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HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 MOGUL DYNASTY 
 
 iif 
 
 FROM ITS FOUNDATION BY TAMERLANE, IN THE YEAR 
 
 1399, 
 
 TO THE 
 
 ACCESSION OF AURENGZEBE, IN THE YEAR 1657. 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH OP 
 
 FATHER FRANCOIS CATROU, 
 
 Of the Society of Jesus ; 
 
 iFotmU^D on tj^e iW^emoit^ o! ^btgnor iWanoucj^t, a Venetian, 
 
 Forty-Eight Years Physician in the Service of the Imperial Family, at the Court of Delhi 
 
 and Agra. 
 
 ACCOMPANIED \^ITH 
 
 A DETAILED DESCRIPTION OF THE COURT AND HARAM. MILITARY 
 
 STRENGTH, RESOURCES, POLITY AND CHARACTER OF THE 
 
 MOGUL GOVERNMENT, AT THE EPOCH, WHEN THE GLORY 
 
 OF THIS DYNASTY WAS IN ITS ZENITH. 
 
 iJLontion : 
 
 PUBLISHED BY J. M. RICHARDSON, 23, CORNHILL^, 
 
 AND SOLD BY ALL BOOKSELLERS- 
 
 1826. 
 
 i 
 
 %. 
 
• ♦ 
 
 
 /M.. 
 
 HENRY morse: STEPHEMS 
 
ADDRESS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 TRANSLATOR. 
 
 THE volume^ published at the Hague in the year 
 1708, containing the history here offered to the public^ 
 had many years been in the possession of the translator, 
 and under go7ie frequent perusal, before he began to 
 entertain the design of transfusing the contents into his 
 native language. Commenced^ at fist, as an amuse- 
 ment for the employment of his hours of leisure ; as 
 the translation progressed, and the interest of the 
 narrative developed itself he became impr^essed ivith 
 the idea, that an historical work, founded on such, 
 apparently, authentic and valuable materials, merited 
 to be introduced to the notice of the jmblic. Inde- 
 pendent of the great variety and interest of the 
 incidents ; a chief feature, and it may be said, excel- 
 lence of the narrative consists, in an animated and 
 faithfid delineation of the human character, as dis- 
 
 A 
 
 512240 
 
vi TRANSLATOR'S ADDRESS. 
 
 played in the conduct and deportment of the prominent 
 actors, which are introduced throughout its pages. 
 
 The translator has endeavoured to render his 
 author strict justicCy hy a faithful adherence to the 
 genuine sense of his text ; and hy declining the 
 exercise of a discretion , which might Iwve led him, 
 either to engraft any foreign matter upon, or to abridge 
 the narrative. He has left it to his readers to make 
 the commeyits their good sense will suggest, upon 
 such passages, as may he ccdcidated to stagger their 
 confidence in the truth of the facts related, A 
 charge of credulity will, perhaps, in some 2^laces, be 
 thought to attach to the author ; or, at least, to those 
 persons, from whom he has taken his incidents : but a 
 liberality may, nevertheless, be due, wheiever these 
 relations appear supported hy Protestant testimony, 
 though they should have proceeded from members of a 
 communion to 7vhich Protestants are opposed. The 
 fad, which possesses the most extraordiiiary character, 
 relates to an occurrence, reputed to have taken place in 
 the vicinity of LaJior, nearly at the close of the reign 
 of tlie Emperor Akebar. The translator felt an 
 inclination to omit altogether this passage, from its, 
 apparently, very extravagant nature ; hut a little re- 
 flexion induced him to abide by his first determination, 
 
TRANSLATOR'S ADDRESS. , VU 
 
 namely, to give a faithful and ungarhlcd translation 
 of his authors history. The transactions^ in which 
 the missionaries of the Romish church sustain a con- 
 sjncuous part, he could not hut regard as worthy of 
 being preserved, on account of the interest they excite, 
 and the very singidar nature of the occurrences to 
 which they led j as well as their tendency to shew the 
 intercourse which subsisted, at that era, between the 
 great men of Indostan and Europeans, and the private 
 sentiments and Masses of the Mogid princes. 
 
