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A BRIEF HISTORY
OF TH«
ENGLISH LANGUAGE
BY
OLIVER FARRAR EMERSON, A.M., Ph.D.
Professor of English at Western Reserve University; Author of
" The History of the English Language," " An Outline
History of the English Language," " A
Middle English Reader"
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., LTD.
1925
All rightx reserved
Copyright, 1896,
By the MACMILLAN COMPANY.
Set up and electrotyped July, 1896. Reprinted, with corrections)
November, 1897 ; July, 1900.
J. S. CuBhing St Co. — Berwick & Smith
Norwood Mm<. U.S.A.
PREFACE
When the author's History of the English Language was
passing through the press, a friend suggested the advisability
of preparing a brief book on the same subject for schools
not desiring the longer work. ^ This suggestion, together
with the success accorded to the larger book in this country
and abroad, largely accounts for the present volume.
The aim has been to shorten and simpHfy the History by
the omission of technical details, especially regarding the
phonology of the language, without changing materially the
scope of the former work. Each part has been rewritten or
much altered, usually by omission, but sometimes also by
addition and rearrangement. The greatest changes have
been made in Parts IV and V. In Part IV the history of
English sounds has been replaced by some chapters illus-
trating the most important and characteristic changes in
the forms of words. It is hoped that these chapters, with-
out being too technical, will emphasize the importance of
phonetic change, analogy, and accent. They also make
it possible to treat inflections on a phonetic, rather than
an orthographic basis, thus simplifying classification and
arrangement.
\^}
31259
vi PREFACE
In Part V some advantageous changes in order have been
made. The most noticeable of these is in treating the weak
verbs before the strong. This order, while not adopted in
the larger work, is quite in accord with the plan of both ;
namely, to give prominence to those elements of the lan-
guage which have been most stable and most important.
The weak verbs were not only more numerous than the
strong in the oldest period, but have increased in number
and influence at the expense of the latter. Besides, the
present arrangement not only emphasizes the more regular
weak class, but also brings together all the less regular
classes, — an advantage in itself.
As in the larger work, much emphasis has been laid upon
the spoken language. Yet the latter has been by no means
exhaustively treated, and teachers are urged to stimulate
observation of language as it exists about them in speech, in
order both to explain its forms with relation to older usage,
and to illustrate the influences that have shaped English in
the past. Indeed, as the greatest recent advance in linguis-
tic research has been made through a study of speech forms
as used by common people day by day, too great stress can-
not be placed upon the interest and advantage still to be
gained from the same process.
Some selections representing Old, Modern, and Middle
English will be found in the Appendix. To these, notes
have been freely added, so as to facilitate their use in illus-
trating changes which English has undergone. Other speci-
mens may be easily obtained from the Old English readers,
PREFACE vii
and from Specimens of Early English, by Morris and
Skeat.
In the larger work reference was frequently made to
authorities, — first as an acknowledgment of the author's
indebtedness, second as a guide to the student in the choice
of books for further study. It has not seemed necessary to
repeat such references in this briefer book, as teachers and
advanced students will naturally expect to use the larger
History for reference.
O. F. E.
Cleveland, Ohio, July i, 1896.
CONTENTS
I. ENGLISH AND OTHER LANGUAGES
CHAPTER PAGB
I, The Indo-European Family i
II. The Teutonic Languages ii
II. THE STANDARD LANGUAGE AND THE
DIALECTS
III. The Old English Period . . , ... .23
IV. The Middle English Period 35
V. The Modern English Period 51
III. THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
VI. The Native Element 79
VII. The Borrowed Element 90
VIII. Relation of the Borrowed and Native Elements m
IV. CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS
IX. Phonetic Changes 125
X. Phonetic Changes in Vowels 136
XI. Analogy in English 147
XII. The English Accent 159
ix
X CONTENTS
V. THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
CHAPTER PAGB
XIII. Inflectional Levelling in English . . . 167
XIV. The Noun 172
XV. The Adjective 185
XVI. The Pronoun 196
XVII. The Verb 213
XVIII. The Verb (continued) 220
XIX. Verbal Inflection 235
XX. Adverbs and Other Particles . . , . 241
Appendix 249
Index 257
ABBREVIATIONS
Lat. = Latin.
ME. = Middle English (i 100-1500).
MnE. = Modern English (1500- ).
OE. = Old English (800-1100).
WS. = West Saxon.
< = " from," or " derived from."
> = " to."
I
ENGLISH AND OTHER LANGUAGES
CHAPTER I . ,.. ,
THE raDO-EUROPEAN FAMILY
X. The history of English properly begins with the first
traces of the language in the land which has been for so
long the home of the English people. | Yet there will be
much advantage in going back of this and asking, " How
far is English different from the other languages of civilized
peoples?" "To what languages is EngHsh most closely
allied, and what are the grounds of these aUiances ? " The
answers to these questions will show with what languages
English may be most profitably compared, as well as what
are its most characteristic features.
2. Far from being an isolated language in any sense,
EngUsh is but one of an important group making up what
is known as the Indo-European family. By a family of
languages is meant a group bound together by essential
similarities in the forms and uses of words. Such a family
is often subdivided into various branches, each of which is
itself composed of one or more languages. The languages
of each branch are also bound together by other similarities
B 1
2 ENGLISH AND OTHER LANGUAGES
in words and forms, which are more or less independent of
those characterizing the family itself.
3. A family of languages presupposes original union of
all members of the group within a limited area, in other
words a common home and a common ancestry. On the
other hand, the separation of the family into various lin-
guistic divisions is owing to changes which are inevitable in
language;./ .The. common language of the original family
became gradually broken up into separate speech groups,
on account of the gradual breaking up into separate tribal
groups as the people pushed out in various directions in
search of new homes. Even slight barriers between two
divisions, as a river or mountain range, would be sufficient
to account for the beginning of speech divisions, or dialects,
which might finally become new languages.
4. Each division of the original family came to have new
words, new forms of inflection, and new usages in grouping
words, or what is called syntax. It might at first be thought
that this divergence would soon become so great as to pre-
vent finding any likeness between the separate divisions.
But, on the other hand, there would be a strong tendency
to retain, along with the new elements, many common
every-day words. For instance, constant usage would tend
to prevent the loss of many names, as of common trees and
shrubs, common domestic animals, common metals and
arts, as well as names of close relationship, — father, mother,
son, daughter, and others. In a similar way the commonest
verbs, pronouns, and adjectives would be more likely to be
kept than lost. A study of these simple words of various
languages, as well as of the simplest grammatical forms,
THE INDO-EUROPEAN FAMILY S
enables the philologist to find links connecting one lan-
guage with another, and uniting several groups into a single
family.
5. The reference to the common home of the original
members of a family or group might seem to imply blood
relationship, as well as linguistic ties. But language is not
a race characteristic. While blood relationship is always
possible, and often extremely probable, it is not proved
by the possession of the same or of similar languages.
Many facts illustrate this. The Irish and Scotch speak
English, as do many of the natives of India. The African
race in America has preserved few, if any, remnants of its
native language, and uses no other than that learned from
the descendants of the English settlers. In referring to the
linguistic connections of English, therefore, race connections
are not necessarily implied.
6. There are not only many languages, but many families
of languages, known among men. At least one hundred
families are known to exist, although only four have been
studied with a considerable degree of thoroughness. The
others include especially the native languages of America
and Africa, all of which are difficult to study because almost
without literature and constandy undergoing great changes.
The four families which have been most thoroughly inves-
tigated are the Hamitic, Semitic, Ural-Altaic, and Indo-
European. Of these the Indo-European family is by far
the most important, since it includes the languages spoken
in ancient and modern times by the dominant races of
Europe and Asia. Next in importance is the Semitic
family, since it embraces languages spoken by peoples
4 ENGLISH AND OTHER LANGUAGES
which have had great influence on the world's history in
general, and on the Indo-European races in particular.
7. As the name Indo-European implies, the family con-
sists of languages spoken at some time in India and Europe.
The term Indo-European, however, is not as accurate as
might be desired. India does not include all the parts of
Asia in which languages of the Indo-European type have
been spoken, and Europe, on the other hand, is somewhat
too general. Other names applied to the family are Aryan
and Indo-Germanic, the former more commonly in England,
the latter in Germany. Objections might be urged against
each of these, and on the whole Indo-European seems to
have somewhat the advantage of either of the others. In
any case the exact application of the name must be learned
from a consideration of the kind and number of languages
included in the family.
8. As to kind, the Indo-European family includes lan-
guages of the inflectional type. By this is meant that the
words of the individual languages of the family are made
up of roots and inflectional endings, or modifying parts,
which are so united that it is difficult and often impossible
to separate them into their elements. In this latter respect
the Indo-European languages differ from those in which the
roots and modifying parts are more loosely connected, or
agglutinative languages, as they are called. Other languages,
as Chinese, are made up of separate roots which, though
used together in forming sentences and compound words, still
maintain their separate identity. After being used together
the words at once fall apart, to be reunited into equally
loose combinations. Such languages are called isolating.
THE INDO-EUROPEAN FAMILY 5
9. Languages of the inflectional type, like the Indo-
European, are supposed to have passed through both the
other stages of development. There was first a root period,
as it is called, in which no trace of inflection existed, as
none exists in Chinese to-day. Later, roots and the minor
words which afterwards became inflectional suffixes or pre-
fixes were loosely joined into compounds. Finally these
two elements of the word became fused into one, so that
there was no longer any thought of the separate parts.
The two or more parts then became indistinguishable except
to the student of language, and even the philologist often
hesitates to speak with certainty as to the exact dividing line
between one part and another.
10. The Indo-European family of languages includes
several important branches. The exact number has been
variously given in the past, as scholars have variously esti-
mated the importance of certain characteristics of each
group. Thus from seven to ten divisions are made by dif-
ferent scholars, the most reliable authority at present placing
the number at eight. As is natural, most of these must
again be separated into important subdivisions. The eight
branches of Indo-European are Aryan, Armenian, Hellenic,
Albanian, Italic, Celtic, Balto-Slavic, and Teutonic. A
brief description of each, with some account of the most
important subdivisions, will make clear the relationships of
these several branches.
II „ The Aryan branch consists of two groups, the Indian
and the Iranian, often separated in the past into indepen-
dent divisions. The Indian, in the older time, consisted of
a literary language called Sanskrit, and a vulgar language
6 ENGLISH AND OTHER LANGUAGES
called Prakrit. The first is found in the Veda^ or Brahmanic
scriptures, and in later classical writings. From the latter
have developed the numerous dialects of modern India,
while one form of Prakrit also became the literary language
of the Buddhists. The Iranian group is represented by the
cuneiform inscriptions of the oldest Persian, by the Avestic
or Zend, the language of the sacred books of Zoroaster, and
by the modern Persian, Kurdish, and Afghan. The oldest
Indian hterature, the Veda, is perhaps as old as 1500 B.C.,
while the oldest Persian belongs to the beginning of the
sixth century B.C.
12. The Armenian branch was formerly classed as a
member of the Iranian group, but it is now given an inde-
pendent position in the Indo-European family. It is repre-
sented by a literary language. Old Armenian, which is found
in the books of the early Armenian Christians, and by the
living dialects of Armenia. Old Armenian dates from the
fifth century a.d.
13. To the Hellenic branch belong the numerous Greek
dialects of ancient and modern times. Ancient Greek is
known from inscriptions, and from the literary language
which was common to all Greeks. The latter sprang from
the Attic dialect in the fifth century b.c, and soon became
the standard language for all divisions of the race. It there-
fore contains almost all of what is known as Greek literature.
Outside the literary language, various dialects continued to
be spoken, and these form the basis of the dialects of mod-
ern Greece. From these, in modern times, has arisen a new
literary language, Modern Greek, which is used by the writers
of the new Greek nation.
THE INDO-EUROPEAN FAMILY 7
14. The Albanian language is now the only representative
of an Indo-European branch which, at one time, may have
been somewhat widely extended. Albanian is the language
of ancient Illyria, and has been known especially since the
seventeenth century. It is relatively of Httle importance
except to the philologist, who finds in it a connecting link
with the Aryan, Armenian, and Balto-Slavic.
15. The Italic branch embraced in ancient tim.es the
dialects of Italy. Of these, Latin, the dialect of Latium,
became the literary language of ancient Rome, and later,
of the Roman empire. In addition to Latin, the Italic
branch included an Umbrian-Samnitic group, of which the
most important dialects were Umbrian and Oscan. These,
however, were overshadowed by Latin, and gradually be-
came extinct. Beside Hterary Latin, there existed in the
Roman empire a vulgar tongue which, as spoken in the prov-
inces, developed into the modern Romance languages. The
most important of these are French, Italian, Spanish, and
Portuguese.
16. Languages of the Celtic branch were formerly spoken
over most of western Europe, but later were largely dis-
placed by the Romance languages and English. Celtic was
also the language of Galatia in Asia Minor. The Celtic
branch included three groups, Gallic, Britannic, and Gaelic.
Of the first, the language of ancient Gaul, little is known.
Britannic included Welsh and Cornish in Britain, and Ar-
morican in northern France. Welsh and Armorican are
known from the eighth or ninth century, Cornish from a
somewhat later time. The latter died out about a century
ago. Gaelic consists of Irish, Scotch-Gaelic, and Manx.
8 ENGLISH AND OTHER LANGUAGES
Of these, Irish is the most important, since it is represented
by an extensive literature from the eighth century, and by
inscriptions which are possibly as old as 500 a.d. Scotch-
Gaelic literature began somewhat later, and Manx has been
known only in the last few centuries.
17. The Balto-Slavic branch consists of two divisions.
To the first, the Baltic division, belong Prussian, Lithuanian,
and Lettic. The first died out in the seventeenth century.
Of the others, Lithuanian is the more important for philo-
logical purposes. The second, or Slavic division, falls into
two geographical groups, the southeastern and the western.
To the southeastern group belong Russian, Bulgarian, and
Illyrian; to the western, Bohemian, Sorabjan, and Polish.
Of these, Bulgarian was used by the Slavic apostles Cyril
and Methodius in the ninth century, and it thus became the
ecclesiastical language of the Greek church. A form of it,
modified by Russian and other Slavic elements, is called
Church Slavonic.
18. The Teutonic branch, in which we are especially in-
terested, includes, among others, English, German, Dutch,
and the Scandinavian languages. Its oldest representative
is Gothic, which is preserved in a partial translation of the
Bible, made in the fourth century a.d. The Scandinavian
languages are known from runic inscriptions of the fourth
century. The earliest records of the other members of the
Teutonic group, English, Frisian, Saxon, Low Franconian,
and High German, date from the seventh to the ninth cen-
tury, with the exception of Frisian, which has been known only
from the fourteenth century. But a complete description of
the Teutonic languages must be left for the following chapter.
THE INDO-EUROPEAN FAMILY 9
19. The many relations of the eight branches of the Indo-
European family to each other are not easily illustrated.
The Asiatic and European branches might be united into
geographical groups, but this would leave out of account
many important bonds of union. A general idea of certain
important relationships may be seen from the following
diagram : —
'teuton'c \balto-
C \/v^
X~^
^-- — X ^ 1
\
INDO-EUROPEAN \
INDOIfaVNIAN
In this figure the large oval represents the common words
and grammatical forms, while the overlapping of the smaller
circles indicates similar characteristics binding together the
minor groups. Such groupings, however, while based on
certain resemblances, take no account of others also impor-
tant. In fact, no diagram can show the network of common
bonds, which cross and recross in many ways.
20. The common ancestry of the Indo-European lan-
guages implies a common home in the remote past. As
to the place in which the parent race j^riginally lived,
opinions have radically differed. According to the older
10 ENGLISH AND OTHER LANGUAGES
view, the original home was in the table-lands of central
Asia. In the early part of this century Latham, an Eng-
lish scholar, proposed Europe as the first home of Indo-
Europeans, and this view has found increasing support
among scholars. As to the part of Europe in which the
first Indo-Europeans lived, scholars again differ. Some
believe it to have ho^tw the region about the southern
end of the Baltic Sea, while others suggest a region farther
south in the neighbourhood of the Black Sea. The argu-
ments for and against these various opinions depend upon
a minute study of the culture of the parent race, as shown
by the languages and literatures of its descendants. They
are therefore quite too elaborate even for summarizing here.
CHAPTER II
THE TEUTONIC LANGUAGES
21, The Teutonic languages receive their name from the
Latin name of the people, Teutones. This is the Latin form
of a Teutonic word tliiuda ^ * people/ which is not preserved
in modern English, but is the root of the High German
adjective Deutsch. The latter form of the word accounts
for the English borrowed name Dutch, which was formerly
applied to German, but is now restricted to the language
and people of Holland. The Teutonic branch of the Indo-
European family is sometimes called Germanic, but this word
is easily misunderstood, because of the use of the term Ger-
man for a particular division of the group. Besides, the
name German was never applied by the Teutons to them-
selves, in whole or in part, so that on this account also
it seems less suitable for the race or the language.
22. There are three main divisions of the Teutonic lan-
guages : Gothic ; Norse, or Scandinavian ; and West Teu-
tonic, a term which includes all the other members of the
group. Gothic, the oldest member of the Teutonic branch,
early separated into East and West Gothic. Just when this
separation took place is not known, but the language which
Ulfilas used in his translation of the Bible, § i8, is sup-
l The word occurred in Old English as ^eod ("5 =» th),
II
12 ENGLISH AND OTHER LANGUAGES
posed to be West Gothic. An East Gothic speech remained
in the Crimea until the sixteenth century, although only a
few words of this last remnant of the Gothic language have
been preserved, through the curiosity of travellers. Norse
also separated into West and East divisions. The first
includes Norwegian and Icelandic, the second Danish and
Swedish. As far as literature is concerned, these four divi-
sions were later reduced to three, since, owing to the union
of Denmark and Norway in modern times, Danish became
the literary language of both peoples. Gothic and Norse were
formerly classed together as East Teutonic, but they are now
considered independent members of the Teutonic branch.
23. West Teutonic, like Gothic and Norse, separated into
two divisions. High German and Low German. High Ger-
man is the language originally spoken by the Teutonic peo-
ple who dwelt in the highlands of Germany. It is distin-
guished from Low German by a shifting of consonants which
affected the language of the highlands and only slightly, if
at all, the language of the lowlands. High German has, how-
ever, spread over middle and north Germany, while from it
has also developed the literary language of the whole people.
Many dialects still exist beside the literary language.
24. Low German is applied to all the other languages
of the West Teutonic group. These were originally spoken
in the extreme north of Germany, mainly in the countries
bordering on the North Sea, until some of the Low German
peoples migrated to Britain, and established there the lan-
guage since known as English. Besides the latter, the other
members of the Low German group were three, Saxon,
Frisian, and Low Franconian. These were the languages
THE TEUTONIC LANGUAGES 13
of the Saxons, the Frisians, and the Franks of the lower
Rhine. The Frisians dwelt in the northern part of Holland
and Germany, the Saxons to the east and southeast, the
Frankish people on the banks of the lower Rhine, mainly
in southern Holland and Belgium. The modern representa-
tive of the older Saxon is called North or Low German.
The name Frisian is still retained, although the language is
spoken only on some of the islands off the coast of north
Germany. The modern languages springing from Low
Franconian are Dutch, Flemish, and Low Franconian. Of
all these modern Low German tongues, the only literary
language at present is Dutch.
25. The Teutonic languages differ from Latin and Greek,
which fairly represent the Indo-European parent speech, in
many particulars. For example, the elaborate inflectional
system, so characteristic of Indo-European, is far less per-
fectly preserved than in the classical languages. This
change has been brought about through a tendency toward
simphfication of inflectional forms which, though affecting
all Indo-European languages, has been especially strong in
the Teutonic languages during all periods. In historic times
this tendency has led to the almost total loss of inflections
in some members of the Teutonic group, as in English.
Besides this important feature, which will be referred to
hereafter, some of the more striking characteristics, common
to all the Teutonic languages, relate to, —
1. A Great Consonant Change, or Shifting of Consonants.
2. The Accent of Words.
3. A Twofold Declension of Adjectives.
4. The Verbal System.
H ENGLISH AND OTHER LANGUAGES
The above characteristics are more evident in the older
periods of the Teutonic languages, although some traces
bi them are still to be found in most members of the
group.
The Great Consonant Shift
26. One of the fundamental peculiarities of the Teutonic
languages, as compared with Indo-European, relates to a
shifting of certain consonants. While in all Indo-European
languages there have been considerable consonantal changes,
in none except Teutonic has there been such a systematic
shifting of several series of consonants. This systematic
shifting of several series of consonants is called the great
consonant shift, or in its older and less complete form
Grimm's Law. The results of the great consonant shift
are compHcated in themselves, and can be fully appreciated
only from the older forms of the languages. For our pur-
pose the best idea of them may be gained by comparison
with Latin, as the most familiar representative of the parent
speech.
27. Even a superficial comparison of Latin with English
shows that there are in both many words which have similar
meanings and some resemblances in form. Examples are :
brother — /rater, foot — ped{em)y thou — tu, two — duo,
hill — coU{is), yoke — jugiurri). The same is true of
Greek, or Sanskrit, or Celtic words, when compared with
those of any one of the Teutonic languages. A minute
examination of many such examples has led to a statement
of the results in the form of a law of consonant change. A
complete statement of this law belongs to more elaborate
THE TEUTONIC LANGUAGES IS
treatises, but some idea of its more important features may
be concisely given.
28. Four series of Indo-European consonants have
shifted in the Teutonic languages. These are: —
1. The Labials p, ph, b, bh.
2. The Dentals t, th, d, dh.
3. The Palatals k', kh', g', gh'.
4. The Gutturals k, kh, g, gh
In Teutonic, however, ph, th, kh', kh, have had the same
development as p, t, k', k. The palatal and guttural series
have also had a similar development in the main, so that for
our purpose the sixteen consonants above are reduced to
nine. The principal results of the great consonant shift
may therefore be briefly summarized as follows : —
Indo-European p, b, bh became Teutonic f, p, b respectively,
t, d, dh « « th, t, d "
" k, g, gh " « h, k, g "
If the columns are read downwards, the law becomes, —
Indo-European p, t, k became Teutonic f, th, h respectively.
b, d, g *' « p,t, k
« bh, dh, gh « " b, d, g "
29. The greatest difficulty in understanding the results
of the consonant shift is owing to the fact, that no language
perfectly preserves the Indo-European consonant system.
Besides, a modern language such as English may not per-
tectly preserve the Teutonic system. In comparing any two
i6 ENGLISH AND OTHER LANGUAGES
languages, therefore, a certain modified statement of the
law is necessary. This may be seen by comparing the con-
sonants in Latin on the one side with the shifted consonants
in Enghsh on the other. The law with regard to Latin and
English consonants may be stated thus : —
Latin p, b, f [b] equal English f , p, b (v) respectively.
" t,d,f[d,b] « « th, t, d «
" c,g,h[g] « « h,c(ch),g(y) «
In this scheme the bracketed letters of Latin represent
medial sounds only, and the English letters in parentheses
represent modern variants of the original sounds. The
sign c in Latin and English represents the k sound. The
changes will be clearer from comparison of Latin and Eng-
lish words.
30. Examples of words illustrating the Latin and English
consonant equivalents in the first series are as follows : * —
1. Latin p = English f : pater — father ; pecu — fee ;
ped(em) — foot; pell(is) — fell 'skin'; plu(ere) — flow;
pat(ere) — fath(om) ; cap(io) — haf (t).
2. Latin b = EngHsh p : lubri(cus) — (s)lippery ; labi —
(s)leep; turba — thorp (in compounds, as Ap thorp),
3. Latin f [b] = English b (v) : frango, fregi — break ;
flos — blow 'blossom'; find (ere), fidi — bite; fiber —
beaver.
1 The examples represent cognate forms. The meanings of the cognate
words may be quite different, owing to changes which have taken place in
the individual languages. In most cases the change of meaning can be
easily traced. Many other examples may be selected for comparison in
assisting to fix the law in memory.
THE TEUTONIC LANGUAGES 17
31 . For the second series the following are examples : —
1. Latin t = English th : tu — thou ; tres — three.
2. Latin d = English t : dom(are) — tame ; dom(us) —
tim(ber) ; duo — two; ped(em) — foot; ed(ere) — eat;
cord(is) — heart.
3. Latin f[d, b] = English d: fac(ere) — do; fing(ere)
— dough; for(is) — door; vidua — widow; fend (ere ) -^
bind; rub(er) — red; uber — udder.
32. Some examples of the third series are : —
1. Latin c = English h : cent(um) — hund(red) ; coll(is)
— hill ; can (is) — houn(d) ; cap(io) — haf(t).
2. Latin g= English c(ch) : genu — knee; (co)gnosco
— know; gen(ui) — kin; gus(tus) — choose.
3. Latin h[g] = Enghsh g(/) : homo — g(r)oom (in
bridegroom)', host (is) — guest; veh(ere) — way.
33. While the law of the great consonant shift affects the
majority of the consonants included under it, there are cer-
tain apparent exceptions. For instance, st remains un-
changed in Latin statio — English stead, and in Latin hostis
— English guest. In these, and other similar cases, the t,
which would otherwise change, seems to be protected by the
preceding s. The apparent exception, as in most other
cases, is due to the influence of a minor law. These minor
laws, which should accompany a complete statement of the
great consonant shift, cannot here be explained because of
their technicality. Enough has already been said, however,
to show that the consonant system of Teutonic has a
somewhat different character from that of any other Indo-
European language.
18 ENGLISH AND OTHER LANGUAGES
Accent and Inflection
34. A second characteristic of Teutonic, as compared
with Indo-European and most of its descendants, is its
accent of words. In Indo-European the accent was free ;
that is, it might change from one part of the word to another,
as from root to prefix or suffix. In Teutonic, on the other
hand, this original free accent became a fixed stress after
the earliest period. That is, the Teutonic accent always
rested upon a particular syllable of the word, and did not
change in inflection as in Greek, and, to a less extent, in
Latin. It is true that Celtic had a similar accent ; yet, com-
pared with Indo-European and the classical languages espe-
cially, the Teutonic accent is a characteristic feature. The
law of the Teutonic accent will be given and illustrated,
under accent of English words, in a later chapter.
35. Another peculiarity of the Teutonic languages in all
their earlier forms, is a double declension of adjectives;
that is, the Teutonic adjective was declined with one of two
sets of endings, according to its use in different syntactical
relations of the sentence. One of these two forms cor-
responds in general to the adjective inflection in the cognate
languages. The other was developed in early Teutonic, and
therefore well deserves to be called a characteristic feature.
The English adjective has lost all traces of inflection in the
later development of the language, but the double declension
is still found in modem German and in the Scandinavian
languages.
36. Teutonic also differs from the other members of the
Indo-European family by reason of peculiarities in its verbal
THE TEUTONIC LANGUAGES 19
system. The most important of these is the dental preterit,
or past tense. This dental preterit, that is the preterit end
ing in EngHsh in d(t). or ed, began to be used in early Teu-
tonic, and soon became the most common form. Equally
characteristic, though less important as far as frequency is
concerned, is the use of different vowels to distinguish verbal
stems, as in sing — sang — sung. Such vowel variation is
not unknown to other languages of the Indo-European
family, but in no other language was it made a distinguish-
ing feature of verbal stems. These peculiarities of the verbal
system, though much modified, are still found in all members
of the Teutonic group.
37. Besides the inflectional peculiarities already men-
tioned, the Teutonic verb had another characteristic feature.
Indo-European had an elaborate tense and mode system, as
shown by the classical languages. The Teutonic verbal sys-
tem, on the contrary, was extremely simple. Teutonic had
but two tenses, a present and a preterit, the first of which
was used for present and future, the second for all past time.
The six tenses of the present English verb are compound, not
inflectional, and are of later formation. Moreover, Teutonic
early lost almost wholly its inflected passive voice, although
its place was later supplied by a compound passive. In
several respects, therefore, the Teutonic verbal system dif-
fered from that of the other Indo-European languages.
Relationship of the Teutonic Languages
38. A full discussion of Teutonic should include a state-
ment of the differences between Gothic and Norse on the
one side, and West Teutonic on the other. But these
20 ENGLISH AND OTHER LANGUAGE^
differences are in the details of sounds and inflections, and
belong especially to the older periods of linguistic devel-
opment. The special statement of the law of the second
consonant shift, which separated High German from Low
German, belongs rather to a History of German than of
EngHsh. In addition to the shifting of consonants. High
German is characterized by great conservatism in respect
to its grammar. On the contrary, Low German shows a
marked tendency to uniformity or leveUing of inflectional
forms.
39. Within the Low German group, English and Frisian
were so similar in their oldest periods that they may prop-
erly be classed under the general title of the Anglo- Frisian
group. Saxon was most closely related to Low Franconian,
although in some respects it was not unlike both English
and High German. The general relationships of the older
divisions of the Teutonic languages are shown in the above
diagram similar to that used for the Indo-European family,
THE TEUTONIC LANGUAGES 21
§ 19. It must be remembered, however, that such a dia-
gram cannot represent all important relations, and must be
regarded merely as a guide to some of the more significant
bonds of union.
40. From the standpoint of language and literature, as
well as from that of extended usage, English yields in
importance to none of the Teutonic languages. It pre-
serves a greater body of literature in its oldest period
than any of the others. It also shows in its manuscripts
an older stage of the language than any of the others except
Gothic. English is therefore of preeminent importance to
the student of early Teutonic literature and philology. More-
over, English is at present the most widely used of all the
Indo-European languages. For all these reasons the his-
tory of English is important, not only to English-speaking
peoples, but also to those of the whole civilized world.
41. So much has been said of the Teutonic languages,
because they are most closely allied to English at present,
as they have been in the past. That is, notwithstanding
the external influences which have affected our language,
English is still, as it always has been, a Teutonic speech.
It has retained through all these influences a groundwork
of Teutonic words, inflectional forms, and syntax, which
have continued to give the language its distinctive charac-
ter. Its closest connections, therefore, are with the Teu-
tonic, and not with the Romance or classical, languages.
The meaning of this, and the extent to which it is true,
will be seen from the following chapters.
42. It is usual, in treating most of the Teutonic languages,
to recognize three periods of historical development. These
22 ENGLISH AND OTHER LANGUAGES
are called the old, middle, and new or modern periods.
The history of English, therefore, will be an account of its
development in each of these three chronological divisions.
The first, or Old English, period extends from the settlement
of England in the fifth century to iioo. The Middle Eng-
lish period covers the four centuries from iioo to 1500,
and the Modern English period extends fi^om 1500 to the
present time. The language of these three periods is
called Old, Middle, and Modern English. Old English is
also called Anglo-Saxon, § 48.
II
THE STANDARD LANGUAGE^ AND
THE DIALECTS
CHAPTER III
THE OLD ENGLISH PERIOD
43. Little is known of early Britain or of its settlement
by our Teutonic ancestors. \ Most that is known rests upon
the Ecclesiastical History of England, a Latin work written
by the Venerable Bede. Bede says that the Teutons were
invited by the British king Wyrtgeorn to assist him against
his enemies, the Picts and Scots from the north, and west.
After repulsing their enemies, the Teutons turned against
the Britons themselves and subdued them. Whether this
is exactly true or not, it is clear that, about the middle of
the fifth century of our era, the Teutons gained a foothold
upon the island of Britain and soon became masters in their
new home.
1 By a standard language is usually meant that form which occurs in the
generally accepted literature of a nation or people. There may also be a
spoken standard, which means the language of cultivated speakers in some
centre of national influence. Each of these is important to the history ol
any language.
23
24 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
44. Before this time the island of Britain had been the
home of the kinsmen of the Gauls and the Irish. These
Caesar found whep he set foot in Britain about the middle
of the first centur> B.C. In the last half of the first cen-
tury A.D. the Romans completed their conquest of the island
as far north as the Forth. For more than three centuries
from this time Britain was occupied by_ tke Romans.
At the beginning of the fifth century, however, the Roman
soldiers were withdrawn, and for a short time Britain was
again an independent Celtic state. This independence was
of short duration. The Teutons, who had been kept from
settlement only by the vigilance of the Roman soldiery,
soon conquered the island and made it their home.
45. The Teutonic invaders were of three tribes, — the
Jutes, the Saxons, and the Angles. The Jutes settled in Kent,
the isle of Wight, and the mainland adjoining. The Saxons
occupied the rest of England south of the Thames, together
with the land bordering on the north bank of the lower
Thames. The Angles took possession of the rest of England
to the north and east. The dates of the establishment of
the various kingdoms are given in the Saxon Chronicle^ but
it is doubtful whether they can be relied upon in every par-
ticular. They are probably so far correct as to show that
the Kentish kingdom was first established, the Saxon next,
and finally that of the Angles, these events extending
through about a century from the earliest settlement.
46. Our Teutonic ancestors, when they came to Britain,
had been practically unaffected by Roman or Christian civ-
ilization. After they reached the island, however, the Teu-
tonic peoples received Christianity, and this had an indirect
THE OLD ENGLISH PERIOD 2i
influence upon the language itself. Christianity first came
to the kingdom of Kent, owing to the marriage of King
^thelberht (d. 6 1 6). with a Christian princess of France.
The conversion of ^thelberht brought Christianity to all
southern Britain, as the Kentish king was overlord of the
region south of the Humber. A little later, Eadwine
(d. 633), king of Northumbria and overlord of Britain,
married the daughter of the Kentish king, and also became
a Christian. The establishment of Christianity formed a
bond of union for all the peoples of Britain. As one result,
a Christian literature sprang up, and not a few words from
Latin, the language of the Christian church, were added to
the language of England.
Early Names
47. In the earliest times, the Teutonic peoples of Britain
were distinguished by different names according as they
came from different regions of northern Europe. Later, the
terms Engle * Angles ' and Englisc * English ' were generally
adopted for all the Teutonic peoples.; For example, the
Kentish king y^thelberht called himself and his people
Engle ^ and Pope Gregory used the same name for the whole
people. Another name of similar origin, Angeicyn * Angle-
kin,' was also used for the Saxons as well as Angles, and
applied to the country as well as to the people. ; Still later,
England {Englaland) * land of the Angles ' was generally
employed. On the other hand, the Celts, during this early
period, called all the Teutonic peoples by the general name
Saxons, while the latter gave to the Celts the name Welsh^
that is, ' strangers.'
26 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
48. The use of the name English for the language of our
early forefathers, as distinct from the people, rests upon even
better grounds. Its earliest and more restricted use is due
to the fact that a vernacular literature first originated in
Northumbria, an Anglian state. Soon, however, the name
came to designate the language of the whole nation) For
example, the Saxon Chronicle speaks of the five languages
of Britain as " English, British, Scotch, Pictish, and Latin,"
in which English clearly refers to the language of all the
Teutonic peoples. In the later period of West Saxon Ht-
erary supremacy, the name English instead of Saxon was
regularly employed. The name Anglo-Saxon for language
and people was never generally used by the English them-
selves, and its present employment is due mainly to those
who, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, revived the
study of the older language. | As the name English was
originally so common, and as it better suggests a continuity
of linguistic development which no one questions, it will be
used in this book for the language of all periods.
The Old English Language and its Dulects
49. Old English retained all the characteristics of Teu-
tonic already described. On the other hand, it was distinct
from the other Teutonic dialects in certain peculiarities of
sounds, which gave its words somewhat different forms, as
well as in its inflections and syntax. Few of these dis-
tinctive features are easily illustrated without reciting details
of Old English grammar. However, some general charac-
teristics may be given. The Old English vocabulary was at
THE OLD ENGLISH PERIOD ti
first almost exclusively Teutonic ; that is, unaffected by con-
siderable foreign influences./ Later, as will be seen, some«^
words were borrowed from Celtic, and more from Latin and
from Norse, or Scandinavian. The inflectional system of
Old English was complicated, though less so than that of
Latin or Greek. Old English syntax was much nearer that
of Modern German than that of Modern English.
50. Not only were the Teutonic settlers in Britain of
different tribes, but their language represented different dia-
lects of the common Low German division. These dialects
were scarcely so diverse that the different tribes could not
understand each other, but there was still no common spoken
or written language. After the tribes had become estab-
lished in Britain, there were four fairly marked speech divi-
sions. These were Kentish in the southeastern corner of
Britain ; West Saxon south and west of the Thames ; Mer-
cian between the Thames and the Humber ; and Northum-
brian between the Humber and the Firth of Forth. Of
these, Kentish and West Saxon form the Southern group,
while Mercian and Northumbrian make up the Northern or
Angiian group, each representing a division of the Anglian
people. The position and extent of these dialect divisions
may be seen from the map on the following page.
51. It is difficult to characterize these dialects in any but
a general way, without going into the minutiae of grammar.
As to the sounds of the language. Southern EngHsh, that is
West Saxon and Kentish, shows a tendency to palatalization
of both vowels and consonants. In this respect, Mercian
also usually agrees with Southern English. The best single
example of this palatalization is the case of the Old English
28
STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
ENGLISH DIALECTS IN THE TENTH CENTURY,
THE OLD ENGLISH PERIOD 29
consonant c, which has become the sound ch in Modern
English, representing the older Mercian, while in Scotch,
representing old Northumbrian, it has retained the sound
of k. Compare such words as church, chaff, churl, chalk,
with Scotch kirk, caff, carl, cauk. Note also Winchester,
and Rochester in the south, as compared with Doncaster and
Tadcaster in the north of England, all of which contain the
Latin word castra ' camp,' which suffered palatalization along
with native words. The palatalization which caused this
change must have begun in the Old English period.
52. On the other hand. West Saxon and Kentish are more
conservative in respect to inflectional forms than either
Northumbrian or Mercian. Thus, final n in inflectional end-
ings is regularly lost in Northumbrian and often in Mercian,
but seldom in West Saxon. The infinitive of the verb ' sing ' -
is singa in Northumbrian, but singan in West Saxon. The
indicative third singular of verbs ends in ^3", ad (t5=th) in :
West Saxon, but in es {as) , from which the Modern English s
ending is derived, in Northumbrian. In Northumbrian also,
feminine, as well as masculine and neuter, nouns take a geni-
tive singular in es, instead of e, and thus approach more
nearly the Modern English form. Some peculiarities of syn-
tax may also be noted. For example, the Modern English
preposition in is common only in Northumbrian and Mer-
cian, while on {an) is the usual West Saxon form. In all
these particulars, Northumbrian is nearer to Modern Enghsh »^
than is West Saxon. In most of them also, Mercian, fromw"
which Modern English was eventually to develop, shows a
Hkeness to Northumbrian.
30 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
The Literary Language
53. Of each of the dialects some literary monuments
remain, but their value from the standpoint of language
and literature varies greatly. Two of the dialects, Nor-
thumbrian and West Saxon, gained prominence by becoming
the medium of an important Hterature, while the others
never attained the position of literary language for any
considerable part of the people of England. The Nor-
thumbrian and West Saxon Hteratures therefore merit special
attention.
54. The first dialect in which an important national
literature appeared was Northumbrian, the northern divi-
sion of the AngHan group. In Northumbrian a rich body
of English poetry was produced in the last of the seventh
and the beginning of the eighth century. To Northumbria -
belongs the composition of the great epic of Old English
■^ times, Beowulf y a poem which is still full of the fire of the
heathen war spirit, although since its composition it has
been retouched by a Christian writer. In this region^Csed-
mon, called the father of English poetry, composed a para- .
phrase of part of the Bible. To the same region probably
■^ belongs the excellent poetry of Cynewulf, the author of
Christy Elene, Juliana^ and other poems. Besides these
gr/eat epic poems there was a smaller number of lyric
character. Native prose was also written. For instance,
_^ the Venerable Bede, far more widely known for his Latin
writings, translated part of the Bible into English. It
should be mentioned, however, that most of the literature
of the north is not preserved to us in a Northumbrian
THE OLD ENGLISH PERIOD 3V
dialect, and would not be known except that it was copied |
in a later time by West Saxon scribes. '
55. The literary supremacy of Northumbria is doubtless
connected with that prowess of the Northumbrians which
gained for them the overlordship of Britain in the seventh
century. This preeminence in literature Northumbria re-
tained through the eighth century, although her political
importance was on the wane. For example, in Northum-
bria during the last half of the eighth century, Alcuin
acquired that learning which led to his becoming the
teacher and friend of Charlemagne. But the importance
of Northumbria finally diminished at the rise of a greater
kingdom in the south.
56. Although Mercia was powerful during the last half
of the eighth century, no Mercian king was overlord of
all England. Probably on this account Mercian did not
become, in Old EngHsh times, a Hterary language for the
whole English people. At any rate, the next dialect to obtain
literary supremacy was that of the important kingdom of
Wessex, the rise of which began with Ecgberht, who reigned
from 802 to 839. The kingdom of Wessex was strength-
ened and enlarged by the great Alfred, and under his sons <
the West Saxon king became overlord of all Britain. Alfred
also stimulated a great literary revival. He himself trans-
lated such works as the Cura Pastoralis, or Pastoral Care,
of Pope Gregory, the Chronicle of Orosius, and the Con-
solations of Philosophy by Boethius. Other prose works
belong to the same time, as the Chronicle of Winchester,
and a translation of Bede's Ecclesiastical History, which was
formerly attributed to Alfred. The literary revival under
32 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
Alfred was thus principally productive of prose, although
the older poetrj^of Northumbria, as already mentioned, was
transcribed by West Saxon writers.
57. After Alfred's death literature suffered a decline in
Wessex, although West Saxon remained the literary, or
standard, language of England. A second literary revival
occurred in the last of the tenth and the beginning of the
eleventh century. The literature of the period consists
mainly of religious writings, as ^thelwold's translation of
the Rule of St. Bene die tj the JBilkkling^ Homilies ^ the Homiz
lies o f .x^lfric a nd Wulfstan^ and ^Ifric's Lives of the Saints.
iElfric also produced a Latin Grammar^ an English and
Latin Colloquium^ and a translation of the Pentateuch and
other parts of the Old Testament. Prose fiction is repre-
sented by translations of Apollonius of Tyre and the Won-
ders of the Orient. Besides this prose, there is some poetry
belonging to the period, as the Solomon and Saturn^ and
accounts of the battles of Brunanburh and^Maldon.
58. The literary ascendency of the West Saxon dialect
ended with the fall of the kingdom of Wessex. The West
Saxon overthrow resulted from the conquest of England by
the Northmen, who are called Danes in English history,
although they came from the Scandinavian peninsula as well
as from Denmark. The first Danish attack on Northumber-
land occurred as early as 787. About a century later the
first actual settlements were made. East Anglia having been
occupied in 870. Then came the great struggle with Wes-
sex, in which the Danes were repulsed and held in check
by the prowess of Alfred and his sons. In 980, however,
a new Danish invasion began, and in 1016 the c onquest 01
THE OLD ENGLISH PERIOD 33 t
England was completed, aPanish king being seated on ^ ^
the En glish throne^ It is not strange that, under these ^ ^
circumstances, English literature should have almost ceased ^y^^.
to exist, although English continued to be the language of V
the people. a\
59. In 1042 the English kingdom was temporarily re- ^o
stored under Edward the Confessor, but the restoration
had little effect upon literature or the extension of the use
of English. This was largely owing to the weakness of the
English king and the fact that Edward's sympathies were
with Normandy, the land in which he had lived from boy-
hood. Edward also surrounded himself with French nobles
whom he placed in positions of trust, and French priests
to whom he gave principal places in the church. More-
over, the king and his favourites spoke Frencji^ so that
•English was no longer the language of the court. So con-
siderable were Edward's acts of favouritism that they were
resented by the English people, and a revolution in 1052
resulted in the expulsion and outlawry of the Norman
prelates.
60. The English restoration under Edward was soon
followed by another conquest of far-reaching importance,
that by which William of Normandy, in 1066, became
William I of England. Such an event could not but have
its effect on the use of English as an official and Hterary
language. With the government in the hands of conquer-
ors, there was naturally little stimulus to the production of
a national literature. Besides, while English continued to
be written. West Saxon was no longer recognized as pre-
eminent among the dialects. Each writer used the dialect
34 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
most familiar to him, according as he lived in the south,
the midland, or the north.
6i. It must not be forgotten, in speaking of the decline
of English literature, that English has remained the spoken
language of England through all the vicissitudes of her his-
tory. The Normans did not force their language upon the
people, as the Danes at their conquest did not attempt to
force the use of Danish. In fact, it is probable that com-
paratively few Englishmen learned Norman French. Cer-
tainly, among the mass of the people the mother tonguf
remained, at the close of the Old EngHsh period, almost
as pure as if Frenchmen had not fought at Hastings, or a
Norman been crowned at Westminster. The real influence
of French upon English belongs almost wholly to the Middle
English period and will be discussed in the following chapter.
CHAPTER IV
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH PERIOD
gig 62. When the Old English period closed, English was ^
again in the condition of separate dialects none of which
could claim ascendency over the others. In other words,
at this time no literary language represented the nation as
a whole, and no literature expressed the thought and feeling
of the whole people. It is true that works were written in
Latin, the common language of scholars throughout Europe,
during the latter part of the eleventh and the beginning of
the twelfth century. These were theological works, as those
of Lanfranc and Anselm ; mathematical treatises, as those
of Gerland, ^thelard of Bath, and Philip de Thaun ; chron-
icles, as those of Florence of Worcester, Simeon of Durham,
William of Malmesbury, Geoffrey of Monmouth, and many
others. Besides this Latin literature, there were also many
works in Norman French, the language of the conquerors,
such as the poetical histories of Gaimar and Wace, and the
romances of Walter Map. Almost the only English works
written during the twelfth century were certain Chronicles^
one of which, kept at Peterborough, comes down to the
year 1154. From the beginning of the twelfth century,
however, an increasing literature was written in the different
35
36 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
Middle English dialects, and finally English again came to
be the literary language of the whole English people. The
history of the Middle English period, therefore, is the his-
tory of certain dialects, and of the rise of a new literary
language for England.
Middle English and its Dialects
63. In describing Old English, § 49, some general char-
acteristics of its most flourishing period were given. Typ-
ical Middle EngHsh, or that of the two centuries from 1200
to 1400, shows some decided changes. In the first place,
the vocabulary was no longer almost exclusively Enghsh
in origin. Many words had already been borrowed from
French and Norse, while the Latin element in the language
had also gradually increased. Besides, the inflectional sys-
tem had been largely levelled, so that in its simplicity
English far more nearly approached the language of mod-
ern times. With the losses to the inflectional system there
had also come a more analytical syntax. That is, word order
was much less free, and the relation of words to one another
was marked by the larger use of prepositions and auxiliary
verbs.
