AtiEUNIVERS/A vvlOS-ANGElfj> Nte 1 * 1 S 1"! 8 I-3tf^ ^E UNIVER5 1 //, s i i trrs 11 irr TO THE KING FROM THE AUTHOR OF "THE KING'S TREATMENT OF THE QUEEN." " It is the curse of Kings to be attended by slaves tbat take their humours* for a warrant." KING JOHN. LONDON: PRINTED FOR WILLIAM HONE, 45, LUDGATE HILL. 1821. One Shilling. Printed by W. Hone, Ludgatc-Hill, London. C1L T THE KING YOUR Majesty will graciously excuse the honest freedom of a man who is far from being an enemy to your person, though he cannot but deplore the effects of that system of government which your Ministers have pursued. Unacquainted with the manners of a court, I shall speak the truth in a plain and open way. I wish to lay before your Majesty, the real state of public feeling : I wish to tell you exactly what the people think of you, and of your advisers. In times like these, to speak or to write the truth, is a work of no common danger. The jails are already crowded with the victims of State prosecutions, and more dungeons seem about to be provided for the aged and the virtuous. These, Sire, are considerations painful and terrific enough, but those who are really attached to the remaining liber- ties of their country will not, I hope, be deterred from doing their duty, even though the Severity of the Star Chamber should be revived^ and (which God forbid) the first year of George the Fourth should bring to our memory the worst year of Charles the First. Sir, your Ministers those bold men who still hold the offices they have disgraced, and the power they have abused, are the deadly enemies of your Majesty : the commencement of your connection with those men was the commencement of your political misfortunes. As they rose in power, the true in- terests of your Majesty fell the affections of the people were blighted when they saw the opponents of Fox in the chair of au- thority. This insolent and cruel faction have been ungrateful to your I Majesty to your people tyrannical : anxious only for place, destitute of pride, of gratitude, of principle, they have betrayed the people and abused the Prince ; they have alternately sacri- ficed the prosperity of the country, and the dignity and honor of the monarchy. The loss your Majesty has sustained by this fatal connection may be best estimated by looking to what you were. Possessed of great popular and personal advantages born to the highest of earthly fortunes, with the means of doing more good than perhaps any man in this world of making yourself the object of general love and admiration, almost without an effort : your Majesty's ministers have yet succeeded in collecting upon you the complaints of your afflicted people. Those com- plaints, I can assure your Majesty, are often uttered in language, which, if you heard, would fill you with sorrow and astonishment. Your Majesty cannot be insensible upon questions which make the rest of mankind feel and reflect. The loss of your people's love you would esteem a misfortune deeply affecting your happi- ness as a man your dignity, your glory, your very security as a King. I cannot believe that this last calamity has overtaken you ; but this 1 will say, notwithstanding the flattering repre- sentations of those whose interest it is to deceive you, that your people are discontented that they are at this moment in a state of disgust and inflammation and notwithstanding what you have heard about the licentiousness of the Press, I can assure your Majesty that the Press does not, nay dare not always publish what is uttered unreservedly respecting your ministers, and yourself. Nor are those complaints confined to what have been called " the base populace," by a very base man. The higher trades- men the substantial citizens the thinking and intelligent part of the community the fathers of families the friends of justice the lovers of their country in every class and station of life, deprecate and deplore the system of pains and penalties of spies and corruption of violence, perjury, and prodigality, which mark the wicked councils of your ministers. To say that the people are entirely in the wrong to say that they are discontented and disgusted without cause that they are actuated by base, or disloyal, or malignant feelings against your royal person, would be a calumny as gross, and as false, as was ever ut- tered. Your Majesty will not listen to the defamation of your subjects for that defamation would only recoil upon yourself. In former times, you held opinions in common with your peo- ple they were attached to your Majesty. You loved to mix amongst them : you were everywhere received by them with wel- come cheers. No military guards were then considered neces- sary for your protection, because you looked upon every man as a friend ! Were the people then disloyal and malignant ; or did they misunderstand your Majesty's principles ? Have the people changed, or have you changed ? Is there no cause of complaint- no hope blasted no natural expectations disappointed is there nothing to alienate their hearts, or to plead for the irritation of their feelings ? Sire, I shall not touch on the transactions of your private life. I am willing to suppose that many traits of a generous nature may be found about them on public grounds I shall only ask you to compare your early friends with your present associates to compare the promises of your youth with the events of your subsequent life to compare the principles which you once pro- fessed with the system on which you now act ; and having done so, I shall not ask your Majesty which are right or which are wrong ; but I will put it to your candour whether you are still the same. It is not for the purpose of distressing the feelings of my sove- reign, that I would point your attention to considerations like these ; but it is in the humble hope that if perchance it may ap- pear to you that you have not taken the best means of securing the affections of your people, you may retrace your steps, and casting off every feeble agent, rely upon free hearts, as the only support of your throne. It would be equally false and indecent to compare your Majesty, the first magistrate of a free people, and a Prince, I am willing to believe, of many amiable qualities, with the feeble, despicable, odious thing that Ferdinand, a few months since, appeared to the world. Yet see what he is now ! a popular monarch reposing in security amongst his people ; and really respectable, because employed in making an atonement to injured humanity to Liberty. Liberty ! whose progress can no longer be resisted ; whose fires are destined to consume the throne of every despot that cannot endure its light. Are the people of England less generous or just than the peo- ple of Spain. Can you, who have experienced so much of their bounty, for one moment apprehend, that if you threw your- self upon them, they would not hail your Majesty once more as the friend of the country. Your Majesty cannot think so. Banish the enemies of the constitution from your councils. Turn from the vile tale-bearers, who are the only disturbers of your peace. Put your trust in the people dismiss your guards mix with your subjects appear once more the popular prince, and the ardent blaze of public affection will cast around your dia- dem a brighter, purer radiance, than the reflection of those arms which are now wielded by a hireling soldiery, and which would almost lead us to believe that your Majesty's advisers are more anxious to rest your title on the sabres of your guards than on the opinion of the people. Sire It is not my intention to touch at present on the various causes of the public discontent. [ shall not stop to consider how much England has been disappointed ; how Ireland has been de- ceived ; or how far both have been injured