be made lesse geneiall. These lawyers taught the proude and barbarous Lordes of Ireland, how they might keepe the people of their Countryes in absolute subiection and make them not only obey for feare of their power daily hovering ouer their heads, but also to thinck that their lords by right of lawe or equivalent Custome, had absolute Commaund of their goods and bodyes. By which and like meanes they not only gaue strength to rebellious affections, but also made open resistance to all intended reformations to their vttermost power seeking to roote out the wise foundations to that end carefully layd by former ages, or at least to shake them and still keepe them from any firme establishment. In this kynde I will only giue one instance. When Rory Odonnell at the end of th^ Rebellion, was come ouer into England with the lord Mountioy (after created Earle of Deuonshire), there to obtayne the Confirmation from the kings Majestie, of that Pardon and graunt of his brothers land (the second Arch Eebell) which the said lord had promised him at his submission, while he was yet in England, and all that depended formerly on his brother, houered betweene hope and feare, how they and that Country should be established, one of these lawyers imployed there by the said Rory, perswaded mac Swyne, and Boyle, and other gentlemen of old Freeholders in Tirconnell vnder the Donnells, that they had no other right in their lands, but only the meere pleasure and will of Odonnell. This the said gentlemen, though rude, and in truth barbarous, and altogether ignorant in our lawes, not only denyed, but offered to produce old writings to proue the Contrary. When that Fox perceiued their Confidence, and after heard that the said Rory had his Pardon, and lands confirmed in England, and was moreover created Earle of Tirconnell he assayed these gentlemen another way, telling them that the king having graunted pardon, and all his brothers land to this new Earle of Tirconnell they having yet no pardon, had lost all their old right in their lands, were it Freehold or at the lordes pleasure, SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 231 or what other right soeuer, and so could now haue no dependencye but on the Earles fauour. Herein he told a triple lye, First that he denyed their right of Freehold, which was held to be most certaine, though it had bene abolished by long tyranny of the cheife lord, and perhapps at first ought him some limitted seruices, as Tirlogh mac Henry for the Fewes, and Henry Oge for his Country, did both owe to the Eaile of Tyrone, and all vnder lordes in England owe to the lord Paramount. Secondly that he affirmed the whole Prouince to be giuen to the Earle by the king, whereas it was graunted in these expresse words, to hold of his Majesties spetiall grace in as ample manner as his brother held it before the Rebellion, (in which he was as farr ingaged as his brother) which graunt tooke not away the former right of Freehold or other that any Subiect might pretend. Thirdly that he restrayned the kings gracious Pardon as if it extended only to the Earle, when it was generall to all the Inhabitants of Tirconnell, restoring them all to their former rights. Yet by this shamefull lye, he obtayned the vniust end he sought, to the great preiudice of the kings Majesties seruice, and of his Subiects in Tirconnell. For these gentlemen and the rest of the people in that Prouince being ignorant of the Lawe, and afrayd of euery rumor, vppon a guilty conscience of deserued punishment in their Rebellion, and the new chaunge of the State in England, were easily induced to renounce all their rights to the sayd Earle, (tho with great preiudice to themselues and ignominy to the Justice of the State) and to receiue their Lands by new graunts from the Earle, as of his meere grace and fauour. And howsoeuer the Itinerant Judges did after make knowne their error to them, and gaue them hope this act would be reuersed vppon their Complaint, Yet they chose rather to enioy their estates in this seruile kinde with the said Earles fauour, then to recouer their rights and freedomes by course of lawe with his displeasure. Againe these Lawyers in all parts of Ireland, taught the people artificiall practises to defraude the king of his rights, in seruices due to the lordes of their Fees, in his Court of Wardes, 232 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. and liueryes, Intrusions Alienations, yea in very Confiscations of goods and Lands, the preseruation whereof to the heyres, will alwayes make the possessor more prone to treasons and all wickednes. For the truth whereof I appeale to all freinds and seruants of former lords Deputyes, who haue obtayned any such guifts of wardes, Intrusions Alienations and Confiscations, for they well know, what tsedious suites, crafty Circumventions, and small profitt they haue found thereby. And I appeale to the manifold Conveyances of landes by Feoffyes of trust, and all Crafty deuises, nowhere so much vsed as in Ireland. Insomuch as nothing was more frequent, then for Irishmen, in the tyme of our warr with Spayne, to line in Spayne, in Rome, and in their very Seminaryes, and yet by these and like Crafty Conveyances to preserue to them and their heyres, their goods, and lands in Ireland, yea very spirituall livings for life, not rarely graunted to children for their maintenance in that superstitious education, most dangerous to the State. Ciuill and capitall Judgments and lawes of Inheritance. I formerly shewed that king Henry the seuenth established the English lawes in Ireland, yet the Common law having not his due course in the tyme of the Rebellion, most ciuill Causes were iudged according to equity, at the Counsell tables, aswell at Dublin, as in the Prouinces of Mounster and Connaght and by military Gouernors in seuerall Countyes And for these lawes of England, the most remarkable of them shalbe explaned in the discourse before promised of the Commonwealth of England. In like sort these lawes of England were for Capitall matters established in Ireland, but during the Rebellion, and at the end thereof the Marshall lawe was generally vsed, hanging vpp Malefactors by withs insteed of Ropes vppon their first appre- hention. In cases of Treason, the great lords of the kingdome were of old iudged by the Assembly of the three States in Parliament, but since Henry the seauenths tyme, they are tryed as in England, the lords being beheaded, and others hanged, SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 233 drawne and quartered. As in England so there, not only Treasons but wilfull murthers and Felonyes are punished, by death and Confiscation of Lands, and goods. By the lawe in England, so in Ireland the Accessary cannot be tryed before the principall be apprehended and brought to his tryall, so as the principall escaping, the Receiuers cannot be iudged. And so for other Capitall Lawes of England, which shalbe at large set downe in the foresaid Treatise. The English Lawes of Inheritance are likewise of force in Ireland, the Elder brother having right to the lands of discent, and the fathers last will disposing purchased lands, and goods, among his wife and Children, and the wife being widow, besides her part that may be giuen her by her husbands last will, having the Joyncture giuen her before mariage, and if none such were giuen her, then having right to the third part of his Lands for her life. The degrees in the Commonwealth. Touching the degrees in the Common Wealth ; not to speake of the offices of the lord Chancelor, and the lord high Tresorer giuing place aboue all degrees of Nobility, the highest degree is that of Earles. And the Earle of Ormond in this tyme where- of I write, was lord high Tresorer of Ireland, and knight of the noble order of the Garter in England. The next degree is that of Barons. And in generall, as the degrees of the Irish Nobility in England giue place to all the English of the same degree, so doe the English to the Irish in Ireland. But howsoeuer the Irish Lordes to make their power greater in peace, are content to haue the titles of Earles and Barons, yet they most esteeme the titles of 0, and Mac, sett before their Sirnames, after their barbarous manner (importing the cheife of that Sept or name), as Oneale Donnell, mac Carthy, and the like. And these names they vsed to resume when they would leade the people into Rebellion. The title of knights Barronetts, was not then knowne in Ireland. They M4 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. haue no order of knighthood like that of the order of the Garter in England, and the like in other kingdomes, but only as in England, such knights as are made by the sword of the king, or of the lord Deputy there, who alwayes had the power by his Commission from the king to make any man knight, whome he iudgeth worthy of that dignity. The poorest of any great Sept, or name, repute themselues gentlemen, and so wilbe swordmen despising all Arts and trades to mantayne them, yet such is the oppression of the great lordes towardes the inferior sorte, the gentlemen and freeholders, as I haue seene the cheefe of a Sept ryde, with a gentleman of his owne name (and so learned as he spake good lattin) running barefooted by his stirrop. The husbandmen were then as slaues, and most exercised grasing, as the most idle life, vsing tyllage only for necessitye. The degrees in the Family. Touching the degrees in the Family. The Cittisens of Munster, as in Waterford, Limricke, and more spetially in Corke, and they of Galloway in Connaght, vpon the lawe forbidding mariage with the meere Irish, and espetially to keepe the wealth of the Cittyes within the walles thereof, haue of old Custome vsed to marye with theire owne