64. The dialects of Middle English are in the main nat-
ural developments from those existing in Old English times.
They also occupy practically the same territory (see p. 28).
They are, however, called by somewhat different names, as
Northern instead of Northumbrian, Midland instead of
Mercian, and Southern instead of the older West Saxon.
Kentish retains its name, although owing to its less impor-
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH PERIOD 37
tant development, it is often included in Southern English.
Besides change in name, only one important difference
between the dialects of Old and Middle English need be
noted. The Midland dialect, which assumes new impor-
tance in the Middle English period, separated into several
minor dialectal divisions, of which the most important are
East Midland and West Midland. Before the close of the
Middle EngHsh period, the Northern dialect also began to
separate into two divisions. Lowland Scotch and Northern
English proper, the former of which became the literary
language of Scotland.
65. The dialects of Middle English may be briefly char-
acterized by some of their more striking features. As to
sounds. Old EngHsh a became (as in lord^ in Southern
and Midland, but remained a in Northern. This distinction
accounts for the later difference between such words as
English home and Scotch hame. Southern English, on the
other hand, differed from Northern as well as Midland in
changing f to v and s to z initially. Thus in Southern, for
example, fox and so became vox and zo. As to vocabulary,
the Northern dialect contained a larger number of Norse
words, while Southern and Midland had borrowed a larger
number of words from French. Certain differences in in-
flection also distinguish the separate dialects. In nouns the
plural form was more regularly made in Northern and Mid-
land by adding es, while in Southern many en plurals were
found. In verbs, eth was the Southern ending of the in-
dicative third singular and the plural ; but en was the ending
of the plural in Midland forms, while es was found in both
singular and plural of the Northern dialect.
38 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
J
The Fusion of French and English
66. Attention has already been called to the fact that
English remained, after the conquest as before, the language
of the great majority of the people of England. While at
first French was spoken by the conquerors, and by the
Normans who followed them after the establishment of the
new kingdom, there is no evidence that it was adopted to
any extent by the English people. On the other hand, it
is clear from many recorded statements that the Normans
themselves soon began to learn and use the language of
their adopted country, as their Norse ancestors had learned
French soon after settling in Normandy. Just how early
this took place is uncertain, but of the fact itself there can
be no reasonable doubt.
67. Indeed, the fusion of the two races probably took
place much earlier than is usually supposed. This may be
shown in many ways. In the first place, it was the policy
of William the Conqueror to disturb existing laws and cus-
toms as little as possible. After the battle of Hastings, he
presented himself for election to the kingship before the
English national assembly (Witenagemote), and took the
coronation oath of former English kings. He also re-
tained popular legal institutions, and confirmed the laws of
his predecessor Edward. Moreover, William's sons, Rufus
and Henry I, were able to hold their possessions against
the Norman Robert and his adherents, only through the
support of their loyal English subjects. Finally there is
the evidence of contemporary writers as to the complete
union of conquerors and conquered. Walter Map, who
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH PERIOD 39
died in 1210, tells us explicitly that the reign of Henry I
put an end to the distinction between Norman and English-
man. Another writer of the time of Henry II (1154-1189)
confirms this by saying, " Already the English and Normans,
by dwelling together and intermarrying, are so mixed that,
among freemen at least, it can scarcely be determined to-day
who is of EngHsh and who of Norman birth."
68. The fusion of the two races was rapid and easy on
several accounts. First, the actual number of the Normans
coming in at the conquest has been greatly exaggerated in
popular estimation. Besides, many Normans came long
after the conquest, when England and Normandy were
united as parts of one great empire and all hostility between
the races was a thing of the past. Moreover, direct Nor-
man influence, if it continued so long, ceased at the loss of
Normandy in 1204. Indeed that event could hardly have
happened at all, if for some time before it the interests of
Normans had not been transferred almost wholly to Eng-
land. Finally, in 1244, Louis IX of France commanded
the English nobles to relinquish their possessions in Eng-
land, or give up their claim to those in France. In retalia-
tion for this, the English king, Henry III, ordered all
Frenchmen who held possessions in England to be de-
prived of their property. This last act could hardly have
been ordered, if many in England were still regarded as
belonging to the Norman race. If all these facts are
taken together, the conclusion seems inevitable that the
fusion of the two races began as early as the first of the
twelfth century, and a century after the conquest was
complete.
#
40 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
The Spoken Language
69. The best evidence of the fusion of the races depends
on what is known of the adoption by the Normans of the
language of the conquered people. As to this there are
many incidental allusions. It is asserted on excellent au-
thority that William I himself, far from trying to supplant
English, attempted at the age of forty-three to acquire the
English tongue. There is at least little doubt that he un-
derstood English. William's son, Henry I, was probably
taught English in childhood. Henry II (1154-1189) under-
stood, if he did not speak, the tongue of EngHshmen,
and in his time also nobles of Norman birth " could freely
speak, or understand, English." In the reign of Richard I
(1189-1199), a bishop of Norman birth blamed another
Norman bishop because he could not speak the language
of the people. In the century following, the Bishop of
York refused benefices, even to those recommended by the
Pope, on the ground that they could not speak English,
while in the poHtical troubles of 1263 those nobles who did
not understand the native tongue were held in no esteem
by the common people.
70. More significant still of the favour in which English
was held, is the attempt of Edward I (1272-1307) to incite
enmity against the French by proclaiming that the king of
France " planned, if his ability should correspond v/ith his
iniquitous purpose (which God prevent), to destroy the
English language wholly from the earth." The third Ed-
ward (1327-1377) opened Parliament in 1362 by declaring
in English the causes of the summons. This is significant
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH PERIOD 41
proof that in the formalities of parliamentary proceedings
English was displacing French. In the same year the same
Edward granted, on petition of the Commons, that pleadings
in the courts of law should again be in English. The
statute is most explicit. After reciting " the great mischiefs
which have happened to divers of the realm, because the
laws, customs, and statutes of this realm be not commonly
known in the same realm, for that they be pleaded, showed,
and judged in the French tongue, which is much unknown
in the said realm," it ordains " that all pleas which shall be
pleaded in his [the king's] courts whatsoever, before any of
his justices whatsoever, or in his other places or before any
of his ministers whatsoever, or in the courts or places of
any other lords whatsoever within the realm, shall be
pleaded, showed, defended, debated, and judged in the
English tongue."
71. During the fourteenth century, English also regained
its place as the language of the schools. This of course
means that French, which had hitherto been thought proper
for the sons of the upper classes, was now felt to be dis-
tinctly out of place. Higden's Poly chronic on ^ written about
1352, is the authority for our knowledge of the use of French
in the schools. Higden tells us, •
"This impairing of the birth tongue is because of two things; one
is, for children in school, against the usage and manner of all other
nations, be compelled for to leave their own language and for to con-
strue their lessons and their things in French, and so they have since
the Normans came first into England. Also gentlemen's children be
taught to speak French, from the time that they be rocked in their
cradle and can speak and can play with a child's brooch."
42 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
On this passage the English translator, John Trevisa, adds
a note telling us that the schools, in spite of their conserva-
tism, had given up their use of French. His own words
are as follows :
"This manner was much used before the first death (1349), and is
since somedeal changed; for John Cornwall, a master of grammar,
changed the lore in grammar schools and construction of French into
English ; and Richard Pencrich learned this manner of teaching of him,
and other men of Pencrich; so that now, the year of our Lord a thou-
sand three hundred four score and five, and of the second king Richard
after the conquest nine, in all the grammar schools of England children
leaveth French and construeth and learneth in English."
72. To sum up the history of the spoken language in the
Middle English period, it may be said that French, the lan-
guage of the conqueror, was used for a time by the upper
classes, especially by Normans and those of Norman de-
scent. Only for a comparatively short time was French
used to the exclusion of English even by the upper classes.
The Normans themselves soon learned English, although
continuing to learn and use French, as scholars all over
Europe continued to learn and use Latin. Gradually Eng-
lish displaced French, not only as the language of daily
intercourse among the descendants of the Normans them-
selves, but also as the official language of England. Finally,
in the fourteenth century, the conservatism of the law and
the conservatism of the schools gave way to the language
of the people, and the ascendency of Enghsh was complete.
The Written Language
73. It has been shown in the preceding sections how
English, the language of the Teutonic settlers in England,
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH PERIOD 43
again became the spoken language of all classes, as well as
the language of Parhament, of the schools, and of the courts
of law. During the same period English was also regaining
its place as a written language, while one form of it was
becoming established as the standard literary language for
all England. The gradual steps by which this latter fact
came about are of the first importance in the history of
English.
74. It has already been said that William the Conqueror
did not attempt to supplant the English speech. Equally
true is it that he did not depose English from its place as
the language of official documents. Before the Conqueror's
time, writs and other acts issued by the government had
been in English or Latin. WiUiam I continued the same
practice, never using French in official documents, so far as
shown by those preserved. After William's reign, the use
of English in official records grows rarer until the reign of
Richard I (1189-1199), the first king after the conquest
of whose reign no English document is preserved. Char-
ters, however, were written in Latin and English during the
two centuries following iioo. Moreover, when English was
displaced for a time in public documents, it gave way, not
to the language of the Norman, but to Latin, the language
of learning throughout Europe.
75. That the Normans did not make French an official
language for England is clear, from the time at which it
began to be used in official documents. Strange as it may
seem, the first official use of French was in the year 1215,
a century and a half after the conquest, and a decade after
England had lost Normandy. Besides, less than fifty years
44 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
later, or in 1258, Henry III issued his famous proclamation
to the whole nation in English, as well as in Latin and
French, the languages common in public records. This
proclamation related to the Provisions of Oxford, which,
like Magna Charta, were a bill of rights wrested from the
king. The "Provisions" had been demanded by a great
popular uprising, and it was peculiarly fitting, therefore, that
they should be published in the language of the people.
76. It is true that French was largely used in public
documents after this time, but this fact must not be over-
estimated. As an official language, French was not intended
for the majority of the people, but for a comparatively small
official class. Besides, in the thirteenth century, French
was the language of half the courts of Europe, and it would
not be strange if, on this account alone, it should have been
used in England. Certainly this later and more extended
use of French clearly indicates that the foreign tongue was
no longer regarded with hatred as a badge of the conqueror.
77. English fully regained its place as an official language
in the last part of the fourteenth and the beginning of the
fifteenth century. This is shown by English documents still
preserved in the British Museum and Public Record Office
of London. Of these, the oldest private records belong to
the year 1375, the oldest London documents to the year
1384. The earliest English petition to Parliament also
bears the latter date. The earliest English will is of the
year 1387, and the earliest statutes of the Guilds written
in English are of 1389. From the time of Henry VI (1422)
private records are commonly in English. Petitions and
bills in Parliament are regularly in English from the years
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH PERIOD 45
1444 and 1445. Only in the statutes did French continue
to be used until 1488, after which they also are always in the
native tongue.
78. The language of correspondence throws some light
on the use of English, and on the relative positions of Latin
and French. Latin was commonly used in correspondence
during the earliest Middle English period. Later, but not
before the last of the thirteenth century, French began to
be used in letters. Just how early English was used is not
certain, but a private letter of 1399, written in the latter
language, is still preserved. At least from this time, English
was doubtless the usual language of correspondence. This
would seem to be clear also from the Paston Letters, a re-
markable series extending from 1424 to 1508, and from the
fact that, during the fifteenth century, the letters of kings,
as of the nobility of England, are in English.
79. As has been said, § 62, both Latin and French were
used in literature during the twelfth century. English con-
tinued to be written, but the decadence of the language was
more marked at this time than during almost any century of
English history before or since. This was natural enough,
owing to the supremacy of the Normans, and the inevitable
repression of the English national life. It is not strange
therefore that English was dialectal, that each writer used
the dialect most familiar to himself and those of his own
district, and that there was no attempt to reach the whole
people in a language common to all. Yet even this dia-
lectal literature is important to the history of English.
80. It is not strange that the Southern dialect, the direct
descendant of West Saxon, the standard language of Old
46 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
English times, should continue to be used in literature.
Some of the principal works in this dialect are the Lives of
\/ St. Katherine and St. Juliana, the Ancren Riwle, or * Rule of
Nuns,* and, in the fourteenth century, Robert of Gloucester's
Chronicle and Trevisa's translation of Higden's Polychroni-
con. Less important, because not representing the Southern
dialect so accurately, are such poems as the Moral Ode^ the
Owl and Nightingale^ and the prose treatise called Wooing
of our Lord. Kentish has few important representatives,
but the Kentish Sermons and Michael of Northgate's Ayen-
bite of Inwit, or * Prick of Conscience,' may be especially
mentioned. As their titles suggest, almost all of these works
are religious in character, and in this respect, among others,
show the limited scope of early Middle English literature.
8i. To the Northern dialect belong the Metrical Psaltery
V and the Cursor Mundi, a verse history of the world. There
are also the works of Richard Hampole, the Prick of Con-
>. ; science and the Book of an Anchoress, as well as a series
of Metrical Homilies. The most noteworthy works in later
Northern are the Songs of Lawrence Minot, and the York
and Towneley Mysteries^ specimens of the early drama. In
the fourteenth century also a national literature began to
be written in Scotland, but this may be best considered in
connection with the later Hterature of that country.
82. Far more important to a history of the English lan-
guage is the literature of the Midland dialect. This dialect
includes, as has been said, two divisions. Early East Mid-
jland is represented by the Peterborough Chronicle and the
Ormulum, or book of a monk named Orm. The Ormulum
is a poem of 10,000 long lines, consisting of paraphrases
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH PERIOD 47
of passages from the New Testament and homilies upon
them. It is important mainly because of the unique orthog-
raphy of the writer, which throws much light upon the
language of the time and on Middle EngUsh generally.
Besides these, there are the Bestiary, a fanciful poem on
animals and their assumed characteristics, and a poetical
paraphrase of Genesis and Exodus, At the beginning of the
fourteenth century Robert of Brunne wrote his Chronicle
and Handlynge Synne, or ' Manual of Sins.' West Midland
of the early period is represented by Layamon's Brut, a
long verse history of England, by the story of King Horn,
and by other poems of a popular cast.
83. The real blossoming of literature in the Midland
dialect was during the fourteenth century, when English
was becoming the language of the court, of the schools,
and of legal proceedings. First a great number of metrical
romances appeared in English of the East Midland district.
Some of the most important are the tales of Havelok the
Dane, Amis and Amiloun, King of Tars, and Guy of War-
wick. Next came a great revival of popular alliterative
poetry in the west and northwest. The most important
works of this revival are the Piers Plowman of Langland,
and the Pearl, Sir Gawain, and other works of an unknown
poet. At the same time the great court poet Chaucer, a
native of London, used English throughout his writings.
In friendly rivalry or direct imitation of his great contem-
porary, Gower gave up the use of French and Latin for the
mother tongue. Both of the latter writers are represent-
atives of the East Midland dialect, although their language
shows a colouring of Southern English. Finally, Midland
^^
48 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
prose is represented by Mandeville's Travels, and by the
writings of the reformer WycHf, who, late in hfe, forsook
Latin for the mother tongue in making his appeal to the
people against the clergy. Before the end of the century
also the Bible had been translated into English, first by
Hereford and Wyclif and next by Purvey.
84. During the fourteenth century the principal Htera-
ture of England was written in the Midland dialect, clearly
suggesting that Midland was soon to become the standard
language of the kingdom. Moreover, although the West
Midland dialect was largely used in the early part of the
century, in the last quarter of the fourteenth and the whole
of the fifteenth century most of the literature of England
was written in the language of the East Midland district.
Still more exactly, the variety of East Midland which was
most common was that spoken in London, the chief city
of the East Midland district, as of the realm. The same
variety of EngUsh had also become the official language
of England, as shown by its constant use in official docu-
ments. This was not only natural, but inevitable, since
London itself had come to be the seat of national life and
the centre of national influence.
85. The changes in literary English during the fifteenth
century were few, at least as compared with the changes
which had preceded that time. Such as did occur were
changes due to the general tendency toward greater uni-
formity whic''' had already affected the language. It has
been noted that the language of Chaucer and Gower was
coloured by some peculiarities of Southern English, pecul-
iarities which belonged to the London speech of their time.
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH PERIOD 49
The language of Wyclif, on the other hand, was coloured by
some intermixture of Northern forms. But the writings of
Caxton, toward the end of the fifteenth century, show the
language freed from the dialectal forms of his predecessors,
more uniform in its orthography, and correspondingly neai'ST
the language of literature in modern times.
86. The gradual advances by which English more and
more fully became the language of Hterature may be seen
in the writings of the fifteenth century. In poetry, Chaucer
was followed by such disciples as Lydgate and Occleve.
In prose, the use of English by Wyclif and his followers
had led the supporters of orthodoxy to adopt the language
of the people. The first of these champions of orthodoxy
to write in English was Reginald Pecock. About the middle
of the fifteenth century also, Richard Capgraye wrote a prose
Chronicle in English, the first after the abrupt close of the
Saxon Chronicle in 1154. Finally, toward the end of the
century many books were printed, and not a few written,
by William Caxton, the father of English printing.
87. In only one respect could English be said, to lack
the fullest acceptance as the language of literature. Latin,
which had been the common language of scholars through
the Middle Ages, continued to be used occasionally long
after the beginning of modern times. But Latin, as a lit-
erary language in England, shows a marked decline toward
the latter part of the Middle English period. Many a
writer, especially in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,
used both Latin and English at different times, as Wyclif,
Gower, Capgrave, and Fortescue. But the language of
mediaeval learning soon came to be limited to certain kinds
IL
50 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
of books, as those of a scholarly character, or those intended
for the continent as well as for England. From Caxton's
time English was the only literary language for the whole
English people.
88. To summarize, the history of English in the middle
period began, much as in Old English times, as the history
of several dialects, none of which had any real ascendency
over another. This was owing to the conquest and over-
throw of the English kingdom, and the consequent use, by
the ruling class, of another language than EngHsh. For a
time, the language spoken by the conquerors was Norman
French, and the language of most of the literature either
French or Latin. Gradually, however, the two races be-
came one, and the Normans came to speak and use the
language of the English people. At the same time English
again came to be written with greater frequency, until it grad-
ually displaced French entirely, and Latin also except as
the latter was sometimes preferred by scholars in scholarly
treatises. Lastly, English of a particular variety, the East
Midland of London, became the prevailing form in litera-
ture and the standard written language for the whole English
nation.
CHAPTER V
THE MODERN ENGLISH PERIOD
89. Compared with the varied vicissitudes through which
Old and Middle English passed, the history of the modern
language is exceedingly simple. The language of Lon-
don has remained the standard form since its establish-
ment, subject only to such changes as are incident to any
language in the course of its history. There has been in
modern times no revolution affecting the language materially,
no conquest by a foreign nation such as happened to the
people in the Old EngHsh period. Nor has there been any
such radical change from within, as that by which West
Saxon English in the oldest period was finally replaced by
Midland English as the standard speech of later times.
Yet English has by no means been stationary in the modem
period, and many changes of a general nature require to be
chronicled. There are also dialects of Modern English to
be described, although these are not relatively so important
as in previous periods. Besides, a separate literary language
existed for many years in the Lowlands of Scotland, while
during the modern period English has become the language
of a new nation and of important extensions of the British
empire.
90. The estabUshment of London English as the stand-
5«
52 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
ard language of England came about so gradually that it
does not seem to have been formally recognized by con-
temporaries, or by writers of the fifteenth century. In the
following century, however, there is at least one distinct
recognition of London English as the standard literary
form. This is found in the Arte of English Poesie^ pub-
lished in 1589 and attributed to George Puttenham. The
reference occurs in incidental directions to the poet.
" Our maker, therefore, at these days shall not . . . take the terms
of Northern men, such as they use in daily talk, whether they be noble-
men or gentlemen, or of their best clerks all is a matter; nor in effect
any speech used beyond the river Trent, though no man can deny but
that theirs is the purer English Saxon at this day. Yet it is not so
courtly or so current as our Southern English is; no more is the far
western man's speech. Ye shall therefore take the usual speech of the
court, and that of London and the shires lying about London within
sixty miles and not much above."
It need scarcely be said that the writer uses Southern in the
general sense, the language of London being Midland more
exactly.
91. The general use of English in the flowering of our
literature during the Elizabethan age indicates that it was
already established as the permanent medium of expression
for both poetry and prose. It is true, that such a writer as
Ascham apologizes for using English, but says with confi-
dence " that when the best of the realm think it [English]
honest for them to use, I, one of the meanest sort, ought not
to suppose it vile for me to write." There were also a few
such favourers of Latin, as Bacon, who believed that " these
modern languages" would, "at one time or other, play the
bankrupt with books." Indeed Latin continued to be writ-
THE MODERN ENGLISH PERIOD S3
ten by scholars, as by More, Bacon, Milton, and Newton.
But, as in the last of the Middle English period, Latin was
generally employed in order to reach some special class of
readers on the continent as well as in England, so that its
use in no sense affected English as the language of a dis-
tinctively national literature.
92. Although the standard written language was already
estabHshed at the beginning of the modern period, English
at that time differed considerably from EngHsh to-day. In
particular, the tendency to simplification of forms and regu-
larity of usage had not yet brought the language to its pres-
ent state. Many irregularities therefore appear in early
Modern English, as may be seen by examination of the
language of Caxton. In nouns, for example, a greater num-
ber had irregular plurals, as winter^ year, in * three hundred
winter,^ 'forty year.^ Other irregular plurals are eyeriy
hosen, sometimes shoon, for * eyes, hose, shoes.' The adjec-
tives long, strong, were still compared by the use of the
older forms lenger — lengest, strenger — strengesi. In pro-
nouns, to illustrate by two instances, his was still used for
its, which had not yet appeared, and who was still infre-
quent as a relative. Among verbs also, especially among
strong verbs, a greater variety of forms was usual than at
the present time. Besides, the present indicative third
singular still retained the ending eth, thus differing from the
modern form. Differences in syntax and idiom might also
be illustrated.
93. The tendency to simplification of forms and regular-
ity of usage in early Modern English was pardy unconscious,
as in the previous periods, partly owing to a definite purpose
S^ STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
of " improving " the language, as it was said. English and
the other modern languages were compared to their disad-
vantage with classical Latin. At the same time it was con-
ceived that the former might be placed on a level with Latin
by freely adopting Latin words and by imitating the rhetori-
cal effects of Latin writers. This curious idea originated in
Italy, and finally reached England through France. On this
latter account, the attempt to improve English included the
introduction of Romance, as well as Latin, words and also
the imitation of Romance writers.
94. The purpose of improving English in the manner
described was acknowledged as early as 1533. Sir Thomas
Elyot, in the preface to The Knowledge which maketh a man
Wise, refers to the "strange terms" found in another of his
books, and says : " I intended to augment our English
tongue, whereby men should as well express more abun-
dantly the thing that they conceived in their hearts (where-
fore language was ordained), having words apt for the
purpose, as also interpret out of Greek, Latin, or any other
tongue into English as sufficiently as out of any of the said
tongues into another." Elyot also speaks of "other words
late comen out of Italy and France and made denizens
among us." George Pettie in 15 81 approved borrowing
from Latin in these words : " It is indeed the ready way to
enrich our tongue and make it copious ; and it is the way
all tongues have taken to enrich themselves." In 1593,
Thomas Nash, the pamphleteer, defended his borrowings
from several foreign languages, on the ground that English
contained too many monosyllables.
95. On the other hand, a second class of writers in the
THE MODERN ENGLISH PERIOD SV
sixteenth century showed a purist tendency with respect to
English. These writers also wished to see English placed,
so far as possible, on a level with the classic tongues. But
they felt that borrowing of words from the classics, from
French, and later from Italian and Spanish, was rather a
corruption of the speech than a real improvement. One
of those to oppose such borrowing was Roge r Ascham,
already referred to, who disapproved of "using strange
words as Latin, French, and Italian," and disagreed " with
a man which reasoned the EngUsh tongue to be enriched
thereby." Thomas Wilson, who published the Arte of
Rhetorike in 1553, is even more severe upon the use of
foreign words. The author of thie Arte of English Poesie,
§ 90, also belonged to the same purist school. In the
latter work he writes thus of the corruption of the
language :
"Albeit peradventure some small admonition be not impertinent,
for we find in our English writers many words and speeches amenable,
and ye shall see in some many inkhorn terms so ill affected, brought
in by men of learning as preachers and schoolmasters; and many
strange terms of other languages by secretaries, and merchants and
travelers and many dark words, and not usual nor well sounding,
though they be daily spoken in court."
96. Each of these classes of writers, however, had its
share in the development of English. The two influences
worked together, so that the tendency of the first class to
adopt foreign and newly coined words, was checked by the
second class, while the latter was no doubt influenced to
some extent by the former. That the purists were not
narrow extremists is shown by other parts of their works.
ft
56 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
For example, Wilson, who is so severe upon the affected use
of foreign words, says in another place : " Now, whereas
words be received, as well Greek as Latin, to set forth our
meaning in the English tongue, either for lack of store or
else because we would enrich the language, it is well done
to use them, and no man therein can be charged for any
affectation when all other are agreed to follow the same
way." Perhaps no one has put the matter more truly for a
language in which borrowed words are common.
/ 97. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries another
attempt was made to improve the English language. Eng-
lish writers of this time looked for some means of establish-
ing the language, so that it should remain unchanged and
thus be a better means of preserving literature to future
generations. The apparent necessity for this grew out of
/the revival of the classics, and out of false conceptions
regarding the classical languages. It was believed, for
example, that Greek had remained unchanged from Homer
to Plutarch. Besides, writers of Latin imitated the style of
Cicero, a fairly fixed quantity, and were esteemed in pro-
portion as they caught the manner of the great Roman
orator. In the modern languages, on the other hand, there
was no fixed standard to be imitated, and men saw, by
comparing the language of one period with another, that
there had been great changes in diction, grammar, and
style. They feared, therefore, that literature which was
committed to such an unstable medium, would soon be-
come antiquated and buried in libraries, rather than read
and appreciated by posterity. This idea of the instability
of the modern languages early led to the establishment of
THE MODERN ENGLISH PERIOD 57
Academies in Italy and France, in order to set a standard
and prevent change.
980 The proposition to establish in England an Academy
like those of Italy and France was often made in the seven-
teenth century. Perhaps the first to suggest such a thing
was Edmund Bolton, who, in 161 7, proposed a grand Royal
Academy, one part of which was to be devoted to literature.
This was even before the establishment of the French Acad-
emy (1635) at the suggestion of Richelieu. Milton, though
not proposing an Academy, wrote in the highest terms of
" him who endeavours, by precept and by rules, to perpet-
uate that style and idiom of speech and composition which
have flourished in the purest periods of the language."
Dryden, in 1663, regretted ** that, speaking so noble a
language as we do, we have not a more certain measure
of it, as they have in France, where they have an Academy
enacted for that purpose and endowed with large privileges
by the present king." In 1679 he again favoured an Acad-
emy in these words : " I am desirous, if it were possible,
that we might all write with the same certainty of words,
and purity of phrase, to which the Italians first arrived and
after them the French ; at least that we might advance so
far as our tongue is capable of such a standard." Yet
Dryden did not depreciate English, for in his Essay of
Dramatic Poesie he says : " Our language is noble, full, and
significant ; and I know not why he who is master of it may
not clothe ordinary things in it as decently as the Latin, if
he use the same diligence in his choice of words."
99. The proposal to establish an Academy was renewed
in the eighteenth century by Swift. In 17 10 he suggested
^ STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
that the Tatler should exercise its authority as censor, " and
by an annual index expurgatorius expunge all words and
phrases that are offensive to good sense." In February,
y 171 2, Swift elaborated his idea in z. Proposal for Correct-
ing, Improving, and Ascertaining the English Tongue, which
was published as a letter to the Earl of Oxford. In one
part of this he says : " In order to reform our language, I
conceive, my lord, that a free, judicious choice should be
made of such persons as are generally allowed to be best
qualified for such a work without any regard to quality,
party, or profession. These, to a certain number at least,
should assemble at some appointed time and place, and fix
on rules by which they design to proceed."
100. Meanwhile Addison had taken up the proposal of
Swift, and in the Spectator for August 4, 1711, favoured
" something hke an Academy that, by the best authorities
and rules drawn from the analogy of languages, shall settle
all controversies between grammar and idiom." In the
number for September 8 of the same year a similar wish
was expressed, that "certain men might be set apart as
superintendents of our language, to hinder any words of a
foreign coin passing among us." Later in the century the
feeling was somewhat different. Johnson, though agreeing
with Swift and others as to the importance of establishing
English, rejected the idea of an Academy, the estabhshment
of which he hoped " the spirit of English liberty will hinder
or destroy."
loi. These proposals with regard to an Academy came
from the purists. They were vigorously opposing the con-
tinued introduction of foreign words, and the corruption, as
THE MODERN ENGLISH PERIOD 59
they called it, going on in the language itself. Dryden was
theoretically a purist, although himself using many foreign
words. Thus, in the Defence of the Epilogue ^ he says : —
" As for the other part of refining, which consists in receiving new
words and phrases, I shall not insist much on it. It is obvious that we
have admitted many, some of which we wanted, and therefore our
language is the richer for them, as it would be by importation of bullion;
others are rather ornamental than necessary; yet by their admission,
the language is become more courtly and our thoughts are better
dressed. ... I cannot approve of their way of refining, who corrupt
our English idiom by mixing it too much with French: that is a sophis-
tication of language, not an improvement of it; a turning English into
French rather than refining English by French."
102. Other writers of the time took the same view.
Butler, the author of HudibraSj also wrote a Satire on our
Ridiculous Imitation of the French^ in which he refers to the
custom of borrowing French words and phrases as consid-
ered meritorious. Swift thought that the corruption of the
language was due to two classes, the pedants, as they were
called, and the young men who, "terribly possessed with
the fear of pedantry," as he says, "run into a worse ex-
treme, . . . borrow the newest set of phrases, and, if tley
take a pen into their hands, all the odd words they have
picked up in a coffee-house, or a gaming ordinary, are pro-
duced as flowers of style." The Spectator also wished to
" prohibit any French phrases from becoming current in this
kingdom, when those of our own stamp are altogether as
valuable."
103. With the conservatives, in their influence upon lan-
guage, must be classed the lexicographers. English lex-
icography began in the early seventeenth century; but,
y
60 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
notwithstanding occasional references, it was probably no!
an important factor in affecting language until the following
century. It would be impossible in our space to estimate
the effect of each of the lexicographers in turn. The great-
^ est of them was Samuel Johnson, whose dictionary appeared
in 1755. The purpose of Johnson, as expressed in his pub-
lished Plan (1747), was " to fix the English language " ; for
Johnson believed, like Swift, that Enghsh might be rescued
from further corruption, and prevented from further change.
Before completing his great work, Johnson seems to have
partially realized the impossibility of his first purpose, for
in the Preface to the Dictionary^ he admits a change in
his views. On the other hand, his great work certainly
acted as an important restraining and regularizing influ-
ence, while it did still more in fixing the orthography of
the language.
104. To the lexicographers, in their conservative influence
upon English, must be added the grammarians and rheto-
ricians. The oldest English grammar, as well as the oldest
treatise on rhetoric, belong to the sixteenth century. But
these early works were very fragmentary, and made little
attempt to distinguish good from bad usage. In the eigh-
teenth century, however, English grammarians, by approving
certain forms and excluding others as dialectal, became
more influential in preventing change within the language.
At the same time the writers on rhetoric also became more
numerous and more important. Besides, the rhetoricians
broke away from the almost exclusive treatment of argu-
mentation, in which former writers had closely followed
Aristotle, and began to treat many individual points of usage.
THE MODERN ENGLISH PERIOD 61
They thus became influential in establishing regularity in
form and expression.
105. In addition to these direct influences upon the lan-
guage, must be mentioned the more indirect influence of
the increasing literature of the nation. The usage of writers
in one age is imitated by those of a following time. Thus
literature becomes a most important conservative influence
upon the form and manner of expression. This influence
of literary form was especially strong in the eighteenth
century, when such stylists as Addison came to be com-
monly read and imitated.
The Spoken Language
106. The last of the eighteenth century is also notable
for attempts to set up a standard form of the spoken lan-
guage. Early English dictionaries gave little attention to
pronunciation of words. A beginning was made by Nathan
Bailey, who marked accent in the Dictionary which he pub-
Hshed in 1727. Johnson followed Bailey in marking accent
only. It was not until 1773 that particular vowel sounds
were indicated in the Dictionary of William Kenrick, who
thus estabhshed orthoepy in its modern sense. The cus-
tom of marking pronunciation was followed by later lexicog-
raphers as by Perry in 1775, Sheridan in 1780, Walker in
1 791, and by many others in the nineteenth century. Of
those named the most important was Walker, a London
elocutionist, who gave special attention to orthoepy in his
Dictionary and has since been closely followed.
107. The effect of this attempt to establish a standard
pronunciation has not been as great as was anticipated.
62 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
The dictionary of Walker did not prevent change in pro-
nunciation, any more than the dictionary of Johnson had
prevented change in the written form. Still the effect of
setting up a standard pronunciation has been to retard
natural phonetic changes, and to prevent the use of marked
dialectal peculiarities by cultivated speakers. Spoken Eng-
lish has thus become more uniform among cultivated people
of all classes. On the other hand, the theory of the older
orthoepists was that words should be pronounced as they
are spelled. Under this theory some irregularities in pro-
nunciation have been introduced, as the orthoepists have
tried to establish some pronunciations which had no his-
torical or phonetic reason. An example in point is the
word won't *will not'. The o in this word represents a
former u sound, developed from / by influence of the pre-
ceding w. It should, therefore, be pronounced like the
vowel of but, not like o in dorCt. The latter pronunciation
is due wholly to the spelling and to the wrong analogy set
up by the orthoepist. The tendency of the theory men-
tioned above has been to make pronunciation conform to
some of the anomalies of our present English spelling.
1 08. During the nineteenth century, the influences affect-
ing English in the preceding hundred years, the schools,
lexicographers, grammarians, and rhetoricians, have been
even more considerable in their effect. This may be seen
from any close examination of literary English in the two
periods. In addition to these, there is one tendency in the
nineteenth century somewhat different from that affecting
the language in any past time. Owing to a new interest
in the older literature, especially ballad poetry, at the end
THE MODERN ENGLISH PERIOD 63
of the eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth century,
there has been a revival of many archaic words, particularly
in poetry. This may be considered in general one form
of the purist tendency already noticed in the past history
of English.
109. Illustrations of this revival of older words may be
seen in the poetry of the whole period, from the time of
Coleridge and Wordsworth to that of Tennyson and Brown-
ing. For example, Coleridge used such words as eftsoons^
I wis, the latter not originally a pronoun and verb, but an
old adverb iwis 'certainly,' which was misunderstood by
later writers. Tennyson also uses such older words as
rathe 'early,' adowii, anear, afween, enow, lief, natheless,
wot, wist, and many others. Browning shows a similar
tendency, many of the words used being not only old, but
odd and scarcely likely to be generally adopted. In The
Ring a?id the Book, for example, occur cark, clomb, dubiety,
endlong, holpen, quag, repristination, round ' whisper,' sib,
smoothens, smugly, spilth, and others.
no. The extreme of purism is seen in such a proposal
as that of William Barnes, the Dorset poet, who wished to
bring the English speech back to its original Teutonic char-
acter. In his grammar of English, or Outline of English
Speechcraft, he uses such terms as time-taking for ' tense,'
mark-word of suchness for ' 2id]tci\wt,^ pitch-mark for 'com-
parison.' Such an attempt, absurd as it is, rests upon the
serious beUef that there is something pernicious in a bor-
rowed word, even one of long standing and good use. That
such a belief rests on no adequate foundation may be seen
from a later discussion.
M STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
Dialects in Modern English
111. The literary language of England has thus far been
traced through the modern period without reference to
dialects. Yet the elevation of a standard literary language,
based upon the speech of London, did not prevent other
dialects from continuing to exist among the common people.
In Britain alone there are still six important dialect divi-
sions, without including Wales or the Highlands of Scotland.
These six divisions are the Southern, including the older
Southern and Kentish ; tli^ Midland, the Eastern, and the
^Western, within the boundaries of the older Midland; the
-^Northern and the Lowland, included within the district of
the older Northern and the Lowlands of Scotland over
which Northern had spread in Middle English times. The
exact boundaries of these may be seen from the map on the
opposite page.
112. Owing to the extent to which standard spoken
English has been cultivated in all parts of the island of
Britain, these dialects are found mainly among the peasant
classes. In Scotland, however, a broad Scotch English is
still used at times by many educated people. The dialects,
as spoken by the peasants of England, are so unlike that a
yeoman of one district would often have difficulty in making
himself understood by a yeoman of another. Some idea of
the different dialects may be gained from their use in litera-
ture. Thus Southern is represented by the works of WiUiam
Barnes already referred to, § no, and by passages in the
novels of Blackmore and Hardy. In respect to dialect,
George Eliot's Middlemarch represents northeast Midland,
THE MODERN ENGLISH PERIOD
65
ENGLISH DIALECTS IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
66 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
and Mrs. Ward's David Grieve^ northwest Midland, while
Tennyson's Northern Farmer represents the Northern divi-
sion. The Scottish dialect requires more extended notice,
since it has had a literature of its own, distinct from the lit-
erature of England, and from ordinary dialectal works.
Besides these, the language of other parts of the British
Empire and that of the United States deserves some con-
sideration.
Lowland Scotch
113. Lowland Scotch, the English of the south of Scot-
land, is an outgrowth of the Northern dialect, which had
spread over that region in Middle English times. It did
not differ materially from Northern English, until about the
middle of the fifteenth century, although there had been an
uninterrupted series of Scottish writers from the early four-
teenth century, the period of Scottish independence. From
the middle of the fifteenth century, therefore, to the union
with England in 1603, Lowland Scotch was the literary lan-
guage of the north. After the union with England, Scotch
was still spoken by the majority of the people of Scotland,
and it is still a living language, although among the educated
a variety of standard English is also used.
114. The father of Scottish poetry was John Barbour,
archdeacon of Aberdeen. A contemporary of Chaucer, he
had half completed his epic, the Bruce ^ in 1375. Another
epic of his, the Brut, relating the descent of the Scottish
kings from the Roman Brutus, has not been preserved. Next
in importance was Andrew Wyntoun, who completed about
1420 the Orygynale Crony kit of Scotland, Among other
THE MODERN ENGLISH PERIOD 67
Scottish poets of importance were James I (1394-1437),
who wrote the King's Quhair ' quire or book ' ; William
Dunbar (1460-1530?), one of the greatest Scottish writers;
Gawain Douglas (1474-15 22), David Lindsay (1490?-
1555), and King James VI, James I, of England (1566-
1625), whose poems are noteworthy mainly because they
were written by a king. A fuller account of these, and of
their works, belongs rather to literature than to the history
of language.
115. The variety of Lowland Scotch, which was finally
elevated to the position of literary language, was that spoken
in and about the capital city, Edinburgh, rather than the
speech of the extreme southern lowlands. This was affected,
in the course of its history, by various influences from with-
out, as the Norse, Celtic, French, Classical, and English, of
which only the briefest accounts need be given. The Norse
influence was probably slighter than on Northern English
proper. The Celtic influence was somewhat greater than on
English, since Celtic was spoken in close proximity to the
Hterary centre for a longer period than in England. For
this reason a considerable number of Celtic words was bor-
rowed by the Scotch. What is known as the French influ-
ence was due to that close union of Scotland with France,
by which the former was able to retain her independence
for so many years. Owing to this close alliance, many
French words that have no place in English, entered Low-
land Scotch, as shown for example by the poems of Bums.
116. The Classical influence on Lowland Scotch was due
to the Revival of Learning, by which Scotland was as directly
affected as England. Lastly, Scotch writers were constantly
68 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
influenced in vocabulary as in subject by the literature oi
England. This influence was especially strong at the time of
the Reformation, since the leaders of the movement in Scot-
land were in direct intercourse with the English reformers.
There was, too, no Scotch translation of the Scriptures, and
the English Bible was used by the Reformers in Scotland.
This use was strenuously opposed by the Catholic party, and
was actually illegal until, in 1543, by act of Parliament, "it
was made free to all, man and woman, to read the Scriptures
in their own tongue, or in the English tongue." The litera-
ture of the Elizabethan age also affected Scotland, and both
of these influences materially aided in bringing about the
adoption of English as the literary language of the Scottish
people.
117. It was said above that the Scottish speech still re-
mained after the Scottish writers had begun to use English,
and that it reappeared in popular poetry. In fact, Scotch
experienced a strong revival in the ballad and lyric poetry
of Ramsay, Fergusson, and Burns. Still, these poets did
not use the vernacular Scotch in its purity, but rather a con-
ventionalized form made up of Scotch and English. This
may be exemplified from some of the poems of Burns, by
showing the exact relationship between the number of Scotch
words and those that are English, or Scotch only in form.
For instance, A inarCs a man for a' that, contains 115 dif-
ferent words, of which only 18 are not EngHsh. In Duncan
Gray cam here to woo, the different words in which number
117, there are only 30 words which are Scotch. In Auld
Lang Syne, out of 80 words, there are 24, and in Scots wha
hae, out of 100 words, there are only 9 which are not English.
I
THE MODERN ENGLISH PERIOD 71
of a separate standard for Ireland. Besides, the suggestion
of such names as those of Goldsmith, Sheridan, and Burke
shows that, even in the eighteenth century. Irishmen con-
tributed to what is called English literature. Yet the Eng-
Hsh of the common people in Ireland is decidedly dialectal.
This is due to the fact that certain changes, which have
affected British English in the last two centuries, have not
equally affected Irish English. An older pronunciation is
therefore retained, as illustrated by such words as tea, wheats
pronounced tay, whate, as in England in the eighteenth cen-
tury. No doubt Celtic, too, has affected the English of the
lower classes.
120. English is also the language of the British colonies,
in so far as it has displaced the native tongues. It is thus
the speech of the dominant classes in India, British America,
Australia, South Africa, and in many smaller parts of the
British Empire. In all of these countries the literary lan-
guage of England is recognized as the standard, although the
written language outside the mother country usually differs
in details, owing to inevitable linguistic changes. Such
differences are more noticeable in the spoken language,
although as yet no distinctive dialects can be said to exist
in any of the English colonies. That such dialects will
appear in the future seems certain from the history of
language.
American English
121. English is not only the language of the British
Empire, but also, owing to the separation of the American
colonies from the mother country, the language of a new
72 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
nation. It is important to consider, therefore, the relation
of American to British English in both written and spoken
forms. Yet the lack of careful studies of American English,
and especially of its relation to that of the mother country,
makes it impossible to give more than general facts and
tendencies.
122. Historically, American English is based upon the
language of England in the seventeenth century, the great
era of American colonization. This foundation of seven-
teenth century English has been variously affected from
both within and without. From without, it has been in-
fluenced by immigration from the mother country and other
lands. Yet in general, people from England as from other
foreign lands have adopted the usage of America, so that
few changes can be directly attributed to them. Such
changes as have been brought about by their influence are
mainly in the direction of additions to the vocabulary.
Besides this, the most important external influence has
been that of the literature of England, which has been a
potent factor in making the literary language of America
conform to the standard literary language of Britain.
123. The influences on American English from within
have been more numerous. In the first place, American
English has retained words and meanings of words which,
though once common in England, are no longer used. In
many parts of America also, there has been a retention of
an older pronunciation than that now found in the mother
country. This retention of older forms seems to be due to
the curious fact that the colony usually tends to preserve
the language of the time of separation. In addition to this
THE MODERN ENGLISH PERIOD 73
influence must be reckoned the development of a vigorous
national life, which has led to considerable changes in
vocabulary at least.
124. Besides these gomewhat indirect influences from
within, there have been others of a more direct nature.
The first of these, which may be called the purist tendency,
has asserted the necessity of conforming to British standards,
as representing the only correct usage. As early as 1789,
Franklin called attention to " innovations " in the English
of America. John Pickering, who made the first collection
of " Americanisms " in 1816, pretended to point out the
" corruptions," in order to preserve the purity, of EngHsh.
Worcester, in his Dictionary of 1830, conformed very
largely to British standards, opposing the views and usages
of Webster. Finally, the extreme to which the purist has
sometimes gone may be seen from the epigrammatic dictum
of Richard Grant White, — " In language everything dis-
tinctively American is bad."
125. Opposed to the purists in their view of American
English are those who have seen, or have thought they have
seen, the beginning of a separate standard for America.
The first of these was Noah Webster, with whom American
lexicography began in the first decade of this century.
Webster recognized American, as distinct from British,
usage, and an American pronunciation, while he also set
up an American orthography. This recognition of Ameri-
can usage was especially avowed in the American Diction-
ary of the English Language, which was pubHshed in 1828.
Many others have followed the lead of Webster more or
less completely. The more conservative of these base their
74 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
belief in the eventual recognition of a somewhat separate
standard for America on the inevitable changes in language,
and the impossibihty that two nations so far separate as
England and America should conform in all respects to a
single standard of usage.
126. None of these tendencies has entirely replaced, or
overcome, the others. American literary English may be
said to be the product of all of them working together. In
the first place there is substantial agreement in the literary
standards of the two countries. Some minor differences
occur in grammatical fo rms, in idiom, and in us age. Greater
differences are found in the or thograp hy, and still more
considerable divergences are noticeable in the vocabularies
of the two nations. Yet the influence of a common Htera-
ture in the past, as well as the literary relations of the two
countries at present, will no doubt keep American literary
English to a parallel development with the literary lan-
guage of England. Moreover, as America produces a more
extensive literature of its own, there will probably come on
both sides of the water a tolerance of characteristic and
reasonable differences, so that neither people need regard
its somewhat separate standard as in any true sense superior
or inferior to the other.
127. When the spoken language of the two countries is
taken into account, more considerable divergences naturally
appear. Take, for example, the vocabularies of the two
peoples. It would be impossible that there should not be
differences between democracy and aristocracy in the lan-
guage of governmental relations. Such differences are too
obvious to need illustration. But the differences between
THE MODERN ENGLISH PERIOD 75
a democratic government and one with an hereditary and
titular aristocracy belong not only to governmental, but also
to social, relations. Besides, social customs will seldom be
exactly the same for any long period in two widely sepa-
rated countries. Then, too, the cultivated language of
every country is constantly receiving some additions from
the language of common life, and as the conditions of Hfe
differ in the vigorous growth of America and the more
staid conservatism of England, so the additions to the stand-
ard language from this source must differ in themselves.