and oppressed. My observations, for the present, shall be confined to one great ques- tion a question which exclusively engrosses the public attention. I mean the treatment of your Queen. Sir, I cannot help think- ing that the proceedings which your ministers have instituted against your wife, have been most injurious to your Majesty, be- cause they are calculated to make a wise and gracious prince ap- pear at once cruel and ridiculous, none but your ministers would wish to make you so appear. Your Majesty mounted the throne at a time of life which cannot excuse indiscretion you are now in the first year of your reign nearly in the sixtieth of your age ; and in what situation have your ministers placed you ? Are you made to appear before foreign nations a powerful monarch wise and benignant raised as well by your great mind as your good fortune above the painful cares the vulgar trifles the petty scandal and inglorious pursuits of ordinary men ? Have they represented you as a great prince, impressed with a sense of the mighty responsibility of his place, and of its important duties whose time is taken up with great public cares whose energies are employed in reforming public abuses in promoting the prosperity and happiness of your people the dignity, the honour, and the security of your crown? No, I dare not tell you how they have made you appear before the world. But I may without danger humbly represent to your Majesty, that in this unhappy affair the ministers have placed you before your people as a King not very magnanimous as a man not very wise as a husband not very kind. Other princes have been repro- bated for daring attempts on popular institutions ; daring and wicked but not contemptible. It is the peculiar misfortune of your Majesty, that in the dawn of your reign you have been falsely introduced to public notice, as a man of ordinary capa- city quarrelling upon points which wise men never agitate reviving the distressing scenes of early life postponing the mighty business of the state, to inspect Italian evidence, lessening your pride lowering your dignity throwing away the diadem, to erect the antlers. Is it becoming that your Majesty, whom na- ture so well fitted for the rank which is yours by birth and right, should be the subject of tea-table slander, that the monarch of a great country should dwindle into something like a party in a crim. con. action, coming into court with unclean hands ? Is it thus that the promises of your youth have been fulfilled is this the fruit of those blossoms of value and of genius which the spring time of your life put forth ? Alas Sire, your evil coun- sellors have betrayed you they would cast a shade over the mo- narch's name they would soil it by their contact no King of 8 England has been ever spoken of so irreverently as your Majesty, at least since the death of Harry the Eighth. Your ministers have reduced your Majesty to this situation ; they have put forth the most unfavorable points of the royal character its best qualities remain unknown at least unnoticed, and therefore un- prized by your people. Your ministers have taken care to iden- tify the royal name with every odious measure ; they have never connected it with any gracious or popular act. Wherever the popular indignation appeared to set against the faction that sur- round your throne, they have taken care to divert its course, that all its bitterness might flow in upon their royal master. They betrayed you when they connected your name with the Holy Alliance they betrayed you when they attached your royal name to that memorable letter which applauded the Man- chester yeomanry even before those gallant assailants of an un- armed population had time to wipe the blood of your subjects from their naked sabres. With respect to the affair of the Queen, I hesitate not to say that they have violated the duties of ministers and of subjects. They have wantonly subjected your Majesty's name to all the odium l ;i scandalous contest, and all the humiliation of an ig- nominious defeat. Throughout that contest they have shewn neither wisdom, nor firmness, nor fidelity. Intemperate in the commencement -vacillating in the progress and dastardly in the termination of the disgraceful proceeding they have rendered themselves and their creatures completely odious and contemp- tible. Little however would it deserve our notice or our regret to see such men sink even below public execration, had they not treacherously endeavoured to cover your Majesty with their disgrace. Sire, the proceeding against the Queen, from its commence- ment, has borne the complexion of a revolutionary proceeding. The Constitution of England recognizes your royal consort as the Queen, as fully as it recognizes you as the King. You both hold by the same title ; but your ministers have attempted to overturn this title, as the long parliament overturned the title of Charles I. The faction of 1649, and of 1820, assumed different pretexts; but they acted on the same principle, the principle of revolution: a principle fatal to the monarchy of England. Can your Majesty doubt the facts ? The ministers said, we must un-queen your wife, because she is immoral. Now, if they had succeeded in that attempt, what would prevent a wicked faction the next year, or sooner, from saying, we will dethrone George the Fourth, because he is immoral. The law- yers, who always act by precedent, would cite the case of your Queen, as a case in point; and the country, after recently sub- mitting to one act of revolutionary violence against a woman, might, perhaps too easily, be reconciled to another against a man. The throne stript of its power, would lose the veneration of the people, whilst the personal character of the monarch might be assailed by hired and perjured witnesses, and his feelings insulted by a hired, licentious Press. In that hour of shame and sorrow, how useless would it be for us, your real friends, to plead the hereditary title of the King ! How little would it avail us to say, " His Majesty holds his title by the ancient laws of this " land that title is sacred, it is absolute ! You cannot depose the " King without violating the constitution ; but, above all, you can- " not degrade him under the pretence of immorality." The pe- tulant lawyers might answer : " the title of the King is ancient, " but it is conditional ; his power is only held during his good " behaviour; his example is injurious to public morals; and it " has been decided by parliament, that a royal person may be dis- " placed for immoral conduct. The case of the King's wife is " recent, and in point ; parliament there degraded her ; there- " fore, they may depose him. Her rights, as Queen, were not " less sacred or less absolute than his rights as King ; both were " the creatures of the constitution, both derived their power from " the same source ; it would be absurd to say, that one might be " legally punished, and that the other should be above the con- " trol of parliament. The principle of degradation, if it operate 10 " at all, must operate equally, otherwise it cannot be recognized " as a principle of law, it cannot be reconciled with the precepts " of equity, nor indeed with the dictates of common sense we " understand the doctrine formerly held, now, happily, exploded, " that Kings could not be legally punished ; but, we cannot under- " stand, and will not follow a principle so subversive of justice " as this ; that where a King and a Queen are equally guilty, " that the King shall escape with impunity, and the Queen shall " be punished. We say, both must be punished ; they stand " charged with the same crime you have degraded the Queen, " to preserve the morality of the country to act consistently " with yourselves, you must now depose the