Cittisens, whereby most of the Familyes and priuate branches of them, were in neere degree of consanguinity one with another, frequently marying within the degrees forbidden by the lawe of God. And the maryed wemen of Ireland still retayne theire owne sirnames, whereas the English leesing them vtterly, doe all take the sirname of theire husbandes. The men hold it disgracefull to walke with theire owne wiues abroade, or to ryde with theire wiues behinde them. The meere Irish diuorced wiues and with theire consent tooke them agayne frequently, and for small yea ridiculous causes, allwayes paying a bribe of Cowes to the Brehowne Judges, and sending the wife away with some fewe Cowes more then shee brought. And I could name a great lord among them, who was credibly reported to hatie putt away SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 235 his wife of a good family and beautiful! only for a fault as light as wynde (which the Irish in genrall abhorr) but I dare not name it, lest I offend the perfumed sences, of some whose censure I haue incurred in that kynde. The more Ciuill sorte were not ashamed, and the meere Irish much lesse, to owne theire bastards, and to giue them legacies by that name. Insomuch as they haue pleasant fables, of a mother who vpon her death bedd (according to their aboue mentioned Custome) giuing true Fathers to her chilldren, and fynding her husband offended therewith, bad him hold his peace, or ells she would giue away all his Children. As also of a boy, who seeing his mother giue base Fathers to some of his bretheren, prayed her with teares to giue him a good father.* The Children of the English Irish, and much more of the meere Irish, are brought ■vp with small or no austerity, rather with great liberty yea licentiousnes. And when you reade of the foresayde frequent diuorces, and generally of the wemeus immoderate drincking, ■you may well iudge that incontinency is not rare among them, yea euen in that licentiousnes they hold the generall ill affection to the English, sooner yealding those ill fruites of loue to an Irish horsboy, then to any English of better condition, but howe theire Priests triumph in this luxurious field, lett them tell who haue seene theire practise. Of their military affaires. It remaynes to speake something of their military affayres. Their horsemen are all gentlemen, I meane of great Septs or names, how base soeuer otherwise, and generally the Irish abhorr from vsing mares for their Sadie, and indeed they vse no sadles, but either long narrow pillions bumbasted, or bare boardes of that fashion. So as they may easily be cast of from their horses, yet being very nimble doe as easily mount them againe, leaping vpp without any helpe of stirropps, which they neither vse nor haue, as likewise they vse no bootes nor spurres. •This story umst have impressed Moryson ; he tell it here for the second time.— Ed. 236 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. They carry waightye speares not with points vpward resting them on their sides or thighes, but holding them in their hands witli the poynts downewards, and striking with them as with darts, which darts they also vse to carry, and to cast them after their enemyes when they wheele about. These speares they vse to shake ouer their heads, and by their sydes carry long swords, and haue no defensiue Armor, but only a Morion on their heads. They are more fitt to make a brauado, and to offer light skirmishes then for a sound incounter. Neither did I euer see them performe any thing with bold resolution. They assaile not in a ioynt body but scattered, and are cruell Executioners vppon flying enemyes, but otherwise, howsoeuer, they make a great noyse, and Clamor in the assault, yet when they come neere, they sodenly and ridiculously wheele about, neuer daring to abide the shock. So as howsoeuer the troopes of English horse by their strong second giue Courage and strength to their Foote Companyes, yet these Irish horsemen basely withdrawing themselues from daunger, are of small or no vse, and all the strength of the Irish consists of their Foote, since they dare not stand in a playne feilde, but alwayes fight vppon boggs, and paces or skirts of woods, where the Foote being very nimble, come of and on at pleasure, and if the Enemyes be fearefull vppon the deformity and strength of their bodyes, or barbarous Cryes they make in the assault, or vppon any ill accident shew feare and begin to flye, the Irish Foote without any helpe of horse are exceeding swift and terrible Executioners, in which Case only of flying or fearing, they haue at any tyme preuailed against the English. And how vnprofitable their horse are, and of what small moment to helpe their foote, that one battell at Kinsall did aboundantly shewe, where the Irish horse and Foote being incouraged by the Spaniards to stand in the Playne feild, the horse were so farr from giving the Foote any courage or second, as for feare they brake first through their owne bodyes of Foote, and after withdrawing themselues to a hill distant from the Foote, as if they intended rather to behold the battell then to fight themselues, by this forsaking of their Foote, they SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 237 might iustly be said to be the cheife Cause of their ouerthrowe. Their horses are of a small stature, excellent Amblers, but of litle or no boldnes, and small strength either for battell or long Marches, fitt and vsed only for short excursions in fighting, and short Journeyes and being fedd vppon boggs, and soft ground, are tender houed and soone grow lame, vsed vppon hard ground. So as our English horsemen having deepe warr sadles and vsing pistolls aswell as Speares and swords, and many of them having Corsletts, and like defensiue Armes, and being bold and strong for incounters and long marches, and of greater stature then the Irish, our Troopes must needs haue great advantages ouer theirs. Touching their Foote, he that had scene them in the beginn- ing of the Rebellion so rude, as being to shoote off a muskett, one had it laid on his shoulders, an other aymed it at the marke, and a third gaue fyer, and that not without feare and trembling, would haue wondered in short tyme after to see them most bold and ready in the vse of their peeces, and would haue sayd that the Spartaynes, had great reason who made a lawe, neuer to make long warr with any of their neighbors, but after they had giuen them one or two foyles for strengthning of their subiec- tion, to giue them peace, and lead their forces against some other, so keeping their men well trayned, and their neighbors rude in the Feates of Warr. But when the Earle of Tyrone first intended to rebel], he vsed two Crafty practises. The first to pretend a purpose of building a fayre house, (which we hold a sure argument of faithfull hart€8 to the State) and to couer it with leade, whereby he gott license to transport a great quantity of leade out of England, which after he converted to make bulletts. The second to pretend to ioyne his forces in Ayde of the Englishe against the first Rebells, which himselfe had putt forth, whereby he gott our Captaines with license of the State to trayne his men, who were after called Butter Captaines, because they and their men lined vppon Sesse in his Country, having only victualls for their reward. And surely howsoeuer some of the English State, lightly reguarded the 288 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. frequent Rebellions of the Irish, thincking them rather profit- able to exercise the English in Armes, then dangerous to disturbe the State ; yet wofull experience taught vs that the last Rebellion wanted very litle of loosing that kingdome. The Irish foote in generall are such, as I thinck men of more actiue bodyes, more able to suffer Cold, heat hunger, and thirst, and whose myndes are more voyde of feare, can hardly be founde. It is true that they rather know not then despise the rules of honor, obserued by other nations, That they are desyrous of vayne glory, and fearefull of infany, appeares by their estima- tion of these Bards or Poetts, whome they gladly heare sing of their prayse, as they feare nothing more then Rymes made in their reproche. Yet because they are onely trayned to skir- mish vppon Boggs, and difficult paces or passages of woods, and not to stand and fight in a firme body vppon the playnes, they thinck it no shame to flye, or runn off from fighting, as they finde advantage, (and indeede at Kinsale, when they were drawne by the Spaniards to stand in firme bodyes, vppon the playne, they were easily defeated). And because they are not trayned to keepe or take strong places, they are easily beaten out of any Fortes or Trenches, and a weake house or Forte may easily be defended with a few shott against their rude multitude. Diuerse kyndes of Foote, vse diuerse kyndes of Armes. First the Galliglasses are armed with Moryons, and Halberts, Secondly the Kerne, and some of their Footemen, are armed with waighty Iron males, and Jacks, and assayle horsemen aloofe with casting darts and at hand with the sword. Thirdly their shott, which I said to be so rude in the beginning of the Rebellion, as three men were vsed to shoote off one peece not without feare, became in fewe yeares most actiue, bold, and expert in the vse of their peeces. All these Foote assayle the Enemy with rude barbarous Cryes, and hope to make them afrayd therewith, as also with their nakednes, and barbarous lookes, in which case they insist violently, being terrible Execu- tioners by their swiftnes of Foote vppon flying Enemyes, neuer sparing any that yeild to mercy, yea being most bloudy and SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 239 cruell towards