128. These differences in vocabulary may be exemplified
by colloquialisms of the two countries. Examples are Brit-
ish clever, ill, knocked up, and American smart, sick, tired.
Many colloquial words have different meanings in the two
countries ; as nice, which means * small, delicate,' in Britain,
* agreeable ' in America ; fix, which means * establish ' in
Britain, 'arrange, repair,' in America; quite, used in the
sense of * entirely ' in Britain, but in the sense of * very ' in
America. The divergences in the spoken language of the
two countries are more considerable when we examine
particular phases of life. Take for instance the nomencla-
ture of railway travel. Compare the following pairs, the
first of which is American, the second British in each case :
Engineer — driver; fireman — stoker ; conductor — guard;
baggage- car — van; baggage — luggage; trunk — box; check
— register; car — carriage ; track — line; freight- train —
goods-train ; to switch — to shunt.
129. As to pronunciation, no American dictionary now
attempts to follow British usage exactly. Many examples
might be noted, as the large classes of words with vowels
76 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
like those in asky half, path, dance, and long. In some
cases in which the standard is nominally the same, Ameri-
can usage does not follow the dictionary, as in the great
number of words like hot, not, etc. America differs from
England, also, in not recognizing the speech of any one
locality as standard. The only standard recognized in
America is that of dictionaries, and these attempt to fol-
low, not one locality, but the best usage of the country as a
whole. The standard thus set up is more artificial than if
the speech of a particular locaUty were chosen, and partly
for this reason the dictionaries, influential as they are, have
not been able to counteract considerable dialectal diver-
gence. In time, perhaps, the speech of one or more locali-
ties may come to be recognized as the standard by all good
speakers.
130. In one other important respect American English
differs from the modern language of England. Spoken
English throughout America is more uniform among all
classes, and there are no such strongly, marked peasant dia-
lects as in England. This is no doubt due to the fact, that
the language originated in the fairly homogeneous middle
class of English society, and that, since its transplanting to
America, it has not had time to break up into widely diverse
dialects. Yet, as pointed out by Whitney^ nearly thirty years
ago, we can by no means safely say that there are no dialects
in America. Although there has been little careful study in
this field, three great divisions — the east, the west, and the
south — may be said to have characteristic differences, not
only in the language of the uneducated, but also, to some
1 Language and the Study of Language, p. 174.
THE MODERN ENGLISH PERIOD 77
extent, in that of the educated. Of these three great divi-
sions, the most pronounced dialects are those of New Eng-
land for the east, the upper Mississippi valley for the west,
and perhaps Virginia and the Carolinas for the south. It is
also true that when the speech of the uneducated alone
is taken into account, the dialectal peculiarities are more
numerous- and more marked.
The Spread of English
131. Before closing this general survey of English in
modern times, the spread of the English language must be
noted as one of the most significant facts of language his-
tory. How many of the Angles, Saxons, and Jutes origi-
nally settled in Britain can never be known. At the time
of Elizabeth, however, EngHsh was spoken by at least five
million people. At present it is the language of consid-
erably more than one hundred million people, a larger
number than has ever used a single homogeneous speech.
Formerly also English was spoken only by the inhabitants
of Britain and her colonies. In the nineteenth century,
English has spread to many foreign countries as the lan-
guage of trade, while the literature of England is read by
the people of many nations which do not use the English
speech.
132. It is the duty of the historian of language to chron-
icle what has taken place in the past, rather than to suggest
what may come in the future. Yet the extension of English
in the past naturally suggests the possibility of its further
extension in the future. Benjamin Franklin expressed the
78 STANDARD LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
opinion in his Autobiography ^ that English might sometime
take a place second only to French in general use. The
prediction has often been made in the present century that
English will eventually become the universal language of the
world. The opinion of Franklin has certainly been more
than realized. The second prediction is one which ex-
presses at least a possibility. Yet so largely is language a
matter of convention, that to predict the universality of one
form or another would require a knowledge of the future
thought and feeling, the future rank and condition of all
nations. Such a prediction is therefore scarcely more than
idle speculation.
Ill
THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
CHAPTER VI
THE NATIVE ELEMENT
133. By a history of the English vocabulary is meant
a history of the general changes which have affected the
native word stock, as distinct from those that have affected
the sounds and inflections of words. In considering such
changes in such a language as English, two classes of
words are to be taken into account, — the native and the
borrowed word. To the first element belong the original
words brought over from the continent by our Teutonic
forefathers, as well as those that have been formed from
them by native changes. To the second element belong
those words which have been borrowed from the various
languages with which the English people have come in
contact, together with those formed from them since the
period of borrowing. While these two elements have usu-
ally been assimilated to one another in English, each has
in some respects a separate history. The native element
naturally merits the first attention.
134. When the Teutonic peoples came to Britain their
vocabulary was in the main a homogeneous one ; that is,
79
80 THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
it had been but slightly affected by foreign influences.
It consisted almost wholly of words that had been once
common Teutonic, so that most of them appear in some
of the other Teutonic languages. This was true, except
as English had naturally kept some words which, for various
reasons of usage, had not been retained by the other lan-
guages of the Teutonic group. Besides, the vocabulary of
Old English times included some words which had been
formed after the separation of the English from their Teu-
tonic relatives on the continent.
135. The special process by which English of the oldest
period increased its vocabulary was word composition,
the process common to all the Indo-European languages.
Words were compounded in one of two ways, either by the
union of independent words, or by the use of prefixes and
suffixes. There is in reality no strict dividing line between
these two means of word formation, because all prefixes and
suffixes are supposed to have been independent words at
one time, and some of them were so used even in Old
English. Nevertheless the classification is convenient.
136. The freedom with which Old English formed com-
pounds from independent words may be illustrated by some
particular series. For example, the word land was part of
at least sixty-three compounds in Old English, while the
word even ' evening ' was used in twenty-six, and life in
twenty-seven, compounds. These compounds were of the
three classes — nouns, adjectives, and verbs. The expres-
siveness of some of them may be illustrated by some which
have not been preserved to modern times, as life-busy, life-
care, life-day y life-fast * having Hfe,' life-ward 'guardian of
THE NATIVE ELEMENT 81
life/ life -way, life-well *\\ym% spring,' life-win *joy of life.
These are typical examples. Besides, there must have been
many compounds once used, but not now known because
not found in any relic of the older literature.
137. In addition to compounds of independent words,
compounds were also formed by the use of prefixes and
suffixes. Some idea of the number of Old English prefixes
may be gained from the following list : a-, and-, afler-y
be-, ed-, for-, ford- (forth), ge-, mid-, mis-, of, on-, or-,
od- (oth), to-, un-, under-, up-, with-, wan-. Many of
these were used in forming more than one class of words,
as nouns, adjectives, verbs, so that the number of such
compounds was considerable. The Old English suffixes
were also numerous. The following, among others less
frequent, were used in forming nouns : -cen * kin,' -dom
*dom,* -en, -ere *tx,\-estre *ster,' -had 'hood (head),' -ing,
-ling, -ness, -scipe * ship.' The Old English suffixes forming
adjectives were -ede * ed,' -en, -feald ' fold,' -full, -ig * y,' -isc
' ish,' -leas ' less,' -Be * ly,' -sum * some,' -iveard * ward.'
Among verb suffixes were -nian, -sian, -l^can, as in fast-en,
clean-se, know-ledge (ME. knowlechen). There were also
adverbial suffixes which were connected with inflectional
endings of nouns and adjectives.
138. Some idea of the richness and flexibility of the Old
English vocabulary may be gained by the following com-
parison. In the great epic poem Beowulf, which consists
of less than thirty-two hundred lines, there are nineteen
synonyms for ' ocean,' nine for ' ship,' and eleven for
* sword.' These are all simple words. In addition, there
are twenty-three compound words used for ' ocean,' twelve
V
82 THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
for 'ship,* and eighteen for 'sword.' These are all true
compounds also, and do not include descriptive phrases
made up of a genitive and a noun, of which there are at
least ten for the idea of 'ocean.'
139. In addition to word composition, the principal
process by which the vocabulary was increased in Old
English times, a less important means of growth must be
noted. The word stock of a language is indirectly in-
creased by any process which tends to form two words
from one. In the Old English period doublets were indi-
rectly formed from single roots by an important phonetic
process called mutation, or change of root vowel, § 250.
Mutation is illustrated by such words as man^ foot, goose,
with their plurals, which have different vowels, as men, feet,
geese. The latter examples are connected by inflection.
In the case of words not so connected, however, the mu-
tated and unmutated forms soon came to be practically
separate roots, from each of which might be formed a
separate series of derivatives. Examples of modern words
thus connected are sale — sell, tale — tell, long — length, full
— fill, lode — lead, dole — deal, food — feed, blood — bleed,
grow — green, proud — pride}
Changes in the Native Element since Old English Times
140. The changes that have affected the native element
in tTie English vocabulary since Old English times are prin-
cipally two, growth and decay, changes that affect the word
1 The relation of mutation to increase of the vocabulary was wholly indi-
rect. It was never a direct, or conscious, means of forming new words.
THE NATIVE ELEMENT 8i
Stock of all languages in the course of their history. The
slightest examination of any Old English work shows that,
while many of the older words now exist in somewhat dif-
ferent forms, many have been entirely lost. This loss of
words is partly a natural process, partly a change produced
by the various external influences that have affected Eng-
lish. The first is common to all languages, since changes
in men's thought and feeling, as well as in the material
things about them, require new words for expression. The
second is a more artificial process, and has differently
affected different languages.
141. The most considerable losses to native English
words have undoubtedly resulted from such external influ-
ences. For example, conversion to Christianity brought a
new religion to England. As many of the words used in
the rehgion of the Teutons were unsuited to Christianity,
they were displaced by words introduced from other lan-
guages by Christian teachers. Yet some of the older words
were retained in modified meanings, as bless, Easter, ghosf,
God, heaven, lent, or new compounds of native words were
made, as gospel, Lady day. Similar losses have occurred in
words referring to governmental relations, owing to the con-
quests of the Danes and the Normans. While such native
words as king, sheriff, alderman, are still used in older or
modified meanings, a multitude of words for governmental
relations have been borrowed by EngHsh. Many other
examples might also be given of similar losses to the native
element by reason of external influences.
142. Losses of native words have been especially nu-
merous in the case of compounds. For example, of the
/
84 THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
sixty- three compounds of land mentioned in § 136, only
two, landlord and landmark^ are in ordinary use to-day,
although two or three others are found in the older modern
literature. Of the twenty-six compounds of even, only two,
evensong and eventide^ remain in occasional use, while
lifelesSf lifelike^ livelihood are the only compounds of life
now left of the twenty-seven once existing in the language.
Great losses have also occurred in words formed by the use
of prefixes and suffixes. For instance, although there were
many compounds in Old English with the prefixes and-, or-y
and mid-, only one of each, answer, ordeal, midwife, now
remains. (Jl some of the other older prefixes not a single
example is left in Modern English.
143. With the loss of compounds since Old English
times, the capability of forming compounds has also been
partially lost. Yet this Teutonic method of increasing the
vocabulary has never entirely disappeared. Many new
compounds have been formed since the oldest period, and
by such compounds the word stock of English has con-
tinued to be enlarged in all periods. The difference in this
respect between the earlier and later periods is, that since
Old English times word composition has not been the prin-
cipal means of increase in the number of words.
144. That the process of forming compound words has
continued to be an important source of growth to the Eng-
lish vocabulary, may be shown from many examples. For
instance, the word life, which has been already used in
illustrating older compounds, has become a part of many
compounds not found in the Old English dictionaries.
Examples are lifeblood, lifeboat^ lifeful, lifehold, lifelong, life-
^ THE NATIVE ELEMENT 85
mate, lifesomey lifespring, lifestring, lifetime. These are as
close compounds as any formed in Old English times. In
addition, there are many compounds still written with a
hyphen, as life-giving, life-preserver, life-saving, life-size, life-
weary. Some of these examples are poetic and rare, but
all occur in literature of the modern period. Besides, some
of the older prefixes and suffixes are still used in the forma-
tion of compound words.
145. Moreover, there are many strict compounds, as
indicated by inflection and syntax, which are not marked
by any sign of union. Many of these are not even recog-
nized by the dictionaries, still less by English speakers.
The word life, for example, forms such unmarked compounds
as life buoy, life car, life estate, life guard, life insurance,
life line, life rate, life school, and many others. Similar
unmarked compounds occur in the case of many verbs, to
which various adverbs are appended in ordinary usage.
For example, the verb look forms true compounds in such
phrases as look at, look away, look in {into), look out, look
up, and others. In all such cases the adverb is a virtual
suffix, since it is indispensable to the meaning and syntax
of the verb.
j 146. It was said that in Old EngHsh times the vocabu-
lary was indirectly increased by the phonetic change called
mutation, § 139. Less important phonetic changes since
Old EngHsh times have also resulted in the formation of a
few doublets. For example, owing to slight phonetic influ-
ences such doublets have been formed as emmet — ant,
dent — dint, quid — cud, quitch — couch in quitchgrass —
couchgrass. Doublets due to diff'erence in stress are off—*
86 THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
off than — then, thorough — through, too — to. Colloquial
doublets due to the same cause are will — 7/, had — V/,
will not — won't, and many others. Occasionally doublets
are the result of borrowing from another dialect than that
from which standard English has developed. An example
is fat — vat ' a vessel,' in which the first is the true Mid-
land form, while the second has been borrowed from the
Southern dialect, §- 65.
147. In addition to growth and decay, which have so far
been illustrated in the history of the native element, there
are certain minor changes which affect in other ways the
vocabulary of any language. One of the most interesting
of these is the obscuration of compounds, or loss of identity
in the separate parts, which has resulted mainly from loss
of stress. The change is by no means peculiar to one
branch of the Indo-European family or indeed to the family
itself. The theory of inflectional forms, for example, sup-
poses original roots to which have been added suffixes that
were once independent words. These were later modified
by the same processes that have changed the form of com-
pounds in English. Even in Old English the suffixes -donty
'hoodf -ship, were independent words, although they have
lost this character since Old English times.
148. English has many of these obscure compounds, a
few of which will suffice for illustration. Some still preserve
a syllable for the word obscured, as bridal, OE. bryd-ealu
* bride-feast ' ; brimstone^ ME. brenston ' burning-stone * ;
cranberry for *craneberryy like German Kranbeere. Three
common words of the same sort are daisy, OE. dceges-eage
* day's eye ' ; darling, OE. deorling, allied to English dear;
THE NATIVE ELEMENT 87
and starboard^ OE. sfeorbord 'steering-side.* Goodbye is
a familiar case of an obscure compound. The word stands
for the formula ' God be wi* ye/ or possibly for ' God be
by ye.' The word God also occurs in gossip, ME. godsib
* related in God, a sponsor/ possibly also in gospel * God's
spell (story).' Even greater obscuration is seen in hussy,
OE. huswlf ' housewife ' ; woman, OE. wlfman ; orchard,
OE. ortgeard 'plant yard.*
149. Other obscure compounds are now monosyllabic,
one or more syllables having been entirely lost. An ex-
ample of this sort is lord, OE. hlaford <^ *hla,f-weard^ 'loaf
ward,' the syllable hldf also occurring in lady, OE. hlaf-dige
* loaf-knead er.' The word yes is for yea so, OE. gese i^ge-
swa), while world is made up of wer ' man ' and celdu ' age,'
so that it originally meant ' the age of man.'
150. When a compound is obscured and the original
meaning changed, a new compound may be set up with the
meaning of the older word. The language is thus enriched
by a new word. Of this linguistic fact there are many ex-
amples in English. To illustrate, housewife is a new com-
pound with the same meaning that hussy (< OE. hus-wlf)
originally possessed, the latter having lost the older idea.
Other examples are lively — lifelike, livelong — lifelong.
Somewhat similar is spider-web beside cob-web, since in the
latter case the older meaning of cob {cop) ' spider ' has been
wholly lost.
151. Another change in vocabulary is that by which
1 The sign < means ' from, or derived from.' A word with a star before
it is a theoretical form. It does not exist in the language, .but must be
assumed in order to account for a form which is found.
88 THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
homonyms are produced. Homonyms are words from dif-
ferent roots which, by various changes, have come to have
the same phonetic form. The term is often incorrectly
limited to words which have the same written form, as bear
vb. and sb. ; but bare the adjective is also a homonym of
these two. The number of homonyms in English is consid-
erable. The examples already quoted, bear sb., bear vb.,
bare adj., are all Teutonic words. Other Teutonic homo-
nyms are blow vb., blow sb. ' flower,' blow * stroke ' ; can vb.,
can sb. ; hide vb., hide * skin,' hide * measure of land.'
152. Some purely English homonyms are due to confu-
sion of forms, or contamination. Thus, abide ' await for ' is
the proper phonetic descendant of OE. abidan, but abide
' suffer ' is from OE. abycgan ' pay for,' ME. abyen. So bid
* pray ' and bid ' command ' show confusion of two verbs,
OE. biddan and beodan, § 431. In many cases homo-
nyms result from borrowing a word similar in form to one
of native origin ; but the discussion of these and of homo-
nyms exclusively foreign belongs to a consideration of the
foreign element.
153. On the other hand, homonyms sometimes lose their
identity by confusion of meaning. The word ooze (formerly
wooze) combines the meanings of two older words, OE.
wos ' juice ' and was ' pool, slime,' which became homonyms
in Middle English. So Ughl includes an older word mean-
ing * close, thick, strong,' and one meaning * quickly,' as in
the expression 'run as lighl as you can.' Sometimes also
contamination of meaning takes place in the case of homo-
nyms. The word dear in such an expression as * her dearest
foe' is often supposed to be the same as the adjective dear
THE NATIVE ELEMENT 89
'beloved.' It is in reality a homonym of the latter, and
comes from an Old English adjective meaning ' dreadful.'
The same word is common in the colloquialism ' dear me,'
although it is here also commonly misunderstood.
154. The importance of the native element in English,
and its persistence in spite of great changes, cannot obscure
the fact that English has received large and important addi-
tions to its vocabulary from foreign sources. In fact, the
greatest increase to the English vocabulary from any single
source has been through the borrowing of words from other
languages. It is important, therefore, to consider the vari-
ous sources from which words have been borrowed, as well
as their relation to the original word stock. These subjects
will accordingly be treated in the following chapters.
CHAPTER VII
THE BORROWED ELEMENT IN THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
155. Important as is the borrowed element in English, it
is not easily treated on several accounts. For instance, it is
difficult in some cases to separate borrowed, from native,
words. Frequently, also, words borrowed in early times
have been displaced by similar words of later introduction,
and this may cause confusion. Again, in tracing the history
of a word, its ultimate origin must be separated from the
immediate source from which it has come. A Greek or
Persian word, for example, may have come to English in
a Latin or French form. Its English form will, therefore,
depend more upon the immediate source of the borrowing,
than upon its ultimate origin. Such, and many other con-
siderations, make it by no means easy to treat completely
this important element in English. Yet some idea of the
influences which have brought about the adoption of foreign
words may be concisely given, together with some examples
of the borro\ired words in the language.
156. Borrowing of foreign words is due to more or less
direct contact of one nation with another. The slightest
direct contact of two peoples, in a friendly or hostile man-
ner, might easily lead to the adoption by each of at least the
name of the other nation. More intimate association usually
90
THE BORROWED ELEMENT 9\
results in more considerable borrowings which are limited
only by the barriers that custom and use may set. The
Romans borrowed Greek words because the Latin people
was dominated by Greek ideals in literature, art, and culture.
Owing to the spread of Latin Christianity, to the use of
Latin as a common language of culture, and to the great
revival of Latin learning, the modern nations of western
Europe have borrowed extensively from the language of the
Roman Empire. The Enghsh people, owing primarily to
the conquest by French invaders, and ever since to more or
less intimate relations, have borrowed largely from the
French language. Finally, in modern times the English
people have again drawn upon Latin and Greek for scien-
tific and technical terms. The peculiarity of this later bor-
rowing consists in the fact that many of these technical
terms have been coined by putting together words or parts
of words not so united in the original language.
157. As to this tendency to borrow and use foreign words,
nations have radically differed. Some have freely adopted
words from all languages with which there has been the
slightest contact. The conservatism of others has withstood
incorporation of any considerable loan element even from
the most friendly nation. To the latter class belongs mod-
ern German, while English is one of the most striking
examples of the first class. The importance of the foreign
element in the English vocabulary, therefore, makes it neces-
sary to consider with some care the classes of words bor-
rowed, and their relation to the native speech.
158. The first class of words to be borrowed consists of
nouns, or name words. This is natural, since the exchange
92 THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
of commodities, the first result of contact between two
peoples, naturally leads to the borrowing of names for the
commodities exchanged. With long continued and more
intimate contact, one nation may adopt from another ideas,
customs, even forms of religion, law, and government.
These influences also result in the adoption of new words,
unless the conservatism of the language withstands this
tendency, and makes old words or new compounds serve
instead of words from the foreign tongue. In more ad-
vanced stages of civilization, travel or books of travel, and
translations of various kinds may have their influence in
the introduction of new words. Still further, a new
science may be adopted, and with it the scientific nomen-
clature from the nation of which the loan is made. It may
also become the custom of one nation to borrow names for
new inventions, new sciences, or new arts springing up,
instead of coining names from the old word stock.
159. Foreign influences so far mentioned account for the
borrowing of new names of objects and ideas, or nouns, and
names of actions, or verbs. Besides, intimate association
of two peoples may result in the borrowing of some words
describing nouns, or adjectives, as they are called. This is
natural since adjectives are logically the names of qualities,
or attributes, and for this reason are grouped in the mind
with names of things and of actions. But it is evident from
a regard to the nature of words, that nouns are borrowed
most readily and in largest numbers, while verbs and ad-
jectives are less commonly borrowed, and fewer of the latter
than of the former.
160. Considering the nature of other parts of speech,
THE BORROWED ELEMENT 93
it is clear that the borrowing of such words as pronouns,
numerals, adverbs, and particles could result only from the
closest contact of two peoples through a considerable period
of time. Such words are so unobtrusive in use that they
are the last to be given up by one people, or borrowed by
another. But if borrowing from these classes of words
should take place, it would probably first affect pronouns,
since these partake most of the character of names. On
the other hand, the chances are exceedingly small that a
particle would be adopted from one language by another,
although such a thing is by no means impossible if the
intercourse between two nations is sufficiently intimate. To
illustrate both of these less common cases of borrowing it
may be noted that, owing to the settlement of the Danes
in England, the Norse pronominal forms thcy^ their, came
into English, § 373. By the influence of French, also, the
interjection alas came to be a part of our present speech.
Yet of such words the number borrowed in any language is
exceedingly small.
161. In tracing the borrowed element in English, each
of the three periods. Old, Middle, and Modern English, will
be considered separately. This plan will make it somewhat
easier to connect the words entering the language from
foreign sources with the foreign influences through which
they have been borrowed. On the other hand it must be
remembered that, though contact of two peoples may begin
in one period, it may result in the more or less frequent
borrowing of words in all subsequent time. This is ex-
emplified in English especially in the case of Celtic and
French.
94 THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
The Old English Period
162. It has been said, § 134, that the vocabulary of oui
Teutonic ancestors when they reached Britain was practically
homogeneous. It should be added, however, that a very
few Latin words had probably entered the language before
the Teutons left their continental home. This may be in-
ferred from the fact that some words are found in the oldest
English in common with the Teutonic languages of the con-
tinent. Such words are chalky mint^ crisps short. Probably
the words Saturday ^ coulter^ fuller (of cloth) are also to be
included, and, possibly, anchor and ark.
163. When the Teutons reached Britain and conquered
it, their language was at once affected by another foreign in-
y fluence. Owing to contact with the conquered Celts, some
words were adopted from their language. It was natural,
for instance, that Celtic names of places should be retained
by the Teutons. In fact, Celtic place names are found in
all parts of England, though much more commonly in the
north and west, and especially in Scotland and Ireland.
These may be illustrated as follows : Celtic Aber * mouth ' is
found in Aberdeen * mouth of the Dee,' and also in Aber-
feldte, Abergeldie ; bally (ball) ' place ' occurs in Ballan-
gleich, Ballanmahon; caer 'castle* in Caercolon, Caerleon
* castle of the legion ' ; dun ' a protected place ' in Dunbar^
Dumbarton, Dufidee; inch 'island' in Inchcape, Inchcolon;
inver ' mouth of river ' in Inverary, Inverness ; kill * church '
in Kildare, Kilkenny, Kilmarnock; llan 'sacred, holy ' in
Llandaff, Llanfair. Names of rivers, as Avon, Usk {Ux)^
and names of mountains, as Pen, Ben, are also common.
THE BORROWED ELEMENT 95
164. Besides the Celtic names of places, there were also
in Old English a few Celtic words of more common usage.
Some of these are bannock; 3r^/ * mantle, rag,' later ' child
in rags ' ; brock ' badger ' ; do7£/n ' hill ' ; dun (colour) ;
mattock. Some common Celtic words do not appear in Old
English literature, but are known in the Middle English
period, as bodkin and clan. In the time of Shakespeare
are found bog, brogue, gallow-glass, glib sb., kerne, shamrock,
all from the Irish. A few Celtic words have come from the
Scotch Gaelic, as cairn, claymore, coronach, crag, glen,
pibroch, slogan, whiskey, some of which are literary words
only, and do not occur except in the language of books.
Some Celtic words have also been borrowed from the Welsh,
but the list of these is small and still uncertain.
165. With the Celtic borrowings came also a few Latin
words which had remained among the Celts after the Roman
occupation of Britain. Some of these are place names,
as Lancaster, Doncaster, Chester, Winchester, Rochester,
Leicester, Gloucester, all containing the Latin word castra
*camp,* although much obscured by various phonetic
changes. Others are common words such as lake, mount,
port, street, wall, wick, wine. In addition to these, there
are one or two words of Latin origin which can be best
accounted for by supposing that English has borrowed
forms from Celtic, rather than directly from Latin. Such
are alms and Christ.
166. The most considerable Latin influence on the vocab-
ulary of Old English, was due to that contact with the Latin
race which began when the English accepted Christianity,
just at the end of the sixth century. The story, as Bede
96 THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
tells it, is too well known to need repetition : how Gregor)
the priest saw the fair-haired Angles in the Roman slave
market ; how years afterwards the same Gregory, then Pope,
sent Augustine to England with a band of missionaries ; and
how the English gave up their gods for the new worship.
This adoption of a new religion not only brought immediate
contact with Latin Christianity and Latin Christian litera-
ture, but also direct intercourse with the continental peoples.
As a natural result, many ecclesiastical terms were intro-
duced into English, while many words not belonging to the
church also became common in everyday hfe. Besides,
owing to the introduction of Christianity and the influence
of Latin literature, Latin became the language of scholars,
and, on this account, Latin words were continually entering
English throughout the Old English period.
167. Some of the Latin words which early entered the
language are as follows. They are arranged in certain
general classes according to their general character.
1. Church words : alb, altar, archbishops bishop y candle,
churchy cowlj creed, deacon, devil, font, tJiartyr, mass, min-
ster, monk, nooUy nun, organ, pall, pasch, pope, priest, psalm,
shrine, temple.
2. Trees and plants : beef, box, chervil, fennel, feverfew,
gladen ' sword grass,' lily, mallow, 7nint, ?nul- {berry), palm,
pea, pear, pepper, periwinkle (OE. perwinca), pine, plant,
plum, poppy, savine, spelt.
3. Animal names : capon, doe, lobster, mussel, pea- {cock),
phoenix, trout, turtle- {dowt).
4. Miscellaneous : butter, canker, cap, cheese, chest, cook,
coop{}), copper, cup, dish, fan, fever, fiddle, fork, imp, inch,
THE BORROWED ELEMENT 97
kiln, kitchen, linen, mat, mill, mortar, must ' mv\t,' pan, pilch,
pile, pillow, pin, pit, pitch, plaster, pole, port, punt, sack,
shambles, sickle, silk, sock, sole, strap {strop), tile, tippet, tun,
tunic.
5. Besides the above nouns there were also introduced
the verbs dight ' prepared,' oj^er, shrive, spend, stop, and the
adjectives crisp and short.
168. Among the words introduced into Old English from
Latin are some which had been borrowed by the Romans
themselves. Most of these were originally from Greek, or
had come through Greek. Of Greek origin, for example,
are many church words, as bishop, canon, church, deacon,
devil, martyr, minster, monk, priest, psalm, and others.
Pasch and sack are originally from Hebrew, and a few others
might be traced to other sources. These last were first
adopted into Greek, then became Latin, and finally English.
169. Another foreign influence of the Old English period
was due to the incursions of the Danes and their subsequent ^
conquest of England, § 58. Owing to this conquest, a
considerable number of Norse or Scandinavian words be-
came a part of the English language. Yet, although the
Norse influence began in Old English times, few Norse /
words appear in literature before the Middle English period.
Some of the earliest found in English writings occur in the
Saxon Chronicle, § Zd. Examples are call, crave, fellow,
haven, husband, hustings, knife, law, take, wrong. Others,
although most of them do not appear until the Middle
English period, may also be referred to here.
170. Sometimes these Norse words may be distinguished
from those of English origin, owing to striking differences
H
98 THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
in sounds. For example, many common Teutonic words
in English which have an sk combination of sounds are of
Norse origin. Examples are scaldy scare^ skilly skin^ sky^
score, bask, busk. Such words, if English in origin, would
now have sh instead of sk. On the other hand, some
French words and a few of Low German origin also have
the sound combination sk, as scape, scan, scarce, skipper.
Similarly Norse words have g, k, as in gun, kid, instead of
y, ch, the corresponding English sounds. Examples are
giA gei, gii^st, drag, egg, flag, hug, leg, log, and keg, kid, kilt,
kirtle. Of Norse origin also are many words with ai, ei, as
bait, hail ' greet,' raid, raise, swain, they, their, wail.
171. Many names of places and of persons are also of
Norse origin. Examples of the first are those with the
suffixes -by, -thwaite, as in Whitby, Grimsby, Langthwaite.
Such names are especially frequent in the north and east of
England, the region of the old Danelagh. Corresponding
English place names on the other hand end in -ton, -ham,
-bury, as Alton, Horsham, Canterbury. Norse personal
names have the distinctive suffix -son, as m Johnson, Gibson,
Thomson. The specifically English suffix having the same
meaning is -ing, as in Hastings, Birmingham,
The Middle English Period
172. During the Middle English period the language
continued to be affected by the foreign influences which
had begun to affect it in the older period. For example,
Latin continued to contribute new words to the native
stock. As already noted, § 169, some words from Celtic and
I
THE BORROWED ELEMENT 99
Norse do not actually appear in literature until this period,
although borrowings from both had begun in the older time.
But the most considerable addition to the English language
in the Middle English period was from the French, borrow-
ings from which were due to the Norman conquest, to the
Norman Hterature read and appreciated in England, and to
a more or less constant intercourse between the French and
English after the coming of the Normans.
173. The earliest French words to appear in literature
are those which occur in the later version of the Saxon
Chronicle, which ends in 1154. Of these some sixteen
have been retained to modern times. They are castle,
countess, court, empress, justice, miracle, peace, prison, privi-
lege, procession, rent, standard, tower, treasoft, treasure,
war. From this time French words in English became
more frequent. It is naturally quite impossible to enu-
merate all or nearly all of these that have remained to the
present time. It is only possible to call attention to some
of the more striking facts in regard to the French element.
174. It has already been shown, in the chapter on the
Middle English period, that French did not displace Eng-
lish during the Norman rule, and that its influence has
been greatly exaggerated. This is also proved by the tardi-
ness with which French words began to appear in Middle
English writings. Although Edward the Confessor, who
was of Norman education and sympathies, came to the
throne in 1042, and the conquest itself took place some
twenty years later, it is not until iioo that French words ,
begin to appear in English writings. Nor are they then by
any means numerous. For example, the entries in the
JOO THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
Saxon Chronicle during the first half of the twelfth centurj
contain less than twenty French words. Layamon's Bmt^
with its 16,000 long lines, was based on a French poem by
Wace. Although there are two texts, one written about
1200 and one about 1250, yet in both the number of
French words does not exceed 150. In all Middle English
writings before 1250, the number of French words probably
does not exceed 500. By the year 1300 some 1000 French
words were used in written monuments; while in some
thirty-one texts written before 1400, 3400 words of French
origin have been discovered. This number, however, in-
cludes many that have not been preserved to Modern Eng-
lish, since many French words have held but a temporary
place in our English speech.
175. A good test of words borrowed from early and late
French is based on differences in vowel and consonant
sounds, due to differences between Old and Modern French.
These may be exemplified by the following list, in which the
first word of each pair represents an early, the second a late,
borrowing. In some of these, as feast — fete, suit — suite,
the words are etymological doublets ; that is, the same word
has been introduced in both earlier and later forms.
a. rage — mirage. 01. coy — reservoir.
e. feast — fete. ou. count — tour.
i. vine — ravine. ui. suit — suite.
0. bonny — chaperon, af-
front — platoon. ch. chandler — chandelier.
U. duty — debut. g. rage — rouge.
au. cause — hautboy. j. just — jeu d'esprit.
eau. beauty — beau. qu. quit — bouquet.
eu. grandeur — connoisseur.
THE BORROWED ELEMENT 101
Even this test of sounds does not apply to all words, since
some introduced very late have assumed the sounds of earlier
borrowings by analogy of written forms. This is true, for
example, of g and j in legislative and cajole. Yet the
general accuracy of the test, based on diiferences in pro-
nunciation, may be rehed upon. : : .^ » ., . ^.. ..,
176. In a few words, phonetic differaAc^s"^ ihdjcate differ^
ences in the dialects from which the . French; "vi^otids wei£j
borrowed. For example, certain words with a 'k s6Und'
(written c) are doublets of other words with ch, and yet
both belong to early French borrowings. Here belong cal-
dron — chaldron ; capital — chapter ; cark — charge ; catch
— chase; cattle — chattel; kennel 'gutter' — channel. The
explanation of these doublets is, that the words with the k
sound are from Northern French, including Normandy,
Picardy, and places like Cressy, Calais, Boulogne, well ki.own
in English and French history. Those with ch are from
Central French, including the Angevin kingdoms. The list
is small, however, and it would be but slightly increased if
certain Middle English words, which have since become
obsolete, were added.
177. One class of words introduced by the Normans
deserves special mention in connection with early French
additions. Attention has already been called to the intro-
duction of Danish surnames. The Normans also helped to
establish the use of hereditary surnames in England. It
had been the custom of the English to give but one name,
to which no indication of parentage or place of residence
was added. But the Normans followed the Romance cus-
tom of giving to each knight or courtier a second name,
102 THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
usually from his place of birth ; as, Robert Bruce, William
Percy. Surnames became so much the fashion in England,
that the story is told of how the heiress of Robert Fitz-Hamon
disdained Robert of Caen because he had no to-name, and
how King Henry made good this lack by giving the luckless
kpight the sarnamfc Fitzroy. In addition to surnames, many
igtven nani^s also' came in with the Normans, as some had
deJtip' with' the Danes. *
' ^^8r. "Attempts have been made to arrange words bor-
rowed from early French into certain general classes, accord-
ing as they entered through various channels of thought.
This is possible, at least to a certain extent. Norman devo-
tion to the church brought many church words not hitherto
introduced. Many terms used in reference to government
and courts of \^ are also of French origin. The same is
true of words applied to w^r and knighthood, owing to the
Norman introduction of feudalism and chivalry. But it
would be difficult to classify all French words in this way,
since words applicable to all states and conditions of life
were freely introduced. For example, in a list of some 500
French words introduced before 1250, sixty- four belong to
religion and the church, twenty-eight to government and the
courts of law, twelve to war and chivalry. This leaves, how-
ever, almost 400 that cannot easily be classified. The large
proportion belonging to the church is partly accounted for
by the class of writings examined; but, in any case, the
proportion of words which it would be difficult to classify
would probably still remain unchanged.
179. So far no special effort has been made to separate
Norman French from Parisian French loan-words which
THE BORROWED ELEMENT 103
came somewhat later. Both these classes of words have
conformed to native words in phonetic changes, in accent,
and in development of forms. Parisian French words began
to enter English at the last of the thirteenth, and the be-
ginning of the fourteenth, century. During the fifteenth
century they became more numerous, owing especially to
the translation of French works by English writers. Many
Italian books also came to England through French ver-
sions. For example, Lydgate, who died about 1460, trans-
lated Boccaccio's Fall of Princes and Colonna's Troy Book^
not from Italian, but from French versions. Later in the
century the French translations of Caxton, Malory, Rivers,
and others brought a great increase to the French element
in our English speech.
180. The influence of Modern French on English has
been by no means inconsiderable. During the early six-
teenth century the translations from the French are repre-
sented especially by the Froissart of Lord Berners, while
in the Elizabethan time French was drawn upon for many
novels and tales. As in Caxton's time, many of the classics,
as well as works from the Italian, were also introduced into
England through French versions. Later, in the time of
Charles I, who married the daughter of Henry IV of
France, French manners and customs were imitated in
England. All these influences tended to bring in French
words.
181. The accession of Charles II, who had long lived
at the French court, intensified the French influence of his
father's reign. This is exemplified especially in the lit-
erature of the seventeenth century. To illustrate, many
104 THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
words occurring in Dryden belong to this period, and werft
due to the special French influence following the Restora-
tion. Examples are adroit, aggressor^ antechamber^ apart-
menty bagatelle, brunette, biirlesquey cadet^ cajole, calash,
campaigtt, cannonade, caprice, caress^ chagrin, commandant,
complaisant, console, coquette, corps, cravat. Many such
words retain French accentuation, as bagatelle, barricade,
cadet, caprice, or French pronunciation in other respects,
as ballet, billet-doux, carte blanche, cuirassier.
182. Since the seventeenth century, French words have
been borrowed occasionally as they have been used by great
writers, or more frequently through the adoption of scientific
and philosophical terms. Many of these retain a sort of
French pronunciation, with some modification of vowels due
to analogy of English words. It is not easy to estimate the
exact relation of the French loan element to the whole
number of borrowed words in English, but it is probably
fair to say that the largest number of borrowed words
from any one source is from French, while Latin words
stand next in order of numbers.
The Modern English Period
183. The new foreign influences affecting Modern Eng-
lish are many, while borrowing from the languages which
had already come in contact with English still continued
in the modern period. The new influences upon English
have resulted from the extension of the British Empire, and
the widespread intercourse of the English people with other
nations. This latter intercourse has been both direct, as
THE BORROWED ELEMENT lOS
through commerce and travel, and indirect, as througr.
literature and science. Some account of these new influ-
ences upon English is therefore important to an under-
standing of the growth of the vocabulary in modern times.
184. Attention has already been called to the borrowed
element from French. French, however, is not the only
Romance language which has affected English. Some
words have also been received from Italian, Spanish, and
Portuguese. Of these, Italian was the earliest from which
borrowed words were adopted. The Italian influence is
mainly modern, although during the Middle English period
a few Italian words came into English through French.
Examples of the latter are alarm, brigand, ducat, florin,
pilgrim. Besides these, there are certain others which had
been borrowed by the Italians from eastern nations with
which they were engaged in commerce, as diaper, fustian,
orange, rebeck. These also came into English through the
French language.
185. Direct contact with Italy belongs especially to the
sixteenth century. The Italian influence at this time is
indicated in many ways. Literature was then under special
Italian influence, as shown by the poetry of Wyatt and
Surrey. The same influence upon the language is attested
by the strong protest of Ascham in his Schoolmaster against
the 'Englishman Italianated,* and by others in various
works. The Italian influence continued through the six-
teenth, and part of the seventeenth, century. In the eigh-
teenth century Italian music was introduced into England,
and with it came many musical terms. It still remains true,
however, that about half the Italian words in English, even
106 THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
those of modem times, have come to us through French.
Some characteristic Italian words borrowed direct from
Italy are, archipelago^ balcony^ cameo^ campanile^ catacomb^
dilettante^ extravaganza.
1 86. The Spanish element differs from the Italian both
in number of words, there being only about two- thirds as
many, and in the way in which it has been received. Foi
there never has been such direct contact with Spanish Ht-
erature as with Italian, or indeed close contact of any sort.
The Spanish element, like the Italian, is mainly modern,
although some words of Spanish form, but of Arabic origin,
were borrowed in Middle English times. As in the case of
Italian, also, some Spanish words have come to us through
French. For in Elizabethan times, when Spanish literature
came to be known in England, as well as in the following
centuries, many Spanish works appeared in French trans-
lations. But the largest number of Spanish terms has been
introduced through commerce and travel. Some of these
are due to intercourse between Spaniards and Englishmen
in the Americas, and thus some words from the aboriginal
American languages have been adopted in Spanish forms.
Examples of words direct from the Spanish are alcalde
(originally Arabic), castanets, hidalgo, matador ; articles of
merchandise, as indigo, sassafras, sherry, vanilla ; nautical
terms, as armada, flotilla ; names of animals, as alligator,
armadillo, mosquito. Words for abstract ideas are few, as
punctilio, peccadillo.
187. A few words have been borrowed from Portuguese.
The number of these has been variously estimated from
thirteen to nearly twice as many. Among those that may
THE BORROWED ELEMENT 107
be mentioned are aufo-de-fe, banana, binnacle, cobra, cocoa.
Some Portuguese words in English are originally from India,
Africa, and Brazil, countries settled by the Portuguese, or
with which they have had commercial relations.
i88. Among other foreign influences affecting the English
vocabulary is that due to contact with the Low German
languages, especially Dutch, to a less extent Frisian and
Flemish. Although most of the words entering English
from these sources are modern, borrowings from the lan-
guages of the Low Countries may easily have begun as early
as the Middle English period. This view is favoured by the
fact that there were important commercial relations between
the Netherlands and England in early times. It is said that
in the reign of Edgar, who died in 975, there was a league of
German traders in London. In 1260, Henry III granted by
charter equal protection to all German merchants, and as a
result new guilds were soon formed under control of the
great Hanseatic League. At this time, also, all English
wool was exported to Flanders, to be returned again in
woven fabrics, or exchanged on the continent for other im-
portant products. In 1328, Edward III married Philippa
of Hainault, and about the same time invited Flemish weav-
ers to settle in England. The modem borrowings are espe-
cially due to the fact that in the sixteenth century the
Dutch had possession of the carrying trade, and from them
the English learned commerce and navigation.
189. Low German words, as those from Norse, strongly
resemble those of English origin, so that a larger number
may easily be assigned to this particular loan element
than rightly belongs to it. To the Low German element
108 THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
belong especially two classes of words, those relating to
commerce and nautical affairs. The first includes cannikin^
groaty guilder J hogshead^ hollandy jerkin^ link ' torch,' lin-
sfockf spool, swabber^ wagon. In the second are included
ahoy, aloof, avast, boom, deck, hoist, lash, lighter * barge,'
marline, moor (as a ship), reef, skipper, sloop, smack * fishing
boat,' yacht, yawl. Examples of common everyday words
probably from Low German sources are boy and girl.
190. The loan material so far mentioned has been wholly
from languages belonging to the Indo-European family.
Besides, two other branches of the same family have fur-
nished us some loan-words more or less directly. The first
of these is the Aryan, § 11, which includes Indian and Ira-
nian. From the first, pepper, ginger, sugar, sulphur, nard,
were indirectly borrowed before modern times. In modern
times, owing to England's relations with India, some words
have been adopted from the various dialects of the Indian
Empire, as chintz, indigo, juggernaut, jungle. From Iranian,
English has also received some common words. Some of
the earliest are azure, candy, check, chess, orange, peach.
Others, somewhat later, are bazaar, borax, caravan, divan.
The second branch of the Indo-European family represented
among our borrowed words is the Balto-Slavic. Words from
this source are few, however, and are mostly names easily
recognized as foreign. Examples are. Czar, drosky, knout,
mazurka, polka, ukase, vampire.
191. Some words have been borrowed by English from
the Semitic languages, and to a less extent from those of
Turkey, China, Japan, Africa, and the countries of North
and South America. The Semitic element is represented
THE BORROWED ELEMENT 109
first by words from Hebrew and Aramaic, the languages of
Palestine in Old and New Testament times. Such words
were taken either directly from Hebrew and Greek, the lan-
guages of the Old and New Testament, through late trans-
lations, or from the Latin (Vulgate) translation of the
Scriptures. Examples of Hebrew words are aUeluia, amen,
dalsam, cherub, cummin, ephod, gehenna, gopher- {wood),
Messiah, paschal. Words of Aramaic origin are abba, dam-
ask, damson, mammon, targum. From the nature of the
case, such words have been coming into English since the
Christianization of Britain.
192. Arabic words also belong to the Semitic element,
and these are more numerous in English than might be sup-
posed. They have come to us indirectly in most cases,
some through Greek and Italian, others through Spanish
and French. The earliest Arabic words in the language are
admiral, and maumet * idol,' from Mahomet, Some others,
found in Middle English are alkali, alkoran, azimuth, elixir,
and lemon. Many also belong to modern times. Charac-
teristic Arabic words not already mentioned are alcohol, alge-
bra, amber, artichoke, bedouin, benzoin, calif, coffee, cotton.
193. It is impossible to distinguish other Asiatic elements
with great exactness. Some borrowed words in EngHsh are
Turkish, as bashaw, bey, bosh, caftan, Cossack, dey, janizary,
ottoman, uhlan. From Hungary have come hussar, sabre,
shako. Of Tartar origin are khan, mammoth. Malay words
are amuck, cockatoo, gong, guttapercha, junk. From China,
besides the names of country and people, the word tea and
the names of various kinds of tea have been borrowed.
From Australia come boomerang, kangaroo ; from Polynesia,
110 THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
taboo and tattoo * to mark the body.' The African element
is somewhat larger, and includes such words as behemothy
oasis y and gypsy.
194. The largest of the minor foreign elements is the
native American, which includes words from the languages
of the aboriginal inhabitants of North and South America.
From the North American Indians come hominy, moccasin,
moose, opossum, papoose, pemmican, raccoon, sachem, squaw,
toboggan, tomahawk, wampum, wigwam, besides many place-
names. Mexico has furnished us cacao, chocolate, copal,
coyote, jalap, tomato ; the West Indies, barbecue, canoe, hur-
ricane, maize, potato. From South America have come
alpaca, caoutchouc, condor, guano, ipecacuanha, jaguar,
pampas, quinine, tapioca, tapir. Some of these have been
introduced directly, especially names of animals or articles
of merchandise, while others have come to us from other
modern languages.