 The rise and fall of states and dynasties, so fertile 
 in events of the most influential character, as operating 
 on the interests and passions of mankindy ivill ever 
 afford themes of the most impressive nature, and such 
 as are calculated to awaken ijuhlic curiosity ; it is pre- 
 sumed, that the history, which the translator now 
 submits to the public, will be found the very reverse of 
 tedious or dull; but, teeming with instructive, curious, 
 and entertaining matter, A relation so complete, of the 
 military, iDolitical, and domestic history of a dynasty 
 of sovereigns, ruling an empire of such vast extent, for 
 the space of three hundred years, is scarcely, perhaps, 
 to be found extant, apart from the sphere of European 
 history, A work so curious, and, it is jjresumed, ge- 
 nerally interesting, may, perhaps, be thought worthy 
 
 A 2 
 
VIII TRANSLATOR'S ADDRESS. 
 
 tJie notice of that class of the public, particularly y^ 
 which may he disposed (from the interest it takes in 
 Indian affairs, or a partiality for research and in- 
 formation upon the political history of India,) to 
 encourage the exertions of the humble translator, to 
 
 contribute to the histoiical notices, which have been 
 attempted to be furnished to the public, upon the topics 
 of Indian government and policy. 
 
 The translator, without pledging himself to a con- 
 tinuation of the History of the Mogul Dynasty in 
 India y to its later period ; a dynasty^ which is gene- 
 rally understood to have attained its zenith in the 
 reign of Aurengzebe (with whose accession to the 
 empire this volume closes), and to have gradually 
 declined in power and celebrity foin that epoch (con- 
 tingent as such an undertaking must necessarily be, on 
 finding the requisite materials), presumes, nevertheless, 
 to say, that should the present volume meet with a 
 favourable reception, he shall feel encouraged to ascer- 
 tain how far the attempt may be practicable. 
 
THE 
 
 AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 IF my good fortune had not enabled me to overcome 
 all the difficulties of the undertaking, the idea of giving to 
 the Public a General History of the Mogul Empire, never 
 would have once entered my imagination. The necessity 
 of making researches for materials in so distant a climatC;, 
 for the purpose of obtaining an acquaintance with the 
 history of the race of sovereigns which governs at the 
 present day in Indostan, would have deterred me from the 
 design. It was impossible^ besides, to have avoided 
 reflecting, how little the people of Europe feel interested 
 in the lives of princes, whose rule is unconnected with our 
 politics. Moreover, the lives of many eminent persons, 
 illuminating our own sphere, remain enveloped in obscurity, 
 from the neglect of records, or the want of curiosity in the 
 . Public. By a strange perversion of the imagination, or 
 from a false pride, we affect to class, as barbarous, those 
 nations, whose education differs from our own; how, then, 
 could I think it meet to travel to the Indies in search of 
 
JC AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 heroes, and men of note? So many prejudices, and so> 
 many discouragements, would have made me abjure a work, 
 which I have just happily completed ; or, rather, the idea 
 of attempting it would never have suggested itself to me. 
 
 Chance, then, has embarked me in an undertaking, 
 which I should never have embraced through choice or 
 inclination. A 'person, of well known integrity, who has 
 exercised in the Indies the first employments in our 
 Colonies, placed in my hands a Portuguese Manuscript,, 
 the work of M. Manouchi, a Venetian. T read it over, at 
 first, with that common curiosity with which we are accus- 
 tomed to peruse the adventures of the traveller; but I 
 found that it contained something more than a narrative of 
 mere journeyings. It seemed to me, that something better 
 than a simple description of a strange country might be 
 extracted from the Manuscript. I found that the Chro- 
 nicles of the Mogul Empire had been communicated to 
 M. Manouchi; that he had caused them to be translated 
 into the Portuguese Tongue ; and that they were inserted 
 in the work which I held in my hands. 
 