King, to promote the " same end." Such, may it please your Majesty, would be the language of your prosecutors ; and, if the beam of fortune were to incline against you, depend upon it, that prosecutors would soon appear that vindictive and virulent tongues would cast upon your royal name aspersions as scandalous and as atrocious as those which have been poured on your wife by the tongue of your Attorney General. Your Majesty cannot now be at a loss to see, that the proceeding of your ministers has been hostile to the security of the monarchy. Towards your own personal character, it has been no less injurious, and its effects must be more directly felt. This unfortunate conduct has revived transactions by no means lending to raise you in public estimation ; but well calculated to collect around the Queen the sympathies of that kind and gene- rous people, over whom Providence has placed your gracious Majesty. Sire, I fear, we cannot help looking on the Queen as a persecuted woman ; so persecuted, that even if the alleged guilt had been established, though it might lower her in our admira- tion, it would by no means diminish the disgust and reprobation in which we must hold her enemies. In looking at the case of her Majesty, we are naturally carried back to past and painful scenes to the treatment which she re- ceived from those hands which ought to have been stretched forth 11 to defend her ; we cannot forget, that her Majesty came to this country young, and interesting, and blameless that she became your wife that the country on that occasion generously paid nearly half a million of money, on the faith of your living with your illustrious consort, and holding out to your people an edifying example of domestic virtue such as your illustrious father had given before you. Your Majesty must see, that by his marriage, the Prince of Wales imposed on himself obligations the most sacred and the most imperative that a human being could be subjected to the one to his wife, the other to his people ; in an evil hour he was advised to neglect both. I know not by what evil coun- sels he was seduced what siren voice laboured to^entice his honor to its ruin, but with every feeling of partiality towards him, I own, I cannot find one reason to assist me in explaining that unfortunate act. His wife was obliged to leave his house ! almost un- known in this country, she had no friend, she had scarcely a claim upon any human being in England, save her sacred claims upon her husband, and the natural claims of kindred upon that family, by almost every member of which she was discountenanced. You cannot say, that the mother of your child deserved this treatment ; her conduct was then, at least, above all suspicion. The Prince of Wales, in the letter of April, 1796, assigned as the sole reason for parting with his wife, that his inclinations were not in his power; the same reason has been assigned by men whose conduct your Majesty would abhor. In his situation, ought he not to have consulted something more than his inclinations ? The inclinations of the human heart are often corrupt it is dan- gerous to trust them ; and it is in overcoming those vicious incli- nations we are enabled to stand up before our country free from scandal and from crime. Deserted as she was, if even your illus- trious consort had unhappily been betrayed into errors, disgrace would not light upon her alone. If her character had fallen in ruins, should we advert to the storms which assailed it r should we not say, "had this illustrious woman been cherished and pro- '' tected by her husband, she would be the light of his court the " happy mother of an illustrious race who might now be the " stay and pride of his throne ? If, since the year 1796, she had 11 been permitted to remain at the head of his court she would " have been its brightest ornament she was so before. " 'Till from his pity, love, and shelter thrown, She wandered hopeless, friendless, and alone." " Noble in manners acute and firm of mind condescending, " humane, benevolent, almost to a fault, she would have been " the ornament of her sex, and the idol of the British nation ; but " she has fallen, and those who advised his Majesty to desert her, " are answerable for her misfortunes before the throne of God." Happily no such reflections can be made your illustrious wife has preserved her name high in the opinion of the people, not- withstanding the horrible conspiracies by which that name has been assailed. Sire, frightful as was the conspiracy of 1806, and profligate as were its instruments, I shall dismiss that affair with this single observation, that where we find all the influence of power, all the infernal aid of perjury attempting in 1806, to ac- complish the destruction of an injured woman we are not likely to endure another attack in 1 820, directed against the same person by means still more revolting. Wishing to come more directly to the late " Trial," I shall not dwell on all the indigni- ties, the gross insults, and cruel persecution which her Majesty suffered from the 2?th of April, 1806, when the council declared her not merely innocent ; but, that it would be for the honor of the late King and of his royal family to receive her. Severely felt were those persecutions after it had pleased Providence to visit your royal father with that awful calamity which withdrew for ever his parental care from a loyal and affectionate people. Your Majesty, on that melancholy occasion, was invested with the sovereign power. Queen Charlotte pre- sided at those drawing-rooms from which your wife was excluded by an act as extraordinary as it was indefensible suffering under insult, and seduced by artifice, her Majesty was at length induced to leave the country. Whether your ministers did well to send spies after her to watch her motions, to abuse the sacred hospi- tality of her roof to break open her locks, and to corrupt her servants I leave to your Majesty to determine. Your people have already declared their opinion upon the question. Sire, the late proceeding was injurious to the monarchy, and to you, but another consideration yet remains ; namely, whether it was calculated to violate the Constitution, and to poison the morals of your peo- ple this is a consideration dearer to you than all others. If you were indifferent to this, you would be unworthy to sit a single hour upon the throne. You would deserve the condemnation of your country, and the contempt of the rest of the civilized world. Far am I from insinuating that you are indifferent to all that can make the life of an Englishman worthy of one hour's enjoyment the sacred morality of his hearth, and the sacred liberties of his country. Your ministers have aimed a" blow against both. They commenced with the green-bag system the green-bag committee reported and then the minister, on his own respon- sibility, brought on the Bill of Pains and Penalties a bill which, if carried into a law, would go to punish a crime which it had created. Sire, A precedent of this nature would be fatal to the Con- stitution of England ; it would take away from every man, high and low, the security of life, liberty, and property. It would turn a land of freedom into a land of horror. No man could, for one moment, count upon his personal safety ; because, though he might not transgress the law of the land, yet, still would he find no protection ; this precedent would tear from him the armour of the Constitution, and leave him exposed to all the penal- ties of a law made after the commission of the act it meant to punish ; and creating that a crime which before was no crime at all. But your ministers have told us that this bill was neces- sary for the preservation of public morals. Strange assumption ! What? is it necessary to