their Captiues vppon cold blood, contrary to the practise of all noble enemyes, and not only mangling the bodyes of their dead Enemyes, but neuer beleeuing them to be fully dead till they haue cutt of their heads. But after the English had learned to abide their first assault firmely, and without feare, notwithstanding their boldnes, and actiuity, they found them faintly to assayle, and easily to giue ground, when they were assayled, yet neuer could doe any great execiition on them vppon the Boggs and in woods where they were nimble to flye, and skilf\ill in all passages, especially our horse there not being able to serue vppon them. To conclude, as they beginn to fight with barbarous Cryes, so it is ridiculous and most true, that when they beginn to retyre from the skirmish, some runn out to braule and scowlde like women with the next Enemyes, which signe of their skirmish ending and their retyring into the thick woods neuer fayled vs. Of their Shipping. Touching the Shipps in Ireland, they had then no men of warr, nor marchants Shipps armed, only some three or fower trading for Spaine, and Fraunce, carryed a fewe Iron peeces for defence against Pyratts in our Channell, that might assayle them in boates, and they were all vnder one hundreth Tonnes burthen. The rest of their Shipps were all of much lesse burthen seruing only to transport passengers to and fro, and horses and merchandize out of England litle or nothing being carryed out of Ireland in tyme of the Rebellion. And these were not many in number, the English shipps, most commonly seruing for those purposes. So as litle can be said of their Marriners for Navigation, only by the generall nature of the people, I suppose, that they being witty, bold and slouggish, if they had liberty to build great Shipps for trade, they were like to proue skilfull and bold in nauigation, but neuer industrious in traffique. It is true, that the Arch Traytor Tyrone vppon his good successes grewe at last so proude, as in a Treaty of 240 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. peace he propounded an Article, that it might be lawfull for the Irish to builde great armed Shipps for trade, and men of warr for the defence of the Coast, but it was with skorne reiected by the Queenes Commissioners. Lastly I thinck I may boldly say, that no Hand in the world hath more large and Commodious Hauens for the greatest shipps and whole Fleetes of them, then Ireland hath on all sydes, excepting St. Georges Channell, which hath many Flatts, and the havens there be fewe, small and barred or vnsafe to enter; For otherwise in one third part of Ireland from Galloway to Calebeg in the North, it hath 14 large hauens, whereof some may receiue 200th, some 300th, some 400th great Shipps, and only two or three, are barred, and shallowe, besides diuerse large and Commodious Hauens in Mounster. In generall of the Irish warrs. Having spoken particularly of their horse and Foote and shipping, I will add something in generall of the Irish Warrs. It hath beene obserued that euery Rebellion in Ireland, hath growne more dangerous then the former, and though Maryners are industrious, and vigilant in a Tempest; yet the English haue euer bene slowe in resisting the beginnings of sedition, but as Maryners sleepe securely in Calmes, so the English having appeased any Rebellion, euer became secure without taking any constant Course to preuent future dangers in that kinde. In this last Rebellion, I am afrayd to remember how litle that kingdome wanted of being lost and rent from the English gouernment for it was not a small disturbance of peace or a light trouble to the State, but the very foundations of the English power in that kingdome, were shaken and fearefully tottered, and were preserued from ruyne more by the prouidence of God out of his great mercye, (as may appeare by the par- ticular afPayres at the seige of Kinsale) then by our Counsells and Remidyes (which were in the beginning full of negligence in the Progresse distracted with strong factions, and to the SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 241 end, slowe and sparing in all Supplyes), so as if the Irish Soldiers which were at first vnskilfuU (and ought to haue bene so kept in true policye of State) as in short tyme they grew skilfull and ready in the vse of the peece, the sword and other Armes, and very actiue and valiant in light skirmishes, had likewise attayned the discipline of warr to marche orderly, and fight vppon the playne to assault and keepe Fortes, and to manage great Ordinance, (which they neither had nor knew to vse). If the barbarous lordes, as they were full of pride, some vaunting themselues to bee descended from the old kings of Ireland so had not nourished factions among themselues, but had consented to chuse a king ouer them, after their many good successes, more specially after the defeate of Blackwater, (when it was truely said of the Earle of Tyrone, that the Eomans said of Hanniball after the defeate of Cannas, thou knowest to ouer- come, but knowest not to make vse of thy victory). Not to speake of the prouidence of God euen miraculously protecting our Religion against the Papists. No doubt in humane wisdome, that Rebellion would haue had an other end then by the grace of God it had. And it was iustly feared, that if constant serious remedyes were not vsed to preuent future erup- tions, the next Rebellion might pro\ie fatall to the English State. Now that I may not seeme forward to reproue others, but negligent in obseruing our owne errors, giue me leaue to say boldly, and to shewe particularly, that the following and no other causes brought vppon vs all the mischeifes to which the last rebellion, made vs subiect. When any Rebell troubled the State, our Custome was, for saving of Charges, not to suppresse him with our owne Armes, but to rayse vpp some of his Neighbors against him, supporting him with meanes to annoy him, and promoting him to greater dignityes and possessions of land, and if he were of his owne bloud, then making him cheefe of the name, (which dignity wee should constantly haue extinguished, since nothing could more disturbe peace then to haue all Septs combyned vnder one head). And these Neighbor 242 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. lordes thus raysed neuer fayled to proue more pernitioiis Rebells, then they against whome they were supported by vs. One instance shall serue for proof e of the Earle of Tyrone raysed by our State from the lowest degree, against his kinsman Tirlogh Linnaghe, whome the Queene too long supported, euen till his men were expert in Armes, and too highly exalted, euen till he had all his opposites power in his hand, which he vsed farr woorse then the other, or any of the Oneales before him. In our State parcatur sumptui; lett cost be spared, were euer two most fatall wordes to our gouernment in Ireland, as by this and that which followes, shall playnely appeare. When the Rebellion first began we to saue charges not only vsed the Irish one against the other, but long forbore to levye English Soldiers vaynely thincking to reduce them by Treatyes. When the Rebellion was increased, wee to saue charge in transporting English Soldiers, raysed whole Companyes of the English Irish, and as our Captaynes had trayned Tyrones men while he pretended seruice to the State, so now wee trayned in our Army all the English Irish, giuing them free vse of Armes, which should be kept only in the hands of faithfull Subiects. This raysing of whole Companyes of Foote and Troopes of horse among them, was a great error. For they once having gotten the vse of Armes, wee durst not Cast them, lest they should fall to the Rebells party. Perhapps their sociall Armes might haue bene vsefull, if wee had mixed them in our companyes, and that in small limitted numbers, but wee not only raysed whole bands of them, and all of one Sept, or name, (easily conspiring in mischeife,) and vsed their seruice at home, (where they would not drawe bloud vppon any Neighbor Sept, and lined idly vppon their owne prouisions, putting all the Queenes pay into their purses, which might haue beene preuented by imploying them in remote places), but sometymes trusted them with keeping of Forts, for which seruice they are most vnfitt, though we doubted not of their faithfulnes, iustly then suspected, yea further weakned all our owne bands and troopes by intertayning them. For an English Troope of horse sent out of England SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 243 commonly in a yeares space, was turned halfe into Irish (having woorse horses and Armes and no sadle, besides the losse of the English horsemen) only because the Irish would seme with their owne horses, and could make better shift with lesse pay. And in like sort our English bands of Foote were in short tyme filled with English Irish, becaiise they could make better shift for Clothes and meate, with lesse pay from their Captaynes. In all the warr we only vsed the English Irish for horseboyes, who were slothfull in our seruice, and litle loued vs, but having learned our vse of Armes, and growing of ripe yeares often proued stout Rebells. To conclude these errors, I confesse that the English Irish serued valiantly and honestly in our Army, whereof many tymes a third part consisted of them, but many particular events taught vs, that these our Counsells were dangerous, and made vs wish they had beene preuented at first, though in the end for necessity we made the best vse we could of the woorst. Other great abuses though lesse concerning the Irish in particular, were committed in our Army. The munitions in great part was of sale wares, as namely the tooles for Pyoners, and Musketts slightly made to gayne by the