 On contemplating so valuablf* a document, my reflexions 
 ultimately determined me to found a work on the memoir 
 I had before me. I considered, that a General History of 
 a Great Empire, from its foundation, was a work which 
 would be valued by Men of Letters ; that the History of 
 the Mogul Dynasty was wanting to universal history ; that 
 some traits of it had appeared in all the languages of 
 Europe, and had been greeted with the public approbation ; 
 
author's preface. xi 
 
 that after all, the diversity which is perceivable between 
 the manners of the Orientals and our own might awaken 
 the curiosity of the Public ; that the heroes of Asia would 
 have their attractions, if pourtrayed in their natural 
 colours ; and that the taste of the Public might be gratified 
 by a change in the costume of heroes, who had hitherto 
 been offered to them after the European fashion only, and 
 prejudices ; that the history of a distant country is as 
 susceptible of ornament as that of our own ; that it has 
 beauties which are peculiarly and properly its own ; that 
 the human passions, which are the soul of great events, are 
 the same in Asia as in Europe ; that the people of France 
 might acquire instruction from the example of Indian 
 virtues, as did formerly the people of Greece from the 
 models of genuine integrity and true generosity furnished 
 them by the Scythians ; lastly, that the example of Pad- 
 mani would not be a less impressive lesson of conjugal 
 fidelity, than was to the Athenians, the constancy of the 
 heroes of Toxaris, of the most exalted friendship. 
 
 I had no reason, besides, to doubt the existence, in the 
 archives of the Mogul Empire, of an exact Chronicle, in 
 which the principal events were narrated at length. It is 
 from memoirs drawn from the Chronicle, that Jean Laet 
 has composed his notice of the Mogul States. He speaks 
 of it in the following terms : — Nosfragmentum eBelgico, 
 quodgeniiino illiiis RegniChronico, expressum credimus, 
 libere vertimus, 
 
 I had, moreover, the most convincing evidence attain- 
 
xii AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 able in such matters, of the veracity of the Mogul Chro- 
 nicle, of which I possessed a translation in the Portuguese 
 Tongue. M. Manouchi assures us that he has caused it to 
 be translated, with great care, from the originals, lodged in 
 the palace, written in the Persian language. The Venetian 
 does not appear to have been sparing of expense, that he 
 might be enabled to transmit to Europe exact documents 
 of the empire in which he resides. He has procured 
 portraits to be painted, at a great charge, by the artists 
 of the haram, of the Emperors and the eminent men of the 
 Mogul Empire. The fear of rendering a first edition too 
 costly has prevented my furnishing the Public with 
 impressions. 
 
 The Author of the Manuscript is not one of those 
 traders of Europe, obliged, by his commercial interests, to 
 undertake a rapid progress through particular districts^ or 
 to take up his residence in the sea ports of Indostan, at a 
 distance from the capital. M. Manouchi is a physician, 
 whose profession has for a long time attached him to the 
 service of the Emperors. Having resided at the court 
 forty years, and from the nature of his employment been 
 admitted, with a familiarity denied to others, into the 
 recesses of the haram, it can by no means be considered 
 as extraordinary, that he should have procured valuable 
 memoirs, and been introduced to an acquaintance with the 
 genuine Chronicle of the Empire. In comparing this docu- 
 ment with the European writers, who have treated of the 
 Mogul Empire, I have been the more convinced of its 
 
AUTHOR'S PREFACE. Xlll 
 
 authenticity, from having found that the best informed 
 speak conformably to his Chronicle. 
 
 A better account than M. Manouchi's, of the two last 
 reignS;, it is evident cannot be expected. He came to the 
 Indies in the reign of Cha- Jaham, and attached himself to 
 the person and fortunes of Dara^ the eldest son of the 
 Emperor. He was present at all the battles fought by 
 • this young sultan, Avhich terminated in the destruction of 
 his hopes of empire, and finally in the death of that unfortu- 
 nate prince. If he is found at variance, at times, with that 
 judicious writer. Monsieur Bernier, who has given us a 
 history of the revolution which placed Aurengzebe on the 
 throne, it is because the Venetian has written his account 
 subsequent to that of the Frenchman, and has had an 
 opportunity of verifying on the spot certain events, which 
 M. Bernier has advanced on the faith of popular belief. 
 