violate the Constitution in order to 14 preserve our morals ? Can the purity of life be only upheld by parting with all that makes life delightful, to preserve public morals ? Impudent and hypocritical pretence ! Never, Sir, have we so much cause of fear as when the enemies of public freedom assume the mask of religion. Your Majesty, as an historian, knows very well that those who murdered Lord Strafford, by means of a Bill of Pains and Penalties, had the name of God eternally on their lips they talked of the purity of discipline, and the interests of morality they prayed they preached and they overturned the Consti- tution, and murdered the'King. Your ministers wish to practise a system of gross and impious delusion and duplicity. For the sake of religion, they persecute and imprison, whilst they openly avow the necessity of corruption of seat-selling and of spies. The Bill of Pains and Penalties against her Majesty, was an ex- periment, which if successful would have covered this country with calamity. Her Majesty would have been the first victim but it is perfectly plain that the bill was not intended to affect her alone. It was intended to establish a precedent for the more easy de- struction of every man in the country obnoxious to the faction by which it is ruled. The observations of the Attorney General throughout the trial go a great way to shew the objects of his masters in instituting the measure. Whenever Mr. Brougham asked for indulgence of any kind, we find the Attorney General on his legs, protesting against the concession being made a precedent for future cases. For future cases ! Was this idle talk ? By no means it was a plain intimation that Bills of Pains and Penalties that ex post facto laws were to become in future the common operation of a new " and vigorous " system. If this bill had re- ceived the sanction of the legislature, who would not stand alarm- ed, not merely for the liberties of his country, but for his own safety? The proscriptions of the Roman Decemviri, and the recent and horrible cruelties of Robespierre, are shocking in- stances of what bad men can do when armed with absolute power. Give them but absolute power, and I see no lengths to which your 15 ministers might not go. I know not where the voice of mercy would prevail on them to sheath the sword of persecution. Why may we not expect to see (we have seen it already) Englishmen torn from their families, without any assigned cause loaded with irons, and thrown into dungeons. Why may we not expect to see the miserable survivors at length released without any investiga- tion without any trial whatever without even being made ac- quainted with the nature of the suspected offence, and estopped by a Bill of Indemnity from seeking the slightest redress? Why may we not expect to see the triangle erected at the Royal Ex- change, and at the Mews ? Why not expect to see English- men running naked through the streets of the metropolis, with caps lined with burning pitch stuck fast upon their heads, and blood streaming from their lacerated bodies ? Why not expect to see Englishmen hanging from the lamp-posts, or before the doors of their burning dwellings? Such scenes took place in Ireland, so lately as 1797 and 1798; and your minister, Viscount Castle- reagh, then held a public station in that betrayed forlorn perse- cuted country. Sire, these horrors took place in Ireland, because the protection of law was withdrawn from the subject ; and spies, and informers, and executioners, became, if not the colleagues, certainly the principal instruments of government. Your Majesty must see, with grief and indignation, the attempts of your ministers to carry on their system by means of similar instruments. Ireland must remember a Reynolds, an Armstrong, and an O'Brien : they flourished during the career of Lord Castlereagh in that country : during the administration of the same man in this country, we find a Castles, an Oliver, and an Edwards. Of all attempts that were ever made to demoralize a people, assuredly the importation of those Italian witnesses was the most flagrant. What ! to drain Italy of some of the lowest and most depraved of its people to feed, and clothe, and bribe these monsters to bring them forward in the face of day to swear to acts the most brutal, the most obscene, and the most palpably 16 improbable the most infamously false. .But this is not all > we find that when the crime of conspiracy was directly charged against the promoters of this disgraceful proceeding, a witness who should admit the fact was sent out of the country under a passport of one minister, and in open violation of the sacred pledge of another, and under what pretence has this been done? I pray your Majesty, attend one Powell, a clerk or assistant to the So- licitor for the Treasury, of his own accord, takes upon him to send Rastelli away. Thus do we find the solemn undertaking of the first Lord of the Treasury, the solemn act of your government defeated and set at nought by a lawyer's clerk ; and to make the matter complete, we find that very lawyer's clerk upheld and pro- tected by that very minister. Sire, there is a point below which men cannot sink : after this act, your ministers may go on ; they have reached the farthest verge and limit of degradation-; it is impossible for them to become more contemptible. I have attempted to shew your Majesty that the proceeding against your Queen was calculated to weaken, if not to destroy monarchy in this country ; to injure the personal character of the reigning prince ; to violate the liberty, and blast the morals of hb subjects. I now come to the trial itself. Although the preliminary steps that had been taken by ministers promised little of fairness or of common decency, during the course of that disgraceful and disastrous proceeding although rank injustice had in fact been avowed by the memorable refusal of Lord Liverpool to an application of her Majesty to be put in possession of the names of the witnesses intended to be adduced against her: notwithstanding all this the country certainly was not prepared for those horrible things which the progress of the inquiry brought to light : to put those things shortly before the people of England, and to observe as I go on, on the conduct of those who have taken a part in this melancholy drama, is the humble task that I mean to perform. On the l?th day of August last, her Majesty was put on her trial before the House of Lords she was dragged before that 17 assembly, as it were, to shew cause why a bill of pains and penal- ties, (horrible association !), should not be passed against her. She appeared there denied the benefit of those safeguards of justice which the laws of England have placed over the meanest indivi- dual in the state she was ignorant of the precise nature of the charges brought against her of the times and places, when and where the alleged crimes were said to have been committed of the names of the witnesses for the prosecution in short, of every thing necessary to resist fraud, to expose perjury, and to shield innocence. And what was the tribunal before which she was called how was it constituted who sat there " to administer even- handed justice ?" The ministers who brought forward the charges against her, and whose ruin would be the consequence of her ac- quittal the officers of the King's household two of the King's brothers with many other noble persons closely connected with the court ; who hold places and pensions at its will, and look up to it for new honors, for patronage, for wealth, and power. Thus was this tribunal constituted : yet I have heard it called an impartial, an incorruptible tribunal ! I shall only say, that if men who sat in the House of Lords during the trial of her Majesty, felt, like