195. With borrowed words from so many diverse sources,
it might seem that Enghsh is at best a hodgepodge of
many languages. But this is far from true. It is only when
examining the various sources from which words have come
into English, that the vocabulary seems a hodgepodge in
any sense. As actually used in speaking and writing, it is as
homogeneous as if all words had come from a single source.
How and why this is so will be discussed in the following
chapter.
CHAPTER VIII
RELATION OF THE BORROWED AND NATIVE ELEMENTS
196. Although the English vocabulary consists of two
apparently diverse elements, the native and the borrowed,
each is equally important for English expression. Most
borrowed words have become thoroughly incorporated into
the language, and are as much a part of present English as
the words which were brought from the continent by our
Teutonic forefathers. This is true, because from the stand-
point of language one word is as good as another, if it is in
equally good use for the idea intended.
197. It is true that another conception of the borrowed
element has been not uncommon. Although foreign words
were early adopted with the avowed purpose of enriching
the native speech, § 94, the purists of the Elizabethan and
the following ages opposed borrowing as tending to 'cor-
rupt ' the language. In the nineteenth century also, not a
few have bewailed the ' corruption * of English, by reason of
the large proportion of borrowed words. Such critics have
seemed to think that there was some peculiar charm in a
word of English origin. Some of the purists have even
wished to exclude all words from foreign sources, and so
bring a return of the original Teutonic character of the
English tongue.
\
\
112 TJ/£ EICGLISII VOCABULARY
198. Such views, however, rest on a wrong conception ol
the nature of language. Words get their standing and im-
portance wholly from usage. The word newly coined from
the native stock, and the word newly borrowed from a for-
eign source, acquire their value in the same way. When
either becomes established in usage, it is an integral part of
the language. The only advantage which arises from a word
of native coinage is that it may be more easily understood
and more generally accepted. So far, the use of the native
word stock is to be preferred to borrowing a foreign word,
or employing one which has not yet been sanctioned by
established usage. On the other hand, if a borrowed word
is once thoroughly established, it is to be preferred to a
newly coined native word.
199. In only one important respect may the native ele-
ment be said to have a certain advantage over the element
borrowed from other languages. There can be little ques-
tion that the native element bears a definite relation to sim-
plicity and force of expression. This is true not because
of any inherent qualities in native words, but because,
by the accidents of our language history, the native words
have been reduced to simpler forms. For this reason the
larger the proportion of native words in a given author, the
larger the proportion of short, simple, strong words, and
the more concise, clear, and forcible the style. But in
making such a comparison, only writings of similar char-
acter can be compared. The scientist and the philosopher
must necessarily use a somewhat different vocabulary from
that of the poet and the essayist.
200. Too much, however, must not be made of this
RELATION OF THE ELEMENTS 113
apparent difference between the two elements. Most early
borrowings have become thoroughly assimilated to English,
and hence are now as short and simple as native words.
This will be seen by examining the number of common,
monosyllabic uords derived from early French. Examples
falling under the first three letters of the alphabet are ache^
age, air, arm ' firearm,' arf, aunt, bail, balm, bar, base, beak,
beast, beef, blame, boil, brace, branch, bray, breeze, brief,
brush, cage, calm, cape, car, case, catch, cause, cease, cell,
chain, chair, chance, change, chant, charge, chase, chaste,
cheer, chief, choice, choir, claim, clause, clear, cloak, close,
coast, coil, corpse, cost, course, court, coy, crest, cross, cry,
cull. All these are an integral part of the language, as truly
as words originally Teutonic.
201. The thorough incorporation into the language of
most borrowed words may be illustrated in many ways.
Such words, for example, have usually been anglicized, that
is, have been so modified as to conform to the sounds,
accent, and inflections of English. After such anglicizing
in whatever period, borrowed words have been affected by
the phonetic and other changes affecting native words. For
example, early borrowed words in Old English suffered
mutation, § 250, perhaps the most considerable change that
has affected the vowel sounds of stressed syllables. This
accounts for English mint, kitchen, pit, inch, compared with
Latin moneta, coquina, puteus, uncia, the words from which
they are derived. Early borrowings have also assumed the
English accent, and all but a few words from foreign sources
have taken the native inflection.
202. In common with native words, those adopted from
I
114 THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
Other languages have suffered other phonetic changes. For
instance, borrowed words have developed double forms in
some cases. Examples are adventure — venture, appeal —
pealj attend — tend * czxt for,' avow — vow, engine — gin,
escape — scape. Similar double forms among native words
have been mentioned in § 146.
203. The thorough assimilation of borrowed words is
also shown by their entering into compounds after the
manner of native words. Such compounds, called hybrids,
are of two sorts, — those formed by a union with native
words, and those with native prefixes and suffixes. Com-
pounds of independent words are illustrated by black-guard,
life-guard, salt-cellar, in which the first part is English and
the second French; and by eyelet-hole, heir-loom, hobby-
horse, scape-goat, in which the first is French and the sec-
ond English. There are also hybrids made up of two
borrowed words. Thus bandy-legged is French and Scandi-
navian, as is b\so partake for * part-take ; juxta-position is
Latin and French, interloper Latin and Dutch, and marigold
Hebrew and English.
204. Compounds of foreign words with native prefixes
are illustrated by around, because, in which the prefix is
English and the rest of the word French. Other hybrids
of similar composition are fore-front, out-ciy, over-power,
un-able. More numerous are the words in which an Eng-
lish suffix has been added to a French noun or adjective,
and the custom of making such compounds still continues
to some extent. Examples of famiHar words of this sort
are aim-less, duke-dom, false-hood, court-ship, plenti-ful,
dainti-ness, trouble-some, genial-ly.
RELATION OF THE ELEMENTS . 115
205. Furthermore, many borrowed prefixes and suffixes
not only occur in foreign derived words, but have also been
used in forming new compounds in English. Some ex-
amples of borrowed prefixes thus used are ante-^ anti-, bi-,
dis-, ex-, inter-, non-, re-, semi-, sub-, super-, trans-, ultra-,
as in anteroom, anti-American, bicycle, dislike, ex-sheriff,
intertwist, nonconductor, renew, semiweekly, subway, super-
charge, transform, ultra-clerical. As the examples show,
the prefix of foreign origin has sometimes united with a
borrowed, sometimes with a native, word.
206. The borrowed suffixes used in the same way are
still more numerous. Some of those forming new nouns
are -age, -ard, -ess, -ist, -ism, -let, -ment, and -ry, as in
tillage, drunkard, murderess, nihilist, patriotism, brooklet,
fulfilment, outlawry. Examples of borrowed suffixes used
in forming adjectives are -an, -ate, -ble, -ese, -esque, -ic, -ide,
as in Elizabethan, nitrate, eatable, Johnsonese, Dantesque,
Celtic, bromide. The most common borrowed suffixes used
in forming verbs are -fy, -ize, as in purify^ galvanize. Even
these examples do not include all the prefixes and suffixes
from foreign sources, and none of those which, though
found in borrowed words, are not used in forming new
compounds.
207. Attention has already been called to homonyms of
English origin, § 151. Sometimes a borrowed word has
come to have the same phonetic form as a native one, and
sometimes two or more homonyms have been borrowed.
Of the first sort are English angle 'fishing hook' and
French angle ' corner ' ; English arm * part of body ' and
French arm, as in * firearm ' ; English bank * mound of
116 THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
earth ' and French bank ' place for money.' To the second
class of homonyms mentioned belong ancient * old ' and
ancient ' banner.' In one case four homonyms have all
been borrowed, as bay ' colour,' bay ' an inlet,' bay * laurel
tree,' and bay * to bark as a dog.'
208. The influx of new words at various times and from
various sources has produced one result not so true of any
other language as of English. The same word etymologi-
cally has been introduced in two, sometimes three different
forms, as it has come at different times or through different
channels. Thus caitiff, conceit, corpse, frail, are doublets of
captive, conception, corps, fragile. Doublets that are ulti-
mately Greek in origin are diamond — adamant, fancy —
phantasy, priest — presbyter, "whiXt balm — balsam are ulti-
mately Hebrew. In such cases the shorter form, or that
which has evidently suffered the greater number of phonetic
changes, is usually the older of the two.
209. Sometimes a word of Teutonic origin has come to
English from a foreign language into which it had been
adopted. Thus guard is the French form of an original
Teutonic word which appears in English ward. In wage —
gage, warrant — guarantee, French doublets have been bor-
rowed, while their original Teutonic roots also appear in
English wed — ware. Occasionally a word has been intro-
duced in three different forms, as real (used by Chaucer),
royal, and regal. Another etymological triplet is found in
leal ('land o' the leal'), loyal, and legal A few words
appear in four forms. For example, Latin discus has given
us, directly or indirectly, dish, desk, dais, and finally disc.
210. Owing to the borrowing of the same word at dif-
RELATION OF THE ELEMENTS 117
ferent times, a later form has frequently displaced an earlier.
Latin angelus became Old English engel, which was later
displaced by the French form angel. So Old English fic
and sa7ictj from Latin ficus ' fig,' sanctus * holy,' have been
replaced by fig and saint, which are French forms. Old
English crisien * christian,' adj. and sb., has been made to
conform to Latin Christianus, although the verb cJuisten
remains unchanged except for the Latinized spelling, with
ch instead of c. In many cases the displacement is prob-
able, although not certain. English abbot, apostle, epistle,
are probably French forms rather than from Old English
abbod, {(i)postol, {e)pistel, forms which had been early
adopted from Latin.
211. Sometimes the orthography, and even the pronun-
ciation, of early French words in English has been changed
by reason of a later borrowing. In this way the older forms
dette and doute, have given place to debt and doubt. This also
accounts for cord — chord, counter — compter, indite — indict,
quire — choir, which are doublets in spelUng. The difference
in speUing is due to the fact that French writers, during the
3ixteenth century, made the orthography of many words
conform to that of Latin words from which they were, or
were supposed to be, derived. Sometimes the added letters
came to be pronounced in English, as in perfect and verdict,
which replaced the older forms /<?^/ arid verdit. The words
adventure, advise, advocate, likewise supplanted older forms
without d, except that the older form of the first remains
with different meaning, in venture, ME. aventure. The
tendency to use a learned orthography accounts for a few
peculiarities in native English words. Thus rhyme is written
118 THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
instead of rime^ because of supposed connection with rhythm^
and delight has been made over from French delit by sup-
posed connection with EngHsh light.
212. As to meaning, borrowed words have usually been
those having no equivalents in the language of adoption.
If a borrowed word were synonymous with a native word,
either one of them was soon lost or the two came to be
used in slightly different senses. This may be illustrated
in the case of French and English by the conversation of
Wamba and Gurth in Scott's Ivanhoe. The jester there
tells how English swine became pork on the table of the
Norman, how ox became beef; calf veal; and he might have
added how sheep became mutton. Many other examples
illustrate a similar differentiation in use, as English stool^
French chair; English board, French table. In the case of
board, the original meaning remains in such expressions as
* the frugal board, * bed and board,^ while in side-board it
has considerably changed from the simple side-table of a
former time.
213. Careful examination of many words also shows that
there has been actual change in usage, even when the two
words seem to be practically synonymous. Note, for in-
stance, the slight difference in usage between begin and com-
mencejimb and member, luck axiA fortune, bloom 2CCiA flower,
bough and branch, buy and purchase, mild and gentle, work
and labour, wretched and miserable. To illustrate, the ex-
pression *in bloom' is equivalent to *in flower,' but one
does not speak of blooms for flowers. So, in addition to
the ordinary usage of the word, one may say * a limb of the
law,' but not * a limb of the university.'
RELATION OF THE ELEMENTS
119
214. In respect to numerical relation of the borrowed
and native elements, different results may be obtained
according to the method employed in making the estimate.
If the borrowed element be computed from the dictionaries,
it will be found to be far in excess of the number of native
words. By such a computation each native or borrowed
word counts but once ; while many native words, especially
compounds, are not given a separate place by the lexi-
cographer, and hence are not usually counted at all. By
the ordinary estimate from the dictionary, the native ele-
ment is found to contain only about one-fourth of the
whole number of words in the language. This might
perhaps be increased to one-third, if all native compounds
were counted.
215. If, however, computations are made of the native
and foreign elements in actual use, each word of either class
being counted wherever and whenever it occurs, the native
element will certainly be far in excess of the borrowed in
every English writer. According to such a computation the
borrowed element is seldom more than thirty per cent,
while it is often much less, as may be seen from the follow-
ing table : —
Authors
Native Foreign
Per Cent
Authors
Native Foreign
Per Cent
Spenser
86
14
Pope
80 20
Shakespeare
90
10
Johnson
72 28
Bible (Three
Hume
73 27
Gospels)
94
6
Gibbon
70 30
Milton
81
19
Macaulay (Essay
Addison
82
18
on Bacon)
75 25
Swift
75
25
Tennyson
88 12
120 THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
2i6. Some idea of the relations of the two elements in
actual use may be gained from the following selections, in
which the borrowed words are italicized. For closer compari-
son poets and prose writers are separated from each other.
Inflectional endings, as -s of noun plurals, -j, -ed^ and -ing
of verbs, all belong to the native element, and are therefore
not printed in italics. The same is true of some derivative
prefixes and suffixes. In making these selections the aim
has been to include as nearly as possible one hundred words
of connected English prose or verse, so that the exact pro-
portion of native and borrowed words may be more easily
seen. No attempt has been made to select passages which
should show an unusual proportion of native words.
Shakespeare
" I, thus neglecAx\% worldly ends, all dedicatt^
To closew^^ and the bettering of my mind
With that which, but by being so retired,
O^er prized 2}\ popular rate, in my false brother
Awaked an evil nature; and my trust,
I/ike a good parent, did beget of him
A falsehood in its contrary as great
As my trust was ; which had indeed no limit,
A confidence sans bound. He being thus lorded,
But what my power might else exact, like one
Who having into truth by telling of it
Made such a sinner of his memory.
To credit his own lie, he did believe
He was indeed the duke.^^
Tempest, I, ii, 89-103.
Milton
**0 Prince, O chief oi many throned power^^
That led the embattled seraphim to war
RELATION OF THE ELEMENTS 121
Under thy conduct, and, in dreadful deeds
Fearless, endangered heaven's perpehial king,
And put \o proof \\\?, high suprema.crf,
Whether upheld by strength, or chance, ox fate ;
Too well I. see and rue the dire event.
That with sad overthrow and foul defeat
Hath lost us heaven and all this mighty host
In horrible destruction laid thus low.
As far as gods and heavenly essences
Can perish : for the mind and spirit remains
Invincible, and vigour soon returns,
Though all our glory extinct, and happy state
Here swallowed up in endless misery. ^^
Paradise Lost, I, 128-142.
Pope
'Not with more glories in the ethereal plain.
The sun first rises o'er the purpled main,
Then, issuing forth, the rival of his beams
Launched on the bosom of the silver'd Thames.
Fair nymphs and weW-dressed youths around her shone.
But every eye wasfjc^d on her alone.
On her white breast a sparkling cross she wore
Which yervs might kiss, and infidels adore.
Her lively looks a sprightXy mind disclose.
Quick as her eyes and as «;^;ired as those :
Favours to none, to all she smiles extends;
Oft she rejects but never once offends.
Bright as the sun, her eyes the gazers strike
And like the sun they shine on all alike."
The Rape of the Lock, Canto II, 1-14.
Wordsworth
" For I have learned
To look on nature, not as in the hour
Of thoughtless youth; but hearing oftentimes
The still, sad music of humanity.
Nor harsh nor grating, though of ample power
122 THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
To chasttn and subdue. And I have felt
A presence that disturbs me with the Joy
Of elevattA thoughts ; a sense sublime
Of something far more deeply interfused.^
Whose dwelling is the light of setting suns,
And the round ocean and the living air.
And the blue sky, and in the mind of man;
A motion and a spirit, that impels
All thinking things, all objects of all thoughts
And rolls through all things."
Lines on Revisiting the Banks of the Wye.
Tennyson
** And slowly answered Arthur from the barge :
•The old order changQih, yielding place to new,
And God fulfils Himself in many ways,
Lest one good custom should corrupt the world.
Comfort thyself: what comfort is in me?
I have lived my life, and that which I have done
May He within Himself make pure ! but thou,
If thou shouldst never see my face again,
Pray for my soul. More things are wrought hy prayer
Than this world dreams of.' Wherefore, let thy voice
Rise like 9^ fountain for me night and day."
Morte n Arthur.
Bacon
"•What is truth?* said jesting Pilate; and would not stay for an
answer. Certainly there be that delight in giddiness; and count it a
bondage to fix a belief; affecting free-will in thinking as well as in act-
ing. And though the sect of philosophers of that kind be gone, yet
there remain certain discoursing wits which are of the same veins,
though there be not so much blood in them as was in those of the
ancients,. But it is not only the difficulty and labour which men take in
finding out of truth; nor again, that when it is found it itnpose\\\ upon
men's thoughts, that doth bring lies in favour ; but a natural though
corrupt love of the lie itself." — Essay on Truth.
RELATION OF THE ELEMENTS 12S
Dryden
"It was that memorable day in the first summer of the late war,
when our navy engaged the Dutch; a day wherein the two most mighty
and best appointed, fleets which any age had ever seen, disputed, the
command of the greater half of the globe, the commerce of nations, and
the riches of the universe : while these vast floating bodies, on either
side, moved against each other in parallel lines, and our countrymen,
under the happy conduct of his royal highness, went breaking by little
and little into the rank of the enemies ; the noise of the cannon from
both navies reached our ears about the city, so that all men being
alarmed with it, and in a dreadful suspense of the event which they
knew was then deciding, everyone went following the sound as his
fancy led him." — Essay of Dramatic Poesie.
Swift
•* In these books is wonderfully instilled and preserved the spirit of
each warrior, while he is alive; and after his death his soul trans-
migrates there to inform them. This at least is the more common
opinion; but I believe it is with libraries as with other cemeteries',
where some philosophers affirm, that a certain spirit, which they call
brutum hominis, hovers over the monument, till the body is corrupted^
and turns to dust, or to worms, but then vanishes or dissolves', so, we
may say, a restless spirit haunts over every book till dust or worms
have seized upon it." — The Battle of the Books.
Johnson
** Here the sons and daughters of Abyssinia lived only to know the
soft vicissitudes oi pleasure and repose, attended by all that were skiKxiS.
to delight, and gratified with whatever the sense can enjoy. They
wandered in gardens oi fragrance, and slept ifi the fortresses o{ security.
Every art was practised to make them pleased with their own condition.
The sages who instructed them, told them of nothing but the miseries
of public life, and described all beyond the mountains as regions of
calamity, where discord was always raging, and where man preyed
upon man." — Rasselas,
124 THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY
De Quincey
"The silence was mort profound than that of midnight : and to me
the silence of a summer morning is more touching than all other silence,
because, the light being broad and strong as that of noondsiy at other
seasons of the year, it seems to clij^er from perfect day chiefXy because
man is not yet abroad, and thus the peace of nattcre and of the innocent
creatures of God, seems to be secure and deep only so long as the
presence of man, and his wxiquiet spirit, are not there to trouble its
sanctity!'' — Confessions of an Opium Eater,
Macaulay
" Johnson decided, literary questions like a lawyer, not like a legis-
lator. He never examined foundations where a point was already
ruled. His whole code of criticism rested on pure assumption, for
which he sometimes quoted a precedent or an authority, but rareXy
troubled, himself to give a reason drawn from the nature of things.
He took it iox granted that the kind oi poetry which yfc'wr/j-^ed in his
own time, which he had been accustomed to hear praised from hi.s
childhood, and which he had himself written with success, was the best
kind of poetry. In his biographical work he has repeatedly laid it
down as an undeniable proposition that ^«ring the latter /<zr/ of the
seventeenth century, and the earlier part of the eighteenth, English
poetry bdid been in a constant progress of improvement." — Essay ott
BosweWs Johnson,
IV
CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF
WORDS
CHAPTER IX
PHONETIC CHANGES
217. It is impossible in the space of this booK to
attempt a history of all changes which have affected Eng-
lish words. It is important, however, to give some idea
of the influences which have modified their forms and
account for their apparent instability. For it is a patent
fact, as shown by many of the examples so far quoted, that
English words have changed in no inconsiderable degree
during the centuries of Enghsh history. An attempt will
therefore be made to mark the relations of the most
important influences whith must be taken into account
in tracing the life history of words.
218. The principal influences which affect words in any
language are two, — phoneiic_change and analogy. The first,
as the name suggests, applies to all changes in individual
sounds. An example of a phonetic change may be seen in
ham — home, the two forms of the same word in Old and
Modern English. While the consonants of these two forms
have remained the same, the vowel which was once like a -in
125
126 CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS
father has become like o in no. The second influence,
called false analogy by some, applies to those changes in
words as distinct from individual sounds, which make them
conform to other words. An example of change by analogy
is the substitution of the regular forms older — oldest for
the irregular forms ^/^<?r — eldest Another is the addition
of the adverbial ending -ly in certainly, in order to make
this borrowed word conform to native adverbs.
219. The principal condition under which these impor-
tant influences act upon language, is accent or stress. That
is, the stressed and unstressed parts of words are differently
affected in all languages. The stressed part of a word, for
example, is always affected by fewer changes than the
unstressed, although each may be influenced in ways
peculiar to itself. Thus MnE. home has a different vowel
from OE. ham, but the vowel quantity is the same in each.
On the other hand, the adverbial -ly (OE. lie, MnE. like^
once had a long vowel, which has been shortened, and a
consonant, which has entirely disappeared. The same is
true of changes due to analogy, since the unstressed part
of a word is far more likely to be modified in form than
that bearing the stress. Moreover, not only is the stress
of a word to be considered as a condition of its life history,
but also its usual stress in the sentence. For it is found
that words which commonly receive little sentence stress
are likely to be modified in the same way as unstressed
syllables. This has already been exemplified in the case
of some words, § 146.
220. Phonetic changes in speech sounds are due to two
facts of language, — first, imperfect hearing of the sounds
PHONETIC CHANGES 127
Uttered bj[^ others ; and, second, imperfect imitation of the
soun ds he ard. Both of these facts of language plainly ap-
pear when children are learning to talk. Imperfect imitation
is especially noticeable in the formation of certain sounds,
as those represented by th, ch, /, and r. Imperfect hearing
is shown by the fact that the child often uses, for a consid-
erable time, words which have little phonetic likeness to
those imitated. The language of children is of course far
more imperfect than that of adults. Yet a careful exam-
ination of the latter also shows many individual differences.
Slight as these are, they are sufficient to account in time
for all changes known to have taken place in a particular
language, or in languages of the same group or family.
221. In illustrating phonetic changes in English, those
affecting vowels and consonants may best be separated.
Account must also be taken of stressed and unstressed syl-
lables, although, unless otherwise mentioned, stressed sylla-
bles are always intended. In general, the changes affecting
consonants are fewer than those affecting vowels, since con-
sonants are more stable than vowels in the history of all
languages. Indeed, consonants may rightly be considered
the skeleton and framework of words, while vowels are the
more easily modified connecting parts. On this account
the English consonants will be first treated.
Phonetic Changes in Consonants
222. The general history of English consonants may be
summed up in the statement that most of them have
remained the same in all periods. This will be cleat
128
CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS
from the table of Modern English consonant sounds given
below, in which consonants not found in Old English are
marked with a star.
Continuant.
Momentary.
Vowel-like.
Spirants.
Stops.
Semi-
Vowels.
Liquids.
Nasals.
Voice.
Breath.
Voice.
Breath.
Labials . . .
W
m
V
f
b
P
Dentals . . .
n
tb,iz
th, s
d
t
Palatals . . .
y
r,l
*zh
*sh
Gutturals . .
n(g,k)
h
g
k
Besides those in the table above, there are the double
consonants hw (written wh), *ch (= tsK), *j (= dzK).
223. In the statement that few changes have taken place
in English consonants, no account is made of orthography.
In fact, as Old English texts are now printed, most of the
letters used are those of Modern English. The letters have
somewhat different values, however. The main differences
are that f and s were used for both f — v and s — z, respec-
tively; g was also used for y, and c for k. Besides, the
characters ff and > are used for th — tb, and a special char-
acter, no longer printed, was formerly used for w. Before
the close of the Middle English period, the letters of the
modern alphabet had all come to be used.
1 As in the, distinct from th as in thin.
PHONETIC CHANGES 12?
224. Of the new consonant sounds in Modern English,
that represented by sh has sprung from the Old Enghsh
combination sc, as in ship, fish, < OE. scip, fisc. The sh
sounds of native words were increased in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries from borrowed words with the com-
bination sy (written si, ti, ce, etc.), which also became sh
in sound. Examples are passion, nation, ocean. French
words with sh (written ch) are also found, as charade,
chandelier. In a very few words this sound is initial, as
in sugar, sumach, sure, surety, from forms that may be
written syugar, etc. Toward the last of the seventeenth
century the corresponding voice palatal zh as in azure
began to be recognized. This means that at that time
the voice palatal had begun to develop out of z + y, as
sh had sprung from s + y(i). Examples occur in usual,
leisure, pleasure, osier.
225. The double consonant ch (^= tsh) in native words
has sprung from OE. c, as in chaff, beech, OE. ceaf, bece.
The same sound also occurs in many borrowed words,
especially those coming from French in Middle English
times, as change, chance. Besides, it developed in the
eighteenth century from the combination ty in such words
as nature, stature, from forms pronounced as if written
natyure, statyure. The corresponding voice sound j i^dzK)
has arisen in native words from OE. eg, as in hedge, bridge,
< OE. hecg, brycg. It also occurs in many borrowed
words, as French just, judge, and from words with the com-
bination dy, as in verdure < verdyure. The latter change
belongs to the eighteenth century, as the similar change
of ty to ch, mentioned above. In many cases it has been
130 CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS
resisted, as shown by the common pronunciation of duty,
immediately.
226. The new consonant sounds have developed in both
stressed and unstressed syllables. Besides, there have also
been, in the history of English, certain general consonantal
changes such as may occur in the history of any language.
These may be arranged under various heads, as voicing and
unvoicing, assimilation and dissimilation, addition, vocaliza-
tion, metathesis, ecthlipsis. Most of these changes may
be regarded as due to a tendency of speech, by which all
sounds are made to conform, in greater or less degree,
to neighbouring sounds. This tendency naturally affects
unstressed syllables much more largely than stressed syl-
lables, though it is by no means unknown in the latter.
Voicing and Unvoicing
227. It will be seen from the table, § 222, that spirants
and stops are each of two varieties, distinguished by the
terms ' voice ' and ' breath.' By this is meant that, in
making each pair, the vocal organs are in exactly the same
position, but the voice consonant is made by vibration of
the vocal cords, and the breath consonant by br eath o nly.
It is not unnatural, therefore, that there should have been-
some shiftings in the case of each pair to conform to neigh-
bouring sounds. The change from breath to voice conso-
nant has, however, been far more common than the
reverse change.
228. As a rule, in the history of English, the spirants
of stressed syllables have been stable. That is, the voice
sounds have remained voiced, and the breath sounds, aspi-
PHONETIC CHANGES 131
rate. In the Southern dialect of Middle English, however,
f and s became v and z initially, § 65. This may be well
illustrated from King Lear, IV, 6, 240, where Edgar assumes
the Southern speech to conceal his identity. In the few
lines, so, sir, swaggered, appear as zo, zir, zwaggered, and
folk, further, fortnight, as volk, vurther, vortnight. From
this Southern dialect standard English has borrowed a few
words, as vane, vat, vixen (OE. fana, fset, fyxen * female
fox'). With few exceptions, however, every word in Eng-
hsh with initial v or z is of foreign origin.
229. In unstressed syllables or words the shifting of
breath to voice spirants has sometimes occurred. This
accounts for the difference in pronunciation between off
and of, the latter being usually unstressed in the sentence.
Lack of stress also accounts for the voice spirant th in with,
and initially in such words as the, then, thus, etc. Shifting
of s to z has occurred in plurals, as hoes, odds, and in
verbs, as goes, shades. In all these cases the s was orig-
inally in an unstressed syllable. Shifting of s in unstressed
words has occurred in as, his, is, was, compared with such
words as loss, toss. Shifting of ch, the last element of
which is a spirant, appears in knowledge < ME. knowleche,
and ajar < ME. on char * on the turn,' as of a door.
230. The voicing of breath stops has occurred in few
words. Voicing of p, t, to b, d, may be illustrated by the
following words, the first of which is the Modern, the sec-
ond the Old English form.
lobster < loppestre proud < prut
cobweb < cop (web) * spider ' pride < pryte
pebble < papol clod < clote * clot *
132 CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS
In the latter case, the form clot shows the original t still
preserved. Voicing is also illustrated by such double forms
as dribble — drip, hobble — hop. It is doubtful whether the
voicing of k to g has occurred in native words. It seems
to occur in flagon, sugar < French flacon, sucre, and in
trigger (earlier tricker) < Dutch trekker.
231. The less common unvoicing of spirants is illustrated
by the f, s, in bereft, lost, compared with bereave, lose.
Unvoicing of b, d, has also occasionally occurred in stressed
syllables, as in unkempt < ME. unkembed 'uncombed,' in
gossip < godsib * related in God,' in tilt < OE. teldan, and
in cuttle(fish) < OE. cudele. Final d has also become t
in a small class of English verbs, § 413.
Assimilation and Dissimilation
232. Sometimes a consonant has conformed more or less
completely to the character of another with which it has
been brought into contact. For example, assimilation of
the labial nasal m to the dental nasal n, before a dental
consonant, has occurred in ant<OE. 3em(e)te, and in
Hants < Hamptonshire. The reverse change appears in
hemp < OE. hen(e)p, in which n has become m to conform
to the labial p. These are examples of partial assimila-
tion. Complete assimilation of f has taken place in Lam-
mas < OE. hlafmsesse, leman < leof man, women < wif men.
A similar change of d may be seen in gossip < ME. godsib,
and of th in Suffolk < Southfolk.
233. Dissimilation is the reverse of assimilation. When
near a like sound, a consonant is sometimes changed to
avoid unpleasant repetition. This change is illustrated by
PHONETIC CHANGES 133
marble < ME. marbre, purple < purpre, in which r has
become 1 to avoid the combinations rbr, rpr.
Addition or Excrescence
234. Sometimes a consonant sound not originally belong-
ing to the word is added between two other consonants or
after another final consonant. This is no doubt due to
what may be called ease of pronunciation, or sometimes to
analogy. Addition of the stops p — b, t — d, has been the
most common in English. Examples of excrescent p are
empty <0E. semtig, sempstress < seam (e)stre, gHmpse<
ME. glimsen. Excrescent b occurs in embers < ME. em-
(e)res, bramble < ME. bramel, limb < OE. Hm. Addition
of t is seen in behest < OE. behaes, earnest < ME. ernes ;
also in against, amidst, betwixt, whilst, from older forms
ending in s. Excrescent d occurs in sound < ME. soun,
bound ' prepared ' < ME. boun, as also in dwindle, gander,
kindred, spindle, thunder.
235. Addition due to a wrong division of two words
occurs in newt < ME. an efete, nickname < ME. an eke-
name, by transfer of the final n in the preceding word.
Similar are the Shakespearean nuncle, nawl, for uncle, awl.
Orthographic, rather than phonetic, addition occurs in
island < ME. Hand, and in could < ME. coude. In such
cases the added consonant was never pronounced.
Vocalization
236. Consonants sometimes shade out into vowels, so
that they lose consonantal quality entirely. This change
most commonly affects consonant sounds which are most
134 CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS
like vowels, as semi-vowels, liquids, nasals, and voice spi-
rants. For example, w has become vocalized in swallow
< OE. swalwe, as also in two, who, ooze < woose. So
y(<OE. ge-) became regularly vocahzed in Middle Eng-
lish, although it is still preserved as a vowel in enough
< OE. genoh. The liquid 1 has been vocalized in such
words as talk, calm, half, and r also, except before a
vowel, in London English as well as in some parts of Amer-
ica. The OE. voice spirant f(=v) has become vocalized
since OE. times in head < heafod, lord < hlaford (*hlaf-
weard ' loaf- guard ') . Even when consonants do not be-
come fully vocalized they may become vocalic, that is, they
may assume some of the powers of a vowel. This applies
especially to the liquids 1, r, and the nasals m, n, which
may make syllables without the intervention of a vowel, as
in apple (apl), timber (timbr), fathom (fathm), even (evn).
Metathesis, Ecthlipsis, Substitution
237. By metathesis is meant change of a consonant from
one position to another within the word. One of the most
common consonants to suffer metathesis is r. Examples are
bird < OE. brid, fresh < fersc, grass < gaers. By the same
change ps has often become sp, as in wasp < OE. wseps,
hasp < OE. haepse, clasp < ME. clapsen. Dialectal ax
beside the normal ask shows change of sk to ks (x).
238. Ecthlipsis is the loss of a consonant. Most exam-
ples usually called ecthlipsis are really vocalization, § 236.
Examples of real ecthlipsis are words showing loss of initial
n by reason of the wrong division of a group made up of
the article an and a following noun. The words adder,
I
PHONETIC CHANGES 135
auger^ should have initial n, since they are derived from
nsedre, nafe-gar. Such a word as ope < open lost its final
n by analogy of Middle English words with an inflectional
en ending. Another example of the latter sort is mistletoe,
which should be mistleton.
239. Sometimes one consonant takes the place of an-
other with no apparent phonetic reason, although no doubt
some phonetic reason will be found in the future. Exam-
ples in which f has been substituted for an original spirant
h(g) are laugh, tough, cough, rough. Substitution of d
for th has occurred in fiddle < OE. fia^ele, murder < morffer,
rudder < roffer. Substitution of th for t, owing to a mis-
understanding of the written form, appears in such words as
authority < OF. autorite, authorite (th = t) . The substitu-
tion has never taken place in Thomas, Thames, in which th
is still pronounced t.
CHAPTER X
PHONETIC CHANGES IN VOWELS
240. It has been shown that the consonants have in
general been preserved through all periods of English,
although there have been occasional changes of most of
them. The reverse is true of the English vowels in the
course of their history. In the majority of words in which
it occurs no long vowel, or diphthong, has retained the
same quality as in the oldest time. Most of them also
have passed through several changes in the course of their
history. Besides, most of the short vowels have also changed
quality at least once since EngUsh began to be spoken in
Britain. Finally, while consonants are in the main stable
in the various dialects of English, considerable dialectal
differences occur in the case of the vowels.
241. The only Old English vowels that have remained
^ the same, or practically so, in all periods are short i and e.
Short has remained much the same in British English, but
in the Enghsh of Scotland and the United States it has
generally become short a, as in artistic. In some words
short u, as in full, also has the same sound as in the
oldest period, although the spelling has sometimes changed.
Examples are full, wolf, wood, wool. In the majority of
words, however. Old EngHsh u has become a very different
sound, that of the vowel in but. Again, the vowel of such
136
PHONETIC CHANGES IN VOWELS
137
words as hat is the same now as in the oldest period, but
it has not been the same in all the intervening time.
242. The history of all the changes in quality which
vowels have undergone belongs to more elaborate treatises.
Some idea of them may be gained from the following table,
which represents the most common sources of Modern
English vowels, with some examples : —
The Long Vowels
a. . .
OE. ea, ME. a + r, or r + cons.
are, arm.
OE. ME. e + r, or r + cons, (sometimes)
star, carve.
£8 . .
OE. ME. a or 86 + r
hare, there.
OE. £e(a), ME. a + f, th, s (sometimes)
calf, bath, fast.
e (iy) .
OE. £e, e + g(h), ME. ai, ei
day, way.
OE. a, ME. a
name, same.
iOy) ■
OE. \ (WS. £§), Ea, ME. \
heat, leaf.
OE. e, eo, ME. I
feel, thief.
Q(law).
OE. a + w, gCh), ME. au
haw, draw.
OE. Q 4- w, g(h), ME. Qu
bought, thought.
(ou) .
OE. a (iw), ME. g
home, blow.
OE. 6 + w, g(h), ME. ou
grow, (rain) bow.
ii (uw) .
OE. ME. 5
doom.
The Short Vowels
a . . .
OE. ME. 0, especially in America
not, lot.
3e (man)
OE. £6, ea, a(Q), ME. a
hat, man.
3 (her) .
OE. ME. e, i, 0, u + r, or r + cons.
her, bird, word, spur.
B (but) .
OE. ME. u
sun, run.
e . . .
OE. ME. e
helm.
i . . .
OE. i, y, ME. i(y)
sit, pit.
Q. . ■
OE. ME. 0, in London English
not, lot.
u . . .
OE. ME. u after labial consonants
full, pull.
138
CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS
The Diphthongs
ai . .
OE. i, y, ME. i(y)
while, mice.
au . .
OE. ME. Q
house.
iu . .
OE. e + w, ME. eu(iu)
few, new.
oi . .
ME. oi, § 247
join, choice.
243. The general changes affecting vowels in English
have been numerous and various in character. There have
been, for example, changes in quality and quantity, and
sometimes in both. Phonetic changes have also been differ-
ent in the case of stressed and unstressed vowels, so that
each of these must be considered separately. The phonetic
changes in English which apply to large classes of words
will be discussed in the following sections, the reference
being to stressed syllables unless otherwise stated.
Shortening and Lengthening
244. Long vowels have been frequently and regularly
shortened in the history of English. For example, shorten-
ing occurred in Middle English before two or more con-
sonants, as slept < OE. slaepte, kept < cepte. Long vowels
were also shortened before a suffix or word making a second
syllable, as wisdom, shepherd, bonfire, compared with wise,
sheep, bone. Shortening has also occurred before dental
consonants. The following words with short vowels, red,
dead, blood, hot, wet, fat, breath, death, ten, been, all had long
vowels or long diphthongs in Old English. A long vowel
has also been shortened in early or late times before final k,
as in suck, sick, wick, book, look, took.
PHONETIC CHANGES IN VOWELS 139
245. Lengthening also has regularly affected certain
short vowels. Short vowels in monosyllables were early
lengthened, as in such words as he, me, we, and Scotch *
weel compared with English well. In Middle English, short
vowels were lengthened before a single medial consonant,
as in hasel, naked, weasel, in all of which the vowel was
originally short. Lengthening also took place before certain
consonant combinations, as in old, field, child, find, hound,
beard, board, climb. In some of these the Middle English
long vowel later became a diphthong. In the middle
period of English also, similar lengthenings occurred in
words borrowed from French, as change, danger, bounce,
ounce, count, amount. Late lengthenings have occurred
in such words as all ^nd small.
246. A special kind of lengthening is due to the vocal-
ization of a following consonant. ^ This is called compensa-
tory lengthening. Examples of an early lengthening of this
sort are goose, tooth, in which the original short vowel was
followed by n. Compare German Gans 'goose.' Com-
pensatory lengthening also accounts for a long vowel which
later became a diphthong, as in night, light, bright.
MONOPHTHONGING AND DiPHTHONGING
247. Diphthongs have become monophthongs, or simple
vowels, by the loss of one element. For example, rule was
once pronounced with the diphthong iu instead of the
simple vowel u, as at present. Similarly, all Old Englisl. y/
diphthongs became monophthongs in Middle English times.
Owing to this the Old English diphthong eo, for instance,
has had the same development as the simple vowel 5.
140 CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS
Compare deep < OE. deop with feet < OE. fet. On the
other hand, simple vowels have also become diphthongs,
as in find and found < ME. finden, funden. Sometimes
the second element of a diphthong has developed from a
consonant by vocalization, § 236. Thus the Middle English
diphthong ai sprang from OE. aeg, as in dai(y) < OE. daeg.
In one of these two ways all Modern English diphthongs
came into existence, except oi, which occurs only in
borrowed words.
Palatalization and Gutturalization
248. Speech sounds vary in quality according as they
are formed in the front or back of the mouth. Thus among
the vowels, a (man), e (hen), i (hit) are front, or palatal,
vowels, and a (artistic), (hot), u (full) are back, or guttural,
vowels. The change by which a speech sound comes to
be formed farther forward in the mouth is called palataliza-
tion, and the reverse process gutturalization. These proc-
esses affect consonants as well as vowels, but are much
more important in the case of the latter.
249. Both palatalization and gutturalization have been
common in the history of English vowel sounds. For
example, OE. ae (hat), a front vowel, became a (artistic),
a back vowel, in Middle English, and has again become a
front vowel in the modern period. Besides, a front vowel
may suffer palatalization by being formed still farther for-
ward in the mouth. The word pretty originally contained
the vowel a (man), and this later became e (hen), and
finally i (hit) as in the present pronunciation. So also a
PHONETIC CHANGES IN VOWELS 141
guttural vowel may be formed still farther back in the
mouth. These two processes account for many changes
in the history of English vowels.
Mutation
250. Both vowels and diphthongs may suffer special
changes under some special influences. One of the most
important of these in the history of English occurred in Old
English times, and is called by the special name mutation.
Mutation is the change in quality of a stressed vowel by
reason of a following vowel or consonant in the same word.
It is, in reality, an attempt to accommodate the quality of a
preceding, to that of a following, sound. The most impor-
tant of the changes due to mutation were produced by a
following i or y , according to the scheme : —
a became e.
a became q rWS. SB).
« e(y).
5 " e.
u « y.
a « y.
251. Mutation of the short vowels may be exemplified
by many Modern English words. The variation a>^e has
its simplest representative in man — men, in which the
mutated form came to be used as plural only. The same
change appears in Frank — French, Wales — Welch, Cant(er-
bury) — Kent, bank — bench, fall — fell. Other examples
of this mutation have already been mentioned in § 139.
The mutation > e would scarcely be recognized in over —
eaves (OE. ofer — efesa) , yet these two words are connected
1 The sign > is to be read ' to.'
142 CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS
through this vowel variation. The mutation o > y, more
exactly an older u > y, appears in gold — gild (OE. gylden) ,
fore — first (OE. fyrst), corn — kernel (OE. cyrnel). Ex-
amples of the mutation u > y are full — fill (OE. fyllan),
lust — list * to choose,* a word found in Shakespeare.
252. There are many examples of the results of mutation
of long vowels, although later phonetic changes have much
obscured the original sounds. The Old English a>^(»)
mutation accounts for the connection of such words as dole
— deal, lode — lead, sow — seed, (w) hole — heal. The OE.
o>e mutation explains goose — geese, tooth — teeth, foot
— feet, in which the mutated forms are now used as plurals.
Other examples are doom — deem, food — feed, grow —
green. Mutation of u > y occurs in mutated plurals as
mouse — mice, louse — lice, as well as in such words as foul
— (de) file, proud — pride.
Contraction and Substitution
253. By contraction is meant the fusion of two vowels
into one. This may occur within a stressed syllable, or a
stressed and unstressed syllable may be brought together by
contraction, as when a consonant is lost or two words are
united in a compound. Contraction has occurred in the
development of many English words, as in lord < hlaford,
§ 149 j friend < freond (*frijond). Examples of two words
united into one by contraction are don < do on, dofif < do
off. Contraction within a stressed syllable is illustrated
by the OE. diphthongs ea, eo, which became the simple
vowels |, e in Middle English.
PHONETIC CHANGES IN VOWELS 143
254. Occasional variation in vowels of stressed syllables
to which a phonetic cause cannot be so easily assigned may
be classed under the general name substitution. Substitu-
tion Seldom takes place in the case of long vowels, and in
short vowels is limited to those which do not differ greatly
in pitch, or in position of the vocal organs when producing
them. Thus substitution of i for e, e for i or a {man), and
a {man) for e are most common. Examples of the substi-
tution of e for i are pepper < OE. pipor ; chest < OE. cist,
cest. Examples of e for a {man) are together < OE. to-
gaedere ; whether < hwaeSer, the substitution in these cases
being probably due to lack of stress in the sentence. Short
i for e is found in willow < OE. welig ; rid < hreddan. An
example of a {man) for e is thrash (thresh) < tSerscan.
Unstressed Syllables
255. The preceding general vowel changes apply espe-
cially to stressed syllables, although shortening and con-
traction also occur in unstressed syllables in English. In
addition to shortening, the vowels of unstressed syllables
suffer obscuration in sound, and in many cases ultimate
loss. In this way the inflectional endings, which belonged
originally to English speech, have gradually disappeared.
Other parts of the word, not inflectional, have also been
gradually obscured and have finally disappeared, thus ac-
counting for many abbreviated and contracted forms. There
are thus certain general vowel changes which are peculiar
to unstressed syllables, and account for many changes in
words. The most important are weakening, syncope,
apheresis, and apocope.
144 CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS
256. Weakening. — The obscuration in sound that
vowels of unstressed syllables undergo, may be called by
the general name weakening. In Old English, unstressed
vowels of whatever original quality or quantity had weakened
to a, e, 0, u. In Middle English these were still further
weakened to e. Since Middle English times the process
of weakening has gone on to the total loss of many un-
stressed vowels, as shown in the following paragraphs, while
a new vowel weakening has also resulted. The vowels of
unstressed syllables in Modern English have commonly
come to have the quality of the vowels in bit or but.
257. One form of vowel weakening is that by which i, u,
became the semi-vowels y, w. The first of these is shown
by the development of y initially in French or Latin words
beginning with u, originally the diphthong iu as in use, union,
Utica. These words are phonetically yuse, yunion, etc.,
the y having come from the unstressed i of the original
diphthong. The weakening of u to w is less common.
Examples are one, phonetically like won, woof<owef.
258. Syncope. — Syncope is the loss of a vowel within
the word. This has taken place in many inflectional
endings in English. For example, the possessive singular
and the whole plural of nouns ended in -es in Middle Eng-
lish. The syncopation of e in most words has since reduced
this -es to -s, the common form of the possessive singular
and of the plural. Similar syncopation has taken place in
the -ed ending of weak verbs, except those ending in t or d.
In the -en participial ending of strong verbs, e has wholly
disappeared from the written form in such words as born,
torn, thrown. Other examples of syncopation affecting the
PHONETIC CHANGES IN FOJVELS 145
form of particular words are, adze < adesa ; else < elles ;
hence < ME. henes. In Scotch < Scotisc, Welsh < * Welisc,
i has suffered a similar syncopation.