 I have experienced another advantage, in taking M. 
 Manouchi for my guide. Notwithstanding his having 
 written in that dialect of the Portuguese Tongue, which is 
 spoken in the Indies, and which is not the most pure ; 
 although he often blends with it Italian phraseology, and 
 French turns of expression; in the stile of his narrative 
 there is an indescribable fire and elevation of the imagi- 
 nation, which sustains and aids an historian who has to 
 labour on the materials of his furnishing. It is true, that 
 I have not always rigidly followed him. I have not unfre- 
 quently assumed a privilege, which is not unjustifiable. 
 
xiv AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 when our discretion is to be exercised upon the memoirs of 
 others. I have even collected from other quarters materials 
 in aid of the brevity of the Chronicle. Sometimes it 
 is a French or an English writer, sometimes an Italian, but 
 more frequently they are Portuguese or Dutch writers, 
 whom I have consulted. I have not entirely neglected the 
 writings of travellers, but I have made a cautious use of 
 their assistance. However, after glancing at the pro- 
 ductions of others, I have always returned to the Chronicle, 
 as the basis and support of this history. I would even 
 make no difficulty of attributing the entire work to M. 
 Manouchi, and of inscribing it with his name only, if I 
 could be persuaded of his entire approbation of that acces- 
 sary matter, which I have taken from other writers, and 
 have engrafted upon his manuscript. 
 
 The Oriental Library of Mons. D'Herbelot has been 
 of great assistance to me, in explaining and amplifying 
 whatever the brevity of the Chronicle had left obscure. 
 Maffei, Tossi, Texeira, Pietro Delia Valle, Thomas Rhoe, 
 Jean de Laet, Messieurs. Bernier and Tavernier, are the 
 principal sources whence I have drawn the matter, in wliich 
 the Chronicle appeared to me to be defective. I have con- 
 sulted in Paris with persons of ability, who have long 
 resided in the Mogul States. Another, Mons. Landes, 
 (not the person of that name from whom I received the 
 Portuguese Manuscript) who has had a considerable share 
 in the work of Mons. Tavernier, has had the kindness to 
 
AUTHOR'S PREFACE. XV 
 
 communicate to me the results of his experience and 
 acquaintance with the Empire^, the history of which I have 
 written^ and in which he long resided. 
 
 The treasure, which M. Manouchi has transmitted us 
 from the Indies, is not entirely exhausted. His Manuscript 
 contains, besides, independently of the relation of his own 
 adventures, almost a complete history of the reigning 
 Emperor. In the volume which I give to the Public, I 
 have been content with placing Aurengzebe upon the 
 throne. Nevertheless, I have entitled the work, ^' A 
 General History of the Mogul Empire." May it not be 
 allowed, that the history of a nation is complete, when it 
 has been carried to the epoch of the accession of the reign- 
 ing sovereign. Should this Work find favor with the 
 Public, I shall continue the life of Aurengzebe, of which I 
 have the memoirs in a prepared state. The Public will, 
 probably, be gratified, in having presented to their view the 
 oldest sovereign in the world, with the most refined policy, 
 reforming and extending an empire, to the throne of which 
 he attained by the instrumentality of intrigue and dissi- 
 mulation. 
 