impartial judges, anxious only to do what was right and fair between party and party, they must have been far removed above the common standard of the human character : those powerful motives which in all ages of the world have ope- rated on the frailty of our nature, must have lost all influence in the House of Lords. Dragged before this august assembly, under every disadvant- age, the Queen had to listen to the statement of the Attorney Ge- neral, which took up two entire days in the delivery. I have heard the Attorney General censured and abused for that statement; I confess I am not inclined to do either one or the other. What though it was the most scandalous, and the most obscene that ever polluted a court of justice what though it was at once malignant, cruel, and false yet why should I stop to press upon the Attorney General, whilst there are men of such superior talents and deter- c 18 mination connected with the conspiracy to notice and to condemn ? Indeed it is but justice to the Attorney General to suppose that he only acted as he was instructed. The ministers of the Crown alone are accountable for that atrocious statement, and it is against them that public indignation ought to be directed. I therefore dismiss the Attorney General ; his " opening," however, cannot be so easily dismissed. Let us see what the ministers have charged against the Queen of England, and what they have proved. They have painted her as a perfect demon ; beastly and brutalized in her disposition ; unnatural and insatiable in her appetites ; gross and scandalous in her manners. Shame will not allow me to follow the Attorney General in his statement, or his witnesses in their evidence : such a statement was never made before ; such witnesses were never before produced : discarded servants no- torious strumpets thieves and liars mercenary and unprincipled hirelings, some of whom openly confessed that they received enormous bribes, and others as unblushingly denied the fact when their instructors found the injudicious acknowledgment told against the bill. I shall not impose upon your Majesty the odi- ous task of wading through all the loathsome details of Sacchi, of Dumont, of Majocchi, of Krantz, of all the witnesses which your Majesty's ministers thought fit to bring forward in order to improve the morality of the country. It is quite enough to say, that every one of them has been morally convicted of corrupt and wilful perjury : not a single allegation remains standing ; every part of that infamous case has fallen in ruins upon the heads of its promoters, and has covered them with lasting shame. From that spectacle of horror, I turn with pleasure to the evidence produced on behalf of her Majesty. Noblemen of the first consideration ladies of the highest rank, and the most un- blemished honor gentlemen of family, of education, and integrity distinguished and gallant soldiers. Such were the persons that appeared at the bar of the House ; and their evidence, taken as a whole, presents a picture of her Majesty which it is impossible not to admire and venerate the more so when we recollect that 19 this accomplished, this generous, this high-minded woman has been followed through life by the basest persecution. Nothing in the whole history of human suffering can equal the wrongs of her Majesty: and with respect to the late attack, the various re- cords of persecution may be searched in vain for a case so foul so false so full of cold blooded, premeditated, disciplined per- jury ; so marked by rancour by cruelty by monstrous and unnatural malignity. There is no case at all like it ; it is without an example in his- tory it can never become a precedent, for future ages will read of it with pity and with horror. The foul charges that were pre- ferred against her Majesty have been disproved, either by witnesses of credit and honor, or by the still more powerful testimony ex- torted from the profligate wretches who were produced to support the bill. The polacre scene is the only circumstance that remains the polacre the only thing on which the prosecutors pre- tend to hang even a doubt of the innocence of her Majesty. It is curious to observe how they have clung to this solitary plank, the only floating relique of their wrecked and ruined case. The conduct of the ministers and their adherents on this occasion, was truly characteristic of that imprudent, but now, thank God, for- lorn faction. Forgetting that all the heavy charges of guilt and infamy which they had brought forward against her Majesty, had been literally blown into the air forgetting that every witness they had produced had been placed on a gibbet of eternal infamy, on which, however, they are not likely to hang alone forgetting, or wishing to make others forget, the desperate conspiracy to suborn witnesses, which had been brought to light the faction turns round, and says, " we give up the evidence of Majocchi, " of Dumonr, of Rastelli, of Sacchi. We abandon the charges " connected with Naples, with Trieste, with Senegalia all the " infamous and horrible charges that we brought forward so " confidently against her Majesty, we now confess to be false, to " be unsupported by any thing that can be called evidence ; to be " refuted so powerfully as to leave no doubt whatever that those 20 " things existed only in the unclean imaginations of the wretches " we brought forward to swear to them, or those by whom they " were drilled and instructed. But then we take up the polacre " on this plank we will ride in safety over the tide of public " indignation. What, does it not appear that her Majesty, in " her passage over the sea, slept on the deck of a vessel ? That " Count Bergami slept on the same deck ? and that both were " protected by an awning ? So much at least has been proved, " and therefore we infer, nay, we insist upon it, that her Majesty " has carried on an adulterous intercourse at various times, and " in various parts of the world." I shall not go over the ground that has been so ably taken, hi order to shew how unreasonable and how unjust it is to infer the guilt of the Queen from this solitary fact. One is really ashamed to urge arguments which, however conclusive, have been re- peatedly urged before. To suppose that her Majesty went to sea, to carry on a criminal intercourse with her servant, is to suppose what is absurd. Her Majesty did not sleep on the deck on the voyage going out, but on the voyage returning ; so that we have an amorous lady going to sea for the purposes of intrigue ; but keeping apart from her paramour during a long voyage, as if, like wine, he was to improve by the journey. Her Majesty, on her way homeward, slept on the deck of the polacre, because she could not with comfort remain below Count Bergami slept on the deck also. Was it not necessary, for the safety and protection of her Majesty, that he or some other man should sleep there. Will the vilest of her detractors say, that the assistance of an ac- tive and confidential man was not necessary on the deck of that vessel. They dare not say so. Sitting in the dead of night on the deck of a common polacre exposed to all the perils of the sea surrounded by strangers, by men whom she did not know, whom she could not trust whom she had reason to fear ; for her Majesty has been so beset by spies, by perjurers, by assassins, by foes of every sort, as to make her justly fear all strangers she called for the attendance of a hired and valuable servant. Was 21 there any crime in that no, say her enemies ; but why did she not also require the attendance of a female why, because a fe- male would be of no possible use, of no sort of protection ; if, said Lieutenant Hownam, " a female were to sleep on the deck, she would be, if I may say so, as useless