259. Apheresis. — By apheresis is meant the loss of an
unaccented vowel at the beginning of a word. For example,
the OE. prefix ge- became i(y)- in ME., after which it was
regularly dropped by apheresis, except in such archaic forms
as y-clept; compare also § 236. There has been a similar
apheresis of e- in words from Old French beginning with
esc-. This has given such forms as squire < OF. esquier ;
scorn < OF. escorner ; scour < OF. escurer. Other common
words illustrating the change are down < ME. adoun ; way-
ward and lone < awayward, alone. As a result of apheresis
double forms occur as alone — lone, adown — down, away
— way in native words, escape — scape, account — count,
apprentice — prentice among foreign words.
260. Apocope. — This term is used for the loss of a final
vowel. It therefore applies to the loss of many inflectional
endings since Old English times, and full illustration of it
naturally belongs to the subject of inflections. Besides,
every final e of Middle English, whether inflectional or
otherwise, has since suffered apocope, although often re-
tained in the written form after long vowels, as in ale, mete,
mite, more, mute. Many other examples of apocope might
be cited.
Vowels of Borrowed Words
261. No special attempt has been made to notice the
vowels of borrowed words. In general, they have ranged
themselves with similar vowels of native words and have
146 CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS
suffered similar changes. For instance, foreign words
entering early Old English were affected by mutation, the
greatest change in the vowels of English words within a
single period. The same is true of borrowed words in other
periods of English. Vowel changes have therefore been
illustrated in the preceding sections mainly by native
words.
CHAPTER XI
ANALOGY m ENGLISH
262. The second important influence which affects the
forms of words is analogy. This is a tendency of the mind
to make a small number of irregular forms like the larger
number of regular forms. Analogy may be best illustrated
by the language of children, whose analogical tendency is
unchecked by any idea of correctness in speech. Thus
the child, influenced by the large group of adjectives com-
pared regularly, as strong — stronger — strongest, compares
good in the same way, as good — gooder — goodest. So,
under the influence of the great majority of nouns forming
their plurals in -si^-es), the child says man — mans, goose —
gooses. The child also uses draw — drawed, give — gived,
thus making these irregular verbs conform to the larger
number of regular verbs. Such forms are called incorrect,
yet they result from the same tendency which has aifected
English of all periods, and to which many important
changes are due.
263. Analogy as a force in the development of language
depends upon the fact, that the mind takes cognizance of
the word in a somewhat different way from that of the
individual sounds. The word exists as a separate entity,
the sign of a particular idea, and as such enters into various
147
148 CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS .
syntactical relations. Owing to this, words may have
thought relations quite impossible to individual sounds, and
suffer changes of which the latter are incapable.
264. All words are grouped in the mind according as
they have similarity in form or use. For instance, the in-
flected forms boy — boy's — boys^ — boys\ man — man's —
7nen — men's exemplify inflected groups, the individuals of
which are associated together because of like stems. In
a similar manner all the forms of a single verb, or of an
inflected adjective, as in Latin or German, form similar
inflected groups. Other groups on the basis of form are
also made, as of all words inflected like boy — boys, and all
like man — men. So all weak^ verbs, because of similar in-
flection, form a class by themselves, and all strong verbs
another class. The verb also, with its more numerous
forms, may present such minor groups as the forms of the
present tense, love — loves ^ beside the forms of the past
tense, as loved^ swore.
265. Words are also grouped together as they perform
similar functions in the expression of thought. For ex-
ample, all nouns, all verbs, all adjectives, as expressing
objects, actions, and qualities, form separate groups. All
nominatives, especially when they have different forms as
in English pronouns, may constitute a group separate from
all accusatives ; or all plurals ending in -s may be classed
together. So all past tenses of weak verbs, as distinct from
1 The terms weak and strong for verbs are used as more distinctive than
such terms as regular and irregular. The weak verbs are those with pret-
erits in d{t) or ed ; the strong verbs have vowel variation in the preterit,
as sing — sang.
^ ANALOGY IN ENGLISH 149
all present tenses, form a group by themselves. In all
these cases the grouping clearly depends on likeness of
function or use.
266. Naturally the idea of regularity in a certain class
of words is associated with the largest group. Thus the
weak verbs in English are thought of as regular, although
many of them are of later formation than the strong verbs.
Moreover, as regularity is always associated in the mind
with the larger group, the analogical tendency is constantly
influencing words of the smaller group, and if not restrained
would eventually make them all conform to one type. For
example, the weak verbs have won over a considerable
number of the strong verbs in the history of English. Yet
the idea of regularity depends not on numbers alone. A
small group, because of the frequency with which its mem-
bers are used, may attract to itself some words of a larger
group. Thus, while the weak verbs have usually influenced
the strong, in one or two cases verbs which were weak, as
dig, wear, have assumed strong forms as dug, wore.
267. Analogy has been particularly strong in the history
of English. By it many words and classes of words have
been modified in form, while many new words have come
into existence under its influence. Indeed, this regularizing
tendency may be said to characterize the whole Teutonic
family, although it is by no means peculiar to one language
or to one time. Among the Teutonic languages the analog-
ical tendency has been stronger in Low German than in
High German dialects, and English shows, even more than
most other Low German tongues, the strength of this impor-
tant factor in linguistic changes. In discussing analogy in
ISO CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS
English its influence will be considered, first in relation to
individual words, next as to inflections and syntax.
Analogy affecting Prefixes and Suffixes
268. One of the best examples of analogy in English is
the extension of a common suffix to words of which it was
not originally a part. For example, the adverbial suffix -ly
is the common one in Modern English. The form from
which it is derived was frequently used in Old English, but
there were other adverbial endings almost equally common.
Gradually, however, the latter lost their force and the more
distinctive ending -ly took their place, until it has now
almost supplanted every other adverbial form. Even such
an adverb as first constantly tends to become firstly, under
the influence of secondly, thirdly, and others of the series.
269. A suffix may not only be extended in use, but may
modify or replace another suffix. The ending -ing belonged
originally to nouns only, but later displaced the participial
suffix -ende, as in fishing, loving. One of the commonest
English suffixes for adjectives is -y, as in holy. This has
replaced the French suffix -if in tardy, jolly (OF. tardif,
jolif), and has been added to contrary (OF. contraire).
The same suffix has replaced OE. -iht in thorny Kdorniht.
In a similar way the Old French suffix -age has modified
the original ending of the words sausage, cabbage < OF. sau-
cisse, cabus ; and Old French -ard, as in mustard, bastard,
has modified the suffixes in gizzard < OF. gezier, custard
< OF. croustade, dotard < OF. doter. Similar modification
of a suffix is seen in righteous (OE. rihtwis) * rightwise,' in
ANALOGY IN ENGLISH ISV
which the last part of the word has been influenced by the
common ending -ous.
270. It is clear from the illustrations so far given that
the unaccented part of a word is peculiarly liable to the
influence of analogy. This is shown also by the changes
that have taken place in English prefixes. The English
prefix a- is original in arise, abide, affright, but has been
added by analogy to many words, as arouse, accurse. This
same a- has also modified many unlike prefixes. It repre-
sents OE. of- in adown ; OE. on- in away, afoot; OE. and-
in along; OE.^<f- in aware, afford; OF. en- in anoint; and
the OE. preposition cBt in ado, atone. The prefix ad- is a
modification of a- in adjudge, perhaps also in advance,
adventure < OF. avance, aventure. The extended use of
foreign prefixes in English, § 205, is also due to analogy.
Folk-Etymology
271. One of the most interesting cflects of the analogical
influence on individual words is that which is called folk-
etymology. This name is applied to the transformation,
by the common people, of a word not understood, so that
it seems to have some relation to a well-known word or
words. For example, wormwood has no connection with
either worm or wood, but has been made over from OE.
wermod, that it may conform to these common words.
This form of the analogical influence has produced no
inconsiderable changes in the vocabulary of the language,
while it is still continually affecting words among unedu-
cated people.
152 CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS
272. A common form of folk-etymology is that by which
a new singular has been made from a noun which, though
singular, was supposed to be plural because of a final -s that
was regarded as a plural sign. For example, riddle, burial^
are from OE. rcedels, birgels, and originally retained final -s
in the singular. Later the present forms came into use in
speech, the earlier forms being retained only in the plural.
Similar are cherry (ME. cheris<OY. cherise), pea beside
pease J sherry < the Elizabethan form sherris, derived from
the name of the Spanish town Xeres {X= sh). Besides we
have many dialect words with analogical singulars, some of
which belong to dialect literature, as shay < chaise ; Chinee
< Chinese ; Portugee < Portuguese.
273. Words originally singular but ending in -s are
sometimes regarded as plurals without, however, forming
new singulars. Such are alms, eaves, which have had a
final -s since Old English times, and riches from OF.
richesse. In older English, as of the Bible, it was possible
to speak of * an alms,'' but the syntax of such words shows
that they are now plural. No doubt the reason why singu-
lars have not been formed is that each of these words is
collective in sense.
274. Part of a word is often transformed by folk-etymol-
ogy. An example is bridegroom, in which OE. guma ' man,'
has become groom by association with groom 'an attendant.*
Acorn has been transformed by analogy of corn, for it should
be acern and connected with acre. Titmouse, plural titmice^
has been influenced by mouse, mice, as the original ending
-mase ' small bird * had lost its meaning to the folk-mind.
Other examples of folk-etymology are frontispiece (OF.
ANALOGY IN ENGLISH 153
fronti-spice) , which once had nothing to do with piece;
causeway < OF. causie, Fr. chaussee ; penthouse < OF. apen-
tis ; pickaxe < OF. pickois.
275. In some cases both parts of the word have been
transformed, although this is not so common as other forms
of folk-etymology. A good example occurs in the dialect
word sparrow-grass for asparagus. English sailors are said
to have called the man-of-war Bellerophon the bully-ruffian.
Shakespeare makes Mistress Quickly transform homicide into
honey-seed. Besides, many of the witticisms of Smollett's
Winifred Jenkins, Sheridan's Mrs. Malaprop, Hook's Mrs.
Ramsbotham, and Shillaber's Mrs. Partington are based on
this common tendency in language.
Inflectional Levelling by Analogy
276. In the subdivisions preceding, analogical changes
which are due mainly to likeness of form have been con-
sidered. Only in the case of the adverbial suffix -ly can
there be said to be special likeness of function. The
changes that occur in inflection and syntax result from
a new influence, the likeness of function or use. Under
this factor words assume new forms, not so much through
general likeness in form to other words of similar character,
as through likeness of the function which they perform in
the sentence.
277. Analogy in noun inflections has reduced the number
of declensions, and the number of case forms. In Old
English there were five declensions of nouns, not to speak
of certain minor ones. But even in the Old English period
154 CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS
one of these declensions was by far the strongest and at'
tracted to itself words from the others. The same tendency-
continued through the Middle English period, so that
Modern English has in the main but one declension for
nouns. To illustrate the change by a specific example, CE.
boc * book ' had a plural dec, which should now be *l'eek just
as the plural oifoot is fee f. But by the influence of the larger
group of words with plurals ending in -s, the analogical form
books came into use and the older form has disappeared.
278. In a similar way analogy has been an important
factor in diminishing the number of case forms in English.
The Old English declension which has become the prevail-
ing one in Modern English had three different case forms
for both singular and plural. This made six different case
forms for each noun. By reason of more frequent use,
however, some of these gained upon the others, until the
six forms were reduced to two in spoken English, as boy —
boys, although from the last we make two other forms in
writing by the use of the apostrophe, as boy's, boys'.
279. Analogy has also affected the original inflection of
adjectives, as well as comparison, which may be considered
a sort of inflectional form. The twofold declension of
adjectives, already mentioned as a characteristic of Teutonic
in § 35, has been gradually broken down, so that now the
adjective has but one form for all genders, cases, and
numbers. To a lesser extent analogy has influenced the
comparison of adjectives. The adjective strong, for ex-
ample, had in Old and early Modem English the compara-
tive and superlative strenger, strengest, by mutation of the
positive. But mutation in forms of comparison was not
ANALOGY IN ENGLISH 155
common even in Old English, and the few examples of it
have been brought into harmony with the common form
without mutation. An exception might seem to occur in
dder, eldest beside older, oldest, but in reality the former are
simple adjectives, and do not express comparison.
280. The effect of analogy on pronouns has been no less
considerable, though the results are somewhat more com-
plicated. In usage pronouns are commonly of two classes,
substantives, as the personal and relative pronouns, and
adjectives, as the possessives, demonstratives, and indefi-
nites. It is natural, therefore, that substantive pronouns
should have followed the analogy of nouns, and adjective
pronouns that of adjectives. However, as the accusative ^ of
substantive pronouns usually differed from the nominative,
a separate accusative is still retained, as in he — him, she —
her, who — whom. This accusative, too, is usually an older
dative, since in Old English the dative of pronouns was
more commonly used than the accusative.
281. Adjective pronouns, that is, possessives, demonstra-
tives, and indefinites, are unchangeable in form by analogy
of adjectives. Examples are his, some, any, few. Most
possessives, however, have a different form when used sub-
stantively, as mine, hers, yours. By analogy of nouns also,
the demonstratives that and this have different plurals, as
those and these. Some indefinites which are frequently used
as substantives have assumed the noun inflection. Ex-
amples are one and other. The indefinites any one, and
1 The names genitive, dative, accusative, are used in this book for the
modem speech mainly because they are necessary in referring to the older
language.
156 CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS
compounds of body^ as somebody ^ also have inflected genitive
forms, though no plurals.
282. The changes in verbs that have been produced by
analogy, are even more numerous than those in nouns and
adjectives, no doubt because of the larger number of forms
upon which the analogical influence could exert itself. Even
in Old English, the weak verbs were far more numerous than
the strong verbs. As a natural result there was a constant
tendency to make the strong verbs correspond to the w«ak,
and many have assumed weak forms. Verbs entering the
language from foreign sources have also been attracted to
this larger class, and have almost invariably become weak.
283. Moreover the inflectional forms have been greatly
reduced in number since Old English times, so that the
weak verb now has but four forms, love — loves — loved —
loving^ such forms as lovest — lovedst being obsolete in
speech and prose. The strong verb has suffered in another
way. Originally it had, in its preterit tense, two forms with
different root vowels. These have been reduced to one
form in Modern English, so that the four principal parts
of the Old English strong verb have become three. This
simplification was no doubt aided by the fact that the weak
verb had but three forms. Other examples of analogy in
verbal inflections belong to the special discussion of the
verb, which is reserved for a later chapter.
Syntactical Analogy
284. Analogy may also affect the syntax of a language.
Established usage in speech shows certain combinations of
words, as subject + predicate, singular subject + singular
ANALOGY IN ENGLISH 157
verb, transitive verb + object, which form prevailing types
in syntax. By analogy of these, combinations which did
not originally conform to them have been variously modified.
Thus in English, the prepositional phrase ^+ accusative
has displaced the genitive in many cases. In a similar way
the phrase to + accusative has replaced the older indirect
object, the dative without a preposition. The Shakespearean
"I'll hQ friends with thee" {2 Hen. IV, II, 4, 71) seems
to have been influenced by such expressions as we'll be
friends. So also ^^These kind of knaves" {Lear, II, 2,
107) has been modified by the expression these knaves,
and similar uses of these. A syntactical combination which
seems even now to be estabhshing itself is that of the
adverb between to and the infinitive, as to rightly judge.
Historically this is inaccurate, but under the influence oi
the emphatic type adverb -f verb, the adverb is frequently
placed after the sign of the infinitive, sometimes even by
good writers.
285. How powerful a factor analogy has been in the
history of English may be best appreciated from the chap-
ters on inflections which follow. A sufficient number of
examples has been given to show that analogy may be said
to be an influence which tends toward making less common
forms and expressions conform to the more common usage.
Naturally, analogy has been most active in periods when
standards of usage were less thoroughly established, as in
Middle English before the establishment of the standard
language, and in early Modern English, when usage was
more various than at present. In later periods, when the
158 CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS
schools and good usage, or correct speech, have become
influential, the analogical tendency has been largely kept in
check. However, some changes in standard usage are
constantly going on under its influence, while it is ever
active in dialectal speech.
CHAPTER XII
THE ENGLISH ACCENT
286. As already noted, § 219, accent is an important
condition of the forms of words, and of the changes which
they undergo. Both phonetic change and analogy may
affect stressed elements, yet both are far more powerful
in altering the unstressed parts of words and sentences.
Besides, accent has already been referred to as a charac-
teristic in which Teutonic differs from most other Indo-
European languages. On both of these accounts, therefore,
some discussion of accent in English is necessary.
287. The term accent is usually confined to stress upon
a particular word or syllable. In the larger sense, however,
stress is of two varieties, word-stress and sentence-stress,
each of which has important relations in the history of
language. Word-stress, or accent in its usual sense, needs
no further definition. By sentence-stress is meant that
more prominent accent which rests on one or more words
of a spoken sentence. The importance of recognizing
sentence-stress, as well as word-stress, depends upon the fact
that the unstressed words of a sentence, like the unstressed
syllables of a word, may undergo special changes.
288. Accent may be of different kinds in respect to
quality, as pitch or musical accent, and force or expiratory
160 CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS
accent. Both of these may, and usually do, unite to some
extent in each particular language, but one is always more
prominent and characteristic. Musical accent belonged,
for example, to classical Greek ; expiratory accent is exem-
plified by classical Latin and Teutonic. Musical accent
has various grades, represented by the acute, the grave,
and the circumflex. Expiratory accent is also of two vari-
eties, called primary and secondary according to the degree
of force employed.
289. As to position, accent is free when it rests on any
syllable and moves from one syllable to another in the
inflectional forms of the same word ; or fixed, when it
rests always on the same syllable of the word. Free accent
belonged to Indo-European, and was retained in Greek
and the earHest Teutonic. On the other hand, the accent
of Teutonic words after the earliest period was a fixed, ex-
piratory stress. Between the two stands the Latin accent,
which must rest on one of two syllables in polysyllabic
words, but may change from one to the other in inflection,
as in leo — leoniSy feci — fecisti. English sentence-stress is
also an expiratory, or force accent, but, instead of being
fixed and conventional like English word-stress, is free and
logical. That is, it rests on the word or words especially
prominent in the thought.
290. In Old English, accent of words followed the law
of the Teutonic accent. This law may be stated as follows.
Uncompounded words were always accented on the first,
or root, syllable. Compounds varied in accent, according
as they were nouns and adjectives on the one side, or verbs
on the other. Nouns and adjectives were accented on the
THE ENGLISH ACCENT 161
first syllable of a compound, as of a simple word. Verbs
were regularly accented on the first syllable of the root and
never on the prefix, unless they were derived from nouns
and adjectives, when they retained the accent of the latter.
Thus answer, the verb, retains the accent of answer, the
noun, which is itself compounded of and -f- swaru and
means *a speaking in return.'
291. The accent of native English words has remained
much the same in all periods. Examples of nouns or ad-
jectives with accent on the prefix are compounds of after,
and, fore, fro, in, mid, off, on, out, over, under, up, as in
aftermath, answer, forepart, froward, inland, midway, off-
spring, onslaught, outlay, overthrow, underling, upward.
Verbs, with accent on the root, are forego, ingather, offset,
overthrow. On the other hand, most nouns and adjectives
formed with the prefixes al-, mis-, and un- have changed the
accent from the prefix to the root. Examples are almighty,
misdeed, mistake, unkind, unwell. These have probably been
influenced by the accent of verbs.
292. Borrowed words in English have sometimes assumed
the English accent, sometimes not. In general, words of
common usage entering before Modern English times have
the accent of native words ; many entering later, as well as
words of learned origin, retain the accent of the original
language. To the first class belong early classical words,
and those from Old French. Norse words already had
Teutonic accent, and so easily associated themselves with
native words. To the second belong words of late Latin
and French origin, besides those from less important
sources. Borrowed words which differed from English only
162 CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS
gradually acquired the native accent. They are therefore
differently stressed in different periods, and sometimes even
in the same author. Thus reason is differently accented in
the following lines of Chaucer : —
**Til that he knew, by grace and by resound
{Monk's Tate, aaS.)
**As fer as r^son axeth, hardily."
iCUrk's Proieguetts)
293, In assuming English accent, borrowed words have
generally ranged themselves in the two characteristic classes
of native words. Nouns and adjectives have usually assumed
accent on the prefix, while verbs have more commonly re-
tained the original accent on the root syllable, or on what
was regarded as the root syllable. Examples of words show-
ing different stress as nouns and verbs are augment — aug-
ment; collect — collect; compound — compound; cdncert —
concert; cdnduct — conduct; export — expdrt; impress —
impress; insult — insult; permit — permit. Adjectives and
verbs differently accented are absent — absent; frequent
— frequent. On the other hand, adjectives sometimes agree
in accent with verbs rather than with substantives, as Au-
gust — august; minute — minute; supine — supine; invalid
(English invalid) — invalid. Borrowed words which are
not compounded of prefix and root often follow the anal-
ogy of true compounds, as ferment — ferment; torment —
torment.
294. Words which do not conform to these general rules
are usually late borrowings. For instance, many French
words that appeared first in the seventeenth century, § 181,
THE ENGLISH ACCENT 163
have retained the foreign accent. Examples are, bagatelle^
brunette, burlesque, cadet, cajole, campaign, caprice. As
most of these are nouns or adjectives, they should have
assumed initial stress by analogy of native words. Ex-
amples of Latin words which retain Latin accentuation are
aurora, ccesura, colossus, corona, decorum, factotum, farina,
legumen. Such words are mainly of learned origin and
usage.
295. Thus far the accent of compounds which may be
separated into prefix and root has been considered. True
compounds, made up of independent words, usually follow
the same laws. Examples of nouns are daylight, draw-
bridge, grandfather, redbreast; of adjectives, godlike, head-
strong, lovesick. Verbs compounded of independent words
are few, except those mentioned in § 291, or those formed
from nouns and adjectives, which have initial stress as in
former times. Examples are blindfold, shipwreck, white-
wash.
296. Apart from this general agreement in accent be-
tween Modern English and the language of the older
periods, one important tendency is to be noted. Modern
Enghsh compounds tend to have equal, or level, stress on'
both parts of the compound. This is especially true of
compounds with no mark of union in the written form,
§ 145, as the noun compounds good man, wild rose; the
adjectives half mad, dead ripe, red lead; and the verbs
draw back, pour through, run away. These do not con-
form to the general rule because not usually regarded as
true compounds. Each part of the compound is thought
of as significant. Thus wild rose is contrasted, not only
i64 CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS
with tame rose, but with other wild flowers. Otherwise the
stress of such compounds follows the rule.
297. Some words differ in accent according to position
in the sentence. Such are adjectives compounded of ad-
verbs and adjectives, as illbred, hardhearted^ shortsighted.
If used attributively, such words take initial stress ; if used
as predicate adjectives, they take the stress on the second
element. So such words as afternoon, forenoon, are stressed
on the first syllable when used as adjectives or as nouns in
the position of subject. If used in the predicate, they take
stress on the second element, unless a contrast is implied.
In most such cases, the accent can be easily explained as
due to the original sentence stress.
298. Secondary stress in English words usually rests on
the second syllable from the principal accent, as in mani-
fold, 'instrumental. In compounds of two independent
words the secondary accent falls on the second part, whether
it stands next the primary accent or not, as in daylight,
lovesick, handiwork. In dissyllabic compounds, however,
the secondary stress is lost whenever the word is no longer
regarded as a compound. As examples of this see the
obscure compounds in § 148.
299. As already mentioned in § 289, sentence stress in
English is free and logical. By this is meant that it is so
placed as to emphasize the word, or words, especially promi-
nent in sense. For example, the sentence Tom stole the
knife conveys slightly different ideas, as the stress is placed
on one word or another. If Tom is stressed, the person
who committed the act is contrasted with others who might
have been guilty. On the other hand, if stole is stressed,
THE ENGLISH ACCENT 165
the method of obtaining the knife is emphasized, but not
the person who gained possession. Still another idea is
made prominent if the stress is placed on knife.
300. In general, sentence stress is used to emphasize new
ideas, while ideas already in the mind of speaker and
hearer, or those easily taken for granted, are left unstressed.
Thus if Tom were strongly stressed in the sentence above,
it would imply that the fact of stealing and the object stolen
were already known to speaker and hearer. The verb to be
is usually unstressed, because it is simply a connective be-
tween subject and what is asserted of the subject. Only
when used to convey the less common idea of ' existence '
is it strongly stressed. Examples of both of these latter
uses occur in the famous quotation from Pope, " Whatever
is, is righty
301. Certain parts of speech usually receive more sen-
tence stress than others. For example, many pronominal
words, the articles, particles, and auxiliary verbs, are
generally without stress in the sentence. But certain pro-
nouns are always stressed, as the interrogative compared
with the indefinite or relative, and the possessive compared
with the personal pronouns. Besides, the adjective and
adverb receive more stress than the noun and verb modi-
fied. Yet the adjective and adverb may lose this prominent
stress when they are mere stock terms, adding little mean-
ing to the expression. In all these, as in other cases, sen-
tence stress is logical, that is, it depends upon the meaning
intended by the speaker.
302. The importance of stress as a condition of changes
in the forms of words has been previously illustrated by
166 CHANGES IN THE FORMS OF WORDS
such examples as those in § 146. As already noted also,
§ 219, phonetic changes are far more numerous in un-
stressed than in stressed syllables, and the same is true of
changes due to analogy. Besides, the fact of stress enters
into all the inflectional changes which will be considered in
the following chapters.
THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH
INFLECTIONS
CHAPTER XIII
INFLECTIONAL LEVELLING IN ENGLISH
303. It has been mentioned in § 8 that the Indo-
European family is characterized by languages of the
inflectional type. Yet English is also called an analytic,
or uninflected language. That is, Modern English does
not rely on inflectional' forms for expressing the various
relations of nouns, adjectives, pronouns, and verbs. On
the contrary, English indicates these relations by position
in the sentence, or by certain connective words, as preposi-
tions and auxiliary verbs. The apparent inconsistency is
not a real one. In the past every language of the Indo-
European family has been inflected. Later the inflectional
character has been more or less completely lost in some
members of the group, as English, Dutch, French, and
others. Besides, when it is said that English is an unin-
flected language, the statement is not entirely true. The
losses of inflectional forms have been more considerable
in English than in some other members of the Teutonic
167
168 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
group, as German. But English still retains case forms
in the pronoun, one oblique case in nouns, and some
inflectional forms in verbs.
304. The extent to which this inflectional levelling has
affected English may be seen by comparison with the
parent speech. The latter had eight cases, distinguished
in nouns, pronouns, and adjectives by special endings.
There were three numbers, singular, dual, and plural, with
forms in nouns, pronouns, adjectives, and verbs. The de-
clensions of the primitive speech were numerous, and there
was also a complicated and multiform verbal system.
Almost the whole of this elaborate inflectional system
has been gradually lost during the ages since the ancestors
of the English and other Indo-European peoples lived
together in a common home.
305. Even Gothic, the oldest extant form of Teutonic,
shows great modifications of the Indo-European inflectional
system. In the West Teutonic tongues the simplification
was carried still further. The same tendency continued
to affect in a marked degree the Low German languages.
Finally, in the history of English itself, the process which
has influenced all Teutonic languages has brought about
the gradual loss of most of the original inflectional forms.
306. In the earliest period of English most nouns had
but three case forms in singular and plural, although a {tvf
had four, and adjectives together with a few pronouns had
five. Old English had also lost the dual number except in
the first and second personal pronouns, and the latter forms
were not in common use. Moreover, while the number
of declensions was nominally more numerous, most nouns
INFLECTIONAL LEVELLING IN ENGLISH 169
were declined in one of two ways. One of these included
masculine and neuter nouns, and the other, feminines.
Adjectives agreed in their inflection with the majority of
nouns, except for the weak declension, which was peculiar
to the Teutonic languages.
307. Since Old English times, the levelling tendency has
removed most of these older inflectional forms. With few
exceptions nouns are now declined alike. They have, more-
over, one common form for the older nominative, vocative,
dative, and accusative cases, and one for the genitive singu-
lar. In most nouns the genitive plural is the same as the
nominative, except for the apostrophe used in the written
form. Adjectives have lost all traces of inflection. The
personal pronoun alone preserves distinctive case forms.
In verbs, the stems, as well as the inflectional forms, have
been considerably reduced in number.
308. The influences which have brought about these in-
flectional changes in English are the two already mentioned
as affecting the forms of words, — phonetic change and
analogy. The first of these has been particularly influential
in English because of the position of the Teutonic accent,
which never rests on the inflectional ending. On this
account, the inflectional and unstressed syllables have been
gradually obscured in pronunciation. The second influence
has tended to reduce the dissimilar inflectional forms to a
common type, thus bringing regularity out of irregularity.
Naturally the latter influence has been much aided by the
former.
309. It is therefore misleading to suppose that the break-
ing down of inflectional forms has been directly due to the
170 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
influence of foreign languages with which English has come
in contact. This is clear from the fact that inflectional
levelling had begun in Old EngHsh times. In late Old
English it proceeded rapidly. In Middle English the lan-
guage was assuming its modern form, even in those localities
least affected by foreign influences. Besides, a similar in-
flectional levelling has taken place in other members of
the Teutonic branch on which there has been slight in-
fluence from without, as in Danish and Dutch.
310. The real effect of such foreign influences as that of
Danish and Norman French, was in breaking down the
standard speech, and in preventing the estabhshment of a
new standard. The absence of a standard language re-
moved the check upon almost indiscriminate levelling.
Each writer tended to use the dialect of his restricted
district. By reason of this, some inflectional forms tended
to become obscured in one, some in another district. The
confusion arising in the borderland of two such districts
tended to destroy the forms peculiar to each and thus
hasten inflectional change.
311. If foreign influences have not directly affected in-
flectional levelling, much less likely is it that there has been
any borrowing of inflectional forms from foreign sources.
Although borrowing of inflectional forms has sometimes
been asserted, the assertion has never been satisfactorily
supported. Besides, the principle may be strongly em-
phasized that foreign influence should be assumed only when
no influence within a language will satisfactorily account
for the fact in question. As will be seen from the following
chapters, there is no inflectional form in English which
INFLECTIONAL LEVELLING IN ENGLISH 171
cannot be easily accounted for from older forms in one
or another of its dialects. For the apparent exception in
the case of the pronouns they, them, compare § 373.
312. In considering the changes taking place in English
inflections, it must be remembered that they were brought
about in the most gradual manner. As said before, there is
no sharp dividing line between the language forms of differ-
ent periods. Nevertheless it will be convenient to consider
inflections in relation to the three divisions of our language
history. Old English may thus be regarded as the period
of full inflections. Middle English as the period of levelled
inflections, and Modern English as the period of lost in-
flections. Yet the last of these terms must not be taken
too literally, since Modem English still retains a number ot
inflectional forms.
CHAPTER XIV
THE NOUN
313. The Old English noun inflections have been briefly
characterized in § 306. More exactly, all nouns belonged
to one of two principal varieties of declension, called strong
and weak,^ although such names are more convenient than
descriptive of essential peculiarities. In each of these
declensions there were variations for the three genders,
but masculine and neuter nouns had much in common, and
the forms of all genders in the weak declension were much
alike. Old English gender was purely grammatical, as in
German or Latin ; that is, gender in nouns had no relation
to sex as at present. Besides the declensions mentioned
above, there were certain anomalous nouns in Old English
which will be considered by themselves.
314. The principal noun inflections of Old English^ may
be represented by the following examples. Such words
have been chosen for illustration as have been preserved in
Modern English without great change in general form.
Thus dom is ' doom,' word * word,' clif * cliff",' g/o/ * glove,'
/u/u ' love,' oxa ' ox,' eare * ear,' keorfe ' heart.'
1 The terms ' strong' and ' weak ' were given by Jacob Grimm to differ-
ent varieties of inflection in nouns, adjectives, and verbs. For convenience,
they are often retained at the present time, as in this book.
2 For the simplest description of the inflections of OE. nouns, as of
Other inflected forms, see Cook's First Book in Old English^ pp. 26-80.
172
THE NOUN
173
I. The Strong Declension.
MASCULINE.
NEUTER.
FEMININE.
Singular.
N.V.I
dom
word
clif
gl5f
lufu
G.
domes
wordes
clifes
glofe
lufe
D.I.
dome
worde
clife
glofe
lufe
A.
d5m
word
clif
glofe
lufe
Plural.
N.V.A.
domas
word
clifu
gl5fa (e)
lufa (e)
G.
doma
worda
clifa
glofa (ena)
lufa (ena)
D.I.
domum
wordum
clifum
glofum
lufum
II. The Weak Declension.
MASCULINE. NEUTER.
Singular.
N.V.
G.
D.I.
A.
N.V.A.
G.
D.I.
oxa
oxan
oxan
oxan
eare
earan
earan
eare
Plural
oxan
earan
heortan
oxena
earena
heortena
oxum
earum
heortum
FEMININE.
heorte
heortan
heortan
heortan
315. The differences between these forms are not really
so great as they may seem. For instance, strong masculines
and neuters have only three case forms in the singular,
1 N. means nominative ; V., vocative, which is always the same as the
nominative; G., genitive; D., dative; I., instrumental (Latin ablative),
and always the same as the dative in nouns ; A., accusative, always like the
nominative in masculines and neuters. For convenience the same case
names are retained for all periods of English.
174 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
although in the table, on account of feminine nouns, the
accusative of masculines and neuters is separated from the
nominative and vocative. In the singular, weak neuters also
have but three forms. The neuters word and clif and the
feminines g/o/B.nd lufu differ from each other in but a single
case for each pair. The plurals of all strong nouns are
much alike, while the plurals of all weak nouns are exactly
the same. Feminines of weak nouns are like masculines
except in the nominative, and like neuters except in the
accusative. These points of resemblance may be em-
phasized by a table of inflectional endings as follows :
Singular,
Strong.
Weak.
MASC.
NEUT.
FEM.
MASC.
NEUT.
FEM.
N.V.
—
— -, u
a
e
e
G.
es
e
an
D.L
e
e
an
A.
"
e
Plural
an
e
an
N.V.A.
as
— ,tt
a(e)
an
G.
a
ena
D.I.
tun
um
In the above table a dash means that there is no in-
flectional ending ; similar endings for two or three genders
are given but once.
316. The changes affecting inflections from Old to
Middle English reduced the noun forms to much more
of regularity. First, by phonetic changes, every unstressed
<z, o^ u, became <?, and final m of the -um ending became
n. The second influence was analogy. By reason of the
THE NOUN m
latter, the masculine- neuter genitive in -^was extended to
original feminines and to most weak nouns, while the dative
usually took the form of the nominative and accusative.
At the same time the plural mascuHne N.V.A. in -es (OE.
as) became the plural ending of all but a few exceptional
nouns. This was due to the fact that it was the plural
ending of the largest class of strong nouns in Old English,
and it was also more distinctive than the -en plural of weak
nouns. Besides, the ending -es became common to all
plural cases, displacing the dative as usually in the singular,
and the genitive both because the latter was seldom used
and because of the similar form of the genitive singular.
Finally, the grammatical gender of Old English was gradu-
ally lost, owing to the loss of distinctive endings for gender
in nouns, adjectives, and demonstrative pronouns.
317, As a result of these changes the noun inflection in
the Midland dialect, even at the beginning of Middle
English times, was exceedingly simple. Soon after iioo,
as shown by the language of the Peterborough Chronicle^
§ 82, and certainly by 1200, as shown by the language of
Orm, most nouns were declined in one of two ways, as
follows :
t II.
Singular N.V.A. dom lufe
G. domes lufes (lufe)
D. (I.) dom (dome) lufe
Plural (all cases) domes lufes
318. The main difference between these two classes is
in the N.V.A. singular, which is without special ending in
nouns of class I., but always ends in ^ in nouns of class IL
176 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
The form with e in the dative singular of the first and the
genitive singular of the second class is seldom found. In
the latter case it usually occurs in combinations which are
probably compounds rather than genitives with following
nouns. Examples are herte blod * heart blood,' chirche door
* church door,' ladye day * Lady day.' Besides nouns belong-
ing to these two classes, there were certain irregular plurals
which will be described in a following section.
319. The noun inflections in Chaucer, representing
Middle English of the fourteenth century, agree in general,
with those of the earlier period. The main difference is
that e of the es endings is sometimes lost, so that the forms
in Chaucer approach somewhat nearer to those of Modern
English. In the fifteenth century these two declensions be-
came one by loss of final e, as in many other classes of
words. About the same time, <f of the -es endings was
regularly syncopated, except after words ending in certain
consonants. Thus most nouns of Modern English, includ-
ing most of those borrowed from other languages, are de-
clined according to one general type.
320. When it is said that most Modern English nouns
are declined alike, reference is made especially to the
written form. If the spoken form be regarded. Modern
English nouns are of three types according as they add, in
the genitive singular and the plural, -z^ -s, -iz(ez). In
speech, nouns ending in a vowel or voice consonant add -z ;
those ending in a voiceless consonant add -s; and those
ending in s, z, sh, ch, or j sounds add the syllable -iz{ez),
written es{s). More exactly, nouns of the latter class retain
the Middle English -es ending without syncopation of e.
THE NOUN 177
The written forms of the three types may be illustrated as
follows :
I. IL III.
Singular N.V.A.D. boy hat horse
G. boy's hat's horse's
Plural N.V.A.D. boys hats horses
G. boys* hats* horses*
321. From this scheme there are few divergences in
Modem English except in the case of irregular plurals.
In forming the genitive singular, nouns ending in s some-
times add the apostrophe only. The reason for this irregu-
larity is very old. In Middle English, foreign words ending
in s did not always assume inflectional -es in either the
genitive or the plural. In early Modern English also, the
genitive -s was sometimes omitted, if the following word
began with j, as * a river\^s\ side.' Examples in which the
apostrophe alone is added are certain bibHcal phrases, as
* Jesus* sake,' * conscience' sake.' In the spoken form there
is also a divergence in usage from the table above. Poly-
syllables, sometimes monosyllables, ending in s remain un-
changed in the genitive, as ^Achilles'* wrath,' ^Xerxes'* army,'
instead of forms with the extra syllable in iz, as Achillesiz.
This is probably a retention of older usage in the case of
names, under the influence of euphony.
322. The use of the apostrophe in the written form of
the genitive case deserves a word of explanation. The
apostrophe was originally used in all kinds of words to de-
note contraction. It still marks the loss of a consonant in
o'er, e'er, and of a vowel in don't. In early Modern Eng-
lish the apostrophe was used to mark the loss of medial l
N
J78 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
in the plural, as well as in the genitive singular. Later, it
came to be restricted to the genitive singular, and was re-
garded as a sign of that case. After the apostrophe came
to be regarded as a sign of the genitive case, it was naturally
added in the plural as well as the singular.
323. The restriction of the apostrophe to the genitive
case may have been due to the supposed derivation of that
case from the personal pronoun his. Owing to this sup-
posed derivation, it was not uncommon in Elizabethan times
to write his instead of the genitive, especially after words
ending in s. For example, the name of one of Ben Jon-
son's plays was written *Sejanus his Fall,' although it was no
doubt spoken as if written ^ Sejanusiz Fall.' Under the in-
fluence of this use of his^ her was sometimes placed after
feminine nouns, as 'Venus her glass.* The original confu-
sion of the personal pronoun and the genitive was due to
the fact that in rapid speech his had the same pronunciation
as syllabic -is{es). Besides, the possessive pronoun was
perhaps sometimes used after the name of the owner for
special emphasis, as the nominative also in the dialectal
expression, * John he said.*
324. In Modern English the genitive ending is added
only to the last word of a syntactical group, as ' the good
King Edward's crown,* *the Queen of England's son,*
'Jones and Thompson's store,' *the man in the moon's
thornbush.* Thus, for purposes of inflection, such a group
is treated as a compound word. In Old English, as
in most inflected languages, an ending would have been
added to each noun, adjective, and pronoun \ for instance,
to goody kingf and Edward in the first example. This
THE NOUN 171
group genitive is therefore one of the most convenienf
devices of our analytic tongue.
Irregular Plurals
325. Certain irregular plurals in Modern English remain
to be mentioned. The most important of these are nouns
which, as Old English neuters, had no ending in the N.A.
plural, and have remained unchanged to the present time.
Examples are deer^ sheep, swiney neat * cattle.' In Middle
and early Modern English, such examples are more fre-
quent, and many of them still occur in occasional usage
or in certain expressions. Thus^/^, head^ horse, pound,
and yoke are sometimes used as plurals or collective singu-
lars to-day. The word night is an unchanged plural in
sennight, fortnight; month in the expression 'a twelve
month^ and pound in *a ten pound note.' Partly by
analogy of these unchanged plurals, partly because of a
tendency to use certain words in a collective sense, nouns
of measure, whether native or borrowed words, sometimes
remain unchanged after numerals. Examples are brace,
bushel, cannon, couple, dozen, fathom, foot, gross, mile, quire,
ream, ton,
32C. Another class of irregular plurals includes nouns
ending in voiceless /or th, as wife, bath. In all such words
the final/ or th was voiced before a vocalic ending in Old
and Middle EngHsh, and this has remained in the plurals
of certain words, or occasionally in the genitive of com-
pounds, as in calves-head. Other words have assumed new
plural forms without voiced /or th, by analogy of the singu-
iars, especially words containing short / or u which show no
180 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
change of consonant. This change of/ and th originall)
belonged only to Teutonic words, but one French word,
beef^ shows a similar voicing oi f in the plural. As wordi
in final/ and /// show changes of these letters in the plurals,
we should expect final s to be voiced in similar circum-
stances. This is true, however, of but one word, house —
houses,
327. The irregular plural oxen and the poetic eyen rep-
resent the Old English weak declension. In Middle
English, -en plurals were numerous, more especially in the
Southern dialect. In the Midland dialect they were also
more common than to-day, for Chaucer uses such forms as
asshen ' ashes,* pesen ' pease,' hosen * hose,' foon ' foes,' been
*bees,' foon 'toes.' Such words, however, have become
regular, except for dialectal forms which sometimes occur.
A few -en plurals from nouns not originally weak belong in
the following classes.
328. Other irregular plurals are those which show muta-
tion, § 250, as fnan — men. In Old English mutation was
not a sign of number, but as it occurred only in the dative
of the singular, while it was found in the nominative and
accusative of the plural, it came to be regarded as a plural
sign. To this class belong man — men, woman and most
other compounds of man, foot — feet, tooth — teeth, goose
— gsese, louse — lice, mouse — mice. The word Norman
* Northman ' has the regular plural Normans since, though
originally Teutonic, it came to English from French after
the loss of the mutated form. The plurals of such words
as Englishman, Frenchman are pronounced like the singu-
lar, though written with its mutated form. The archaic
THE NOUN 181
word kine is really a mutated plural of coiv (OE. cu) to
which -en was later added. On the other hand, breeches, a
mutated plural of OE. broc, has assumed the regular ending
-es. These are therefore double plurals.
329. Some nouns of relationship had peculiarities of in-
flection in Old English. Most of these have become regu-
lar, but brother still retains an older plural, brethren, beside
the later and regular b7'others. The former is a double
plural like kine, the earlier plural ending in -r, to which -en
was later added. The e of brethren is due to mutation,
although the mutated form did not occur in the OE. plural.
Children is a similar plural in -r + en, the older form re-
maining in the dialectal childer. Words with two plurals are
dice — dies from die, pence — pennies from penny. The first
of each are the older forms and show early incorporation
of the ending into the word. The second forms are later
and regular. Such double forms are retained since each
has come to have a slightly different meaning or use.
330. The written forms of some plurals deserve special
notice. For example, according to the modern rule, nouns
ending in -y (not ey, oy) form their plurals in -ies. Histori-
cally the plural is the older form, and the singular in -ie {cf.
die, pie) has been changed to -y in most cases. In some
words the spelling has been influenced by analogy, as
negroes, potatoes by analogy oi foes, woes.
331. Attention has been called in § 324 to the genitive
inflection of a syntactical group. The plural inflection of
a similar group shows less of regularity. In the case of
groups made up of a noun and modifying element, the noun
is made plural whether the modifyhig element precedes or
182 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
follows. Examples in which the modifying element pre-
cedes the noun are * the Smith brothers ^ * butter ro//s,^ * two
foot rules!' These conform to ordinary compounds, as
tooth brushes, goose eggs, mouse traps. Examples in which
the modifying element follows the noun are * j^^zj-in-law,'
* hangers on,' ^ covtmanders-\xi-Q\i\ti^ ^states general/ * knights
errant,' ' courts martial,' * the Misses Smith,' * the Doctors
Brown.' Another group, consisting of verb phrases or ad-
jective phrases used substantively, adds the plural sign at
the end of the group, as ' forget-me-«^/$-,' * go-betweens'
* four-per-r^«A,' ' iwo-hy-fours.' Under the influence of the
latter, and perhaps also under the influence of the group
genitive, groups made up of a noun and modifying element
sometimes take the plural sign at the end of the group. In
this way ' sons-m-\2iVf' sometimes becomes * son-m-laws.*
Such forms as ' court martialSj * the Miss Smiths,' ' the two
Doctor Smiths ' are also not uncommon.
332. In a few cases, both parts of a group are made
plural. The only examples among native words are those
with man, woman, for the first element, as men folks, men
children, women writers. Besides these there are a few
borrowed compounds which are similarly irregular, as lords
lieutenants, knights templars. In the latter cases, the whole
expression may be said to be borrowed and has therefore
retained its original inflection.
Borrowed Words
333. Most borrowed words entering the language in Old,
Middle, and early Modern English have assumed the inflec-
tion of native words. It is true that in Middle English for-
THE NOUN 183
eign words ending in s remained unchanged in the plural,
as sometimes in the genitive singular. Later, however, these
words were regularized, except for the genitive case, § 321.
It was only when learned words began to be borrowed in
modern times that foreign plurals were also adopted, as
formula — formulce, radius — radii. The present tendency
of the language, though not a strong one, is to rid itself
of these foreign plurals, except where the foreign form has
come to have a special meaning, as indices beside indexes.
Gender in Modern English
334. The loss of grammatical gender has been already
noticed as owing to the loss of distinctive endings, § 316.
For example. Old English had two words for 'brother's
child,' nefa masculine, and ne/e feminine. Both of these
forms became ne/e in Middle English, and the distinction of
gender was necessarily lost. With the loss of grammatical
gender, natural gender alone was regarded, or in other
words gender now belongs only to such nouns as denote sex.
The term * neuter gender ' is still used not in reference to
distinctive endings as in Latin or Old English, but for nouns
having no relation to sex, or for some applied to either sex,
as child and Jish. Besides, the term ' common gender * is
sometimes used, though the distinction impHed is not usu-
ally an important one.