emption which our Officers might haue shamed to see compared with those the Spaniards brought to Kinsale. Our Powder and all munitions were daily sold to the Rebells by diuerse practises, For sometymes the vnder officers of the Ordinance there would sell some proportions of diuerse kindes of munition to Citizens or ill affected Subiects, and sometymes the Cast Captaynes commonly vsing to appropriate to themselues the Armes of their Cast Soldiers, did sell them to the Citizens, and sometymes the Common soldier, having a proportion of Powder allowed him for exercise of his peece, sold to the Citizens whatsoeuer he could spare thereof, or of the powder left him after skirmishes, and all these munitions sold to the Citizens, were by them vnderhand conveyed to the Rebells, who would giue more for them then they were woorth. In like sort the Contractors seruing the Army with victualls, having obtayned from the 244 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Counsell in England liberty to sell to the Citizens and poore Subiects such victualls as were like to grow mowldye, their seruants in Ireland many tymes, whiles they serued the Army with mouldye biskett, and cheefe, did vnderhand sell the best to such Citizens and Subiects by whome it was conveyed to the Rebells. For reforming of which abuses, Commaund was giuen out of England, that some ofEendors should be detected, and seuerely punished for example, and that the Citizens should be forbidden vppon great penalty to buy any munition vppon pretence to sell it to Subiects, who should rather be serued out of the publike Stores, and that the victualers should be restrayned from selling any victualls, or because that could not be without great losse to the publike State in allowing great wast, that faithfuU ouerseers at least might be appointed to veiwe what was mouldye, and to whome it was sold. But these abuses were not detected till towards the end of the Rebellion, so as the Remidyes too late prescribed, were neuer putt in execution. Againe one great mischeife did great preiudice to vs, that our stores were not alwayes furnished aforehand, so as the mouing of our Army was often stayed till the munition and victualls ariued which is most dangerous especially in Ireland, where wyndes out of England, are very rare, and sometymes their musters, who should haue nothing to doe with Armes; blowe contrary halfe a yeare together, whereof we had experience at Kinsale, where assoone as our soldiers, munition and victualls, were happily ariued, the wynde turned presently to the West, and blew no more out of England till the Spaniards had yeilded vppon Composition. Agayne our Prouant masters for apparrelling the soldier, dealt as corruptly as the rest, not sending halfe the proportion of Apparrell due to the Soldier, but compounding for great part thereof with the Captaines in ready mony, they having many Irish soldiers, who were content to serue without any Clothes, so good, as the allowed price required. The Prouant Masters thus compounding with the Captaynes they contented the SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 245 Soldiers, with a litle drinckiiig mony which the Irish desyred rather then Clothes, not caring to goe halfe naked, by whose example, some of the English were drawne to like barbarous basenes. So as in a hard winter seige, as at Kinsale (and likewise at other tymes) they dyed for colde in great numbers, to the greife of all beholders. Agayne wee had no hospitalls to releiue the sick and hurt soldiers, so as they dyed vppon a small Colde taken, or a prick of the finger, for want of Convenient releife for fewe dayes till they might recouer. Thus howsoeuer they wanted not excellent Chirurgeons and carefuU of them, yet particularly at the seige of Kinsale, they dyed by dozens on a heape, for want of litle cherishing with hott meat, and warme lodging. Notwithstanding the lord Deputyes care, who had imposed on his Chapleine the Taske to be as it were the sick Soldiers Steward to dispence a good proportion of victualls ready dressed for comfort of the sick, and hurt soldiers, at the Charitable Almes of the Captaines aboue the Soldiers pay. Where a king fights in the head of his Army, such braue Soldiers as ours were could not haue suffered want, but deputies and Generalls though honourable and Charitable persons, cannot goe much beyond their tedder. To conclude, nothing hath more preserued the Army of the vnited Netherlanders, then such publique houses, where great numbers haue bene recouered, that without them must needs haue perished. Lastly Guicciardine writes that the Popes are more abused in their musters of Soldiers then any other Prince ; which may be true compared with the frugall Venetians, and States of the lowe Countryes, and with Armyes where the Prince is in person. But I will boldly say that Queene Elizabeth of happy memory, fighting by her Greneralls, was incredibly abused in the musters of her Army, both in the low Countryes and Fraunce, and especially in Ireland, where the strongest bands of one hundreth Fiftye by List, neuer exceeded 120 by Pole at the taking of the Feilde, vppon pretence of tenn dead payes allowed the Captayne 246 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. for his seruants wayting on him, and for extraordinary payes, he might giue some gentlemen of his Company, as also for sick soldiers left in his Garrison, besydes that many tymes the strongest bands were much weaker, by wanting of supplyes of English men to fill them. But they were farr more weake at pretence of men dead in the sommer seruice, yet were the the Coming out of the Feilde and retyring to Garrisons vppon Checks nothing answerable to the deficient numbers, wherein the Queene was much wronged, paying more then she had, and her Generall serued with great disadvantages, being reputed to fight with greater numbers in List, when he had not two third parts of them by Pole, yet scarce halfe of them, considering the men taken out of the Army, for warders in Castles, and Fortes. It is pitty the Popes should not be much more abused in but temporall Princes, to whome the mistery of Armes properly belongeth, ought carefully to preuent this mischeife, to pay men in list, who are not to be found by Pole when they should fight. And more specially in Fortes, where the Couetous Captaines abating their numbers, and passing their false musters by bribery, lye open to the Enemyes surprisall, as besides many other examples, we founde by the destruction of our Garrison at the Derry in Odogherties Kebellion, where the Captaine wanted many of his number, and of those he had many were English Irish, seruing for small paye, to whome the keeping of Fortes should not be committed. The Queene to preuent this mischeife, increased her number of Commissaryes, but that was found only to increase the Captaynes bribes, not the number of his men. Therefore some thought the best reformation would be, if the pay formerly made to the Captayne for his whole band, were payd by a sworne Commissary to the soldiers by Pole, and those Commissaryes exemplarily punished vppon any deceite, whose punishment the Soldier would not only well besides that the apparrell prouided by them was nothing neere induce, but ioyfuUy applaude. Others thought the Pay should still be made to the Captaynes as honourable persons, so their deceipt were punished by note of infamy, and Cashering out of SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 247 imployment, in which Case their honor being deare to them, they would either not offend, or few examples of punishment would reduce all to good order in short tyme. Reformation intended at the end of the last Rebellion- Having largly written of all mischeifes growne in the gouernment of Ireland, I will add something of the Reformation intended at the end of the last Rebellion. The worthy lord Mountioy (as I haue mentioned in the end of the second part of this woorke) having reduced Ireland from the most desperate estate, in which it had euer beene since the Conquest, to the most absolute subiection, being made as a fayre payre of Tables wherein our State might write, what lawes best fitted it; yet knowing that he left that great woorke vnperfect, and subiect to relapse, except his Successors should finish the building, whereof he had layd the foundation, and should polish the stones, which he had only rough hewed. And fynding euery Rebellion in Ireland to haue beene more dangerous then the former, and the last to haue wanted litle of Casting the English out of that kingdome, was most carefuU to preuent all future mischeefes. To which end (howsoeuer his diseignes were diuerted) I dare boldly say, both from his discourse with nearest frends, and from the papers he left, thaFhe proiected many good poynts of Reformation, wherof these fewe that follow© are worthy to be remembred. First to establish the mantenance of some necessary Forts planted within land remote from Seas and Riuers, the warders whereof might cleare all paces (or passages of Bogges and woodes) and might not only keepe the Irish in awe, but be to the State as it were spyes to advertise all mutinous and seditious inclinations. Also to plant like Garrysons vpon such hauens, as be easy and commodious for the discent of forayne enemyes. And because the Cittyes (espetially of Mounster) hauing large priuiledges graunted to the first English inhabitants (as namely the Profitt of Fynes and penall Statutes) had many wayes 248 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. abused them in the last Rebellion to the preiudice of the Commonwealth (as namely in remitting to the delinquents all Fynes and penaltyes imposed on them, for transporting and importing Jesuits and Priests and