 If I should be accused of having furnished a simple 
 Abridgment of the Life and Conquests of the First Founder 
 of the Mogul Empire, my reason for taking this course, is, 
 that I might avoid giving to the Public a repetition of what 
 has been already written. Tamerlane is almost as well 
 known in France, as our heroes of Europe. I have, there- 
 fore, in tracing his history, entered into a detail only of the 
 
XVI AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 events of the life of this conqueror which are found in no 
 other place than in the Mogul Chronicle. I have confined 
 myself to a description of the exploits of Tamerlane in the 
 Indies, and the species of rule, which he established in 
 that country, after his conquests. This is a point of 
 history which had never been hitherto communicated, and 
 which has the strongest bearing on the subject of which I 
 had to treat. It will afford me pleasure, should the curiosity, 
 which is commonly inspired by the history of foreign 
 empires, occasion the one that I now introduce to the 
 Public, to be sought after as the agreeable occupation of a 
 leisure hour ; and have the effect of causing those pernicious 
 books, the reading of which has a tendency to corrupt the 
 heart, to be thrown aside. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 TAMERLANE, 
 
 FIRST EMPEROR. 
 
 PAOE. 
 
 His Birth 1 
 
 Is chosen King of the Shepherds 3 
 
 Makes War upon his neighbours 5 
 
 Seizes upon the Throne of Samarcand , 7 
 
 Tamerlane compared with Alexander 7 
 
 His first expedition to India ► 9 
 
 His Conquests in Persia.,. 9 
 
 His Conquest of Indostan 11 
 
 Establishment of the Mogul Empire 14 
 
 Defeat of Bajazet 16 
 
 Death of Tamerlane 19 
 
 MIRACHA, 
 
 SECOND EMPEROR. 
 
 Succeeds his Father in a part of his Dominions 20 
 
 Establishes the Seat of his Empire at Herat 20 
 
 Maintains the Sovereignty of his Father in Indostan .' 21 
 
 Is slain by the King of Caschar 22 
 
 ABOUCHAID, 
 
 THIRD EMPEROR. 
 
 The beginning of his Reign 23 
 
 Is driven from his Throne 23 
 
 The Throne occupied by his Brother 24 
 
 Recovers his Crown 24 
 
 Makes amends by his Valour for his former Indolence 25 
 
• • « 
 
 XVllI CONTENTS. 
 
 M PAGE. 
 
 Enters India with an Army to exact the Tributes imposed by Ta- 
 merlane 20 
 
 Takes possession of Saraarcand 30 
 
 Defeats the young Ibrahim 31 
 
 Distributes his Dominions among liis Children 33 
 
 Is defeated and beheaded bv Usum Cassam 36 
 
 S E C-0 M O R, 
 
 FOUKTH EMPEROR. 
 
 His peaceable Character 39 
 
 Reigns at Samarcand 39 
 
 His Death 40 
 
 B A B A R, 
 
 FIFTH EMPEROR. 
 
 Is driven from Samarcand by an Usbec Prince 42 
 
 Retires to Cabul 43 
 
 Resolves to establish himself in the Indies 45 
 
 Disguises himself to acquire a knowledge of the manners of the 
 
 Indians 45 
 
 Makes War upon an Indian King, and defeats him 52 
 
 Establishes Laws in Indostan, after having subjected it 54 
 
 Dies 58 
 
 AMAYUM, 
 
 SIXTH EMPEROR. 
 
 Is dethroned by a Patan Prince 60 
 
 Retires to Persia 61 
 
 Returns to India, and re-establishes himself upon the Throne 66 
 
 His Death 70 
 
 AKEBAR, 
 
 SEVENTH EMPEROR. 
 
 His birth in Persia 70 
 
 Establishes himself firmly upon the Throne , • 3 
 
CONTENTS. XiX 
 
 ,^ PAGE. 
 
 Adds the Kingdom of Guzurat to his Empire 75 
 
 Undertakes the Conquest of the Kingdom of the Decan 77 
 
 Builds the City of Agra 82 
 
 Besieges Chitor, in order to carry off the Princess Padmaiii 85 
 
 Punishes his Son Jehan Guir for his revolt 99 
 
 Causes some Jesuit Missionaries to arrive at his Coui t 104 
 
 Becomes the founder of a new Religion 119 
 
 The Missionaries leave him 121 
 
 Recalls them 121 
 
 Loses his second Son 132 
 
 His Death 131 
 
 JEHAN GUIR, 
 
 EIGHTH EMPEROR. 
 