there as her Majesty." But, why was Count Bergami brought there who else, I ask, ought to have been brought there who was more fit to attend on her Majesty than her principal servant a man, on whose zeal and courage she could rely, whether to protect her from the rage of the elements, or the dagger of the assassin ? Suppose, that in- stead of Count Bergami, Lieutenant Flynn, or any other man had been called on to watch her Majesty, how would the case stand then ? Why, Lieutenant Flynn would be put id the place of Ber- gami ; it would be said, that her Majesty had carried on a crimi- nal intercourse with Lieutenant Flynn ; and it would be plausibly urged, that the Queen, dispensing with the attendance of Bergami, whose duty it was to wait on her, shut herself up under this mys- terious awning with Lieutenant Flynu. Why, (it would be trium- phantly asked,) had she not her own servant to wait on her why had she not to wait on her, that man who had been taken into her service to act as a guide by land, and as a safeguard at sea. In the one case, it would be asked, why did she prefer Flynn to Berga- mi ? it is now asked, why did she prefer Bergami to Flynn ? as if the presence of one or of the other were deserving of serious no- tice as if a Queen, without having a base and guilty object might not compose her subdued and wearied spirits in the presence of her own servant, under the howlings of the storm, and amid the roaring of the sea. What was she to do ? Was she to remain below, half suffocated with the heat terrified by the noise, and annoyed with the stench of horses ; or was she to remain above, unattended, unassisted, exposed to no small danger, lest Lord Ellenborough should call her a guilty woman ? a guilty woman ! vulgar and unmanly slander. Who, but Lord Ellenborough, would insult a lonely worn down woman, for seeking in the hour of solitude or peril the assistance of which she stood so much in need ; who, but Lord Ellenborough, would make human weak- ness the evidence of human impurity ? Without going into any ar- gument on the subject, I submit, that the manner in which her Majesty acted on board the polacre is, of itself, conclusive of her innocence. Never did a guilty woman act as she acted ; there was no management no concealment no shuffling about her open and ingenuous, she behaved herself like a woman con- scious of innocence, having no guilty object whatever in view. It is really wonderful to think on the vast importance which minis- ters affected to attribute to this circumstance after the rest of the case hod fallen out of their hands, and fell like brittle ware into a thousand pieces. For my own part, 1 protest to God, I feel more indignant at the conduct of ministers in pressing the bill on this pretence, than for bringing in the measure itself. In the one case, it is possible, that they might have been mistaken that they might have been imposed upon by the Milan Commission, and the positive depositions of the witnesses ; but, when they saw the case absolutely dissolve before them when they saw perjury ap- parent on the face of the testimony of all the witnesses to have persevered then in an attempt to blacken that character by abuse which they could not destroy by evidence, shewed that they had hearts callous to every appeal of humanity and justice. Yet, ven at this stage of the business, we had abundance of tears, as if the most heartless cruelty were not sufficiently odious without being joined to the meanest and most ridiculous hypocrisy. Leaving the polacre scene, we have, in fact, no other evidence to observe on. It is the solitary position which, in their last effort, the advocates of the bill had taken which they feebly defended until the indignation of the country forced them to re- tire. Few, I believe, will regret to see them fallen and low few will regret to see their blind adherents despised and abused. Never were men so degraded so deceived, as those unhappy politicians who were induced to follow the minister in this last crusade against the morals and the constitution of the country. Those men after supporting the bill in every stage after expos- ing themselves to the scorn and indignation of the people natu- rally expected that the minister would, at all hazards, persevere that as he had the rashness to bring forward the measure, he would have the courage to follow it up that he would fight out to the last, sooner than leave his supporters behind him, exposed to the pointed finger of public derision. But the minister knew better he saw the storm collecting upon him he consulted his own security before the honor of his friends, and took to himself the merit of giving up the measure leaving to them the lasting disgrace of having supported it in all its stages, and under all the hideous shapes that it assumed. 1 am sure I neither know nor care how those noble lords have felt, or continue to feel ; but as public men they are, I fear, lost for ever. They have not been treated by the minister as lords or as gentlemen ought to have been they have been publicly insulted they have been held up by the First Lord of the Treasury as men whom he might command to support his very worst measures. What could be more degrading to the nobles of England, than to hear Lord Liverpool declare that he did not use his influence with the lords to vote with him on this question. Pits itiftuence! Why I thought that the House of Lords was an independent assembly that the Coiinthian pillars of the state stood there, resting on their own basis, and support- ing the edifice. I thought that no man would dare insult the hereditary pride of the peerage and, above all, the unspotted purity of the lawn. The heavens to which they would lead us appeared once scarcely more pure in my eyes than did those holy guardians of the church. But now, alas ! " how fallen, how low ! " They have received a wound from this declaration of Lord Liver- pool from which they will not soon recover. Degrading as was the allusion of his lordship to the House of Peers, 1 shall not presume to contradict him. His lordship is the first authority pn this subject he is well acquainted with his noble friends they have long sat for the picture before him " He best can paint them who IMS felt them most." 24 Unfortunately however his lordship is not the only man who has left upon record an unfavourable opinion of the House of Peers. Mr. Burke, in his able pamphlet on the Public Discon- tent, thus describes them : " He is but a poor observer who has not seen that the generality of peers, far from supporting them- selves in a state of independent greatness, are but too apt to fall into an oblivion of their proper dignity, and to run headlong into abject servility." Indeed, Sire, it is worse than ridiculous to attach any value to a falsehood merely because it falls from the lips of a lord. The vile expressions which have been uttered against Queen Caroline, can have little weight with the thinking and honest part of the peo- ple. I know not what weight they may have with your Majesty, but I trust you have too much of the pride of a prince, and of the good taste of a gentleman, to countenance the heartless slan- derers of your wife. They are vile, and worthless, and cowardly the disposition that leads a man to assail the weak, unfits him to meet the strong. It was perfectly safe for noble lords to at- tack an unfriended and forlorn woman the hand that would de- fend her now moulders in the grave. Had her heroic brother been alive, her puny calumniators would shrink from his eye as sheep shrink back in terror from the lightning. Why, Sire, should the enlightened people of England be swayed by such men ? What claims have they on public confidence ? Why should we give up our judgments to them ? What are they ? " Remove their swelling epithets, thick laid " As varnish on a harlot's cheek ; the rest " Thin sown with ought of profit or delight, " Will far be found unworthy." It is idle to suppose that the enlightened people of England could be influenced on this question one way or other by the vote of the House of Lords. I will venture to say that if, instead of a majority of nine there appeared a majority of ninety-nine for the third reading of that infamous and revolutionary bill, the sentiments of the people of England with respect to her Ma- jesty, would be just what they are. The people made up their minds on the subject long before the lords decided the people did not wait to see the miserable evasions and paltry arts of your ministers brought to a close they did not want to be instructed by the House they did not wait for the prayers of the bishops, nor for the tears of the chancellor. They saw that the attacks from the beginning to the end, was the result of a matured con- spiracy. They knew that enormous sums of the public money had been expended in purchasing witnesses against her Majesty. They knew that she had been surrounded by spies. They knew that the influence of the British government had been exerted in every way with foreign governments, to assist in this scandalous attack on one single heroiq female. They saw our ministers at home, and our ambassadors abroad, descend to the lowest pur- poses of intrigue. They saw the wretched witnesses at length approaching the shores of Britain. They saw them dragged from the fortress in Cotton Garden to the bar to swear to scenes so scandalous so horribly disgusting as to go a great way of them- selves, to refute the evidence of those wretches. As the case proceeded, the people saw this abominable evidence cut off in detail, until it became at length entirely demolished, and not one single charge of any materiality was found to rest on a single piece of evidence of any credit. Need I remind your Majesty of Du- mon t ofKrantz of Majocchi of Sacchi names for ever in- famous, and destined to be for ever connected with your present ministers ! Need I remind your Majesty of the flight of Rastelli and the conduct of Powell ; and when this clumsy farce came to a conclusion ; when subornation bribery perjury conspiracy appeared in its most prominent scenes ; when all that was loyal, lamented and all that was virtuous, abhorred it of what use was it to go farther ? How absurd to put the tools of the court in requisition how ridiculous to hear the puny ribaldry of a Donoughmore how painful to witness the indecent partizan- ship of a Lauderdale ! The latter " nobleman " has gone to D 26 Scotland he may well boast of possessing many of the qualities of his celebrated ancestor. What a pity it is that he did not live in the days of Charles the First. Yet still he is not so unfortunate for though there is no King in the market to be sold, there is a Queen to be degraded, and a prudent man will make the best of what is going. The other worthy nobleman, who throughout the whole of this painful enquiry exhibited an edifying spectacle of a judge leaning to one side of the question, has returned from his seat at Knocklofty. The Duke of Clarence, a royal Duke, right royal, has acted throughout the part of a discreet and dignified man ; and so he ought, considering the delicacy of his situation ; he is the brother of your Majesty, and the cousin-german of the accused ; whatever, therefore, might be the excuses of others, it would really be in- famous in the Duke of Clarence if he acted like a partizan ; or if in any place he joined in those exulting and barbarous cheers with which the foulest attacks upon his brother's wife, " his own flesh and blood," had been received by an unfeeling faction. I am glad that the Duke of Clarence has acted as became a Prince. Lord Ellenborough, who seems to possess all the qualities of his father, except his talents, deserves further notice after laying down a new system of morality, most edifying to the nation, and most honorable to the peerage after praising Elizabeth, who in- trigued with a number of persons of noble birth after having noticed the infamous Queen of Edward the Second and eulo- gized her paramour Mortimer, who together murdered the unfor- tunate Edward, by burning his intestines with a red-hot iron, -has the manliness to declare, that Queen Caroline, the idol of the English nation, was the last woman on earth that ought to be associated with: from such authority, the reputation of the Queen of England will suffer but little. It ill becomes Lord Ellenborough to use such language towards the wife of his sove- reign towards the woman, whom he declared, he never would consent to divorce from your Majesty. But this is the gratitude which the upstarts of fortune shew towards the throne ! These, 27 Sire, are extraordinary times; they are limes of revolution and of violence. It is only in such times that we could expect to hear the daughter of the Duke of Brunswick stigmatized and de- nounced by the son of Mr. Law. It is only in such times that we could expect to hear a pert, heartless, political coxcomb, de- clare before the legislature, that he looked upon the wife of his sovereign as the most infamous of her sex ; but, that he never would consent to have her divorced from that sovereign. Can such men be your friends ? Alas ! Sire, the conduct of such men must convince you, that there is no reliance for a King of Eng- land, but in the hearts and arms of his people. Such are the men who have denounced her Majesty, at the eve of her triumph. She had endured sorrows, violence, hate, in- juries, and reproaches the storm thickened, the day darkened upon her : the blasts of the tempests were heard through the wil- derness " Hellish furies round " Environed her : some howled, some yelled, some shriek'd, " Some bent at her their fiery darts, while she " Sat unappall'd in calm and sinless peace." Her trial passed her triumph approached. On the very dawn of that fair and joyful morning, the last efforts of impotent and disappointed malignity were directed against her ; but declama- tory slander was vainly directed against the woman who had al- ready put conspiracy, perjury, and corruption to flight. Men may disgrace themselves by language unworthy of gentlemen, but God forbid that the innocent should suffer. Happily for the nobility of England, though many a mean and cruel eye was found in the House, looking down on injured majesty : there, were also found her most eloquent defenders. Amid so many objects of disgust and hate, it is somewhat reviving to notice those truly noble per- sons who preferred the calls of their country to the favors and smiles of the court. The honourable declaration made by the head of the House of Bedford, will, 1 fancy, nearly weigh down the excommunication so pompously pronounced by Lord Ellen- borough. Of Lord Grey it would be presumptuous in me to 28 speak by the consent of his country he has been already placed on the highest pinnacle of fame. Next him the virtuous Erskine appears advocating those immortal principles which first raised him to notice ; after a trial of forty years, he presents to the grate- ful eye of his country, the novel, delightful spectacle of a public man preserving his principles and his fame unsullied to the last. The long list of names that followed on the same side, it is un- necessary to enumerate they are engraved on the most precious recollection of the country. They are above the praise of those who admire, and the calumnies of those who hate them for their virtues. Fitzwilliam Holland Lansdowne Leinster King Caernarvon, and D'Acre, can never be forgotten, whilst jus- tice and Liberty shall be admired and honored by the people of England. Sire, these