prohibeted wares) and also because these Cittyes in the Rebellion had nourished the same by secreet practises, and in the ende thereof, had by open sedition in the cause of Religion forfeited theire Charteres, his lordship purposed to procure the Cutting off many exorbitant priuiledges in the renewing of theire Charters, and likewise the establishing of Forts with strong garrysons vpon those Cittyes which had shewed themselues most false harted and Mutinus, mjore spetially Corke and Watterford, who had denyed entrance to the kings Forces, and were only reduced by a strong hand from theire obstinate sedition, without which Fortes he thought the Cittyes would nether be kept in obedience for the safetie of the Army, nor be brought to any due reformation in Religion. But howsoeuer Dublin was no lesse ill affected in the cause of Religion then the rest, yet he thought it sufficently restrayned by the residency of the Lord Deputy in the Castle, and great numbers of English that lodged in the Citty attending upon the State. For the Fortes within land, he hoped they would in shorte tyme become townes well inhabited, as was founde by experience in the old Fortes of Lease and Ophalia, and in some newe Fortes in Vlster, and that they would much strengthen the State, so great Caution were had that only English soldyers shoulde keepe them, and that by faythfuU Musters they were kept strong, so as the covetousnes of Captaynes might not lay them open to surprisall, ether by taking Irish soldyers seruing for lesse pay, or by wanting theire full numbere of warders, and that, as the garrysons were to haue land allotted and many priuiledges graunted to them so constant care were taken to kepe them from spoyling the Countrye by seuere disciplyne. Agayne for the Fortes, because he feared the soldyers could not be kept from making affinity by maryage with the neighboring Irish, and for tliat the Captaynes and officers were likely to intertayne the Irish for Soldyers and SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 249 seruants as content with small or no wages, whereby the Fortes could not but be subiect to betraying, as likewise for that the Captaynes were likely in tyme by letters Pattens from the State to apropriate to themselues the land allotted to each Forte for the publike vse of the garrysons, and for diuers like reasons, more spetially for that the Continuall sound of Drommes and Trumpitts was dissonant from a Commonwealth peaceably governed : His lordship thought these Fortes were not like to yeald such strength to the State as the planting of Faythfull Colonyes. And so his lordshipp in the second place purposed to perswade the Reformation of the old Colonyes, and the leading of newe into that kingdome, both to be planted vpon the Sea Coasts, and vpon Riuers and Nauigable lakes lying vpon the Sea, Forsing the Irish to inhabitt the Countryes within land, whereby these Colonyes might be free or more safe from theire assaultes, and not only be easely releeued out of England, but growe rich with forrayne traffique. And to this purpose to exchange inland possessions pertayning to the old Colonyes or belonging to the king, with such Irish as then had theire lands vpon the Sea Coasts, Riuers, and lakes, giuing them greater proportions of ground, to make them better content with this exchange. Some aduised in this exchange, to giue the Irish also those spirituall linings which they helde by Custody as vacant at that tyme, but this course was thought to ouerthrowe the foundation of all good reformation, that must beginn with Religion, which could not be established without settling a learned and honest Cleargy, nor they be mantayned without these liuinges. But because the Irish and English Irish were obstinate in Popish superstition, great care was thought fitt to be taken, that these newe Colonyes should consist of such men, as were most vnlike to fall to the barbarous Customes of the Irish, or the Popish superstition of Irish and English Irish so as no lesse Cautions were to be obserued for vniting them and keeping them from mixing with the other, then if these newe Colonyes were to be ledd to inhabitt among the barbarous Indians. In which respect caution was thought fitt to be had. 250 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. that these newe Colonyes, should not Consist of obstinate Papists, nor Criminall fugitiues, Cutt purses, and infamous weomen, or persons rather drawne out to Clense England of ill members, then to reduce Ireland to Ciuility and true Eeligion, but of honest gentlemen and husbandmen to inhabitt the Country, and honest Cittisens and marchants to inhabitt the Cittyes, with weomen of good fame, and espetially learned and honest Preachers and ministers for them both. That the Cittisens consisting of noble and Plebean Familyes, should builde and fortifye Cittyes, vpon the riuers and lakes, to be thorughfayres for the whole kingdome, all other by passages through woodes and desert places being shutt vp, so as theeues and malefactors might more easily be apprehended, and all Catle, being not otherwise to be solde or bough then in the publike marketts of Cittyes, All theftes and Bapines might easily be detected and the barbarous people seeing the Cittisens to Hue plentifully vnder good gouernment, and to growe rich by trades and traffique, might in tyme be allured to imbrace theire Ciuill manners and profitable industrye. That the gentlemen inhabiting the adioyning Countryes, should dwell in Castles of stone, and not keepe there husbandmen vnder absolute Commaund as Tennants at will, but graunt them freeholds, Copieholdes, and leases, with obligation to mantayne horse and Foote, and to rise vp with them for defence of the Country from theftes and incursions. And in case England was not able to supply these Colonyes, or the English (as lesse industrous) were not thought so fitt for this purpose, without others ioyned with them, then his lordship Judged the Netherlanders most fitt to be drawne to this worke, as a people most industrous, peaceable, and subiect to iust commaund, and abounding with inhabitants, but streaightend by not hauing large teritoryes. Many other cautions were proiected for the quality of these Colonies, as that they should not dwell together in great numbers of one Sapt or name, nor should Consist of bordering people, vsed to line like outlawes vpon spoyle, and one Sept to haue deadly quarrells and hatred (as it were by SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 251 inheritance) with an other. That they should be a Free people like the Flemings, and vsed to liue of themselues like them and the Italians, not vsed to the absolute Commandes of lordes after the seruile manner of Ireland, which dependancye makes them apt to followe theire lords into Eebellion and priuate quarells. That they should be such, as were not vsed to liue in smoaky Cotages and Cabines, or to goe naked and in ragged apparrell, but in Commodious houses and decently attyred, that so they might not be apt to fall to the Irish manners, but rather to bring them to ciuility. That they should be planted in remote places from theire Natiue home, lest in seditions they might easily drawe theire neighboring frendes and Countrymen to take part with them. Finally and espetially, that they should be soundly affected to the Reformed Religion. Thirdly because his lordship knewe all endeuours would be in vayne, if Ciuill Magistrates should thincke by fayre meanes without the sworde to reduce the Irish to due obedience (they hauing beene Conquered by the sword, and that Maxime being infallible, that all kingdomes must be preserued by the meanes by which they were first gayned, and the Irish espetially being by theire nature plyable to a harde hand, and Jadish when vpon the least pricking of prouender the bridle is lett loose vnto them) Therefore it was thought fitt that the Irish should not only beare no Armes in the pay of the State (which should euer be committed to the hands of most faithfull Subiects) but should also haue all priuate Armes taken from them till by Parliament it might be agreed, what vse of swordes or Peeces were fitt to be graunted some men by priuiledge for grace and ornament or for necessary vse, as for fowling and like vses. And howsoeuer this disarming of the Irish could not well be done during the . Rebellion, when the Counsell of England commaunded it, because the submitted Irish should thereby haue beene left a pray to the spoyling of those that were still in Rebellion, yet nothing seemed more fitt and easy to be done when the Rebellion was fully appeased, and our Conquering Army houered like Falcons ouer the heads of any that should dare to resist. And likewise 268 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. that lawes of Reformation should be enacted by Parliament, if either the Irish would consent or could be ouertopped by the voyces of the new Colonyes and Bishopps, or otherwise should be imposed by absolute power, as no doubt the king of Spaine would doe vppon any his Subiects in like case, to whose subiection the Irish seemed then strongly affected. Fourthly for the last alledged reason his lordshipp purposed to procure that the English Army should be continued in some strength, till Religion were reformed, whereof I shall treate in the last Chapter of the next Booke, and till the kings Reuenues Customes and Tributes were established, whereof something must here be added. Of old the Customes of exported or imported marchandize, were very small, the people hauing fewe Commodityes to export, and desyring not to haue more imported then wynes and such things for necessity, vppon which things the ancient kings imposed small or no Customes, in regard the Conquered