 His partiality for the Christian Religion ] 37 
 
 His debauchery 138 
 
 Marries Nur-Mahal 113 
 
 The inlluence of the Sultaness over her Husband 145 
 
 She causes her daughter to marry into the Imperial Family 148 
 
 Mahobet-Cham makes himself Master of the Person of the Emperor 151 
 
 The eldest Son of Jehan Guir is strangled in Prison 157 
 
 The Emperor's familiar manners with his People 158 
 
 Revolt of his third Son 163 
 
 Defeat of his Son 164 
 
 Peace being established, resigns himself to the enjoyment of repose 178 
 Dies 178 
 
 CHA-JAHAM, 
 
 NINTH EMPEROR. 
 
 Seats himself upon the Throne by Intrigue 179 
 
 Condition of the Empire at his Accession 182 
 
 Makes War upon the Portuguese 185 
 
 Builds a new City 187 
 
 His love of justice, and able administration of it 192 
 
 Becomes addicted to avarice 196 
 
 Sends three of his Sons in quality of Viceroy into the Provinces 202 
 
 Character of the Princes and Princesses his Children 197 
 
 Confides to Prince Dara the exercise of his Authority 202 
 
XX CONTENTS. 
 
 PAUl;, 
 
 Aurengzebe, his third Son, governs with wisdom the Kingdom of the 
 
 Decan 204 
 
 The enterprise of Aurengzebe against the Kingdom of Golconda 207 
 
 €ha-Jaham Is attacked with a Malady 212 
 
 The second of his Sons takes up arms, to secure to himself possession 
 
 of the Empire 212 
 
 Defeat of his Son Cha-Chuia 215 
 
 Aurengzebe and Moradbax, the two younger Sons of Cha-Jaham, 
 
 confederate in order to get possession of the Throne . . . . 21G 
 
 Cha-Jaham proposes to advance in person to encounter the two Rebel 
 
 Princes 223 
 
 Sends an Army, which is defeated upon the banks of the River Ugen 224 
 
 Dara takes the Field, to give battle to his two Brothers 229 
 
 Defeat of Dara 233 
 
 Cha-Jaham is kept in Captivity by his two rebellious Sons 246 
 
 Aurengzebe and Moradbax divide between them the Revenues of the 
 
 Empire 248 
 
 Aurengzebe causes himself to be proclaimed Emperor 264 
 
 Causes his elder Brother to be beheaded 269 
 
 Obliges the second of his brothers to seek an Asylum in the Kingdom 
 
 of Arracan 272 
 
 Puts to death the youngest of his Brothers, and reigns in tranquillity 
 
 in the place of his Father 275 
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 Page 53, last line, for he established court, read established his court. 
 
 134, line 25, yor supported, >vrt(/ surmounted. 
 
 229, line 11, for where, read were. 
 
 — - 251, line 30, for made a profession, read made profession. 
 
> I » 
 
 ■> ■) 1 1 » > , 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 MOGUL DYNASTY 
 
 IN INDIA. 
 
 TAMERLANE, 
 
 FIRST EMPEROR. 
 
 His Birth. Is chosen King of the Shepherds. Makes War upon his Neigh' 
 hours. Seizes upon the Throne of Samarcand. Tamerlane compared with 
 Alexander. His first Expedition to India. His Conquests in Persia. 
 His Conquest of Indostan. Establishment of the Mogul Empire. Defeat 
 of Bajazet. Death of Tamerlane. 
 