are the men, whom you should call to your councils, for they possess the confidence of your subjects. lam far from insinuating that a change of ministers would alone relieve the country ; nothing can relieve it but a total change of that system which has brought us to the very brink of ruin : to persevere in that system would only lead to a revolution which might be fatal to your Majesty. Your ministers, Sire, cannot retain their places the audacious trick of procuring foreign Despots to dictate to your Majesty on their behalf, can only accelerate their fall from power. Your people, Sire, demand a change their demand cannot be resisted, and ought not. It is the height of wickedness and folly to impute to them any designs against the constitution of their country. Never did a people display so many bright and glo- rious virtues the struggles they have made for your Queen will make the name of an Englishman dear, and honoured in every part of the world. If it be the shame of our times that the whole power of the State has been exerted against a single woman, it is also our pride that the whole People of England rose as a single man, and saved Her from the impending blow. May no blow ever fall heavily upon them or theirs. May the liberties of their country flourish splendid and imperishable as their virtues ! Printed by W. Hone, T H F LudgaU-HAll, London. * " * JUST PUBLISHED BY WIL'LIAM HONE. Third Edition Price One Shilling. THE KING'S TREATMENT OF THE QUEEN; Shortly stated to the People of England, BY THE AUTHOR OF " TO THE KING." " The Press is the great public monitor it shall extend to the farthest verge and limit of truth it shall speak truth to the King in the hearing of the People." Curran'a Speeches. Slso just Without Note or Comment, (containing nearly as much as a volume of Hume's History of England,) with " CROUCHING" a CUT. Price Eighteen-pence. THE SPIRIT OF DESPOTISM; EDITED BY THE AUTHOR OF " THE POLITICAL HOUSE THAT JACK BUILT." DEDICATION. TO ROBERT STEWART, alias LORD CASTLEREAGH. SIR, IT appears to me, that if, unhappily, your Counsels are allowed much longer to prevail iu the Brunswick Cabinet, they will bring on a Crisis, in which the King may be dethroned or the People enslaved. Experience has shown that the People will not be enslaved the alternative is the affair of ynnr Employers. THE AUTHOR Feb. 3, 1821. Of " The Political House that Jack Built." With two CUTS (Crowning and Crushing,) Price Is. rpHE RIGHT DIVINE OF KINGS TO GOVERN WRONG ; A Satire : with Notices, BY THE AUTHOR OF THE POLITICAL HOUSE THAT JACK BUILT. DEDICATED TO THE HOLY ALLIANCE, " Still monarchs dream Of universal empire'growing up From universal ruin. Blast the design, Great God of Hosts! nor let thy creatuies fall, Unpitied ViUims at Ambition's shriue." Bithop Porteus't "Death JUST PUBLISHED BY WILLIAM HONE. Price Sixpence. THE GHOST OF CHATHAM; a Vision. Dedicated to the House of Peers. "Now a thing was secretly brought to me, and mine ear received a little thereof. A spirit passed before my face." Job. Price Sixpence. A SPEECH AT DUBLIN, IN BEHALF OF THE QUEEN. By JOHN FINLAY, Esq. Barrister at Law. With the National Armorial Bearings. Price Sixpence. THE FORM OF PRAYER, with THANKSGIVING, to Almighty God, to be used daily by all devout People throughout the Realm, for the happy Deliverance of Her Majesty QUEEN CAROLINE from the late most traitorous CONSPIRACY. Price Eig/tteenpence. THE RIGHT ASSUMED BY THE JUDGES TO FINE A DE- FENDANT, while making his Defence in Person, DENIED: being a Short-hand Report of the important Legal Argument of HENRY COOPER, Esq. Barrister at Law, in the KING t. DAVISON, on moving for a New Trial : WITH A PREFACE. Price Tivo Shillings. THE PREROGATIVES OF A QUEEN CONSORT OF ENG- LAND ; particularly of her ability to make and receive Gifts, to sue and be sued, and to hold Courts without the King ; of its being Treason to plot against her Life ; of the modes of trying her for Offences ; and of her ancient Revenue of Queen-Gold. " The King's wife is participant of many Prerogatives above other Women." Finch. BUONAPARTE PHOBIA. THE NINTH EDITION. Now first printed in Octavo, in a pre- servable shape to bind up. With an engraved Portrait, price Is. or Coloured and hotpressed la. 6d. THE ORIGIN OF DR. SLOP'S NAME. " I have conferred on him a glorious immortality." " With his name the mothers still their babes." King Henry VI. By virtue of my parodial authority, I hereby ratify and confirm his right and title to the name of " SLOP;" and it is my parodial will and pleasure, that he continue to bear it during his natural life." PREFACE. Handsomely engraved in one Print, from authentic Likenesses obtained by WIL- LIAM HOME from Spain, for the gratification of the British People, Price is, Fine Proofs on India paper, 3s. THE PORTRAITS OF QUIROGA, RIEGO, AGUERO, AND BANOS, the Four distinguished FOUNDERS OF THE SPANISH REVOLUTION; which, on the 1st of January, 1820, they courageously com- menced in Arms ; and, to their immortal glory, secured, without bloodshed, by putting the law above the King. jfteto Otttonsi* 1. POLITICAL HOUSE THAT JACK BUILT, with 13 Cuts, price Is. On Drawing Paper 2s. or Coloured and hot-pressed 3s. 2. MAN IN THE MOON, 15 Cuts, price Is. Coloured and hot- pressed 2s. 3. QUEEN'S MATRIMONIAL LADDER, with 14 Step-scenes, and 18 other Cuts, price Is. or Coloured and hot-pressed 3s. 4. NON MI RICORDO ! with 3 Cuts, price 6d. or Coloured and hot-pressed Is. PREPARING FOR PUBLICATION, BY WILLIAM HONE. With at least 20 CUTS, Price Is. THE TRIUMPH OF THE PRESS. BY THE AUTHOR OF " THE POLITICAL HOUSE THAT JACK BUILT." " Knowledge is Power." Bacon. Next will appear a CUTTING Novelty, Price Is. A SLAP AT " SLOP" Also by the Author of The Political House that Jack Built, who by giving him that name about six years ago, and doing him the honour to dedicate his Political House that Jack Built to him, and putting other odd things in his way, vastly extended his concern. Notwithstanding these little lifts, the creature's ungrateful behaviour is shocking. He is too much petted, and must now submit to his Political Godfather's public Correction. He'll be slapped in his own "Stop PAIL," and, as it's all for his own good, the louder he squalls, the more he'll have of it. He'll be left in Little Ease and afterwards sent off in a transport. If this is not a warning to him, there's no knowing what he may come to. AFTER THE SLAP AT "SLOP," PrlCC \S. NERO VINDICATED. FINALLY, A HISTORY OF PARODY, FROM THE INVENTION OF PRINTING, BY WILLIAM HONE. ^ ' It will be published in about Eight Monthly Pajja^ Octavo, with Portraits, Caricatures, Fac- Wood Cuts, and other Illustrations. ^TJ- soon as the nature of the Work will adn JUST PUBLISHED BY WILLIAM HONE. ENLARGED BY AN ADDITIONAL PREFACE, TABLES, AND NOTES, Price Six Shillings in Boards, THE APOCRYPHAL NEW TESTAMENT, Being all the Gospels, Epistles, and other pieces now extant, at- tributed in the first four centuries to JESUS CHRIST, his Apostles, and their Companions, and not included in the New Testament, by its compilers. Translated and now first collected into One Volume. With Prefaces and Tables, and various Notes and References. CONTENTS. PREFACES. ORDER OF THE BOOKS, and Authori- ties from whence taken. Gospel of the birth of A/an/. The Protetangtlion, or birth of Christ and the Virgin, by James the lesser. The first Gospel of the Infancy of Christ. Thomas's Gospel of the Infancy. Epistles of Christ and Abgarus. Gospel of Nicodemus. Apostles' Creed. Paul's Epistle to the Laodiceans. Epistles of Paul and Seneca. Acts of Paul and Thccla. Clement's Two Epistles to the Corin- thians. Epistle of Barnabas. The Seven Epistles of Ignatius to the Ephesians, Magnesiuns, Trulliitns, Romans, Philadelphians, Smyrn