Irish were basely poore, and content with any apparrell, yet with nakednes, and with milke and butter for foode, and for that it was fitt the English Irish, should haue immunity from such burthens, thereby to drawe more Inhabitants into that kingdome. For which reason also the Tolles within land, and the Rents of the kings lands of Inheritance were of small value, and both they and the Customes, yea the very Fynes of penall Statutes, were for rewardes of seruice giuen or lett vppon a small Rent to the English Irish Cittyes, and lordes of Countryes. In the last Rebellion the whole Revenues of the kingdome amounting to some thirty thousand pounds yearely, were so farr from defraying the Charge of the Army, as it cost the State of England one yeare with an other, all Reckonings cast vpp betweene 200 and 300th thousand pounds yearely aboue the Reuenue. And the Rebellion being appeased, when the Army was reduced to 1200 Foote, and some 400 horse, yet the Charge of these small forces, and the Stipends of Magistrates and Judges, exceeded the Reuenes some 45 thousand pounds yearely. But due Courses being taken in this tyme of peace, it was SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 283 tfiought the Reuenues might be much increased, then which nothing was more necessary. The Irish Cowes are so stubborne, as many tymes they will not be milked but by some one woman, when, how, and by whome they list. If their Calues be taken from them, or they otherwise grewe stubborne, the skinnes of the Calues stuffed with strawe must be sett by them to smell on, and many fooleries done to please them, or els they will yeilde no milke. And the Inhabitants of that tyme were no lease froward in their obedience to the State, then their beasts were to them. But I would gladly know from them by what right they challenge more priuiledge then England hath, why they should not beare the same tributes and Subsidyes that England beareth, and why so rich a kingdome should be so great a burthen to the State of England and not rather yeild profitt aboue the Charge thereof. One lord of the Countye of Carberie being in Rebellion mantayned one thousand Rebells against the State, who after becoming a Subiect, was hardly drawne to serue the State with thirty foote, at the invasion of the Spaniards, and yet thought he deserued thankes and reward for that poore Supply. I cannot wonder inough, how the lordes of Ireland can be so blinde in their owne affections as having mantayned some 15,000 men in Rebellion, they should thinck much in tyme of peace to pay the Stipends of Magistrates and Judges, and to mantayne the small Remnant of the English Army being some 1200 Foote, and vnder 500 horse. Of old after the first Conquest, when Vlster was obedient to the State, that Prouince alone paid 30000 markes yearely into the Exchequer, and besides, (as many Relations witnes) mantayned some thousands of Foote for the States seruice, yeilding also Tymber to build the kings Shipps, and other helpes of great importance to the state. No doubt Ireland after the Rebellion appeased, was in short tyme like to be more rich, and happy in all aboundance, then euer it had bene, if the Subiects would delight in the Arts of peace, and the fertility of Ireland yeildeth not to England, if it had as many, and as industrious Inhabitants. In Sommer it hath lesse heat then England, 2S4 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. which proceeding from the reflection of the sunne vppon the earth, is abated by the frequent Boggs and lakes, (which together with rawe or litle rosted meates, cause the Country diseases of Fluxes and Agues fatall to the English) but this defect might be helped by the industry of Husbandmen drayning the grounds, and may hinder the ripening of some fruites, but no way hurtes the Corne, though perhapps it may cause a later Harvest then England hath. Againe in winter by the humiditye of Sea and land, Ireland is lesse subiect to Colde then England, so as the Pastures are greene, and the Gardens full of Rosemary, laurell and sweete hearbes, which the Colde of England often destroyeth. It passeth England in Riuers, and frequent lakes abounding with fish, whereof one lake called the Bande, yieldeth 5001i yearely Rent by Fishing. The Hauens from Galloway to Calebeg a third part of the kingdome, are fowerteene in number, whereof some will receiue 200th, some 300th, some 400th great shipps, and only two or three of them are barred, and shallowe, and all these with the other Harbors, Creekes, and Seas, on all sydes of Ireland, abound with plenty of excellent fish, if the Inhabitants were industrious to gett them for foode and traffique. For the increasing of the kings Customes in tyme by vnsensible degrees, it was thought the Irish were not likely to repyne much thereat, since that burthen greiueth none that are content with natiue Commodityes, and affect not forayne luxuryes, but they haue bene litle vsed to taxes and Tributes vppon their land, and haue euer kicked at the least burthen in that kinde for the seruice of the State, only bearing it chearefully for their owne ends, as to support the Popish Religion, and to mantayne Agents in England, to pleade for that, and other Clamorous greiuances. Howsoeuer the question is not how willingly they will yeilde profitt to the king, but how it may be most commodiously raysed. To which purpose in regard the Wealth of Ireland consists especially in Cattell and victualls, and wanted nothing more then mony, the best Relations of the Irish estate in those tymes of the Rebellion SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 266 appeased, thought not so fitt to rayse it by new Compositions of all Countryes, and increasing the old, as by making Ireland only to beare the Charge of the Magistrates, and Judges Stipends, and moreouer, to be (as it were) a nursery for some Competent English forces, extracting old Soldiers from thence vppon occasion of seruice, and sending new men to be trayned vpp in their place. This done whereas forayne Enemyes heretofore thought Ireland the weakest place wherein England might be annoyed, henceforward, they would rather dare to invade England, then Ireland thus armed. And the Rents by Compositions would be a trifle in respect of this profitt of Sessing soldiers. By sessing I meane, the allotting of Certayne numbers to each Citty and shire to be mantayned by them, who would be as so many Spyes to obserue their Parleyes and Conspiracyes, and as Garisons in Townes to keepe them in awe, whether they might be sent in greater or lesse numbers as the publike seruice required. Prouided alwayes, that this Sessing should be to the kings profitt only, not (as it was in the last Rebellion) for the Captaynes profitt, who tooke all the profitt thereof without taking a penny lesse pay from the State, or making any satisfaction to the Subiects, though they had their hands to charge them. As this Sessing was thought to be most profitable to the State, (easing it of the Armyes charge, espetially for victualls, whereof the publike stores could neuer be replenished but with farr greater expence then any Compositions were like to yeilde), so was this kinde of Charge most easy for the Irish abounding in victualls. Prouided that the Soldiers were restrayned from extorting by violence more then should be due to them, and the due prouision were gathered by orderly course. For preuention whereof, and for the Soldiers safety, they should not lye scattered in the Country, but together in Garisons, yet not leaving it in the power of the Irish to starue them, but they fetching in victualls aforehand, if according to order it were not brought to them. Prouided also, that the Soldiers trauelling for any seruice, should in like sort be restrayned from extortions. When the Rebellion was 266 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. ended, and the English Army in strength, this course was thought easy to be settled, and if at any tyme after, the State should thinck fitter to receiue yearely Rents, it was not doubted but this Course for a tyme would after make the people glad to raise their Compositions, so as the Sessing might be taken away. And by this practise we see that Fraunce hath of late raysed great Tributes, increasing them vppon new burthens of warr, and so making the most seditious to abhorr troubles, and loue peace. Then it was proiected that Commissioners should be sent ouer out of England, To veiwe such lands, for which small or no rent had long bene payd to the king, vppon false pretence that they lay waste. To rayse the Rents of those vndertakers in Mounster, to whome the Queene having graunted to some 3000, to some more Acres of good land for small Rent, or they having bought it at second hand at so easy a price, as some of them raysed as much profitt in one yeare as payd the Purchase, and they hauing broken all their Couenants with the Queene, not peopling the land with English Tenants, nor having English seruants, but vsing the Irish for both, as seruing vppon base Conditions, and not building their Castles, but suffering the old Castles to goe to ruine, and so in the Rebellion being betrayde by their owne Irish men, and having no English to serue the State, or keepe their owne possessions, were forced vppon the first tumults to quitt their lands, or charge the Queene with warders to keepe their Castles, for which caiises, if their estates were not taken from them vppon breach of Couenants, yet at least they deserued to be charged with greater rents. To tye them strictly to the obseruing hereafter of all Couenants for the publike good, vppon payne to forfeite their graunts. To dispose for the kings best profitt all concealed lands giuen to superstitious vses, which