 A. COMPLETE relation of the life and exploits of this prince, 
 born in a country which was the ultima Thule of the con- 
 quests of Alexander ; of a prince who made the ebbing tide of 
 victory to return nearly to the very land whence Alexander had 
 entered upon his career, would require a volume of unusual 
 dimensions. Tamerlank, or Timnrlenk, is a name com- 
 pounded of two Tartar words. Timur signifies iron. This 
 hero was thus called from living constantly amidst the din 
 of arms. Lenk means halting, and this prince was born 
 with a defect in one of his legs. The place of his nativity 
 was Casch, a town in a province of Tartary, known to 
 Europeans as Transoxiana, on account of its situation on 
 the other side of the river Oxus, but called at the present 
 day, Abiamu, by the Orientals. The Chronicle has signa- 
 lised the birth of this conqueror, by a fable to be found no 
 where but in its own records, and which is worthy of a 
 
 B 
 
■; !i •'■.".[ ' HISTORY OP THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 place among those tales only, with which the Asiatics never 
 fail to embellish the origin of their princes. 
 
 The mother of Tamerlane, before her marriage, ap- 
 peared suddenly pregnant. The father of the young prin- 
 cess took an alarm ; he broke out into invectives against 
 his daughter, and was on the point of avenging the dishonor 
 done to his family, by shedding the blood of his guilty 
 child, when the young princess, throwing herself at the 
 feet of her father, discovered to him the origin of an event, 
 which had caused even her own astonishment. A sunbeam 
 pierced through a cleft, which had been left in one of the 
 windows of her apartment, and winding itself around her, 
 seemed to clothe her as it were with a garment of light, 
 and affectionately to caress her. " Such," said the princess 
 to her father, " is the origin alone of that event, which has 
 so justly exasperated you." The father was convinced, 
 upon inspection, of the truth of so extraordinary a circum- 
 stance, and conjectured that a son who was indebted to the 
 earth's great luminary for his birth, would surpass all his 
 ancestors in glory. 
 
 It is probable, that a story so little worthy of belief, 
 and which seems to have been transplanted from the mother 
 of Gengiskan to the mother of Tiraur, had its origin in the 
 name borne by the father of Tamerlane. He was called 
 Targay, which signifies " the source of light," and was a 
 nobleman of distinguished reputation at the court of Hous- 
 sain, at that time sovereign of all Turquestan, and of the 
 province of Transoxiana, which was dependant upon it. 
 Tamerlane was related to the king, and was descended 
 from a Mogul stock. This word " Mogul," in its original 
 signification, is not the name of a country, or of an empire, 
 but of a family, which was almost always upon the throne 
 in the more southern regions of Tartary. From this family 
 Tamerlane derived his origin. In the person of Gengiskan, 
 
TAMERLANE. 3 
 
 his ancestors had already given to Asia one of its most 
 celebrated captains. This illustrious Mogul subjected all 
 those extensive countries, which at the present day are 
 comprehended under the name of the Two Tartaries, and 
 having carried his arms victoriously into the heart of China, 
 established in that country an empire, which was inherited 
 by his posterity. 
 
 Houssain, one of the descendants of Gengiskan, reigned 
 over the Southern Tartars at the time of the birth of Tamer- 
 lane, which happened in the year 736 of the Hegira, an- 
 swering to the year 1335 of the Christian epoch. Though 
 a scion of the royal race of the Moguls, he was educated 
 at a distance from courts and cities, and agreeably to the 
 customs of his country, was employed in his youth in taking 
 care of his father's flocks. From his earliest years he gave 
 indications of an intrepid spirit ; and the ascendancy he 
 obtained over the young shepherds of the neighbourhood, 
 evinced that he was born for command. The children of 
 the vicinity deferred to him the superiority, and elected him 
 for their judge. In the contests which took place respecting 
 the right of pasturage, they addressed themselves to Tamer- 
 lane, and his decisions were certain of execution without 
 appeal. A camel, which had strayed from its companions, 
 was found in the pastures, which the young subjects of the 
 captain elect assumed as belonging to them by the award 
 of Tamerlane. Not being able to decide whether they 
 should keep it or send it back, they enquired of their oracle, 
 young Tamerlane, who thus adjudged the case. " If the 
 camel entered your pastures from a level country, it is in- 
 cumbent upon you to let him return to the herd from which 
 he strayed; but if he came from a hilly country, and it is 
 probable he may not be able to rejoin his companions with- 
 out being exposed to be devoured by wild beasts, it will be 
 proper to retain him." Thus the most extensive monarchy 
 
 B 2 
 
4 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 ever known originated in the play of children. The young 
 shepherds grew up, and the influence acquired over them 
 by Tamerlane increased with the years of his subjects. 
 