335. When the endings for grammatical gender were lost,
there was no means of expressing the distinction, except by
different words or by different prefixes and suffixes. Differ-
ent words to express gender naturally go in pairs, as father
'- — mother, brother — sister ^ son — daughter. Some of these
184 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
pairs, as those just cited, belong to Old English. In othtt
cases a foreign word has been joined to a native one, as
French countess^ the present feminine of English earL So
bachelor is French, maid and spinster English, and husband^
from Norse, is now masculine to English wife. In still other
cases both words are borrowed, as uncle — aunt from French,
and lad — lass^ which have been said to be Welsh, but may
be Teutonic. Of much later introduction are such foreign
pairs as executor — executrix^ sultan — sultana.
336. Certain suffixes expressing gender show considera-
ble changes since Old English times. The most frequent
feminine suffix of Modern English is -ess^ which is of French
origin. In Old English, however, there was another femi-
nine suffix, -estrCf now -ster as in songster. This corresponded
to a masculine suffix -ere, Modern English -er, implying the
agent. Old English included many pairs of words with
these distinctive endings, as bcecere ' baker,' bcecestre * female
baker ' ; sangere * singer,* sangestre * female singer.' With the
loss of grammatical gender the significance of these suffixes
also disappeared. Owing to this, the suffix -ster came to be
regarded as masculine or, more exactly, lost all sex signifi-
cance as in tapster, huckster, gamester, chorister, youngster.
One such word, spinster, is still applied only to women,
but without thought of its being originally the feminine of
spinner. A number of proper names had their origin in
words with this ending, as Webster, originally ' the woman
who weaves,* Baxter ' the woman who bakes.' Two words
songstress, seamstress have become double feminines by the
addition of the French -ess, to English -ster after the femi-
nine significance of the latter had been lost.
CHAPTER XV
THE ADJECTIVE
337. The Old English adjective had two declensions
distinguishing a twofold use. The second of these forms,
as given below, was used after a demonstrative pronoun, and
the first in most other cases. Both these declensions of the
adjective are still preserved in Modern German, though
endrely lost in Modern Enghsh. The inflectional endings
of the two declensions corresponded in the main to those
of strong and weak nouns, except that some of the originai
noun endings had been replaced by the corresponding forms
of the pronoun.
338. The declensions of the Old English adjective may
be represented by the forms of god ' good,' although certain
adjectives differ in minor particulars.
gode
The Strong Form.
The Weak Form
MASC. NEUT.
FEM.
MASC
NEUT. F
Singular.
Singular.
N.V.
god god
god
goda
gode g
G.
godes
godre
gSdan
D.
godum
godre
godan
A.
godue god
gode
godan
gode g
I.
gode
Plural.
godan
Plural.
N.V. A.
gode god
goda(e)
godan
G.
godra
godra(ena)
D.I.
godum
godum
godan
185
186 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
339. The breaking down of inflectional forms which
affected all words in the late Old English, and the early
Middle English, period was very thoroughgoing in the case
of the adjective. Even in the first century o^ Middle
English ( 1 100-1200) all adjective endings had been re-
duced to -e. Moreover, this -e was found as a distinctive
sign only in the plural of the weak declension, and occa-
sionally in the dative singular of the strong. Adjectives
ending in -e in the nominative singular, showed no variation
for the plural or the weak forms. The usual inflection of
the Middle English adjective may be given as follows : —
I. II.
Strong. Weak. Strong and Weak.
Singular, god gode grene
Plural, gode gode grene
340. The adjective retained these inflectional forms in
the main through the fourteenth century. But even in
Chaucer the distinctive -e of the weak form, and of the
plural when used predicatively, was sometimes lost. Final
-e in adjectives, as in all other words, might also be eUded
before a word beginning with a vowel or weak h. All these
facts show the tendency toward dropping inflectional -e in
adjectives, a change which was completed as early as the
fifteenth century, if not somewhat before that time. In
Caxton, for example, the adjective seldom retains inflectional
-e even in the written form.
341. While the above statement is true for the great
majority of adjectives, there are a few relics of older forms
in Middle English, and some of these have remained to
THE ADJECTIVE 187
modern times. For example, an old genitive plural of
all is found in the form aller, alder. Chaucer has the
expression ' youre aller cost,' which means ' cost of you
all,' and alderbest ' best of all.' Even Shakespeare uses
alderliefest * dearest of all* It has been sometimes said
that the word olden in such expressions as * the olden time,'
retains the -en ending of the weak declension. But it is
more probable that this is a later formation by analogy
of such adjectives ^.-s, golden ^ brazen^ flaxen.
342. Besides these relics of the older inflection of the
adjective, there are a few exceptional forms in foreign words.
In the main, as in the case of nouns, borrowed adjectives
assumed the inflection of words of native origin. A very
few French adjectives retained in Middle English the French
plural in -j, although usually only in certain phrases. Chau-
cer has occasionally such an expression as places delectables
' pleasant places ' in which the adjective has both the
French position and inflection. It is worth noting, how-
ever, that this French inflection of the adjective commonly
occurs only in the prose of Chaucer, which was translated
directly from French. Caxton also has a similar expression
knightes errauntes, though also knightes erraunt. A few
such expressions have also been retained to the present
time, as lords justices, knights templars, to which attention
has already been called under nouns, § 332. Such forms,
however, are rare even in Middle English, and must be
regarded as borrowed expressions rather than as due to
the borrowing of an inflectional form.
343. The changes in the adjective from Middle to
Modern English are few and simple. With the dropping
188 THE HISrORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
of final Cy which affected all words in late Middle English,
all forms of the adjective, both strong and weak, singular
and plural, became alike, so that the Modern English
adjective has no change in form to express gender, number,
or case. While this is true, certain adjectives when used
substantively have developed an -s plural after the analogy
of nouns. In Chaucer the gentils is so used. Shakespeare
used such forms more frequently, as gentles, severals and
generals, mechanicals, likes, elders. As a result of this
tendency, certain plurals of adjectives have come to be
regularly used as nouns. Examples are commons, elders,
betters, sweets, vegetables, particulars, necessaries. Besides,
certain pronominal adjectives also have inflected forms as
shown in § 399.
344. Two adjectives require special attention, the articles
a, an, and the, but these will be considered in relation to
the words from which they have sprung. The one is
historically a numeral, § 354, the other a demonstrative,
§ 380. Under the head of the adjective rightly comes, j
however, the consideration of derivative forms that express ^
degrees of adjectival force, or comparison, as it is called.
Comparison
345. The comparison of adjectives by means of deriva- j
tive endings belonged to the Indo-European language, as
shown by its occurrence in Greek, Latin, and Sanskrit as
well as in Teutonic. In Teutonic there were two sets of
endings for comparative and superlative, but in general Old
English retained but one. The Old English endings were
THE ADJECTIVE 189
-ra for the comparative and -ost {est) for the superlative.
An example of an Old English word in the three forms is
heard — heardra — heardost ' hard — harder — hardest.* In
addition to this regular form of comparison there were a
few irregular forms which will be explained in a following
section.
346. The explanation of our modern forms is exceedingly
simple. In early Middle English the endings for compari-
son became -re, -est, by the weakening of unstressed a and
0. By the time of Chaucer they were more commonly
written -er, -est, as at present, with only an occasional com-
parative form in -re. The comparative ending -re came to
be written -er after the loss of final e, by analogy of other
English words ending in -er. In only one word, more, is
the Middle English -re ending still retained.
347. Certain irregular forms of comparison have been
mentioned in § 345. Most of these are really regular forms
from the second set of endings already referred to as occur-
ring in Teutonic. The apparent irregularity is due to muta-
tion, which was caused by the vowel i of the second set of
endings. For example, in Old English, strong was compared
strong — strengra — strengest. In Middle English most of
these mutated forms gave way to regular formations by
analogy, but several have been preserved to modern times.
Examples are elder — eldest, now used as descriptive adjec-
tives beside the regular forms used in comparison. Mutated
forms also occur in better — best, used to complete the com-
parison oi good. These are from a root *^^/ which was not
preserved in Old English. In the same way, less and least
come from mutated forms of a stem *las, meaning ' weaJs.*
190 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
348. Attention has been called to certain double plurals
of nouns, as brethren and children. Among adjectives there
are also some double forms of comparison, as foremost^
hindmost^ inmost, outmost. These spring from original
superlatives with an -m suffix seen in OE. /or-ma * first.'
Even in Old English some of these had taken a second
superlative ending -est, as innemest * inmost.' Later the
double superlative ending -mest was associated with most,
which had come to be used in comparison, so that the latter
finally displaced the former. We thus have such forms as
inmost, utmost a.nd outmost, foremost, and others. Of these
outmost, foremost {OE. fyrmest) have had their first vowels
changed by analogy of out dCcA fore. The older form utmost
shows regular vowel shortening, § 244.
349. Still more anomalous forms also occur. By analogy
of such Middle English superlatives as aftermost, the new
superlatives uttermost, furthermost, were formed from the
comparatives utter and further. After these double superla-
tives had established themselves, the double comparatives
furthermore, uttermore, the latter now obsolete, were formed.
On the basis of the old superlative y^r/^;«, a later compara-
tive /7r;«<fr was also made to correspond with latter.
350. The new forms due to analogy in the case of strong
and old have been already pointed out. Several other com-
paratives and superlatives are also analogical forms. Late
has later — latest, beside the older latter — last, both of
which have lost something of their comparative force.
Nearer — nearest are examples of new forms based upon
an older comparative near, the older comparison being
nigh — near — next. In a similar way woj'ser and lesser are
THE ADJECTIVE 191
based on true comparatives worse, less. Far has two sets
of comparative and superlative forms used somewhat indis-
criminately z.% farther — farthest, further — furthest. Only
one of these is original, the comparative further. The su-
perlative of further was fyrst (first), which has become
entirely separated from the series. Later the superlative
furthest was formed by analogy, together with the remaining
forms from far. More — most are from an original adverb
ma, which became an adjective in Middle English and
remained in early Modern English as moe.
351. The comparison of adjectives by the adverbs more
and most is not found in Old English. It occurs first in
the early part of the thirteenth century, although it is not
common till the time of Chaucer. Just how this form of
comparison came into use is not determined, but it probably
arose from an extension of the use of these common adverbs
with participles, and adjectives not strictly allowing com-
parison. At first more and most were used indiscriminately
with the other form of comparison, but later the diiferentia-
tion in present use came into existence.
Numerals
352. The numerals may be classed with adjectives owing
to their use as adjectives in Modern English. In Old Eng-
lish, however, the words for hundred and thousand were
neuter iiouns, and the numerals from twenty to ninety were
commonly so used. The words for one, two, three, alone
had variations for gender, while one was also inflected
in both numbers, with the special meaning in the plural of
m THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
* alone,' *only.' In the Middle English period, owing largely
to the breaking down of inflectional endings, the present
adjective use of numerals became established.
353. It is interesting to note that the Teutonic system
of numbering was at one time duodecimal, not decimal ;
that is, the Teutons originally counted by twelves instead of
by tens. Later the decimal system largely displaced the
other, although there are still some relics of the original
form. Thus after twelve, not at eleven as might be ex-
pected, a change is made to a series of numerals ending
in -teen * ten.* In the oldest period of English, also, the
word hund * hundred * was prefixed to every numeral from
seventy to one hundred twenty. The latter was the ' hun-
dred ' in the duodecimal system. In German, klein hufidert
and gross hundert * little hundred, great hundred ' are still
used.
354. The first cardinal numeral in Old English, an^
should have given a Modern English form with the vowel
of stone. This form is found only in compounds of the
numeral, as alone, only, atone, no. Besides, there have been
two other developments of the older form. The numeral
one and adverb once show a form shortened and modified
to the vowel in but. In speech they have also developed
an initial w which is not represented in the written words.
A third form appears in the indefinite article an, a, an im-
portant offshoot of the numeral. The article shows early
shortening of the vowel and later loss of final n before
words beginning with a consonant. The change from
numeral to article is due to a gradual loss of the numerical
idea when the latter was unimportant. The older signi-
THE ADJECTIVE
193
fication still occurs in such expressions as ^a day or two/
equivalent to *one or two days.'
355. The process by which an lost its final n and became
a before words beginning with a consonant, was a gradual
one, as in the pronoun forms my, 7?ime, thy, thine, § 377. In
Chaucer's time a similar loss occurred in the numeral which
also had two forms on, 0(00), the latter before a consonant.
Two other words, none, no <i OE. nan (ne+ an), show the
same differentiation in form and sounds. Connected with
this Old English numeral is nonce in 'for the nonce' § 381.
The Old English plural sense of * only ' has been lost
through the loss of inflectional forms, although the numeral
one has the new genitive one's and the plural ones.
356. The second and third cardinal numerals were de-
clined as follows : —
MASC.
NEUT. FEM.
MASC.
NEUT.
FEM.
N. twegen
tu, twa twa
«ri, •Srie
■Sreo
«reo
G.
tweg(e)a, twegra
•Sreora
D.I.
twsem, twam
^rim
The Modern English forms tivo and three have come from
the neuter-feminine tiva and 'dr'eo. The use of each of
these for two genders easily accounts for its displacement
of the less common mascuUne. The masculine tiuegen,
however, is found in Modern Enghsh twain, and the same
root occurs in between, betwixt. The masculine dn is also
preserved in thrice, and with shortened vowel and metathe-
sis in thirteen, thirty.
357. The remaining cardinals require little attention.
Modern EngHsh^z/^, twelve y with v instead of/ come from
194 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
the inflected forms fife, twelfe (/= v), which established
themselves in Middle English as the regular forms. The
numerals from thirteen to nineteen are compounds with the
OE. suffix fene * ten.' The ending -ty of twenty, thirty, etc.
comes from OE. -tig, meaning * a ten.' In the older lan-
guage there was no numeral beyond thousand (OE. 'Susand) .
Million was added in Middle English from the French, and
later from the same source billion, trillion, quadrillion, etc.,
formed by analogy from the Latin prefixes bi, tri, etc., and
the assumed root -illion,
358. The ordinals of presenit English differ in several
particulars from the oldest forms, the most marked changes
being due to analogy. 'For first hoih. forma zndifyrestyftrt
once used, the latter alone being preserved as the ordinal.
Instead of second, which was borrowed from French, Old
English used dder * other.' The older numerical idea
accounts for certain expressions in English as * one or the
other^ ' one and another^ although all idea of the numeral
is now lost. The ordinals third, fourth, eighth are direct
descendants of OE. 'dridda {dirda), feowerda, eahteoda;
\m\. fifth, sixth, tivelfth have changed final / to ih by analogy
of other th forms, the Old English ordinals h€\ngfifta, sixta,
twelfta. These older forms were preserved to Shakespeare's
time, as shown by the titles Henry the Fift, Henry the Sixt,
and Twelfe-Night in the first FoHo, the latter with loss of /
after/.
359. Analogy has also influenced the forms seventh, ninth,
tenth, eleventh, thirteenth to nineteenth, these originally having
th, but not n, which rightly belongs to the cardinals only.
Still later, or in early Modern Eriglish, the ending th was
THE ADJECTIVE 195
extended to hundredy thousand, and the higher cardinals,
which had originally no ordinal form. As a result of these
changes all ordinals except the first three are now formed
by adding th to the cardinal, although they once differed
considerably from these forms.
360. The formation of multiplicatives is the same as in
Old English times, the adjective suffix fold < OE. feald
being added to the cardinals, although one-fold is no longer
used. Some words with multiplicative idea have been in-
troduced from French, as double, treble, and later triple,
while two-ply, three-ply are hybrids, made up of English and
French. The present Enghsh distributives, two by two,
three by three, are scarcely a preservation from Old English
times, since and was used instead of by, and the numeral
was in the dative-instrumental case, as iwam and iw'ctm
' two by two.' The older form occurs in the Bible as two
and two. Gen. 7:9, in Shakespeare, as in Henry IV^ III,
iii, 104, and sometimes colloquially.
CHAPTER XVI
THE PRONOUN
361. The pronouns have this interest in particular, that
they retain forms connected with the earliest Indo-European
on the one hand, and with present European tongues on
the other. Besides, they have suffered fewer losses of in-
flectional endings than nouns and adjectives ; that is, pro-
nouns have preserved three case forms, while nouns have
kept but two, and adjectives but one. The order in which
ihe various classes of pronouns may be treated is a matter
of convenience, rather than of logical or historical sequence.
Here they will be considered in the order of personal, re-
flexive, possessive, demonstrative, interrogative, relative,
and indefinite.
The Personal Pronouns
362. The pronouns of the first and second person, which
may be separated from that of the third person because
they have no forms expressing gender, were declined in Old
English as follows ; —
First Person.
Singular, Dual. Plural.
N.
ic,ic
wit, wit
we, we
G.
min
uncer
user, ure
D.I.
me, me
unc
us
A.
mec, me,
me
uncit, unc
iisic, us
196
THE PRONOUN
Second Person.
Singular.
Dual.
Plural.
N.V.
^u, ^u
git, git
ge, ge, gie
G.
•Sin
incer
eower
D.I.
«e, «i
inc
eow
A.
i
«ec, «e, «i
incit, inc
eowic, eow
197
The forms with long vowels following those with short
vowels above, as tc, rne^ we, represent lengthenings in late
Old English.
363. The changes in these pronouns have been consider-
able. First, all trace of a dual number was lost in early
Middle EngHsh. At the same time, also, the genitives of
the personal pronoun were usually displaced by possessive
pronouns derived from them. This is shown by the fact
that the possessive pronouns were regularly inflected, as
genitives of course were not. The genitive form is still
retained in its place in the pronoun inflection, with a paren-
thesis to indicate its more restricted use.
364. It will be seen that, even in Old English, the datives
were beginning to supplant the older accusatives, as shown
by me beside the accusative mec, de beside "dec. In late
Old English the change was fully completed, so that no
rehcs of the separate accusatives now remain, me, us, you,
thee, being both dative and accusative in use. In early
Middle English, therefore, the first and second personal
pronouns were inflected as follows : —
SlNGULAR„
Plural.
Singular.
Plural.
N. ik, i
we
Jju (thou)
Se, ye
G. (min)
(ure)
(Hn)
(5ur, your)
D.A. me
us
>i
5UW, 5u, you.
198 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
The sign S in 5?, 5«r, etc., represents a consonant simi\ar
to^. The forms in Chaucer were essentially the same as
those above, with the exception of the Southern ich, now
preserved only as a dialectal form in southwestern England.
365. In accounting for our Modern English forms of the
pronouns, it must be remembered that they have usually
little sentence stress, so that weak forms naturally came to
exist beside the strong forms. This accounts for Middle
English t beside //&, the former alone having survived in our
pronoun /. It also accounts for short u in us, as well as for
you, your instead of forms with the diphthong of house, as
would be expected from the older words. The remaining
forms in common use, me and we, still have short vowels
when unemphatic. From what is said above, thou should
have a vowel like that oiyou, but in the case of this archaic
word the strong form has displaced the weak, which existed
in earlier speech.
366. During the Middle English period, the plural ye,
you, began to be used in ceremonious address in place of
the singular. This was due to French, and perhaps to clas-
sical, influence. Such a use occurs first in the thirteenth
century, and by Chaucer's time was common. During all
this time the older singular remained among the common
people, and was probably employed to some extent by the
upper classes, as well as by superiors to inferiors. It also
continued to be used by the poets. Later, the plural be-
came common among friends, and finally was also used in
addressing inferiors.
367. In the language of literature, especially poetry, a
traditional use of thou beside you has been more or less
THE PRONOUN 19*
common since Middle English times. The ordinary state-
ment that the older distinctive use of thou and you occurs in
Shakespeare is inaccurate, as shown by careful investigation.
There are, however, occasional references to a use of thou
as a term of reproach, for example in Twelfth Night, III, 2,
48. How long the older singular remained in use among
common people in England is difficult to say. The speech
of the Friends, or Quakers, is in this respect no criterion,
since their usage is in imitation of biblical language and is
retained as more or less of a religious obligation.
368. In the older inflection ye was nominative and you
accusative. The two forms remained thus distinguished in
case through Middle and early Modern English. In Shake-
speare's time, however, J^'^^^ was often used for ye and some-
times jf<? for^^z^. Later, the original accusative j'^« established
itself as both nominative and accusative, while ye became
archaic and poetic. There are to-day, therefore, two para-
digms for the second personal pronoun, one in common use
with you {your) , you in both singular and plural ; the other
with thou {thy), thee, in the singular, and ye {your), you, in
the plural. The older ye in the nominative accounts for
some forms which occur in the early literature and are
still colloquial or dialectal. Thus, in its weak form, ye not
only shortened its vowel, but sometimes lost initial ;;, as
in the colloquial how do you do, phonetically hau d i du.
The weak form is also preserved in the older and dialectal
harkee, lookee, thankee.
369. The displacement of the original nominative ye by
the accusative you was due to analogy with nouns, which
have the same form for nominative and accusative. A
200 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
similar tendency is shown in the first personal pronoun, the
nominative of which is sometimes used for the accusative,
and vice versa. Such forms are not uncommon in Shake-
speare, as in the examples,
«« My father hath no child but /," As You Like It, I, 2, l8;
** Is she as tall as me ? " Antony^ III, 3, 14.
These forms also occur in dialects, and ' it is me ' is said to
be good colloquial Enghsh in Britain. The latter is less
common in America, owing to the influence of the schools.
Other dialectal forms belonging with those here noticed are
exemplified by such expressions as * between you and /,'
' me and John saw it.'
370. The third personal pronoun was declined in Old
English as follows : —
Singular.
Masc.
Neut.
Fern,
N.
he, hi
hit
heo, hie, hi
G.
his
hiere, hire
D.I.
him
hiere, hire
A.
hi(e)ne
hit
hie, hi, heo
Plural.
(^All Genders:)
N.A. hie, heo, hi
G. hiera, hira
D.I. him, heom
The changes are here more considerable than in the case of
the other personal pronouns. In general, nothing of the
plural remains in standard English, while the singular femi-
nine nominative and neuter genitive have been replaced by
other forms. Besides, the masculine and feminine datives
have replaced the accusatives as in the other pronouns,
although the neuter accusative has been retained through
likeness to the nominative.
THE PRONOUN 201
371. With the displacement of the old accusative by the
dative, the masculine singular remained as at present. In
English dialects, however, an accusative 'un corresponds to
a weak form of OE. hine. The neuter nominative-accusa-
tive // instead of hit^ is due to a weak form without h. The
original neuter genitive his remained to early Modern Eng-
lish times. For example, the English Bible of 161 1 used
the genitive his, as in Gen. i : 12, or substituted the phrase
thereof. Later, // was sometimes used for the genitive, as
in Lear, I, 4, 235, but gradually its estabhshed itself.
372. The feminine she of Modern English is derived, not
from the third personal pronoun, but from the feminine
demonstrative slo, which before 1150 began to replace the
regular form. In Chaucer's time it had become fully
established with the spelling she {shee) as now, the s having
become palatalized to sh. An old form with initial h still
remains in English dialects, as in Lancashire ho, pronounced
like he- of her. The dative her became accusative as in
masculine forms.
373. Owing to the confusion with the singular in Middle
English, the plural of the third personal pronoun was
replaced by plural forms of the demonstrative. Moreover,
it is necessary to assume that, as far as vowels are con-
cerned, English they, their, are derived from Norse 'dei{r),
deira, rather than from OE. da, dara. The dative-accusative
the7n might have sprung from either OE. dTetn, or Norse
"Seim, by shortening of the vowel or diphthong. The nomi-
native they first estabhshed itself. It is found in Chaucer
beside the genitive here and dative-accusative he?n. By the
end of the fifteenth century their, them, had displaced her^
\
202 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
and hem^ except as the weak form of the latter is preserved
in later writings with the spelUng 'em. The latter is also a
dialectal form at the present day.
The Reflexive Pronouns
374. Old English, unlike Latin, had no independent
reflexive pronoun, but used instead the corresponding forms
of the personal pronoun. The same usage continued in
Middle and early Modern English, but in general the per-
sonal pronoun has been strengthened by the addition of the
emphatic self, so that myself^ ourselves, himself, etc., are the
ordinary reflexives. These compound forms were originally
made up of self and the dative-accusative of the personal
pronouns, as in himself, itself herself, themselves. But in
Middle English meself theself through their weak forms
with short vowels, became myself thyself, all idea of the
original syntax having been lost. By analogy of these
plurals ourself yourself were formed, and in early Modern
English, under the influence of nouns ending in/, § 326, the
plurals ourselves, yourselves, themselves. In Shakespeare,
ourself is used with the royal we, ourselves as the ordinary
plural. In dialectal English hisself theirselves are also used
by analogy of myself, ourselves.
The Possessive Pronouns
375. It has been pointed out, § 363, that the so-called
possessive cases of the personal pronouns usually represent,
not the old genitives, but possessive pronouns derived from
them. This would not be evident from present English
THE PRONOUN 203
usage. In Middle English, however, the possessives from
which our modern forms have sprung were regularly in-
flected like adjectives, so that they could not have been
genitives. This is the principal reason for a discussion of
the possessive pronouns- as such.
376. The possessive pronouns of Old English, mm, dtn,
sin, were formed from genitives of the personal pronouns,
and from the stem of an old reflexive cognate with Latin
suus. These possessives were declined in Old English like
strong adjectives, § TfZ^- But the possessive sin was seldom
used, its place being suppUed by the genitives of the third
personal pronoun. In Middle English, the latter followed
the analogy of other possessives in becoming inflected.
377. In early Middle English, the forms min and thtn^
like the indefinite an,% 355, began to lose final n before
words beginning with a consonant, giving rise to the forms
my and thy. The «-forms were always retained when the
pronouns were used absolutely, as in the book is mine. In
Modern English, my has supplanted the «-form except
when used absolutely, but mine before vowels is found in
early Modern English, as in Shakespeare and the Bible, and
it may still be used in poetry. On the contrary, the «-forms
were extended by analogy in Middle English, giving rise to
hisn, hern, theirn, yourn. These are found in the Wychf
Bible (1384), but they have been kept only in dialects. In
early Middle English, by analogy of his and of nouns in the
genitive used absolutely, some of the possessives also be-
gan to take final s, as ours, yours, hers, theirs. The last
mentioned, theirs, is as old as the time of Orm, the last of
the twelfth or beginning of the thirteenth century.
204 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
378. The possessive pronouns of modern English are
therefore my^ mine; archaic thy, thine; our, ours ; your,
yours; his; its; her, hers; their, theirs. Of these the
forms used absolutely are those in -n, mine, thine, and those
in -s, oursy yours, his, its, hers, theirs.
The Demonstrative Pronouns
379 There were two demonstrative pronouns in Old
English declined as follows : —
Singular.
Plural.
Masc.
Neut.
Fern.
(^All Genders:)
N.
se, se
«aet
seo
N.A.
«5
G.
«as
"Ssere
G.
"Sara ("Sgera)
D.
«£em
^sere
D.I.
tSsem
A.
^one
«set
«a
I.
•Sy, «on
N.
«es
«is
•Seos
N.A.
"Sas
G.
«ises
«isse
G.
"Sissa
D.
^iosum, "Sissum
«isse
D.I.
^iosum, ^issum
A,
■Siosne
, •Sisne
«is
«is
I.
«ys, «is
380. The first of these was used as a definite article in
Old English. Later, the s'e, seo forms became ^e {deo), by
analogy of the many pronominal forms with initial cT. In
Middle English, the form de {the) remained the definite
article, singular and plural, while the neuter that retained
demonstrative sense. The plural of that was supplied by
tho (OE. da) until, by analogy of plurals in s, it became
those as at present. The neuter of the second demon-
strative accounts for Modern English this. The Middle
THE PRONOUN 205
English plural of this was at first thds{0'^. 'das), but two
other forms, t/ii'se and thes, were also used. The form fhes
became Modern English these by regular vowel changes.
381. While the many forms of these two Old English
demonstratives have been reduced to the, that, this and
their plurals, some traces of the earlier case forms remain in
stereotyped expressions. The old dative is found in the
Shakespearean 'for the nonce' (ME. nones), which was
originally * for then ones,' then being the OE. ^'^in. The
dialectal expression * the tother ' is for ' that other,' with
that in the weaker sense of the article. In * the more, the
better ' and similar expressions, the is an Old English instru-
mental {py, ME. the) used adverbially. It is also probable
that the Old English dative plural occurs in the dialectal
* them books.' Finally the ME. thise, plural of this, remains
in such expressions as ^ this hundred years,' ^ this twelve
month.'
382. One other Old English demonstrative is sometimes
found in older literature and dialectally. This is yon, as in
yon house. While not common as a demonstrative in the
oldest period, it is not infrequent in Middle and early
Modern English. Compare Shakespeare's " Nerissa, cheer
yon stranger," Merchant of Venice, III, 2, 240. Besides,
yonder is also used dialectally with demonstrative force, and
this is more or less directly derived from the older y^«.
383. The pronoun of identity in Old English was ilea,
now preserved only in the Scotch and occasional English
ilk. The intensive pronoun corresponding to Latin ipse, is
self, OE. seolf. In Old English this followed its noun or
pronoun and was inflected like an adjective, but later came
206 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
to be attached to the personal pronouns used in a reflexive
sense, § 374. 6"^^ could precede a noun in Old English
compounds, as in self-ivill^ and this use is also found in
Modern English; compare Shakespeare's self-affairs, self-
charityy self-danger^ and present English self-conceity self-
help. In Old English self could also be compounded with
adjectives, and there are still many words made up in this
way, as selfsame^ self-acting. In Shakespeare occur numer-
ous examples oi self 2,% a noun, 'death's second self^ sonnet
73, * Tarquin's selfy Coriolanus, II, 2, 98,
The Interrogative Pronouns
384. The simple interrogative in Old English had bu*
Wo forms for gender and one for both numbers as follows : —
Masculine — Feminine,
Neuter.
N. hwi
hwaet
G. hwses
hwses
D. hwsem, hwam
hwEem, hwam
A. hwone
hwaet
I. —
hwy
Three of these forms are now preserved with personal
reference, who, {whose), whom, the dative having become
dative-accusative, and the genitive being restricted to pos-
sessive use as in the case of the personal pronouns.
385. The confusion of ye, you in the Elizabethan age,
§ 368, had its counterpart in the confusion of who and whom,
so that the former was frequently used for the latter as at
present in the colloquial ' Who did you see?' Numerous
examples occur in Shakespeare, as " Who does the wolf
THE PRONOUN 207
love?" Coriolanus, II, i, 8; "For who love I so much?"
Macbeth, II, 6, 30; "To who?'' Othello, I, 2, 52. As in
Old English, the interrogative who is always used substan-
tively.
386. The Modern English what is still neuter when used
substantively. Like who, it was used only as a substantive
in Old EngHsh; thus hwcet mqnna 'what of men/ was
equivalent to * what sort of men.* In Middle English the
syntactical relation of this genitive was lost sight of, and
what became an adjective pronoun of all genders, as at
present in what mail, what house. Whose has now been
restricted to personal use. Here may also be mentioned
ihe interrogative adverb why, originally an instrumental form
of the interrogative pronoun.
387. There were in Old English two other interrogatives,
which have become modern which (OE. hwelc, hwilc <
*hwa-rtc *who-like'), and whether (OE. hwceder) 'which
of two.* The pronoun which, like what, has become an
adjective, while still retaining its original substantive use.
In both cases it is invariable in form for gender, number,
and case. The pronoun whether is not now used, although
there are many examples of it in the older modem literature,
as in " Whether of them twain did the will of his father ? "
Matthew 21 : 31.
The Relative Pronouns
388. In Old English there was no simple relative pro-
noun, as in Latin, for example, but its place was supplied by
the demonstrative se, seo, dcBt, § 379, by the relative particle
"de, or by a union of the two se de, etc. Of these older pro-
208 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
nouns only the relative ihat^ the neuter of the older demon-
strative, remained as the usual relative of Middle and Early
Modern English. In later times, that has been partly sup-
planted by other relatives in literature, but it retains its older
usage colloquially, conversation seldom employing who^
which, except as interrogatives or indefinites.
389. The remaining relatives of Modern English, who
{what), which, spring from the Old Enghsh interrogative-
indefinites hwa, hwelc {hwiic). Which, invariable for gen-
der, number, and case, began to be used relatively in early
Middle English and finally became fully estabHshed as a
relative for all genders. The older usage in reference to
persons is illustrated by the Lord's Prayer, "Our Father
which art in heaven." Later, who gradually displaced which
in reference to persons.
390. The present established use of who began much
later than that of which. It Is true that there are occasional
examples of who as early as the twelfth century, but it was
not commonly used as a relative until the sixteenth, and
not fully estabHshed until the seventeenth century. Ben
Jonson in his English Grammar acknowledged only the
relative which, although who was beginning to be used, as
shown by the plays of Shakespeare. Even in Addison's
time, who had not become common, as indicated by the
fact that the great stylist recommended its more extensive
use in the Spectator of May 30, 1711.
391. For a time after who took its place as a relative
beside which, both were used indiscriminately for persons
and things, as often in Shakespeare. Finally which was
limited, as at present, to references other than to persons,
THE PRONOUN 209
and who was employed for persons only, as when an inter-
rogative pronoun. This distinction was urged in the Spec-
tator mentioned above, where it was proposed, with little
deference to the older language, to change the first clause
of the Lord's Prayer into "Our Father who art in
heaven."
392. In Middle English, when who was beginning to be
used as a relative, the neuter what was also occasionally so
used. For example, in the Ormulum occurs ''They may
show you all what it saith and meaneth." In early Modern
English also a similar relative use of what is occasionally
found, as in Henry Vllly V, i, 125-6,
"I fear nothing
What can be said against me."
Such expressions, however, are considered vulgarisms at
present, so that what cannot be regarded as a relative pro-
noun in standard English. The common explanation of
what as a relative, because it is equivalent to that which,
depends on logical, not grammatical, relations.
393. Whose and whom, the present genitive and accusa-
tive of who, spring from the old genitive and dative. They
were also common before the nominative 7vho had estab-
hshed itself, perhaps because they belonged originally to
what as well as to who. As zvhich was more frequent than
7vho in a relative sense, whose and whom became attached
to which when referring to persons, while the accusative
which was restricted to the neuter gender. This use is
found in Orm and is common in Chaucer. At the same
time, of which, of whotn began to assume some of the func-
210 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
tions of the older genitive, and whose was used almost ex-
clusively in a possessive sense.
394. Later, when who came into general use as a relative,
whose and whom, by reason of likeness in form as well
as through the influence of the interrogative, associated
themselves with the personal relative. The genitive whose
was then restricted to personal use, although whose as a
neuter genitive is sometimes found in literature, especially
poetry. As in the case of the interrogative, there has been
occasional confusion between who and whom, the former
being sometimes used as an accusative and the latter more
rarely as a nominative. Examples are common in Shake-
speare, and Milton wrote " Beelzebub . . . than whom,
Satan except, none higher sat," Paradise Lost, II, 299-300.
The explanation of than as a preposition in this expression
is of course historically inaccurate.
The Indefinite Pronouns
395. The indefinite pronouns are so named because they
refer to general and usually unexpressed antecedents. Like
demonstratives, they may be employed as adjectives. They
are derived from pronouns, adjectives, or in a few cases
from nouns. In Old English the indefinites were numerous,
and to these there have been some additions in modern
times. Indeed, any adjective, constantly used substantively,
either becomes a noun or partakes of the nature of an in-
definite pronoun.
396. In Old English, as in the classical languages, the
interrogative pronouns were also indefinites, or more accu-
rately, perhaps, there were interrogative-indefinite pronouns
THE PRONOUN 211
of the same form. Who^ what, and which retain an indefi-
nite use in Modern English. A good example of who as
indefinite is Shakespeare's ^^Who steals my purse steals
trash," Othello, III, 3, 157. What, the old neuter of who,
is more frequently indefinite, as in ' what you say is true.'
Which is less frequently indefinite, but is certainly so in
such expressions as * which is right, is uncertain.' In Old
English there was also an indefinite whether * which of two/
but it is no longer used.
397. Besides these simple indefinites, there are com-
pounds, as whoso, whosoever, whoever, whatso, whatsoever,
whatever, whichever, etc. These have their correspondences
in Old English forms with swa ' so ' before as well as after
the simple indefinite, as swa-hwa-swa * whoso.' In Middle
English such forms lost the prefix swa, becoming whoso,
whatso, etc. In the same period they were sometimes
strengthened by the addition of ever, making whosoever, etc.,
and finally whoever, whatever, whichever were also formed.
In addition there occur in Shakespeare and in present
dialectal EngHsh such forms as whosomever, whatsotnever.
Some original compounds of whether have been greatly
obscured by phonetic changes and analogy, as either, OE.
aghwceder {^gder), and neither, apparently a new formation
by analogy of either. From two other forms, ahwceder * one
of two ' and nahwceder, its corresponding negative, the
Modern English conjunctions or, nor are derived.
398. The indefinites derived from adjectives are numer-
ous. Of Old English origin are so?ne, OE. sum; such, OE.
swelc, swilc ; each, OE. '^Ic. To these were added in the
Middle English period other, both, many, few, little, all.
212 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
enough, several, certain. All these are from Old English
adjectives except both, originally a compound, and several,
certain, which are from French. So7ne was formerly used
as a pronoun more commonly than at present, and still
retains pronominal use in the plural, as sotne say, * he went
with some of his friends.' Certain had a similar use in
Middle and early Modern English, but is now archaic as a
pronoun. Enough is pronominal in such expressions as
* enough is as good as a feast.*
399. These simple adjectival pronouns occur in com-
pounds as somebody, something, somewhat, every, another.
Strictly some one, one another, each other are also com-
pounds, although they are written as separate words. Here
may be mentioned the indefinite any, derived from the Old
English numeral an * one.* Of later pronominal use are
one, none, in ' one said,' ' none came.* Compound indefinites
are any one, anybody, anything, nobody, nothing, and the
tautological no one, § 355. The indefinites one, other, have
assumed inflected forms in the genitive singular and in the
plural, as one'^s, ones.
400. Some of the compound indefinites, as somebody,
anything, are indefinite phrases made up of an adjective
and a noun. One or two such compounds are Old English,
as aught, naught (OE. awiht, nawiht), the last part of which
is the noun wight, * creature,' * thing.' In addition to these,
Old English used man as an indefinite, like German man
in man sagt * one says,' * they say.' This is preserved in the
plural, as men say, and sometimes in the singular with an
article as in " Misery acquaints a man with strange bed-
fellows," Tempest, II, 2, 41.
CHAPTER XVII
THE VERB
401. Certain prominent characteristics of the Teutonic
verb have been mentioned in § 36. In general, the Old
English verb conformed to all these simple characteristics.
It had a single inflected voice ; two tenses ; two complete
modes besides an imperative in the present tense only ; two
numbers ; an infinitive, and two verbal adjectives, the present
and perfect participles. The changes in the verb since Old
English times have been of two kinds, one toward simphcity,
and the other toward complexity. The first is shown in the
loss of inflections, the second in the building up of the com-
pound forms. These will receive proper attention in detail.
Especially important in the history of the Enghsh verb are
those forms which have come down from the earliest time,
together with the changes which they have undergone.
402. The Old English verb comprised two principal
groups, the strong and the weak (see foot-note to page
172). The strong verb, including some with reduplicated
preterits, distinguished its preterit tense by a different vowel
from the present. The weak verb distinguished the same
form by a verbal suffix, the antecedent of the present -ed,
-d {(). The strong class was the smaller of the two, even in
Old Enghsh, and has since been constantly decreasing in
213
214 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
number. The weak class, on the other hand, has been con-
stantly on the increase, since new verbs and those borrowed
from foreign languages have usually been formed on the
model of the weak verb.
403. The terms strong and weak, applied to verbs as to
nouns and adjectives, might be thought to indicate the
larger and smaller classes respectively. . This is not strictly
true. In the case of nouns and adjectives, for example, the
strong forms were more numerous or were more frequently
used, and have therefore become the predominant forms in
the history of English. In the case of verbs, the weak forms
have always been the most numerous, and therefore have
naturally gained the advantage over the others. For this
reason the weak verb will be treated first.
The Weak Verb
404. The weak verb in the Teutonic languages is dis-
tinguished by the dental preterit, as it is called ; that is, by
a preterit ending containing a dental consonant, the -ed,
-d{t) of Modern English. Of the origin of this dental
preterit and the manner in which it came into use, little is
certainly known. An older theory regarded it as developed
from the root of the verb do. Such a form as loved, for
example, was supposed to be equivalent to love + did. This 1
theory, however, is not so commonly believed as of old, '
although scholars are still not agreed as to the exact origin
of the dental suffix. It is at least certain that the dental
preterit originated in an Indo-European suffix, and has
become thus specialized only in the Teutonic tongues.
THE VERB 1\\
405. Weak verbs in Modern English are usually regarded
as belonging to one large class. They are described by
modern grammarians as forming preterit and perfect parti-
ciple by adding -ed or -d to the verbal root. This general
statement, however, is far from accurate, as may be shown
by numerous examples. For instance, the weak verb have
— had does not exactly come under this form of statement,
while feed — fed^ cut — cut, do not add -ed or -d to any ot
their forms. The verb feed shows change of vowel in pre-
terit and participle, although it is not a strong verb, and cut
is invariable in its principal parts. It is clear, therefore,
that weak verbs have certain irregularities requiring to be
examined and described. To understand these peculiari-
ties it is necessary, as in the case of nouns and adjectives,
to go back to Old English forms.
406. Old English weak verbs were of three classes ac-
cording to formation and conjugation. Verbs of the first
class formed their preterits and past participles by adding to
the present stem the suffixes -ede{de, te) and -<?^ respec-
tively. Those of the second class added the suffixes -ode for
the preterit and -od for the participle. Those of the third
class were few in number and, though differing in some
other particulars, agreed with some verbs of the first class
in adding -de for the preterit and -ed for the participle.
Examples of verbs of the first class with -ede{de) in the
preterit are OE. dynnan — dynede — gedytied,'^ 'din'; de-
f/ian — demde — gedemed, 'deem'; with -te after breath
consonants, settan — sette — gesetted, 'set'; dyppan — dypte
1 The prefix -ge was added to the past participles of uncompounded
verbs, though often omitted, especially in the case of strong verbs.
216 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
— S^^yPP^^i 'dip.' An example of a verb of the second
class is locian — Be ode — gelocod^ 'look.'
407. By regular phonetic changes in late Old and early
Middle English tinnes, the endings of verbs of the second
class became -ede for the preterit and -ed for the participle,
so that they were exactly like certain verbs of the first class.
In early Middle English, therefore, weak verbs constituted
two classes, the first having the ending -ede^ the second
-de{te) in the preterit. The participles of both classes
ended in -ed. During Middle English most verbs of the
first of these classes lost the connecting vowel e in the
preterit -ede ending, and thus became like verbs of the sec-
ond class. Later in the same period, final ^ of the preterit
was also lost, and e of the participial -ed was usually synco-
pated, the longer form remaining only in poetry and some-
times in adjectives derived from participles. At the same
time, d of the past participle in most verbs ending in a
breath consonant became /, so that preterit and participle
thus became one in form.
408. Owing to these changes, regular weak verbs in
Modern English are invariable in preterit and participle,
the three stems of Old English having become two. They
form their preterit-participle by adding the suffix -d^ if
ending in a vowel or voice consonant, or -/ if ending in
a breath consonant. In either case the suffix is usually
written -ed, as in loved, dipped. Besides such regular weak
verbs, there are in Modern English several minor classes
which are more or less irregular. These usually depend
upon irregularities of development which require explana-
tion in detail.
THE VERB 217
Irregular Weak Verbs
409. While the syncopation of e in the participial suffix
-ed took place with great regularity, it was resisted in many
verbs ending in ^ or /. Later, these participial forms with
syllabic -ed were introduced into the preterits, so that most
verbs ending in ^ or / form the preterit-participle in syllabic
-ed, as bode — boded, greet — greeted. To this class belong,
not only verbs from Old English, but all verbs of late forma-
tion if ending in d or /, as well as most borrowed verbs of
the same sort.
410. On the other hand, in a small number of verbs end-
ing in d or /, the Middle English preterits ending in -de{te)
replaced the participles in -ed. Then, by the loss of final e,
these preterit-participles became like the presents, except
for shortening of a long vowel which had sometimes taken
place. Some of these verbs, therefore, show a different
vowel in the present and preterit-participle, while others are
invariable in form. They are still weak verbs, however,
although sometimes incorrectly classed as strong verbs.
411. Irregular weak verbs of this sort ending in d are,
bleed — bled lead — led shred — shred
breed — bred read — read speed — sped
feed — fed rid — rid spread — spread
hide — hid shed — shed wed — wed
Of these, hide has also a participle hidden by analogy of
strong verbs. By analogy of verbs of this class, plead, a
word borrowed from French, has a preterit-participle with
short vowel, beside one with syllabic -ed. Shred, speed, and
wed also have forms corresponding to verbs in § 409.
218 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
412. Irregular weak verbs ending in / are,
bet — bet
light — lit ♦
make light
' slit — slit
cast — cast
light — lit'
alight '
spit — spit, §431
CO jt — cost
meet — met
split — split
cut — cut
put — put
sweat — sw^at
hit — hit
quit — quit
thrust — thrust
hurt — hurt
set— set
wet — wet
knit — knit
shut — shut
whet — whet
Most of these are from Old English or Norse, but cut is of
uncertain origin, and bet^ cost, quit are from Old French.
Some have regular forms in -ed as bet, knit, light 'make
light,' light ' alight,' quit, slit, split, sweat, wet, whet. Wont
'accustomed,' itself a perfect participle from ME. woned,
was formerly made into an invariable verb, while it had also
the double preteritive form wonted. The latter is still used
as an adjective. In early Modern English and dialectally
heat — heat {het) occurs, as in King John IV, I, 61.
413. Weak verbs ending in a breath consonant have
always added -/ in the preterit, § 406, although this fact is
often obscured by the spelling -ed. Some verbs have kept
this original -t, but also show shortening of the root vowel,
as creep, keep, leap, sleep, sweep, weep, cleave, leave, reave
{bereave), and lose. Leap and bereave have regular forms
with unchanged vowels. Some verbs have -/ in preterit and
past participle by change of an original -d. They are,
bend — bent feel — felt mean — meant
blend — blent gild — gilt rend — rent
build — built gird — girt send — sent
burn — burnt kneel — knelt smell — smelt
deal — dealt lean — leant spell — spelt
dream — dreamt learn — learnt spend — spent
dwell — dwelt lend — lent spoil — spoilt
THE VERB 219
Of these deal, dwell, feel, lend, mean, send, spend have i
forms only, while the others have also forms in -d or syllabic
-ed. Went, originally preterit of wend, but now used exclu-
sively as preterit of ^^, shows a similar change.