were thought of great value. To dispose of spirituall lands and livings by custody to the kings profitt, for a tyme till a learned Clergie might be setled. To rate the Sessing of Soldiers in Vlster where it was thought the people would willingly beare any reasonable burthen, so they SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 257 might be freed from the great lords Tyranny. To doe the like in other parts of the kingdome, at least for a tyme, since if after yearely Rents were thought more commodious the people would more willingly rayse the Compositions to be freed from this Sessing, and mantayning of Garisons. Lastly to rayse the Customes by degrees, and to consider what priuiledges of Cittyes, or of priuatemen, for that present deseruing litle of the State, were fitt to be cutt of, or restrayned. By these meanes it was thought no difficult thing in fewe yeares, highly to rayse the kings Reuenues, and to reforme in some good measure the Ciuill and Ecclesiasticall policy. Prouided that these Commissioners being of the best sort, for Nobility, and experience, were after the first Reformation continued still in that imployment, and sent ouer once in fiue yeares, or like space of tyme, to visitt that kingdome especially for administration of Justice, yet by the way (with Arts of peace, and by degrees) for setling and increasing the kings Reuenues, which wee see daily and wisely to haue beene done in England. Thus the Irish bearing Common and equall burthen with the English, should haue no iust cause to complayne and finding Rebellions to increase their burthens, would be taught to loue peace, the English should be eased from bearing the wonted burthen of their seditions; the king should haue meanes in Ireland to reward his magistrates, and seruants in that kingdome. And it was hoped such treasure might in tyme be drawne out of Ireland, as might in some measure repay the great expences, England hath heretofore disbursed to keepe Ireland in peace, without raysing any least profitt from a Conquered kingdome. The Conclusion. To conclude as I haue taken the boldnes playnely and truely to giue some light of the doubtfuU State of Ireland about the tyme of the last Rebellioun, soe me thinkes noe Irish or English Irish of theise tymes should take offence at any thinge 268 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. I haue written if they be Cleere from the yll afPeccions wherewith those tymes weare polluted (I meane in generall, since I haue not Concealed that some of them deserued well in those worst tymes), And for all other men I trust that in theire loue to truth and for the vse may be made of this plaine narracion in future tymes they will pardon any rudenes of stile or Errours of Judgment which I may haue incurred : God is my witnes that I envye not to the English Irish any wealth liberty or prerogatiue they may Justly Challenge, nor yet to the meere Irish a gentle and moderatt gouernment, soe the English Irish had the noble and faithfull hartes of theire progenitors towardes the Kinges of England or that lenitye wold make the Irish more obedient which heretofore hath rather puffed them with pride and wanton frowardnes : But as they weare both in those tymes very dissobedient (if not malitious) to the State of England I haue byn bould to say that thinges soe standinge England ought to vse power where reason availeth not, nothinge is soe proper as to rule by force, whome force hath subiected. To keepe the Irish in obedience by Armes who were first conquered by Armes, and to vse the like bridle towards the English Irish who degenerating became Partners in their Rebellions. To impose lawes on them by authority for the publike good, whome reason cannot perswade, to make them by consent for their owne good. To reforme the old Colonyes deformed by their owne faults, and to establish them by planting newe. And to take the sword out of maddmens hands, for such are they that vse Armes against those that armed them. All Subiects must be kept in duty by loue or feare ; Loue were better towards both, and especially the English Irish, but the meere Irish are more plyable to feare, and such of the other as by habitt haue gotten their barbarous affections, must be manacled in the same Chayne with them. Reformation is necessary; neither of them admitts any. Wee must reforme, and that will gall them, and their pride in those tymes was likely to make them kick. It remayned that by Constant Counsell and all honest meanes, we should take from such SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 259 Subiects all power to wreake their malice. For to vse remidyes sufficient to prouoke them to anger, and to withhold those that might suppresse their furye, were great folly. In a word nothing is more dangerous then midle Counsells, which England of old too much practised in Ireland. To what purpose are good lawes made, if the people cannot be ledd, or forced to obedience. A man in those dayes might more easily leade Beares and lyons, then the Irish. If Orpheus himselfe could not make those stones and trees daunce after his Harpe, then Hercules and Theseus must make them follow their Clubbs. The Marshalls must make them feele punishment, whome Philosophers, and Lawgiuers finde without all feeling of their publike good. Lett any man who hath beene serued with Irish Footemen in sober sadnes tell me the truth, if he haue not alwayes founde them most obedient (by generall experience) vnder a hard hand, but stubborne and froward towards their Masters, as soone as they are well cloathed, and sett on horseback, for they are all in their opinion, and they all wilbe gentlemen, which pouerty made them forgett. This properly belongs to the meere Irish, but such of the English Irish as are become of that nature, must be content to be ioyned with them, till they retorne to English manners and affections. Some of our old Gouernors wisely obserued this nature of the Irish, and practised the right Course to bridle it, proclayming their Comaundes at the point of the sword. Such was the lord Gray in the late Queenes Raigne lord Deputy of Ireland, who knew best of all his Predecessors to bridle this feirce and Clamorous Nation. Such was Sir Richard Bingham, though only a subordinate Gouernor of the Prouince of Connaght, who with a handfull of Soldiers, and a heauy hand of Justice, taught vs what Reformation might be wrought this way if it were constantly and sincerely followed. But I know not vppon what grounds of policye the Counsellors of our State in those dayes, did not approue their actions. For the Complaynts of the subdued Irish (which no nation can more skilfully frame to gayne, or at least tye their Judges, they being alwayes 360 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Clamorous, but in aduersity as abiect Suppliants, as proude enemyes in prosperity) I say their Complaynts founde such pittye in the Royall (may I with leaue say womanly) breast of the late famous Queene, and such fauour with the lordes of her Counsell, (perhapps desyring the present, rather then durable peace of that kingdome) as these late Rebells were sent back comforted for their losses with fayre promises, and the Magistrates recalled into England, reaped heauy reproofe for their merited reward. So as their Successors either terrifyed by that ill successe, or ambitious to gayne the hartes of the Irish, (at which the Counsells of the next lord Deputy seemed to ayme) or vppon vayne hope to reduce that nation to obedience by lenity, did in all iudiciall causes somuch respect the Irish, as to that end they spared not to lay vnequall burthens sometymes on the English: Thus new Magistrates bringing newe lawes and Counsells wrought that Confusion which they sought to avoyde. For one Deputy was sharpe and seuere, another affable and gentle, whereas in all good gouernments howsoeuer the magistrates are changed, the face of Justice should constantly remayne one and the same. And what preiudice to the Commonwealth this Course hath of old wrought in Ireland particularly, experience hath made mainifest. God graunt that hereafter wee may at least (according to the lattin Prouverb) growe wise with the wounded fisherman, and as in the last rebellion wee were good Epimethei, to discerne (by the sence of ill accidents) the true Causes thereof so heareafter we may become prouident Promethei, in diuerting foreknowne dangers, before they fall heauily vpon vs. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 261 Book III. [This Book on Religion occupies pages 300 — 460 of the MS. I have omitted the Chapters on Turkey and Italy entirely, and have given the longest extracts from the Chapter on Religion in Germany, about which Moryson writes with much knowledge and sympathy. The long Chapter on Italy has less interest for us to-day than most of Moiyson's writings. He was a convinced and earnest Protestant, and cannot miss a chance of making a point against Rome. There is, however, nothing unfamiliar in the attitude of an Elizabethan Englishman towards the Papacy. I had more hesitation in omitting his suggestion for the stamping out of Romanism in Ireland, but his views about that country have, I think, been made sufficiently clear in the first part of this volume. — C. H.] CHAP: i. Of Germany touching relig:ion. Page 300 to page 325 of the MS. [The following account of the differences between the Lutherans and Calvinists in Saxony (Misnia, Meissen), which " on Luther's first preaching of Reformation with full consent imbraced his doctrine," commences on Page 307 of the MS.] At the tyme of my being there the Elector Christian imbracing Caluines Reformation, had for many yeares labored to establish the same, yet not somuch by authority and force, as by Arte, appointing Caluinists Preachers, to perswade and teach the people, and hopeing that they being instructed would them- selues desyre that Reformation, which he thought not safe to impose vpon them by his command. While I liued at Leipzig, a preacher was cast into prison, and for a Mounth fedd with 362 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. bread and water, and after banished, for hauing preached that the Elector was forsworne in seeking to change that Religion which at his entrance he was bound by oath to mantayne. The Elector appointed a disputation at Leipzig, but the Lutherans broke it off by Immodest hissing at the Caluinists. At Wittenburg a Decon Baptising a Chylde without the Crosse or exorcisme, the Godfathers and other invited strangers, made a tumolt, so as some chosen students were Armed, to keepe peace and appease the vprore. And continually by night lybells were cast forth by both parties, provoking one another to disputation. About this tyme the neighbour Princes confederate in the Cause of Religion, did meete together, and after long conferance about Religion, in the ende decreed that Caluines doctryne might for the tyme be tolerated, but that no change should be establisKed without Common consent, and secondly they decreed that ayde should be sent to the king of Nauarr in France, yet as voluntary men, leuyed at the kings charge, the Princes being bound to the Emperour not to make any warr, vpon payne of leesing theire Fees. Att this meeting the Marquis of Brandeburg Elector, whose daughter Christian the Elector of Saxony had marryed, stoode stiftly for the Lutheran Religion, and was said to haue obtayned promise of his sonne in lawe, that no alteration should be made, yet fewe weeckes after the Elector Christian put Doctor Nicholaus Crellius a Caluinist in the place of his Lutheran Chancelor resigning it because he sawe his Prince did not fauor him. And in like sorte he dismissed out of his intertaynment Melius Superintendant of Witteberg and Policarpus both Professors of Diuinity and arch-Lutherans, and putt Pierius a Caluinist Superintendant and Professor in the place of Melius (who was intertayned by the Duke of Wyneberg the Electors kinsman, as Policarpus was intertayned by the Senate of Brunswick and there made Superintendent). But now when very many Students and Cittisens of Leipzig and Wittenberg, and many in other Cittyes, seemed well affected to the Doctryne of Caluin, sodenly the Elector Christian fell sick, and in the tyme of his sicknes (while I yet lined at Leipzig) SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 263 these two verses were by night sett on the dore of the cheife Church in Dresden (where the Electors resyde). Calua cohors cessa, funes laqueosque paratos, Sen Princeps viuat sen moriatur, habes. Bald Caluenists cease, halters you shall haue, What ere betyde the Prince, life or the graue. Shortly after, the Reformation after Caluins Rule being rather prepared then begunn, the Elector dyed, and then my eyes, and eares were witnesses, what threatnings, what reproches, what violent abuses the Lutherans cast vppon the Caluenists, preferring the Papists yea Turkes before them, as their owne printed bookes testify, fuller of reproches then arguments against them. And because the duke of Wyneberg one of the sonnes to the deposed Elector, as next kinsman to the young Elector, was by the Imperiall Lawes to be his Tutor, it seemed the people knowing him to be a Lutheran, thought he would beare with wrongs done to the Caluenists, for they hardly refrayned from laying hands on their bodyes and goods, yea they did not altogether refrayne from that violence. For at Leipzig some houses were spoyled, and Gunderman the superin- tendant or cheife Minister of the Caluenists, was cast into prison (whome it was thought inough to haue banished) and the Students walking in troopes by night, assembled before his dore, and with ridiculous solemnity, there araigned one in his person, and condemned him of many Capitall Crimes with many fowle reproches, and then like Cryers proclaymed in the streets. Lieben heren lasset euch sagen der TeufEel hatt rote bart weg getragen. Louing Gentlemen to you the truth to say, the Diuell hath taken redd beard away. And within few weekes when they continued to vse such cruelty towards him, as no body was admitted to come to him, no not his wife, his Barber, his Cooke, or any that might doe him 364 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. seruice, so that his poore wife having many Children whereof some were Infants, fell into such despayre as she hanged herselfe, it was credibly spoken that this poore minister knowing nothing of his wifes death, did the night following desyre his keeper to lett in his wife, knocking at the doore, and well knowne to him by her voyce. The like Cruelty they vsed at Dresden towards Crellius the late Chancelor for, having restored to that dignity Hawboldus ab Einsiedeln the Lutheran chancelor of Seauenty yeares old, whome I said formerly to haue resigned that place, they cast Crellius into Prison, and when he requested to haue the windowe of his prison inlarged, the magistrate commaunded the litle windowe he had to be stopped vpp, denying him the benefitt of light and ayre. The Prince of Anhalt, whose Territory borders vppon Misen, then being a Caluinist was not invited to the Electors Fuueralls. And to stirr vpp more hatred against the Caluinists many rumors were diuulged of Gentlemen and Citizens that had bene secretly putt to death, and of others that were appointed to dye for professing the Lutheran Religion, and of straunge persecutions intended against the Lutherans, whereof nothing was manifest, nor credible to be done by a Prince of Germany, yet all was beleeued by the Credulous people. Among these tumults a ridiculous strife fell at Leipzig betweene two Lutheran Ministers suing for Gundermans place for one of them perceiuing that the other should be preferred before him, and seeing the people to flock to him for auricular confession fell first to brawling wordes, and after both going out of the gates fought at Cuffes till they were parted by the Students. It is incredible what hatred the Lutherans shewed against the Caluinists openly professing that they would rather turne Papists then agree with them. When any men kill themselues, the manner is not to bury them in the Church yard (except they lined after the fact so long as to giue signes of Repentance), but that the infamous hangman putting their bodyes on a sledge, should bury them in the ditches of the high way. Thus not many yeares past a Student of Witteberg denyed his degree, for shame hanged himselfe. SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. 265 and was in like sort buryed. And at Dresden the Dukes Steward hanging himselfe, his body was cast out of the windowe with the face turned from heauen to the infamous hangman (not permitted to enter into the Dukes Court to take the bodye) and by him was buryed vnder the Gallowes. But howsoeuer this Custome is not to be reproued, yet in a Case so lamentable, so deseruing pitty and Compassion, as that before mentioned of Gundermans wife, my mynde abhorrs to remember, that they not only denyed her the buriall of a Christian, but that the young men and Children cast durt and stones at the dead body, following it with scoffes and reproches, yea that the very magistrates beheld this sadd spectacle with laughter. At which, while I seemed to wonder, a Student of that vniuersity, and borne in that Prouince credibly informed me, that the Elector Augustus not many yeares before having cast a Caluinist Preacher into Prison, whome after hard vsage he sett at liberty, and banished, and he hapning to dye within fewe dayes, while he prepared to goe into exile, his body lay fower dayes vnburyed, no Lutheran being fouude that would carry his dead body, which at last was drawne out of the Citty by fower horses all the boyes, in the sight of the Magistrates, vsing like behauiour towards the dead Corps. [The Chapter opens with minute defining of the geographical limits of the Boman Catholic and Protestant territories, which may be summed up in the statement that all the secular princes were Protestants excepting the two most powerful, those of Bavai'ia and of the house of Austria, while these and the dominions of the ecclesiastical princes were Catholic. The following extracts give Moryson's general observations and conclusions. — C. H.] Hence it may appeare how far the vulgar saying is true or false, that the Empire permitts Freedome to all Religions. For the Imperiall lawes only permitt the Lutheran confession of Augsburg. And the Emperour, the Arch Dukes of Austria, and the Cheife Bishopps remayning Papists, because most of their 366 SHAKESPEARE'S EUROPE. Subiects are Lutherans, are forced only to permitt that religion and no other. It is true that I shall in the next Chapter shewe great Confusion of religions to be in the Kingdonie of Bohemia, as I haue already shewed the like Confusion to be at Emden the Cheife Citty of East Friseland part of the Empire. But the Duke of Bauaria a Papist permitts no Subiect of any other religion. And the Princes of the reformed religion neither permitt Papists, nor the Lutherans and Caluinists permitt one an other in their Territoryes, but the Prince and people are of one Religion. Thus I retorne to my purpose. The Germans aboue all nations respect their owne Doctors in the Chayre, and their owne Captaines in the Warr, for they despise straungers, by whome they will nether be ledd nor drawne. And indeed they only are the men with whome a Prophett is esteemed in his owne Country. For in their Vniuersityes I haue obserued the Students more willingly to rea