414. A few important verbs were somewhat irregular in
Old English and have remained so to the present time.
The principal irregularity is due to mutation of the present
stem, so that present and preterit-participle appear with
different vowels. Here belong,
bring — brought teach — taught
buy — bought tell — told
(be)seech — (be)sought think — thought ' think *
seek — sought think — thought ' seem *
sell — sold work — (wrought)
The verbs reach and stretch once belonged here, but are
now regular, as is work more commonly. Three verbs
from foreign sources were influenced by this small group,
so that they have taken analogous forms in preterit-parti-
ciple. They are catch — caught, distract — distraught,
freight — fraught. In the case of the last two, regular
forms, distracted, freighted, have replaced the earlier dis-
traught, fraught, except as the latter are used as adjectives.
415. A few other verbs show vowel shortening in the
preterit, although otherwise regular. They are flee — fied ;
say — said; shoe — shod; hear — heard. Three weak verbs
are slightly irregular in other ways. In have — had, make —
made, the final consonant of the root has been lost in pre-
terit and participle. The verb clothe has an irregular pre-
terit clad beside the regular form clothed. The irregulai
form is perhaps a borrowing from Norse.
CHAPTER XVIII
THE VERB (Continued)
416. In the preceding chapter the forms of the majority
of English verbs have been discussed ; that is, those belong-
ing to the so-called weak class. There remain to be consid-
ered the interesting class of strong verbs, together with a
few relics of an Indo-European group with the suffix -mi in
the present indicative first singular. These, though not
nearly so numerous as those of the weak class, include some
of the most common verbs, and those which have suffered
many changes. They therefore require to be treated in
detail.
The Strong Verb
417. The Old English strong verb consisted of two
groups, those which distinguished their preterits by different
vowels from the presents, and those which once had
reduplicated preterits. The latter also had different vowels
in present and preterit, but this was not their most char-
acteristic feature. To the first group belonged six classes,
distinguished by the vowels of four stems, — the present, the
preterit singular, the preterit plural, and the past participle.
The vowels of the four stems in the different classes may
be seen from the following table. Vowel variations in any
stem are due to special Old Enghsh changes.
THE VERB
2
Class
Present
Pret. Sg.
Pret. Pl.
Participle
I
i
a
i
i
II
eo(S)
ea
u
o
III
i, e, eo
a(o), ea
u
u, o
IV
e
ae
se
o
V
e(i,ie)
36
§e
e
VI
a
o
5
a
221
The reduplicating verbs differed from these in having the
same vowel in present and participle on the one side, and
in preterit singular and plural on the other.
418. The strong verbs have been much influenced by
analogy. In the first place, their number has been greatly
reduced. In Old English there were about three hundred
strong verbs. As this number was small compared with the
number of weak verbs, the latter naturally influenced the
former. So great was this influence that less than one hun-
dred of the strong verbs remain in Modern English. In the
second place, the number of stems in strong verbs has been
reduced from four to three, and in some cases to two. This
was also due to the influence of the weak verbs. Sometimes
the preterit and past participle came to agree in form, and
thus the three stems were reduced to two. The influence of
analogy may also be seen in some other particulars,
although in general verbs preserved to modern times have
followed the regular phonetic changes of their characteristic
vowels.
Verbs of Class I
419. Most verbs of this class have preserved the vowel
of the preterit singular. They are,
222 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
(a) bide — (a) bode — (a) bode shrive — shrove — shriven
drive — drove — driven smite — smote — smitten
ride — rode — ridden stride — strode — stridden
rise — rose — risen write — wrote — written
shine — shone — shone
To these must be added thrive — throve — thriven from
Norse, and strive — strove — striven from French, both ol
which took strong forms by analogy. The verb rive, also
from Norse, has the participle riven, but is otherwise weak.
Two other verbs of Class I agree in having preserved the
vowel of the preterit plural. They are, dite — bit — bitten
{bit) 2xA slide — slid — slidden {slid).
420. The verb strike — struck — struck {stricken), origi-
nally of Class I has apparently been influenced by verbs of
Class III, although the archaic participle stricken of Class I
was used in early Modern English. Two weak verbs, chide^
and cleave 'adhere,* assumed strong preterits in Middle
English, but these have been lost in modern times. The
first, chode, occurs in Genesis 31 : 36, and the second,
clave, by confusion with the preterit of cleave 'spHt' § 423,
in Genesis 34 : 3. Chide and another weak verb, hide,
have assumed strong participles, chidden, hidden, by analogy
of verbs of this class. A dialectal dive — dove — dove has
also been influenced by verbs of Class I.
421. Strong verbs of Class I show various effects of
analogy in their history. The verbs abide and shine have
perfect participles like the preterits, the older forms in
short / having disappeared. On the other hand, abide, ride,
write had older preterits, abid, rid, writ, with the vowel of
the participle. By analogy also, some verbs of this first
THE VERB 111
class have assumed weak forms, and others have become
wholly weak. Thus, shine ^ shrive, thrive have weak forms
more or less commonly used, and glide, g^ip^, sigh, slit, spew,
twit (OE. cet-witan), writhe, whine are always weaL
, Class II
422. The verbs of this class which have remained strong
are as follows : —
choose — chose — chosen freeze — froze — frozen
cleave * split ' — clove — cloven seethe — sod — sodden
fly — flew — flown shoot — shot — shot
423. These verbs show great irregularities. For example,
the preterit stem has apparently been influenced in most
cases by the participle, and only cleave, freeze, seethe show
regular developments in the present from OE. forms. Be-
sides, chosen and frozen have z (j) instead of r as in Old
English. The verb seethe is interesting as the only one
which still preserves a consonantal change, as of th > d,
which was found in many preterits and participles in Teu-
tonic. By confusion with a weak verb cleave * adhere,'
cleave ' split ' often takes cleft for preterit and participle.
Both cleave and seethe also have weak forms. The remain-
ing verbs once belonging here have become weak so far as
they have been preserved. They appear with different
vowels in the present, as creep, flee, reek; brew, chew, rue;
boWy sprout, crowd; and suck, sup, shove.
Class III
424. The verbs of this class belonged to several well-
marked subdivisions in Old English, according as their root
224 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
vowels were followed by various consonant combinations.
In general, the verbs of only one of these sub-classes have
remained strong in Modern English, those in which the
vowel was originally followed by a nasal and a consonant.
They may be separated into three groups, owing to differ-
ences arising through phonetic changes or analogy.
425. The first group includes verbs with the diphthongs
ai (written /) in the present stem, and au (written ou) in
preterit and participle. Here belong,
bind — bound — bound grind — ground — ground
find — found — found wind — wound — wound
The verb climbs now usually weak, has strong forms dia-
lectally, as domb and climb. In all verbs of this group the
original short vowels of present and preterit plural were first
lengthened and then became diphthongs.
426. The second group includes verbs that have preterits
with the vowel of man, from the vowel of the original pre-
terit singular, as
drink — drank — drunk sink — sank — sunk
(be)gin — (be)gan — (be)gun spring — sprang — sprung
shrink — shrank — shrunk swim — swam — swum
sing — sang — sung
To these maybe added ring — rang — rung, from a verb
originally weak, the archaic and defective gin — gan, and
run — ran — run with an irregular present. In the eigh-
teenth century most verbs of this group had preterits with u,
as drunk, and these sometimes occur to-day colloquially as
well as in poetry. Occasionally, two preterits are used in
THE VERB 225
different expressions, as 'John shrank away/ but 'the cloth
shrunk.^
427. Verbs of the third group have preterits with the
vowel of but, from the vowel of the original preterit plural.
They are,
cling — clung — clung sting — stung — stung
sling — slung — slung swing — swung — swung
slink — slunk — slunk win — won — won
spin — spun — spun wring — wrung — wrung
stink — stunk — stunk
To this class belong fling — flung — flung from the Norse,
and string — strung — strung, which was formed in early
Modern English from the substantive string. By analogy
of the verbs above, dig has also assumed a preterit and
participle in u, as dug, beside weak forms. This formation
is late, since only weak forms occur in the Bible and
Shakespeare. For stick — stuck — stuck, see § 429. Orig-
inally burn belonged to this class, but is now weak, as are
cringe and ding, the latter not found in Old English. Here
belongs also the poetic and archaic swink ' to labour,' which
had weak forms as well as strong. Several of these verbs
have archaic forms with a in the preterit.
428. The remaining verbs of Class III have become
weak so far as preserved, with two exceptions, flgkt —
fought — fought and burst — burst — burst. The latter
might easily be mistaken for a weak verb like cast, cut,
but it was originally strong and it has never had a dental
preterit except in such dialectal forms as bursted {busted^ .
Molten and swollen, the old participles of melt and swell,
are now used rather as adjectives than as participles, and
Q
226 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
holpen^ archaic participle of help, is no longer found except
dialectally. The defective verb worth ' become ' belonged
here originally, but is now found only in such expressions as
* woe worth the day.'
Class IV
429. Few verbs belonged to this class in Old English
and still fewer have come down to modern times. Those
preserved are,
bear — bore — borne steal — stole — stolen
break — broke — broken tear — tore — torn
shear — (shore) — shorn
Quite irregular is come — came — come, from forms that
were also somewhat irregular in Old English. To this class
originally belonged stecan ' pierce,' beside which there was
a weak verb stician ' pierce, adhere.' These were confused,
and now appear as stick — stuck — stuck, with both mean-
ings. The preterit and participle have been influenced by
the verbs of Class III, although a weak preterit, sticked,
existed in early Modern English, and is now found in
dialects. By analogy also, wear, which was originally weak,
has become strong, while shear often has weak forms.
Class V
430. Verbs of this class show considerable irregularity,
owing to vowel changes and analogy. Those that have
been preserved may be divided into two groups, according
as they have kept the old preterit form, or have been influ-
enced by verbs of Class IV. To the first group belong,
THE VERB 22?
bid — bade — bidden lie — lay — lain
eat — ate — eaten see — saw — seen
give — gave — given sit — sat — sat
431. The verb bid with its compound forbid requires a
word of explanation. There were two strong verbs in Old
English having some Hkeness in form, biddan ' pray, ask,' of
this class, and beodan 'offer, command,' of Class II. In
the course of their development these were much confused
and bid — bade assumed the meaning ' command ' along
with its older meaning 'ask, invite,' the last belonging
especially to the participle bidden. Beside this, there is
also an invariable verb bid with the meanings ' offer ' and
earlier ' pray.' The verb spit^ which earlier had a preterit
ji/«/ associating it with these verbs, is now invariable, § 412.
The older forms were probably due to mixture of two weak
verbs spittan and spatan with the same meaning.
432. The second group includes,
get — got — got (gotten) tread — trod — trodden
speak — spoke — spoken weave — wove — woven
The verbs of this group all show preterits and participles
which have been influenced by those of Class IV, with
which, a3 far as Modern English is concerned, they might
be associated. The form gotten beside got is a late develop-
ment, by analogy of participles in -en. The verbs get, give,
included in this class, do not properly spring from OE.
gietan, giefan^ since the latter should now have initial y.
The forms with hard g have probably been due to the corre-
sponding Norse verbs, which have influenced or supplanted
228 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
the others. An old preterit quoth is all that now remains of
an Old English verb cwedan belonging to Class V, its com-
pound bequeath being wholly weak. Other verbs of this
class that have become weak are knead, mete, play.
Class VI
433. The verbs of this class were few in number in Old
English and still fewer are now strong. The most regular
are,
heave — hove — hove swear — swore — sworn
(for-)sake — sook — saken wake — woke — (waked)
shake — shook — shaken (a-) wake — woke — (waked)
stand — stood — stood
In these verbs the participles hove, stood, and sworn, have
been influenced by the vowels of the preterits, or by verbs
of Class IV, and the vowels of the presents, swear, heave,
are due to mutation. The present stand differs from its
other forms by reason of an n which belonged only to the
present and participle even in Old English. Two verbs,
draw — drew — drawn and slay — slew — slain, also be>
longing here, have peculiar forms due to contraction.
434. This class now includes take — took — taken, which
once belonged to the corresponding class in Norse and so
easily associated itself with these verbs. Another verb,
stave — stove — stove, was formed from a substantive in
early Modern English, while reeve — rove — rove, a nautical
term, is perhaps from Dutch, with strong forms by analogy.
As in the other classes, several verbs originally belonging to
Class VI have become weak, although some of them have
old participles in -en. They are ache, bake, gnaw, grave,
THE VERB ll")
lade, shape, shave, wade, wax. The old participles, now
used only as adjectives however, are gnawn, graven, laden,
shapen, shaven.
Verbs with Original Reduplication
435. The reduplicating verbs are interesting as forming a
connecting link between the Teutonic languages and Greek
and Latin, which also had reduplicated perfects. Yet actual
reduplication was preserved only in Gothic, although all Teu-
tonic languages show certain peculiar forms resulting from
it. Old English reduplicating verbs formed two classes by
reason of different vowels in the preterit. They differed in
another respect from most strong verbs, since their four
principal stems had but two different vowels, those of the
present and participle on the one hand, and those of the
preterit singular and plural on the other being the same.
Most of the Modern English verbs have three forms, how-
ever, owing to preservation of the participle in -en.
436. The reduplicating verbs which have remained strong
are as follows :
beat — beat — beaten (beat) hold — held — held
blow — blew — blown know — knew — known
fall — fell — fallen let — let — let * allow '
grow — grew — grown throw — threw — thrown
Of these, hold has its participle by analogy of the preterit,
holden {beholden^ being archaic. Let * allow* has become
invariable by shortening of the present and preterit vowels.
From it must be distinguished the older let ' hinder,' origi-
nally a weak verb. The verb crow, now weak, had an
230 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
early Modern English preterit crew. Hew, mow, sow have
weak preterits, but retain the strong participles hewn, mown,
sown beside weak forms.
437. Sometimes hang is said to belong here, but this is
only partly true. There were in Old English a reduplicat-
ing verb hon — heng — hongen 'hang,' and a weak verb
hangian, with similar meaning. In Middle English these
were confused, so that the present hang is now associated
with a strong preterit and participle hung and a weak hanged.
The form hung < heng has been influenced by verbs of Class
III. Most of the other reduplicating verbs have become
weak, as blend, claw, dread, flow, fold, glow, leap, low, row,
salt, sleep, swoop, weep, wheeze, wield.
Preteritive Presents
438. The preterits of certain verbs in Teutonic, as in
other languages, have assumed a present meaning, after
which the original presents were usually lost. Examples in
English are may, can, shall; in Latin novi ' I know,' memini
* I remember.' Such verbs, called preteritive presents, de-
veloped in Teutonic a new weak preterit, together with a
new infinitive usually from the stem of the preterit plural.
The preteritive presents in the Teutonic languages were
all originally strong verbs, so that their presents are inflected
Hke strong verbs, their preterits like weak verbs.
439. The somewhat numerous forms of the older pre-
teritive presents have been greatly reduced in number. So
far as preserved, they appear in the following table, under
the various classes of strong verbs :
THE
VERB
Class
Infinitive
Present
Preterit
I
wit
wot
wist
ought
III
can
dare
could
durst
IV
shall
should
V
*
may
might
VI
mote
must
231
440. The infinitive of the first verb remains in the ex-
pression to wit. It appears as a verb in the King James
version of the Bible 2 Cor. 8 : i, *we do (make) you to wit
(know),' and in Shakespeare, Pericles iv. 4, 31. Shake-
speare also used the analogical forms wot'st, wots, woting,
and the plural wot. An irregular OE. participle gewiss
(Ger. gewiss) * certain ' became ME. iwisj and later was
supposed to be a verb and pronoun, / wis, as if present to
wiste, § 109. Compare Coleridge's * Fearfully dreaming
yet / wis,' and Browning's * Howe'er you wis.' The other
verb of this class, ought, is now present and preterit in use.
From the same root are the weak verb owe ' be in debt for '
and own, an adjective and late weak verb. Dialectally
ought appears as a past participle in the expression ' had
ought.'
441. The preterit eou/d is derived from OE. euc^e
(<*eun^e), ME. eoude, the spelling with / being due to
analogy of would, should, § 235. Connected with it is the
old participle cud ' known,' now found in uncouth, but with
change of meaning. The verb dare has become weak, and
the older durst, with its dialectal variant da{f)st, is some-
times present in use.
442. The original meaning of shall was * be obliged,
232 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
ought,' and this is still found in certain uses oi should. The
old participle of may is found in the adjective ftiain^ as in
* main strength.' Beside might, there is also an archaic
preterit mought. As a present, mote is found only in the
archaic * so mote it be.' Must, like ought, is now present as
well as preterit.
443. The preterits of such verbs originally assumed
present use owing to quite natural changes in meaning.
This may be illustrated by almost any of them. For ex-
ample, Latin novi meant * I have become acquainted with,'
which is equivalent in meaning to * I know.' It was not un-
natural, therefore, that Latin novi should have come to be
used with present meaning. So with all of the Old English
verbs. New changes due to this same cause are also found
in Modern English. For example, ought and must have
assumed present use, though originally weak preterits. The
same is true of durst in older Modern English, and a similar
tendency is shown by some uses of should. A colloquial
preteritive present of late formation is have got in the sense
of * have, possess.'
Verbs with Original Presents in -mi
444. A few Indo-European verbs took an ending -mi
in the first person singular of the present indicative, instead
of the usual ending -o. Examples are Latin sum and Eng-
lish am, the latter showing the only relic in Modern English
of this older suffix. To this class of ;«/-verbs belong be
{am), do, go, and 7vilL
445. The verb to be, as it is called, is made up of three
different roots, which appear in Modern English am {is,
THE VERB 233
are), be {being, been), and was {were). Each had numer-
ous forms in Old English, as a present indicative and sub-
junctive-optative/ while be and was had also an infinitive,
imperative, and participle, and was a preterit indicative and
subjunctive-optative. Of these, there remain in Modern
English only a present indicative from the first root, a
present subjunctive, infinitive, and imperative from the sec-
ond root, and a preterit from the third root. The participle
been is a new formation of Middle English times. The
forms of the roots are various, owing to many phonetic
changes. Thus s of is has entirely disappeared from am,
and has become r in are.
446. The third root, which now forms the preterit was —
ivere of the verb to be, is not strictly a w/-verb. It was
really a strong verb of the fifth class with all forms except
the past participle. Only the preterit has been kept in
Modern English, except that the imperative occurs in the
word wassail, originally ' be whole, happy.' The r of were
springs from an original s, as in are < is.
^^*j. The verbs will, do^ and go also belonged to the mi-
verbs originally, although the mi ending has not been kept
in English. The corresponding Latin verbs retain the m
suffix in the subjunctive, as velim,fiam, earn. The verb will
is now defective. Its preterit would (OE. wolde) has been
formed by analogy of weak verbs. The preterit did (OE.
dyde) is apparently a reduplicated form. The verb go is
now found only in the present system and in the perfect
1 The term subjunctive-optative is used for a mode which had the uses
of the subjunctive and potential in Modern English, or the subjunctive and
optative in Greek.
234 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
participle gone. Its old preterit lode is found as yeede, yede
in Chaucer and Spenser, but has since been supplanted by
went^ an old preterit oi wend^ § 413.
448. There were once certain anomalous forms of these
verbs due to combinations with the negative. The Old
English negative ne was prefixed to some verbs in Old Eng-
lish, notably was and will. These forms have not been
preserved, however, except the negative form of will in the
Shakespearean willy nilly * will he, nill {ne -\- will) he.'
The negative not (OE. naht, noht, 'nothing'), used after
certain verbs, gradually united with them through lack of
stress, as in caiCt^ mayn't, shan't<, shall not with loss of /.
Won't < will not shows change of / to u (written 0) after
w, § 107. Don't does not rightly belong to the third
singular, but is often used for doesn't by analogy.
CHAPTER XIX
VERBAL INFLECTION
449. The simplicity of our Modern English verbal inflec-
tion is a striking proof of the tendency to uniformity which
has characterized the development of English. The Old
English inflectional system, though not as elaborate as that
of the classical languages, included many different forms.
The results of the changes that have taken place may be
summed up as follows. The infinitive, imperative, and sub-
junctive-optative do not differ from the indicative, except
that the subjunctive-optative sometimes has a third singular
without inflectional ending. The singular and plural of the
preterit are alike, and the same is true of the present with
exception of the third singular indicative. The past parti-
ciple is the same as the preterit in all weak, and in many
strong, verbs. The numerous forms of the old English verb
have been reduced to four for weak verbs, as stir — stirs —
stirring — stirred; and five (often four) for strong verbs,
as sing — sings — singing — sang — sung. This does not
include certain anomalous verbs, as be and go^ in which
the forms are somewhat more numerous, as shown in
§§ 445-447-
450. The two tenses of the Teutonic verb, § 37, as they
appeared in the various modes formed two tense systems,
235
236 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
the present and preterit. The present system was inflected
in Old Enghsh as follows, minor differences being disre-
garded. Examples are given of typical weak and strong
verbs through all forms.
Weak
Indicative
Singular i dime ♦ deem *
2 dem(e)st
3 dem(e)S
Plural I, 2, 3 dematJ
Subjunctive-Optative
Singular i, 2, 3 dime
Plural I, 2, 3 demen
Imperative
Singular
Plural
2 dim
1 diman
2 dima^
Strong
binde * bind
bindest
binde^
bindaS
binde
binden
bind (binde)
bindan
binda^
Infinitive
deman(-anne)
bindan (-anne)
Participles
demende
bindende
451. Most of the inflectional changes in the verb are
accounted for by the weakening of unstressed a to e, the
loss of final «, and then of final e as in other inflectional
forms. Other changes require more extended explanation.
In the singular, such forms as deemest and deemeth are
archaic, or remain in poetry and only occasionally in prose.
The place of the first was taken by the second plural when
VERBAL INFLECTION TiM
you took the place of thou, § 366. The place of the second
was taken in early Modern English by a form ending in -s,
as deems, binds. This is a phonetic development, not of
the Midland form in -eth, but of the -es form of the North-
ern dialect. The present plural without inflectional ending,
as bind, comes from a Midland form in -en which in Middle
English had displaced the older -eth {OE. ad). This ME.
-en ending was probably due to analogy of the OE. sub-
junctive-optative -en suffix. In late Middle English, by the
loss of final n and then of final e, the plural assumed its
present form.
452. By similar changes the OE. subjunctive-optative
became the same as the indicative, except in the third
person singular. On this account, no doubt, the subjunc-
tive-optative has been gradually losing ground in Modern
EngHsh, and its place has been supplied by the indicative
and by compound forms with auxiliaries. The imperative
retained in Middle English a plural in -eth, and sometimes
a singular in -e, but later lost the endings of both singular
and plural. The infinitive in -an and its inflected form in
-anne were reduced to a single form in -en in Middle
EngHsh, and finally to the present form by the loss of
this -en ending as in many other words. The to, now
considered part of the infinitive form, belonged originally
only to the inflected form, but gradually became estab-
lished with all infinitives except after auxiliaries and a
few other verbs. The participial ending -ende was 'dis-
placed in Middle English by the suffix -ing, -inge, probably
by analogy of verbal substantives in -ing, from Old English
'Ung, -ing.
2J8 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
453. The forms of the preterit system in Old English
were as follows : —
Weak Strong
Indicative
Singular i detnde band
2 demdes(t) bunde
3 demde band
Plural I, 2, 3 demdon bundon
Subjunctive-Optative
Singular i, 2, 3 demde bunde
Plural 1, 2, 3 demden bunden
Participle
(ge)demed (ge) bunden
454. By ordinary inflectional changes, as the weakening
of -on to -en and the final loss of the <?«, e endings, most of
these forms were reduced to those of Modern English. As
in the present tense the indicative second singular ending
in -est has been displaced by the corresponding plural form.
The inflection of the preterit of strong verbs was compHcated
by the use of two stems. Under the levelling tendency
sometimes one form, sometimes the other, came to be used
in both singular and plural. In bind^ the preterit bound
springs from the plural root, §425. In sing and write, the
preterits sang and wrote come from the singular stem, in
which they are followed by the somewhat larger number of
the strong class. In early Modern English the second
person singular of the strong preterit took -est by analogy of
weak verbs, but this has since been lost as in the present
tense. The subjunctive -optative also lost all vestige of the
original inflection, and no longer differs from the preterit
VERBAL INFLECTION 239
indicative. Instead of it, the compound forms with auxilia-
ries are usually used.
455. The weak participle does not diifer from the preterit,
as already mentioned in § 408. The strong participle has
lost the suffix -en in some cases, as in stems ending in two
consonants or in a nasal. Such forms as bounden, shrunken^
sunken, are adjectives only. The suffix has also been lost if
the verb has become weak or the participle has been re-
placed by the preterit through the influence of analogy.
Some adjectives in -en, from participles of strong verbs that
have become weak, are still found, as laden, graven, § 434.
In stems ending in a vowel or r the suffix -en has become n.
Examples are seen, drawn, born, torn; and borne, done,
gone, with mute e.
Compound Forms
456. In addition to the simple inflectional system of 'the
verb, there were in Old English the beginnings of most of
the compound forms belonging to the language to-day.
Besides the two inflected tenses already described, com-
pound forms for perfect (present perfect), pluperfect (past
perfect), and future were sometimes used. Only the com-
pound future perfect, which is even now uncommon, did
not occur. Besides, there was in Old Enghsh a passive
voice made up of past participle and the weak verbs b'eon
{wesafi) 'be' or weor^an 'become.' The beginnings of
the Modern English potential mode may also be seen in
certain uses of the verbs may, can, etc., with infinitives.
The special discussion of the compound forms belongs to
syntax, but it may here be noted that, while there were
240 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
compound forms in Old English, they had not displaced
inflected forms in similar uses.
457. The history of one particular tense, the future,
deserves more special notice. In Old English, shall and
will were used with infinitives, but usually with a clear
recognition of the original meanings of the verbs * ought '
and 'wish.' During the Middle English period the future
came to be regularly expressed by the auxiliary shall.
Toward the close of the same period will was also used
along with shall in the first person to express a promise or a
threat. In the modern period, will^ which had begun to be
used in the first person for promises and threats, came to be
used in the second and third persons to express futurity.
By the middle of the seventeenth century the present usage
had fully established itself; that is, will in the first and shall
in the second and third persons to express a promise or
threat, shall in the first person, and will in the second and
third, to express futurity. This distinction has sometimes
been lost in dialects, and is occasionally ignored by good
speakers and writers. Besides, interrogative sentences have
their own distinctive usage, and shall sometimes retains an
older sense of obligation, when it does not conform to the
scheme above.
CHAPTER XX
ADVERBS AND OTHER PARTICLES
The Adverb
458. The classes of adverbs requiring special attention in
a history of English are those formed from nouns, adjectives,
and pronouns by derivative endings. These alone have
suffered considerable changes. Those formed from adjec-
tives are by far the most numerous. In Old English, adverbs
derived from adjectives had most commonly the suffix -e.
Examples are hearde, wide < heard, wtd ' hard, wide.' If
the adjective itself ended in -e, the adverb was unchanged in
form, as OE. clane < cl^ne * clean.' A few Old English
adverbs, some of them without corresponding adjectives,
ended in -a, as sona *soon.' This final a became -e in
Middle English.
459. By the loss of final e in Middle English, adverbs of
this sort came to have the same form as the adjective.
Some of these have remained to the present day in standard
English, as /lard, fast, first, and many more are found in
dialectal English and in the older language of poetry. For
it is historically inaccurate to say that the poet uses the
adjective instead of the adverb, since he is but continuing
the usage of an older adverbial form. In standard English,
most of these older adverbs have taken the more distinctive
adverbial ending -ly.
R 241
242 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
460. Adverbs are now formed regularly by adding -ly to
the adjective, and this adverbial derivative has come down
to us from the earliest times. The suffix in Old English,
however, was not -ly but -lue, allied to like. This gave in
Southern English of the middle period the form -liche so
common in Chaucer, but in Northern and Midland -lik.
In the latter, the final consonant of the unaccented syllable
was then lost, as in the weak, or unstressed form of ik ' I,'
§ 365. This adverbial -ly has become the predominant
suffix in Modern English, and has been added by analogy
to many adverbs to which it did not originally belong, as
well as to foreign words. In some cases there are two
forms, one with, the other without -ly, as ha7'd — hardly,
wide — widely, even — evenly. These usually have slightly
different meanings or use.
461. Some adverbs were formed from adjectives in Old
English by adding -unga, -inga, but these have not been
preserved to the modern speech. A few were also formed
from nouns with the suffix -ling. In Modern English this
ending was confused with -long, as in headlong, sidelong, the
last of which also appears as sideling.
462. Some adverbs are derived from the oblique cases of
adjectives. Examples of those formed from the accusative
case are enough, full, and adverbs in -ward, as homeward,
upward, backward. Adverbs from the genitive case are
else < OE. elles, unawares < unwares, upwards < upweardes.
Since Old English times the genitive forms have been some-
what increased in number. For instance, eftsoons and for-
wards were in Old English eftsona and forweard. The
numeral adverbs once, twice, thrice are also examples of the
ADVERBS AND OTHER PARTICLES 243
extension of the genitive suffix, the spelHng -ce being put for
voiceless i- < ME. -es. There are also at present a few
adverbs made up of a preposition and an adjective, and
these are in some cases from Old English forms, as together
< togcedere, along < andlongy without < widut, before < be-
foran.
463. Some adverbs have also been formed from the
oblique cases of nouns. An example of an older genitive
used as an adverb is needs < OE. neades in such expressions
as * he must needs die.' The instrumental case accounts for
the adverb sore in ' he was sore afraid.' In whilofn (OE.
himlutn) the dative-instrumental plural is preserved. In
piecemeal is preserved the shortened form of an old suffix
malum. An old accusative occurs in alway < ealne weg.
In Middle and early Modern English other adverbs made
up of way and a modifying adjective were formed, as mid-
way, straightway, someway. In a similar manner an old
noun wise, * manner, way,' in composition with certain com-
mon adjectives formed the adverbs otherwise, noivise, like-
wise. Later the noun way in compounds became -ways by
analogy of genitives, and it was then confused with -wise.
Finally both came to be added to nouns as well as to adjec-
tives, so that there are such forms as lengthways, lengthwise,
endways, endwise.
464. Two other nouns, time and while, have formed ad-
verbs in composition with adjectives, as meantime, sometime ^
meamvhile. There are also the genitive formations so7ne-
times, of times, by analogy. Here may be placed many
prepositional phrases that have become adverbs, as away <
on weg, beside <, be sidan, to-night < to fiiht. In a similar
244 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
manner certain French phrases consisting of a preposition
and a noun became adverbs. Examples are apart^ apace,
around <0Y. en rond, ME. on rounde, perchance, per-
adventure.
465. Some adverbs have been formed from pronouns, or
pronominal roots. Thus the in such expressions as the more,
the better, and in nevertheless or the older natheless, is in
use an old instrumental of the demonstrative the, that,
§ 381. Of pronominal origin also are certain adverbs of
place answering the question where, whither, whence. There
are in Modern English, as in the oldest period, three series
from the pronominal roots of he, that, and what. They are
here — hither — hence ; there — thither — thence ; where —
whither — whence. Besides, many pronominal adverbs have
been formed by the union of a pronominal adverb with a
preposition, or even with an adjective. Of the first sort are
therefore, wherefore, thereof, thereupon; of the second are
somewhere, anywhere, elsewhere. The compounds are due
to a gradual union of two separate words constantly used
together. Of pronominal origin also are why, when, and
thus.
466. In Old English, adverbs derived from adjectives
admitted of comparison, the comparative and superlative
being the same as for adjectives. In other words, the com-
parative and superlative of the adjective could be used as
adverbs. We still use the comparative of the adjective as
an adverb in some cases, as harder, nearer. The similar
superlative use is preserved only in a few adverbial phrases,
as at best, at least, at worst. The Middle English form of
these phrases included the demonstrative 'pronoun, as £/W
ADVERBS AND OTHER PARTICLES 245
(at the) best, and a similar form, at the best, is sometimes
found in Modern English, but without the sanction of best
usage.
467. It has been pointed out, § 158, that the borrowed
words of a language are usually nouns, adjectives, and verbs,
but seldom words of any other class. It is true there are in
English some adverbs of Old French origin. These are due
especially to the fact that the Old French adjective was
sometimes used as an adverb without change of form. Thus
certain, scarce, are sometimes adverbs in use. But in gen-
eral these and other French words have taken the more
distinctive adverbial ending -ly, as scarcely, certainly, or -y
in the case of French adjectives ending in -le, as nobly,
possibly. Exceptionally very is more common than the
extended form verily. There are besides some adverbs of
Old French origin from prepositional phrases, as noticed in
§464.
Prepositions
468. Closely allied to adverbs are the prepositions, which
are in fact adverbs in origin and often retain adverbial uses.
For example at in * he struck at him,' is an adverb, while
the same word in * he is ^/ the door ' is a preposition. In
Old English prepositions were simple or compound. The
simple prepositions preserved to Modern English are at,
after, for, from, in (§ 52), of, on, out, over, to, through,
under, with. To these by was added in Middle English.
In the same period with, which meant * against,' seldom
' with,' came to be used for ' with ' alone, displacing mid in
that sense. The confusion arose through such expressions
246 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
as fight withf in which the preposition could have either
sense. At the same time till came into more general use
beside to^
469. Compound prepositions were derived from phrases
composed of a preposition and a noun or adjective in an
oblique case, or from expressions made up of prepositions
and adverbs of place used in a pronominal sense. Of the
first kind are among, again, amidst, betiveen, betwixt, beside.
Of the second class are above, about, before, beyond, behind,
be flea th, underneath, within, without. There are also
toward, from to and the adverbial ending ward, unto an
old compound form, and until used first in Middle English.
In the same period except was adopted from Old French,
the word being a participle from OF. excepter.
470. The list of prepositions has been considerably in-
creased in Modern English. Especially noticeable are
certain phrases used as prepositions although not written
as compounds. Examples are as to, as regards, in respect
to, in accordance with.
Conjunctions and Interjections
471. Conjunctions, like prepositions, are in their origin
adverbs, or sometimes pronouns, as the conjunction that.
Some common conjunctions are Old English. Examples
of simple conjunctions preserved from Old English times
are and, if, for, yet, that, since, so, than {then), § 146,
though. There are also many compound conjunctions, as
but <i OE. be utan, therefore, wherefore, because. Some of
these belong to the oldest English, some to Middle English,
ADVERBS: AND OTHER PARTICLES 247
and some are modern. A few contain French words, as
because. Beside and {rom Old English, there came into tlie
language in Middle English the Norse word and ' if.' This
remained in early Modern English in the form and {an),
but is now no longer used. Many new conjunctions have
been formed in Modern English from adverbial uses of
simple or compound words, or phrases, as forasmuch, not-
withstatiding, as well as.
472. Interjections are sometimes classed separately, rather
from use than because of any distinctive forms which they
have. That they are not strictly a separate class is clear
from the fact that almost any word or sentence may be used
as an interjection or exclamation. Certain words constantly
used as interjections may be mentioned. Of Old English
origin are lo, woe, welaway, what, and others. Alas is
from Old French. The origin of many others is doubtful,
while many are strictly modern.
Particles of Negation, Affirmation, and Interrogation
473. Negative and interrogative particles are adverbs in
origin. In Old English the common negative particle was
ne, used alone or in composition with a few words, as
nces = ne ivas. In early Modern English ne was lost, being
supplanted by the stronger «<?/< OE. naht. In Old Eng-
lish na < ne a (ft) was also used with ne, and this has
remained instead of nol in certain expressions as Ihal is no
worse. This no is also our common word of denial, nay
derived from Norse being antiquated. The single negative
in Old English was usually strengthened by another, some-
248 THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH INFLECTIONS
times by two or three others. This use of the double nega-
tive to strengthen negation early disappeared from standard
Modern English, no doubt under the influence of Latin,
although it is still common among uneducated people.
474. The Modern English affirmative particle yes, as well
as the older yea, was found in Old English, the one ge, the
other g'ese, probably compounded of ge and swa * so.' The
interrogative particles are where, whither, when, whence,
hozti, why, all from the stem of the interrogative-indefinite
who. Of these where, whither, whence have been already
noticed in § 465, and why in § 386. How is from OE.
hu < *hwu. When < OE. hwcenne has e instead of a
through lack of sentence stress, as in the case of then,
§ 146.
APPENDIX
SPECIMENS OF OLD, MIDDLE, AND
EARLY MODERN ENGLISH*
OLD ENGLISH (WEST SAXON) OF THE NINTH CENTURY
Ohthere saede his hlaforde,^ ^Ifrede cyninge, ^5aet he ealra
Ohthere said [to] his lord, Alfred king, that he [of] all
NorSmonna norSmest^ bude.'* He cvvaeS 'Saet he bude on*
Northmen northmost dwelt. He quoth that he dwelt in
S^m lande norSweardum wiS^ Sa Westsse. He ssede Seah
the land northward over against the West sea. He said though
Saet tSaet land sle^ swlc^e lang nort5 Sonan ; ac hit is eal
that that land is very long north thence; but it is all
weste,^ buton on feavvum stowum^ styccem^elum ^^ wiciaS^^
waste, but ' except ' in few places here and there dwell
Finnas, on huntoSe on wintra ond on sumera on fiscaSe be
Finns, in hunting in winter and in summer in fishing by
S«re sse. He ssede 'Sset he set sumum cirre^- wolde fandian^
the sea. He said that he at some 'one' time would find [out]
hu longcSget land norSryhte^"* laege, ot5c5e hwaeSer aenig mon
how long ' far' that land right north lay ' extended' or whether any man
* In the translation of these selections the corresponding Modern English
word or some form of the same root is used, if possible, whether exactly
idiomatic or not ; when not entirely idiomatic, a second meaning is some-
times given in ' '. A word in italics is not derived from the corresponding
word in the selection ; a word in ( ) is the corresponding word, but is not
necessary to the translation ; a word in [ ] has no corresponding word in
the selection. A borrowed word in the selection, or in the translation if
not occurring in the original, is put in heavy type. Occasionally the spell-
ing has been slightly modified.
249
250 APPENDIX
be-nor5an" tJfiem westenne bude. Da^" for^^ he nortSryhte
(be) north [of] that waste dwelt. Then fared he right north
be tJsem lande ; let him ^* ealne weg Saet weste land on Saet
by the land; [he] left (him) alway(s) that waste land on the
steorbord,^^ ond tSa wlds£e on Saet baecbord^ t5rie dagas.
starboard, and the wide sea on the backbord ' larboard' three days.
Da waes he swa feor nor^ swa^^ Sa hwaelhuntan firrest"^ fara'S.
Then was he so far north as the whale hunters farthest fare.
Da for he ■8a giet norSryhte swa feor swa he meahte on
Then fared he (then) yet right north so far as he might in
tSaem oSrum^^ 8rim dagum gesiglan. Da beag^* Saet land
the other ' second ' three days sail. Then bowed * turned ' the land
tSser eastryhte, oSSe^ seo^ see in on Saet lond, he nysse^
there right east, or the sea in on that land, he wist [not]
hwae'Ser,^ buton he wisse tSaet he Saer bad^ westanwindes®^
which, but ' except ' he wist that he there abode ' waited ' winds west
ond hwon^^ norSan, ond siglde '8a east be lande swa swa he
and somewhat north, and sailed then east by [the] land so as he
meahte on feower dagum siglan. Da sceolde^^ he tJser
might in four days sail. Then had he there [to]
bidan ryhtnor8anwindes,f for 'Saem Saet land beag tSeer
bide 'await' right-north winds for that the land 3^w^^' turned 'there
su8ryhte, o88e seo sse in on t5aet land, he nysse hwaeSer. —
right south, or the sea in on that land, he wist [not] which.
From King Alfred's Orosius,
NOTES
1 See f 149 ; the word is here dative. 2 Both 9 and p, § 223, occur in
the MS. of this selection, but ^ has been used throughout, as usually for
OE. words in this book. 8 See, for ending, ^ 348. * fhe root of this word
occurs in MnE. build. ^ See ^ 52. 6 See ^ 468. 7 This form, not found
in MnE., contains the s of is. 8 MnE. waste is from French, notwithstanding
its apparent resemblance to OE. weste. 9 The root occurs in MnE. stow
' to place,' and in place names as Chepstow. 10 Would be MnE. stitchmeal,
if preserved; the first part is MnE. stitch {stick), the second, the ending of
piecetneal. 11 The root, borrowed from Latin vlcus, ^ 165, still occurs in
place names, as Hardwick. 12 The root occurs in ajar, \ 229, c having
become ch in ME. i^ a weak verb from the preterit singular y^«rf, a strong
verb of Class III, $ 424. !•* The adverb right here means 'straight,
directly.' 15 An OE. compound preposition governing the dative. 16 MnE.
then is from the same pronominal root, but a different form, i^ An OE.
APPENDIX 251
strong preterit of Class VI, \ 433, the present of which is fare, now weak.
18 An OE. reflexive dative meaning 'for himself,' 19 See \ 148. 20 MnE.
larboard is from a ME. word; the older name refers to the fact that the
helmsman, with a paddle over the right, i.e. starboard ' steering-side,' \ 148,
would necessarily have his back to the left side of the ship. 21 MnE. as is
the weak form of also <^0^. alswa; for similar doublets, see § 146.
22 MnE. farthest gets its th by analogy of furthest, \ 350. 23 gge \ 358.
21 MnE. bowed ' bent, turned ' is from the OE. present of this verb, bugan,
\ 423. 25 Allied to the OE. prefix 0^, \ 137; for MnE. or, see \ 397.
26 See \ 380. 2r For ne-\-Wisse by contraction, \ 253; for wm^, see ^ 440.
28 See \ 396. 29 See \ 419. so First part of compound means ' from the
west'; the whole expression, 'wind from a point a little north of west.'
81 An adverb from the root of who, § 384. 32 With the older sense of
' necessity,' MnE. ' had to.' 33 Means ' wind from a point directly north.'
MIDDLE ENGLISH (EAST MIDLAND) OF THE TWELFTH
CENTURY
Dis ggere^ for })e^ king Stephne ofer sa3^ to Normandi and
This year fared the king Stephen over sea to Normandy and
ther wes^ underfangen, for-)?! ))aet^ hi*' wenden J^aet he sculde^
there was received, for-that that they weened that he should
ben alswic alse* the eom^ wes, and for he hadde get ^'^ his
be all-such as the ' his ' uncle was, and for he had yet his
tresor; ac he todeld^^ it and scatered sotlice. Micel
treasure; but he dealt it [out] and scattered [itj sotlike ' foolishly.' Much
hadde Henri king gadered gold and sylver, and na god ne^-
had Henry king gathered gold and silver, and no good (ne)
dide me^^ for his saule tharof. Da'* |je king Stephne to
did men for his soul thereof. When the king Stephen to
Engleland com, pa macod he his gadering set Oxeneford,
England came then made he his gathering at Oxford,
and ])ar he nam^^ fe biscop^^ Roger of Sereberi, and Alexander
and there he took the bishop Roger of Salisbury, and Alexander
biscop of Lincol, and te^^ Canceler^^ Roger hise neves,^^ and
bishop of Lincoln, and the Chancellor Roger his nephewS, and
dide selle in prisun til^ hi iaven^^ up here^ castles. Da
did ' put ' all in prison till they gave up their castles. When
the swikes undergeeton J^set he mllde man was, and s5fte
the traitors perceived that he mild man was, and softe
and god, and na justise ne dide, |)a dide hi alle wunder.^
and good, and no justice (ne) did, then did they all wonders.
252 APPENDIX
Hi hadden him manred^* maked and athes sworen, ac hi
They had [to] him homage made and oaths sworn, but they
nan treuthe ne heolden ; alle he wSron forsvvoren and here
no truth ' troth ' (ne) held; all they were forsworn and their
treothes forloren,^ forsevric rice^ man his castles makede
truths ' troths ' /<?*/' ruined,' for every rich man his castles made
and agaenes^ him heolden, and fylden J^e land ful of castles.
and against him held, and filled the land full of castles.
Hi swencten^* swi)?e |)e wrecce^ men of ]?e land mid castel-
They afflicted much the wretched men of the land with castle-
weorces. Da ))e castles waren maked, ))a fylden hi mid
works. When the castles were made, those filled they with
deovles^ and yvele men. Da namen hi |>a men l^e^^ hi
devils and evil men. Then took they those men that they
wenden ])8et ani god^- hefden, bathe be nihtes^ and be daeis,
weened that any goods had, both by night and by day,
carlmen^ and wimmen, and diden^ heom in prisun efter
carlmen and women, and did ' put ' them in prison after
gold and sylver, and pined ^ heom untellendlice^" pining;
gold and silver, and tortured them \mspeakable torture;
for ne weeren naevre nan martyrs ^ swa pined alse hi w«ron.
for (ne) were never no martyrs so tortured as they were.
— From the Peterborough Chronicle (1137).
NOTES
1 In this selection g- is still used for consonantal y, except as mentioned
in note 21 ; it was soon displaced by 5, and later by y, § 364. 2 xhe char-
acter p had replaced gf, except as the latter stood for the conjunction that ;
or the former gave way to modern th. 3 Xhe digraph ^, used in OE.
(WS. especially), was soon replaced by e. ^ The use of e for a: was a
peculiarity of Mercian, and was sometimes retained in Midland. 6 The
whole expression means ' because ' ; the sign gf, always used for the con-
junction that in the MS. of this selection, has been expanded to pcet.
6 Note that Norse they, § 373, was not yet used. ' MnE. ' would.' 8 The
ME. form of as ; compare German ah, and note 21 to previous selection.
9 Cognate with German Oheim, later replaced by the borrowed word uncle ;
note that the OE. diphthong had not yet become a monophthong, \ 247.
10 Perhaps^^/ at this time ; see \ 244. n The prefix to- is cognate with Latin
dis-, German zu-. '^^ The common ME. negative, since lost. 13 Shortened
form of men in indefinite sense, \ 400. i^ Used in OE. also for when or
then. 16 OE. niman, German nehmen, later displaced by Norse take, § 434.
APPENDIX 253
16 See \ 167. 1' Initial /5 (M) of pronominal words often became / in MEl.
after words ending in / or d. ^^ For difference between canceler and chan-
cellar, see k> 176. 19 This form has been replaced, except in dialects, by the
French cognate word. 20 gee ^ 468. 21 See § 432 ; the spelling with i,
instead of g, shows that this is the direct descendant of the OE, verb, and
not yet replaced by the Norse word with hard g. 22 See ^ 373. 23 in bad
sense of ' wondrous wicked deeds.' 24 Derived from man, as French
homage from homme 'man.' 26 MnE. •forlorn' with somewhat different
meaning. 26 Meant ' powerful,' but later influenced in meaning by riches
from French. 27 See ^ 234. 28 From root of swink ' labour,' ^427; liter-
ally ' make to labour.' 29 MnE. wretched has d by addition, \ 234. so See
§ 167. 31 OE. relative particle, ^ 388, still retained in early ME. 32 OE
neuter plural ^<7a? 'goods,' now a regular plural, \ 325. 33 xhe OE. adverb-
ial genitive, \ 462, as in the expression ' he works nights', where it is nov»
regarded as a plural. 34 Carl is Norse and Scotch form of English churl
§ 51. 35 Do once meant ' make, put.' 36 QE. pin < Lat. pcena 'punish-
ment ' ; MnE. pine in ' peak and pine.' 3^ The root is MnE. tell, so means
• unrelatable.' 38 See \ 167.
MIDDLE ENGLISH (EAST MIDLAND) OP THE FOURTEENTH
CENTURY
And see ^ schulle understonde that Machamete' was bora
in Arabye, that^ was a pore^ knave that kepte cameles, that
wenten* with marchantes for marchandise ; and so befelle
that he wente with the marchandes^ intoEgipt: and thei
weren thanne^ cristene* in tho^ partyes.^*' And at the
desertes of Arabye he wente into a chapelle where a ere-
myte^^ dwelte. And when he entred into the chapelle, that
was a lytille and a low thing and had but a lityl dore^ and
alow, than the entree began to wexe^^ so gret and so large
and so high as though it had ben of a gret mynstre," or
the sate^^ of a paleys.^^ And this was the firste myracle,
the Sarazins seyn,'^ that Machomete dide in his southe.^^
After began he for to wexe wyse and riche, and he was a
gret astronomer ; and after he was governour and prince
254 APPENDIX
of the lond ^^ of Corrodane, and he governed it fuUe wisely.
— From the Voyage and Travel of Sir John Maundeville^
Chap. XIII (c. 1400).
NOTES
1 ME. form of ye, \ 364. 2 ■ Mahomet.' 8 Common ME. relative, \ 388.
♦'poor.' 6 Note t for d, \\ 231, 413. ^ Same as marchantes above.
' Not yet become then, \ 146. 8 See § 210. ^ ME. plural of that, \ 380.
W 'parts,' though the form is that of Mxi^. party. H 'hermit.' 12. 'door.'
18 ' wax, grow.' !•* See § 167. I6 • gate ' ; would now be yate, but has been
displaced by the Norse form with hard g, ^ 170. I6 ' palace.' i^ < say.
18 ' youth.' 19 ' land.'
MODERN ENGLISH OP THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY
Thenglisshmeir^ who were in thre batayls^ lyeng on the
grounde to rest them,^ as sone as they saw the Frenchmen
aproche, they rose upon their fete fayre and easely, without
any hast, and aranged their batayls. The first, which was
the princes* batell, the archers ther stod"^ in maner of a
herse,** and the men of armes^ in the botome* of the batayle ;
therle^ of Northampton & therle of Arundell with the second
batell were on a wyng in good order, redy to comfort the
princes batayle if nede were.^® The lordes and knyghtes
of France came nat" to the assemble togyder^^ in good
order, for some came before and some came after in such
hast and yvell order the one of them dyd trouble another.
When the French kyng sawe thenglisshmen, his blode
chaunged, and sayde to his marshals " Make the Geno-
wayes^ go on before and begynne the batayle in the name
of God and Saynt Denyse." There were of the Genowayes
crosbowes about a fiftene thousand, but they were so wery
of goyng afote^* that day a six leages'^ armed with their
APPENDIX 255
crosbowes, that they sayde to their constables " We be nat
well ordered to fyght this day, for we be nat in the case^^ to
do any great dede^'' of armes, we have more nede of rest."
These wordes came to the erle of Alanson, who sayd " A
man is well at ease to be charged with suche a sorte of
rascalles, to be faynt and fayle nowe at most nede." —
The Battle of Crecy, from the Froissart of Lord Berners
(1523)-
NOTES
1 ' The Englishmen ' ; see therle = ' the earl ' below. 2 • lines of battle.'
8 Personal pronoun used as a reflexive, § 374. ■* Note the genitive in -es
with no apostrophe, and see § 322. 6 • stood.' 6 ' hearse,' i.e. triangular
form ; see the word in Skeat's Etymological Dictionary. 7 See § 207.
8 That is, behind the archers. » See first note. 10 old subjunctive-optative,
meaning 'should be," § 445. H'not'; see § 241 for a similar change of
short 0. 12 ' together.' 18 • Genoese.' i^ • afoot." 16 • leagues.' i^ * con-
dition ' ; see the dictionary for meaning. ^'^ ' deed.'
INDEX
The numbers refer to sections. Subjects and names begin with capitals; words
ased as examples, except proper names, with small letters. Abbreviations are as
follows : adj. = adjective ; adv, = adverb ; art, = article : conj. = conjunction ;
demon = demonstrative ; indef. = indefinite ; inter. = interrogative , n. = noun ;
pref. = prefix ; pron. = pronoun ; reU = relative ; sb. = substantive ; suf. = suffix ;
vb. = verb.
a, 354: pref., 137, 270.
abba, 191.
abbot, 210.
abide, " wait for," 152, 270,
419, 421 ; '* suffer," 152.
Academy for England, 98.
Academy, French, 98.
Accent, English, 219, 284;
of borrowed words, 292,
298; kinds of, 298.
accurse, 270.
ache, 434.
acorn, 274.
ad-, pref., 270.
adamant, 208.
adder, 238=
Addison, Joseph, 100; see
" Spectator/'
Addition, 234.
Adjective, analogy affect-
ing, 279; comparison of,
345. 351; inflection of,
337» 334'. twofold de-
clension of, 25, 337; as-
sumes noun inflection,
243; see Articles, Nu-
merals.
adjudge, 270.
admiral, 192.
ado, 270.
adown, 104, 270.
adroit, 181.
advance, 270.
adventure, 202, 2x3, 270.
Adverb, the, 458-467.
advise, 211.
advocate, 211.
adz, 258.
^Ifric, 58,
iEthelard of Bath, 62.
jEthelberht- 46, 47.
.^thelwold, 57.
afford, 270.
affright, 270.
affront, 175.
Afghan language, 11.
afoot, 270.
African words in English,
193-
after, 468; pref., 291.
against, 234.
-age, n. suf., 206, 269.
aggressor, 181.
ahoy, 189.
aimlesSj 204,
ajar, 229.
alarm, 164,
alas, 160, 470.
alb, 167.
Albanian language, 13, 14.
alcalde, 186.
alcohol. 192.
alderbest, liefest, 341.
Alfred, King, 56, 58.
algebra, 192.
alkali, 192.
alkoran, 192.
all, indef. pron., 398.
alleluia, 191,
alligator, 186.
" Alliterative poems," 59.
alms, 165, 273.
alone, 354.
along, 273, 462
aloof, 189.
alpaca, 194.
altar, 167.
alway, 463.
am, 444, 445-
amber, 192.
amen, 191.
America, aboriginal lan-
guages of, 194.
American English, 121,
amidst, 234.
" Amis and Amiloun," 83
amuck, 193.
an, art., 352; suf,, 206.
Analogy, effect on lan-
guage, 218, 308; when
most effective, 285; in
English, 262-285.
anchor, 162.
ancient, 287.
" Ancren Riwle," 80.
and, 471; pre' 137, 142,
291.
anear, 109.
angel, 210.
angle, 207.
Angles, 45, 50, 54.
Anglo-Saxon, see Old Eng-
lish, 48.
Anglo-Frisian, 39; see also
Frisian.
anoint, 270.
Anselm, 62.
answer. 143
258
INDEX
[The numbers refer to sections.]
ant, 146, 332.
ante-, pref., 205.
anti-, pref., 205.
antechamber, 181.
any, indef. pron., 398.
apace, 464.
apart, 464.
apartment, 181.
Apheresis, 259.
Apocope, 266.
apostle, 210.
Apostrophe, use of, 322.
appeal, 202.
appear, 202.
"Apollonius of Tyre," 57.
Arabic element in English,
192.
archbishop, 167.
archipelago, 185.
-ard, n. suf., 206, 269.
arise, 270.
ark, 162.
arm, 207.
armada, 186.
armadillo, 186.
Armenian language, 10, 12,
14-
around, 204, 464.
arouse, 270.
artichoke, 192.
Articles, 344; see an, a,
and the.
Aryan language, 10, 11,
14; element m English,
190.
Ascham, Roger, 91, 95, 185.
ask, 237.
Assimilation, 232.
at, 468.
-ate, suf., 206.
atone, 270, 354.
attend, 202.
atween, 109.
auger, 238.
aught, indef. pron., 399.
aunt, 335.
Australian words in Eng-
lish, 193.
authority, 239.
auto da f^, 187.
avast, 189.
Avestic, II.
avow, 202.
awake, 433.
aware, 280.
away, 259, 270, 464.
"Ayenbite of Inwit," 8ot
azimuth, 192.
azure, 190, 224.
bachelor, 335.
Bacon, Francis, gi.
bagatelle, 181.
Bailey, Nathan, 106.
bait, 170.
bake, 434.
balcony, 185.
ballet, i8i.
balm, 208.
balsam, 191, 208.
Balto-Slavic, 10, 14, 17;
element in English, 190.
banana, 187.
bandy-legged, 203.
bank, 207
bannock, 164.
barbecue, 194.
Barbour, John, 114.
Barnes, William, no, lia.
bashaw, 193.
bask, 170.
bastard, 269.
bay, 207.
Baxter, 336.
bazaar, 190.
be, 444, 445-
be-, pref, 139.
bear, vb. , 429.
beat, 436.
beau, 175.
beauty, 175.
beaver, 30.
because, 254, 471.
Bede,43, 54, 56.
bedouin, 192.
beech, 225.
beef, 212, 326.
beet, 167.
before, 462.
begin, 426.
behemoth, 193.
behest, 234.
bend, 413.
benzoin, 192.
" Beowulf," 54, 138.
bequeathe, 432.
beseech, 414.
be.side, 464.
" Bestiary," 82,
bet, 412.
between, 356.
betwixt, 234, 356.
bey, 193.
bi-, pref., 205.
"Bible," in Scotland, 116;
vocabulary of, 215; ad-
jectives, 360; pronouns,
377; verbs in, 420, 427,
440.
bid, " pray, command,"
152, 430, 431; "offer,"
152, 431-
billet doux, 181.
billion, 357.
bind, 31, 495.
binnacle, 187.
bird, 237.
bishop, 167, 168.
bite, 30, 419*
blackguard, 203.
Blackmore, Richard, ixa.
-ble, suf., 206.
bleed, 411.
blend, 413, 437.
" Blickling Homilies,** 57.
blow, sb., 30; vb., 436.
board, 212.
bodkin, 164.
Boethius, 56.
bog, 164.
Bolton, Edmund, 08.
bonfire, 244.
bonny, 175.
book, 277.
" Book of an Anchoress,*
81.
boom, 189.
boomerang, 193.
borax, 190.
Borrowed words in Eng-
lish, 155-165; relation to
native words, 196-216;
inflection of, 333.
bosh, 193.
both, 398.
bound, " prepared," 234.
bouquet, 175.
bow, vb., 423.
box, 167.
boy, 189.
I brace, 325.
j bramble, 234.
I brat, 164.
break, 31, 429.
I breeches, 328.
I breed, 411,
j brew, 423.
! bridal, 148.
bridegroom, 274,
bridge, 225.
brigand, 184.
brimstone, 148.
bring, 414.
Britain, 43, 44, 47, sa
brock, 164.
brogue, 164,
brother, 27, 329, 335.
I Browning, Robert, 109
brunette, t8i.
^ Bruniie, Robert of, 8a.
I build, 413.
burial, 272.
I burlesque, 181.
I burn, 127, 413.
I Burns, Robert, ii7»
j burst, 428.
INDEX
[The numbers refer to sections.]
259
-oury, n. suf., 171.
bushel, 325,
busk, 170.
but, 471.
Butler, Samuel, loi, 102.
butter, 167.
buy, 414.
by, 468.
-by, suf., 171.
cabbage, 269.
cacao, 194.
cadet, 181.
Csedmon, 54.
caftan, 193.
cairn, 164.
caitiff, 208.
cajole, 175, 181.
calash, 181.
caldron, 176.
calf, 212.
calif, 192.
call, 169.
cameo, 185.
campaign, 181.
campanile, 185.
can, vb., 438, 439.
candle, 167.
candy, 192.
canker, 167.
cannikin, 189.
cannon, 325.
cannonade, 181.
canoe, 194.
canon, 168.
caoutchouc, 194.
cap, 167.
Capgrave, John, 86.
capital, 176.
capon, 167.
caprice, 181.
captive, 208.
caravan, 190.
caressj 181.
cark, 109, 175.
carte blanche, 181.
cast, 412.
castanets, 186.
castle, 173.
catacomb, 185.
catch, 176, 414.
cattle, 176.
cause, 175.
Caxton, William, 85, 86,
92, 179, 180.
cease, 169, 217.
cell, 169.
Celtic language, 10, 16, 26;
element in English, 163,
164, 172.
certain, indef. pron., 398;
adv., 467.
certainly, 218.
chaff, 51, 225.
chagrin, 181.
chair, 212.
chaldron, 176.
chalk, 51, 162.
chance, 225.
chandelier, 175, 224.
chandler, 175.
change, 225.
channel, 176.
chaperon, 175,
chapter, 176.
charge, 176.
Charles II, 181.
chase, 176.
chattel, 176.
Chaucer, Geoffrey, 85 ;
nouns in, 319, 327; adjec-
tives, 340, 342, 343, 346,
35 1 > 355". adverbs, 460;
pronouns, 364, 366, 372,
393 ; verbs, 447.
check, 190.
cheese, 167.
cherry, 272.
chervil, 167.
cherub, 190.
chess, 190.
chest, 167, 254.
chew, 423.
chide, 420.
child, 329, 334.
Chinese language, 89 ;
words in English, 193.
chintz, 190.
chocolate, 194.
choir, 211.
choose, 32, 422,
chord, 211.
Christ, 165; poem of, 54.
christen, 210.
Christianity, conversion of
English to, 46.
" Chronicle," Saxon, 45,
48, 62, 82, 86, 169, 173,
174.
church, 57, 167, 168.
churl, 51.
clan, 164.
Classical element in Eng-
lish, see Latin, Greek.
clasp, 237.
claw, vb., 437.
claymore, 164.
cleave, " to adhere," 420,
423; " to split," 422, 423.
climb, 109, 425.
cling, 427.
clod, 230.
clothe, 415.
cobra, 187.
cobweb, 150, 230.
cockatoo, 193,
cocoa, 187.
coffee, 192.
Coleridge, Samuel Taylor,
109.
come, 429.
commandment, 181.
complaisant, 181.
Compounds, in English,
143; obscuration of, 144,
147.
compter, 211.
conceit, 208.
conception, 208.
condor, 194.
Conjunctions, 471.
connoisseur, 175.
console, 181.
Consonants, great shift of,
26; phonetic changes of
English, 222-239.
Contraction, 253.
contrary, 269.
cook, 167.
coop, 167.
copal, 194.
copper, 167.
coquette, 181.
cord, 211.
corn, 251.
Cornwall, John, 71.
corona, 298.
coronach, 159, 164.
corporal, 289.
corps, 178, 181-208.
corpse, 169, 189, 208.
Correspondence, English
used in, 82.
Cossack, 187, 193.
cost, 412.
cotton, 192.
could, 235.
coulter, 162.
count, 175.
counter, 211.
countess, 173, 335.
couple, 325.
court, 173.
courtship, 204.
cowl, 167.
coy, 175,
coyote, 194.
crag, 164.
cranberry, 148.
cravat, 181.
crave, 169.
creed, 167.
creep, 423.
cringe, 427.
crisp, 162, 167.
crow, 436.
[The numbers refer to sections.!
crowd, 423.
-dom, n. suf., 147.
endlong, 109.
cud, 146.
don, 253.
endwise, 463.
cuirassier, 181.
doom, 252, 314.
engine, 202.
cummin, 191.
door, 31.
English, name, 48; divi-
cup, 167.
'* Cursor Mundi," 8i>
dotard, 269.
sions of history, 42; na-
Doublets, 208.
tive element in, 133-154;
custard, 269.
doubt, 211.
monosyllabic element,
cut, 412.
dough, 31.
200; borrowed elements.
cuttle-fish, 231.
Douglas, Gawain, 114.
155-195; spread of, 130;
see Old, Middle, Modern
Cynewulf, 54.
down, 164, 359.
Czar, 190.
drag, 170.
English.
draw, 433.
" English Guilds," 81.
daintiness, 204.
dread, vb., 437.
enough, 236; pron., 389;
dais, 209.
dream, 413.
adv., 462.
daisy, 148.
dribble, 230-
enow, 109.
damask, 191.
drink, 426.
ephod, 191.
damson, 191.
drip, 230.
epistle, 210.
Danes, language of, 2a;
drive, 419,
-er, sb. suf., 336; compar.
conquest of England, 58 ;
drosky, 190.
Dryden, John, 98, loi,
suf., 346.
influence on English, see
181.
escape, 202.
Norse.
dubiety, 109.
-ese, suf., 206.
dare, vb., 439, 441, 443.
ducat, 184.
-esque, suf., 206.
darling, 148.
dukedom, 204.
-ess, sb. suf., 206, 336.
daughter, 335.
dun, 164.
-est, superl. suf, 346.
* David Grieve," 112.
Dunbar, William, 114.
even, sb., 136, 142.
deacon, 167, 168.
Dutch language, 18, 21
24:
ex-, pref., 205.
deal, 252, 413.
element in English,
t88.
Excrescent consonants, see
dear, 153.
duty, 175-225.
Addition.
debt, 211.
dwell, 413.
executor, 335.
debut, 175.
dwindle, 234.
extravaganza, 185.
deck, 189.
eyelet hole, 203.
deem, 252,
each, indef. pron., 398.
eyen, 92, 327.
deer, 325.
Eadwine, 46.
defile, 252
carl, 335.
fall, 436.
delight, 211.
earnest, sb., 234.
falsehood, 204.
dent, 146.
eat, 31, 430.
Family of languages, 2, 3, 6k
desk, 209.
eaves, 251, 273.
fan, 167.
devil, 167, 168.
Ecgberht, 56.
fancy, 208.
dey, 193. _
Ecthlipsis, 237.
farther, 350.
Dialects, origin of, 3; Old
English, 49-52; Middle
-ed, vb. suf.,216; see Pret-
fat, " vessel," 146.
erite, dental.
father, 30, 218, 335.
English, 63-65; Modern
Edgar, King, 188.
fathom, 30, 325.
English, 111-130.
Edward the Confessor
.59.
feast, 175.
diamond, 208.
174-
fee, 30.
did, 443.
Edward I, 70; III,
70.
feed, 252, 400.
die, 329.
188.
feel, 413.
dig, 266, 427.
eftsoons, 109, 462.
fell, sb., 30.
dight, 167.
egg, 190.
either, 397.
fellow, 169.
dilettante, 185.
fennel, 167.
dint, 146.
elder, 218, 279, 347.
Ferguson, Robert, 117.
Diphthonging, 247.
" Elene," 54.
fSte, 175.
dis-, pref., 205.
Eliot, George, 112.
fever, 167.
disc, 209.
elixir, 192.
feverfew, 167.
dish, 167, 209.
Dissimilation, 232.
else, 258, 462.
few, 398.
Elyot, Sir Thomas, 94
fiddle, 167, 239.
distract, 414.
embers, 234.
fig, 210.
divan, 190.
emmet, 146.
fight, 428.
fill, 251.
dive, 420.
empress, 173.
do, 31, 444, 447, 448.
empty, 234.
find, 425.
doe, 167.
-en, adj. suf, 137; plural
first, 251, 268, 358.
doff, 253.
suf. of nouns, 316,
327;
fish, 224, 334.
dole, 252.
participial ending, 455.
five, 357.
INDEX
[The numbers refer to sections.]
261
flag, 170.
flagon, 230.
flee, 415, 423.
Flemish language, 24; ele-
ment in English, 188.
fling, 427.
Florence of Worcester, 62,
florin, 184.
flotilla, 186.
flow, 30, 437,
fly, 422.
fold, vb., 437.
folk, 228, 325.
Folk-etymology, see Anal-
ogy.
font, 167.
food, 252.
foot, 27, 30, 31, 252, 325.
for, 468, 471.
fore, 251 ; pref., 291.
forefront, 204.
foremost, 348.
fork, 167.
former, 349.
forsake, 433.
Fortescue, 87.
fortnight, 228.
forwards, 462.
foul, 252.
fragile, 208.
frail, 208.
Franconian language, 18,
24. 39-
Franklin, Benjamin, 124,
131. 132-
freeze, 422.
freight, vb., 414.
French, fusion of, with
English, 66-68.
French language, 15;
French used in Eng-
land, 66,75; element in
English, 172.
fresh, 237.
friend, 253.
Friends, use of thou, thee,
367.
Frisian language, 18, 24,
39; see Anglo-Frisian.
fro-, pref., 291.
Froissart, 180.
from, 463.
frontispiece, 274.
full, 257, 462; adj. suf.,
137-
fulfilment, 206.
fuller, 162.
further, 228, 349, 350.
fustian, 184.
-fy, suf., 206.
Gaelic language, 16.
gage, 209.
Gaimar, 62.
gallowglass, 164.
gander, 234.
ge-, pref., 406,
gehenna, 191.
Gender, grammatical, 313;
in modern English, 334.
" Genesis and Exodus," 82.
genially, 204.
Genitive case, 322; of a
group, 324; his for, 323.
Geofi'rey of Monmouth, 62.
Gerland, 62.
German, High, 18, 21, 23,
38, 39; Low, 23, 24, 38,
39; element in English,
188-189,
Germanic, see Teutonic.
get, 170, 432.
Gibbon, Edward, 171.
gift, 170.
gild, 251,413,
gin, sb., 202; vb,, 426.
ginger, 190,
gird, 413.
girl, 189.
give, 430, 432.
gizzard, 269.
gladen, 167.
glen, 164.
glib, sb., 164.
glide, 421.
glimpse, 234.
Gloucester, Robert of, 80.
glow, vb. , 437.
gnaw, 434.
go, 444, 447.
God, 148.
gold, 251.
gong, 193.
goodbye, 148.
goose, 246, 252.
gopher-wood, 191.
gospel, 148.
gossip, 231, 232.
Gothic language, 18, 22, 38.
Gower, John, 83, 85,
grandeur, 175.
grass, 237.
grave, vb., 434,
Greek language, 13, 25, 27;
accent of, 34, 289; ele-
ment in English, 168.
green, 252.
Gregory, Pope, 47.
grind, 425,
gripe, 421,
groat, 189,
groom, 32,
gross, 325,
grow, 252, 436,
guano, 194,
guarantee, 209,
guard, 209.
guest, 32, 33, 170.
guilder, 189.
gun, 170,
guttapercha, 193,
Gutturalization, 248.
" Guy of Warwick," 83,
gypsy, 193.
haft, 30, 31,
hail, 170.
-ham, sb. suf., 171.
Hamitic languages, 6.
Hampole, Richard, 81,
hang, 437.
Hants, 232.
Hardy, Thomas, 112,
hasp, 237.
hautboy, 175.
have, 415, 443,
" Havelok the Dane," 83,
haven, 169.
he, 245, 323.
head, 236, 325; suf,, 137.
headlong, 461.
heal, 252.
hear, 415.
heart, 31,
heat, vb,, 412.
heave, 433.
Hebrew words in English,
191.
hedge, 225,
heirloom, 203,
Hellenicbranch.seeGreek,
help, 109, 428.
hemp, 232.
hence, 258, 465.
Henry I, 67, 69; H, 67,
69; ni, 68, 75, 189.
here, 465.
hew, 456.
hidalgo, 186.
hide, sb., 151; vb., i5i»
Higden, Ralph, 71, 80.
hill, 27, 32.
hindmost, 348.
hit, 412.
hither, 465.
hobble, 230.
hobby-horse, 203.
hogshead, 189.
hoist, 189.
hold, 436.
holland, 189.
home, 218, 219.
" Homilies, Metrical," 81.
hominy, 194.
homonyms, 151-207.
262
INDEX
[The numbers refer to sections.]
•hood, n. suf., 147.
hop, 230.
horse, 325.
hound, 32.
housewife, 150.
how, 474.
hug, 170.
hundred, 32.
Hungarian words in Eng-
lish, 193.
hurricane, 194.
hurt, 412.
husband, 169, 335.
hussar, 193.
hussy, 148, 150.
hustings, 169.
I> 365! confusion with nte^
-ic, suf., 200.
Icelandic language, 22.
-ide, suf., 206.
if. 471.
ilk, 383.
immediately, 225.
imp, 167.
in-, pref., 291; prep., 52,
291, 468.
inch, 167, 201.
India, language of, 11; see
Aryan.
Indian, East, words in Eng-
lish, 190; West, 194.
indict, 211.
indigo, 186, 190.
indite, 211.
Indo-European family, 7,
8, 1-9, 26; original home,
20; accent of, 34, 289;
inflections in, 303; verbs
in, 37.
Infinitive, to and, 452.
Inflectional levelling, 276,
303-312,
Inflection, see Noun, Ad-
jective, Pronoun, etc.
-ing, n. suf., 171, 269; vb.
suf., 216.
inmost, 348.
inter-, pref., 205.
Interjections, 471.
interloper, 203.
ipecacuanha, 194.
Iranian languages, see
Aryan.
Irish language, 16, 119.
island, 235.
-ism, suf., 206.
-ist, suf., 206.
it, 370-
Italian language, 10, 15;
element in English, 154.
* Ivanhoe," 212.
I wis, 109.
-ize, 206.
Jaguar, 194.
jalap, 194.
James I, 114.
janizary, 193.
jerkin, 18^.
jeu d'esprit, 175.
Johnson, Samuel, 103, 171.
jolly, 269.
Jonson, Ben, 390.
judge, 225.
juggernaut, 190.
"Juliana," 54, So.
Jungle, 190.
junk, 193,
just, 175, 225.
justice, 173.
Jutes, 45.
juxtaposition, 203.
kangaroo, 193.
" Katharine, Life of St.,"
80.
keep, 244, 413.
keg, 170.
kennel, " a gutter," 171.
Kenrick, William, 106.
Kent, dialect of, 50, 51, 64,
80.
" Kentish Sermons," 80.
kerne, 164.
kernel, 251.
khan, 193.
kid, 170.
kiln, 167.
kilt, 170.
kin, 32.
kindred, 234.
kine, 328, 329.
" King Horn," 82.
"King of Tars," 83.
kirk, 51.
kirtle, 170.
kitchen, 167, 201.
knead, 432.
knee, 32.
kneel, 413.
knife, 169.
knights templars, 332.
knit, 412.
knout, 190.
know, 32, 476.
knowledge, 229.
Kurdish, 11.
lad, 335.
lade, 434.
lady, 149.
lake, 165.
Lammas,
land
Lanf_ _
Langh
lash,
lass,
Lath_
Latin
latter
_ -5, 232.
a, 136, 142.
ifranc, 32.
gland, William, 83.
1, 189.
laaa, 335.
Latham, Robert G., 20.
^ atin language, 15; ac-
cent, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30,
34; borrowed words m,
49; use of, in England;
62, 74, 91; element in
English, 166-172.
tter, 349, 350.
laugh, 239.
law, 169.
Layamon, 82.
lead, 252, 411.
leal, 209.
lean, 413.
leap, vb., 437.
learn, 413.
leg, 171.
legal, 209.
legislative, 175.
leisure, 224.
leman, 232.
lemon, 192.
lend, .113.
Lengthening of vowels,
244.
lengthwise, 463.
less, 347, 350.
-less, adj. suf., 137.
let, 436; suf., 206.
lie, 430.
lief, 109.
life, 136, 142, 144, 145, 150.
life-guard, 203.
light, vb., 412.
lighter, " a barge," 189.
like, 219.
lily, 167.
limb, 234.
Lindsay, David, 114.
linen, 167.
-ling, adv. suf., 461.
link, 189.
linstock, 189.
list, " choose," 251.
little, 398.
lively, 150.
lo, 472.
lobster, 167, 250.
lode, 252.
log, 170.
London English, 84.
-long, suf., 461.
look, vb., compounds olj
145.
lord, 65, 149, 236, 253.
louse, 252.
INDEX
[The numbers refer to sections.]
263
tow, vb., 437.
loyal, 209.
lust, 251.
-ly, suf., 218, 219, 268,
276.
Lydgate, John, 86, 179.
Macaulay, Thomas Bab-
ington, 216.
Mahomet, 192.
maid, 335.
main, 442.
maize, 194.
make, 415.
Malay words in English,
193-
mallow, 167.
mammon, 191.
mammoth, 193.
man, indef. pron., 399.
Mandeville, Sir John, 83,
many, 398.
Map, Walter, 62, 67.
marble, 233.
marigold, 203.
marline, 189.
martyr, 167, 168.
mass, 167.
mat, 169.
matador, 186.
mattock, 164.
maumet, 192.
may, 438, 439.
mazurka, 190.
mean, vb., 413.
meet, 412.
melt, 428.
-ment, suf., 206.
Mercian dialect, 50, 51,
56.
Messiah, 191.
Metathesis, 237.
mete, vb., 432.
Mexican words in English,
mid-, pref., 142, 291.
Middle English, 42, 62-88;
dialects of, 63; spoken
language, 69; written
language, 73; borrowed
element in, 172-182.
Midland English, 64, 82.
midwife, 142,
mile, 325.
mill, 167.
million, 357.
Milton, John, 98, 394.
Minot, Laurence, 81.
minster, 167, 168.
mint, 162, 167, 201.
miracle, 173.
mirage, 175.
mis-, pref., 291.
mistletoe, 238.
moccasin, 194.
Modern English, 42, 89-
132; dialects of, in;
written language, 92;
spoken language, 106.
monk, 167, 168.
Monophthonging, 247.
month, 325.
moor, 189.
moose, 194.
" Moral Ode," 80.
more, comparison with,
350. 351-
mortar, 167.
mosquito, 186.
mote, vb., 438, 442.
mother, 335.
mount, 165.
mouse, 252.
mow, vb., 436.
mulberry, 167.
murder, 239.
mussel, 167.
must, " wine," 167.
must, vb., 442, 443.
mustard, 269.
Mutation, 139, 250, 261,
328.
mutton, 212.
*' Mysteries," 80.
Names, 163, 177.
nard, 190.
Nash, Thomas, 94.
natheless, 109, 465.
nation, 224.
nature, 225.
naught, indef. pron., 399.
nay, 473-
near, 350.
neat, " cattle," 325.
needs, 463.
Negatives, 473.
neither, 397.
-ness, n. suf., 137.
nevertheless, 465.
newt, 235.
next, 350.
nickname, 235.
nigh, 350.
night, 246, 325.
no, 218, 3^4, 355-
non-, pref, 205.
nonce, 355, 371, 392.
none, 355.
noon, 167.
nor, 397.
Norse, language, «2, 38;
element in English, 49,
169, 172.
Northern English, 64, 81.
Northumbria, dialect of,
51, 53. 54; literature, 55.
not, 473.
Nouns, inflection of, in
OE., 313; in ME., 317;
in MnE., 320; plural
ending of, 316.
Numerals, 352-360.
nun, 167.
oasis, 193.
Occleve, William, 86.
ocean, 234.
of, 146, 229, 468; pref.,
137-
off, 146; pref., 229, 291.
offer, 167.
olden, 341.
Old English, 42; dialects
of, 49; literature of, 53;
vocabulary of, 134; in-
flectional levelling in,
305-
on, 52, 468; pref., 291.
one, 355, 398.
only, 354-
ooze, 153, 236.
ope, 238.
opossum, 194.
or, 347; pref., 142.
orange, 184, 190.
orchard, 147.
ordeal, 142.
organ, 167.
Orm, 82; noun inflection
in, 317 ; pronouns in,
392, 293.
" Ormulum," 82.
Orosius, Chronicle of, 56.
osier, 224.
other, 358, 398, 399.
Ottoman, 193.
ought, vb. , 199, 439, 440.
-ous, suf., 269.
out, 468; pref., 291.
outcry, 204.
outmost, 348.
over, 251, 468; pref., 291.
overpower, 204.
owe, 440.
" Owl and Nightingale,"
80.
ox, 212, 327.
Palatalization, 248.
pall, 167.
palm, 167.
pampas, 194.
pan, 167.
pappoose, 194.
partake, 203.
264
INDEX
[The numbers refer to sections.]
Particles, negative, inter-
rogative, affirmative, 473.
Paschal, 191.
pasch, 167, 168.
passion, 224.
'' Paston Letters," 78.
pea, 167.
peace, 173.
peach, 170.
peacock, 167,
peal, 202.
pear, 167.
" Pearl, Poet of," 83.
pebble, 230.
peccadillo, 186,
Pecock, William, 86.
peer, 202.
pemmican, 194.
penny, 329.
pent-house, 274.
pepper, 167, 190, 254.
peradventure, 464.
perchance, 464.
perfect, 211.
periwinkle, 167.
Perry, William, 106.
Persian language, 11; ele-
ment in English, 190.
Pettie, George, 94.
phantasy, 208.
phoenix, 167.
Phonetic change, 218, 220,
308, 316.
pibroch, 164.
pick axe, 274.
Pickering, John, 124.
piecemeal, 463.
pilch, 167.
pile, 167.
pilgrim, 184.
pillow, 167.
pin, 167.
pine, 167.
pit, 167, 201.
pitch, 167.
plant, 167.
plaster, 167.
platoon, 175.
play, vb., 432.
ylead, 411.
pleasure, 224.
plentiful, 204.
plum, 167.
pole, 167.
polka, 190.
" Polychronicon," 71, 80.
Polynesian words m Eng-
lish, 193.
pope, 167.
Pope, Alexander, 216.
poppy, 167.
pork, 212.
port, 165, 167.
Portuguese, language, 15;
element in English, 187.
potato, 194.
pound, 325.
Prefixes, analogy affecting,
268.
Prepositions, 468.
presbyter, 208.
Preterite, dental, 36, 404.
pretty, 249.
" Prick of Conscience," 87.
pride, 230, 252.
priest, 167, 168, 2q8.
prison, 173.
privilege, 173.
procession, 173.
Pronouns, personal, 362-
373; possessive, 375-378;
reflexive, 374; demon-
strative, 379-383; inter-
rogative, 384-387; rela-
tive, 388-394; indefinite,
395-400.
proud, 230, 252.
psalm, 167, 168.
" Psalter, Metrical," 81.
punctilio, 184.
punt, 167.
purple, 233.
put, 412.
Puttenham, George, 90, 95.
quadrillion, 357.
quid, 146.
quinine, 194.
quire, 211, 325.
quit, 175, 412.
quoth, 432.
raccoon, 194.
rage, 175.
raid, 170.
raise, 170.
Ramsay, Allan, 117.
ravine, 175.
re-, pref., 205.
reach, 414.
read, 411.
real, 209.
ream, 325.
rebeck, 184.
red, 31.
reef, 189.
reek, 423.
reeve, 434.
regal, 209.
rend, 413.
renew, 205.
rent, 173.
reservoir, 175.
rhyme, 211.
rhythm, 211.
Richard I, 74.
riches, 273.
rid, vb., 254, 411.
riddle, 272.
ride, 419, 421.
righteous, 269.
ring, vb., 42^
rise, 419.
rive, 419.
Romance languages, 15,
16, 41.
rouge, 175.
row, vb., 437.
royal, 209.
rudder, 239.
rue, vb., 423.
" Rule of St. Benedict,"
57-
run, 426.
-ry, 206.
-s, n., vb. suf., 216.
sabre, 193.
sachem, 194.
sack, 167, 168.
saint, 210.
salt, vb., 437.
salt-cellar, 203,
Sanskrit, ii, 27.
sassafras, 186.
Saturday, 162.
sausage, 269.
savine, 167.
Saxon, people, 41, 45; lan-
guage, 18, 24; West, lan-
guage of, 50, 51, 53, 64.
say, 415.
scald, 170.
scan, 170.
scape, 170, 202.
scape-goat, 203.
scarce, 170, 467.
scare, 170.
score, 170.
scorn, 259.
Scotch dialect, 51, 113, 115,
258.
seamstress, 336.
second, 358.
see, 430.
see, " bishop's see," 218.
seed, 252.
seek, 414.
seethe, 422, 423.
self, 383.
sell, 413.
semi-, 205.
Semitic, languages, 6; ele-
ment in English, 196.
sempstress, 234.
send, 413.
INDEX
[The numbers refer to sections.]
265
set, 413.
several, 398.
shake, 433.
Shakespeare, William, vo-
cabulary of, 215, 216 ;
pronouns in, 367, 369,
371. 374. 377, 382. 385,
391, 392, 394, 396, 397,
4CX).
shako, 193.
shall, 438, 439, 442.
shambles, 167.
shamrock, 164.
shape, 434.
shave, 434.
she, 372.
shear, 429.
shed, 411.
sheep, 212, 325.
shepherd, 244.
sherry, 1S6, 272.
shine, 419, 421.
ship, 224; n. suf., 147,
shoe, vb., 415.
shoot, 422.
short, 162, 167.
Shortening of vowels, 244.
shove, 423.
shred, 411.
shrine, 167.
shrink, 426.
shrive, 167, 419, 421.
shut, 412.
sib, " relation," 109.
sickle, 167.
side-board, 212.
sigh, 421.
silk, 167.
Simeon of Durham, 62.
since, 471.
sing, 36, 426.
sink, 426.
" Sir Gawain," 83.
sister, 335.
sit, 430.
skill, 170.
skin, 170.
skipper, 170, 189.
sky, 170.
slay, 433-
sleep, sb., 31 ; vb., 244, 437.
slide, 419.
sling, 427.
slink, 427.
slippery, 31.
slit, 412, 421.
slogan, 164.
sloop, 189.
smack, " fishing-boat," 189.
smell, 413.
smite, 419.
smoothen, 109.
smugly, 109.
so, 471.
sock, 167.
sole, 167.
*' Solomon and Saturn," 57.
some, 398; adj. suf., 137.
son, 335; n. suf, 171.
songster, 336.
songstress, 336.
sore, adv., 463.
sound, 234.
South American words in
English, 194.
Southern dialect of Eng-
lish, 51, 64, 80; see West
Saxon, Kentish.
sow, vb., 252, 416.
Spanish language, 15; cle-
ment in English, 186.
speak, 432.
" Spectator," The. 99, 102,
speed, vb., 411.
spell, vb., 413.
spelt, 167.
spend, 167, 413.
Spenser, Edmund, 215, 316,
447-
spew, 421.
spiderweb, 150.
spilth, 109.
spin, 427.
spindle, 234.
spinner, 336.
spinster, 335, 336.
spit, 412, 43t.
split, 412, 413.
spoil, 413.
spool, 189.
spread, 411.
spring, 426.
sprout, 423.
squaw, 194.
squire, 259.
stand, 433.
standard, 173.
Standard language, of Eng-
land, 43-132; of America,
121.
starboard, 148.
stature, 225.
stave, 434.
stead, 33.
steal, 429.
-ster, n. suf, 336.
stick, vb., 427, 429.
sting, 427.
stink, 427.
stool, 212.
stop, 167.
strap, 167.
street, 165.
Stress, see Accent.
stretch, 414.
stride, 419.
strike, 420.
string, vb., 427.
strive, 419.
sub-, 205.
subjunctive-optative, 445,
^ 1'^9: .
Substitution, consonant,
253; vowel, 253.
such, 398.
suck, 423.
Suffolk, 232.
sugar, 190, 224, 230.
suit, 175.
suite, 175.
sulphur, 190.
sultan, 335.
sumach, 224.
sup, 427.
super-, 205.
sure, 224.
surety, 224.
Surnames, Danish, 171;
French, 177.
swab, 189.
swabber, 189.
swain, 170.
swallow, 236.
swear, 433.
sweat, 412.
Swedish language, 22.
swell, 427.
Swift, Jonathan, 99, 102.
swim, 426.
swine, 212, 323.
swing, 427.
swink, " labour," 427.
swoop, vb., 437.
Syncope, 258.
Syntax, affected by anal-
ogy, 284.
table, 212.
taboo, 193.
take, 169, 434.
tame, 31.
tapioca, 194.
tapir, 194.
tardy, 219.
targum, 191.
Tartar words in English,
^93; „
" Tatler," 99.
tattoo, 193.
tea, 193.
teach, 414.
tear, 429.
tell, 414.
temple, 167.
tent, 202.
266
INDEX
[The numbers refer to sections.]
Tennyson, Alfred, 109, 112
Teutonic languages, 10, 18
32,33; accent in, 25, 34
389; adjective, 35 ; verbs
in, 36; West, 21, 33, 38
Thames, 239
_ , -jy-
than, 146, 471.
that, demon, pron., 380;
rel. pron., 388; conj.,
Thaun, Philip de, 62.
the, 229, 465.
then, 146, 229, 471.
thence, 465.
there, 465.
they, 160, 170, 311, 393.
think, 414.
thirteen, 356.
thirty, 356.
this, 380, 381.
thither, 464.
Thomas, 239.
thorough, 146.
thorny, 269.
-thorp, n. suf., 31.
thou, 27, 365.
though, 471.
thousand, 357.
thrash, 254.
thrice, 356.
thrive, 419.
through, 468, 146.
throw, 436.
thrust, 412.
thunder, 234.
thus, 229, 465.
-thwait, n. suf., 17X.
tight, 153.
tile, 167.
till, 468.
tilt, 231.
timber, 31.
time, suf., 464.
tippet, 167.
titmouse, 274.
to, 146, 468; pref., 137.
toboggan, 194.
together, 254, 462.
tomahawk, 194.
tomato, 194.
ton, 325; suf., 171.
to-night, 464.
too, 146.
tooth, 246, 252.
tour, 175.
tower, 173.
trans-, 205.
tread, 432.
treason, 173.
treasure, 173.
Trevisa, John, 71, 80.
trigger, 230.
trillion, 357.
troublesome, 204.
trout, 167.
tun, 16^.
tunic, 167.
Turkish element in Eng-
lish, 193,
turtle-dove, 167.
twain, 356.
twelve, 357.
twenty, 357.
twit, 421.
two, 27, 31, 236.
udder, 31.
uhlan, 193.
ukase, 190.
Ulfilas, 22.
ultra-, 205.
un-, pref., 291.
unable, 204.
uncle, J35.
uncouth, 441.
under, 468; pref., 291.
unkempt, 231.
Unvoicing of consonants,
227.
up-, pref., 291.
Ural-Altaic family, 6.
usual, 224.
utmost, 348.
utter, 349.
vampire, 190.
vane, 228.
vanilla, 186.
vat, 228.
veal, 212.
venture, 202, 211.
Verbal system, Teutonic,
36; English, 401.
Verbs, strong, 402, 417-
443; reduplicating, 435-
437 ; weak, 402, 404-416 ;
preteritive present, 438-
443; minor group, 444-
448; inflection of, 449-
45?.
verdict, 211.
verdure, 225.
verily, 467.
very, 467.
vine, 175.
vixen, 228.
Vocabulary, English, 133-
216.
Vocalization of consonants,
236.
Voicing of consonants, 227.
vow, 202.
Vowels in English, pho-
netic changes of, 240.
Wace, History of, 6a.
wade, 434.
wage, 209.
wagon, 189.
wail, 170.
wake, 433.
Walker, John, 106.
wall, 165.
wampum, 194.
war, 173.
ward, 209; adv. suf., 46a.
ware, 209.
warrant, 209,
was, 445, 446.
wasp, 237.
wassail, 446.
wax, vb., 434.
way, 323 ; adv. suf., 463.
Weakening, vowel, 256.
wear, 266, 429.
weave, 432.
Webster, Noah, 124, 125.
wed, 209, 411.
weel, 245.
weep, 437.
welaway, 472.
Welsh, 47, 258.
wend, 413.
went, 413.
West Indian words in Eng-
lish, 194.
West Saxon, see Saxon,
wet, 412.
what, inter, pron., 386; rel.
pron., 389; indef. pron.,
396; interj., 472.
wheeze, 437.
when, 465.
whence, 465.
where, 465.
whet, 412.
whether, 254.
which, inter, pron., 387;
indef. pron., 396; rel.
pron., 388.
while, suf., 464.
whilom, 463.
whilst, 234.
whine, 421.
whiskey, 164.
White, Richard Grant, 124.
whither, 465.
who, 236; inter, pron., 384;
rel. pron., 388; indef.
pron., 396.
whole, 252.
why, 465.
wick, 165.
widow, 31.
wield, 437.
wife, 335.
wight, 399.
INDEX
267
[The numbers refer to sections.]
wigwam, 194.
will, vb , 444. 447, 448.
William I, 60, 67, 69, 74.
William of Malmesbury, 62.
William Rufus, 67.
wi low, 254.
Wilson, Thomas, 95, 96.
win, 427.
wind, 425.
wine, 165.
winter, 92.
wis, 109.
wisdom, 244.
-wise, adv. suf., 463.
wit, vb., 439, 440.
with, 227, 468; pref., 137.
without, 462.
woe, 47a.
woman, 148, 232.
" Wonders of the Orient,"
57.
wont, 412.
won't, 107.
woof, 257.
" Wooing of our Lord," 80.
Worcester, Joseph E., 124.
word, 314.
Wordsworth, William, 109.
work, 414.
world, 149.
wormwood, 270.
worse, 350.
worth, vb., " become," 428.
wot, 129, 439, 440.
wring, 427.
write, 419, 421.
writhe, 421.
wrong, 169.
Wulfstan, Homilies of, 57
Wyatt, Thomas, 185.
Wyclif, John, 83, 85.
Wyntoun, Andrew, 114.
-y, adj. suf., 269.
yacht, 189.
yawl, 189.
yea, 474.
year, 92.
yes, 148, 474.
yoke, 27, 325.
yon, 382.
you, 365.
Zend, IX.
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