 Some instances of sovereignty which he exercised ren- 
 dered him formidable to his followers. He was informed 
 that a wolf had carried off a sheep. Tamerlane gave di- 
 rections that the shepherd should be punished for his neg- 
 ligence. A little while afterwards, one of his subjects was 
 detected in stealing cattle : the young king had him impaled. 
 This act of justice revealed to the leader of the shepherds 
 the secret of his strength, and inspired him with the desire 
 of attempting conquests. The parents of the deceased 
 thought that Tamerlane had carried to an unjustifiable 
 extent the power delegated to him by the young shepherds, 
 and took arms against the judge and the ministers of his 
 cruelty. The inhabitants of two villages, or rather two 
 families, encamped in the neighbouring pasturages, united 
 to avenge a death, not indeed unmerited, but directed by 
 an authority they did not recognize. Tamerlane led to 
 the battle his young warriors, and by the discomfiture of 
 the two families, his followers served their first apprentice- 
 ship to victory. The report of the valour and ability of 
 Tamerlane soon rallied around him the boldest youths of 
 the country. They arrived in crowds to range themselves 
 in the number of his subjects, and they prided themselves 
 on maintaining towards him the same fidelity which would 
 be due to the most legitimate prince. 
 
 As the lands of his family were not sufficient for the 
 pasture of so many flocks, or for the extension of the liber- 
 ties of so many shepherds, it became necessary to acquire 
 new. Sultan Mahmoud was the nearest neighbour. They 
 decided to make him the first object of their attack, and 
 determined to carry the war into the heart of his country. 
 
TAMERLANE. 5 
 
 and to surprise his capital, which served as a place of 
 retreat for all the younp^ shepherds of his province. 
 
 Young shepherds, without experience in war, led by a 
 chief of years equally immature, presented themselves 
 before the city, and were soon obliged to raise the siege. 
 The army of Tamerlane w as dissipated, and he was obliged 
 to return begging his way, on foot, and without attendants. 
 In passing a village he endeavoured to procure a supply of 
 food. An old woman, who knew him, received him into 
 her cottage, and served to the prince of the shepherds some 
 hot rice, in rather a narrow dish. Tamerlane, pressed 
 with hunger, took the rice from the centre of the dish, and 
 eating with too great precipitation, burnt his mouth. The 
 old woman, laughing, addressed him thus : " Be advised, 
 my lord, from this accident to begin with the sides rather 
 than in the centre ; and that we expose ourselves to danger 
 and misfortune, by carrying war with too great eagerness 
 into the heart of a country, without having first possessed 
 ourselves of the extremities." 
 
 This was a lesson never forgotten by Tamerlane, and 
 which he constantly practised in all his subsequent expedi- 
 tions. He never left any thing behind which might incom- 
 mode him in his march, distress his retreat, or embarrass 
 him in his conquests. This check, almost the only one he 
 ever experienced, did not discourage him. His dispersed 
 adherents, who had escaped by different routes, again 
 rallied around him. They continued the same devotedness 
 to their chief, and he affected in his misfortune a greater 
 deg;r€e of haughtiness, and more severity, than prior to his 
 disgrace. The usurpation of Tamerlane extended itself by 
 degrees over the neighbouring lands ; and the king of the 
 shepherds, by constantly gaining ground, at last found him- 
 self sufficiently near the scene of his former failure, to justify 
 a second attempt. Tamerlane made himself master of the 
 
6 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 city, and by its capture beheld himself in a condition to 
 spread the terror of his arms to a distance. 
 
 The audacity of the shepherds, and of their chief, created 
 alarm at the court of Houssain, who claimed the supremacy 
 of the Canton of the Tartars, in which Tamerlane had 
 usurped a species of sovereignty. Houssain deemed it 
 requisite to put a stop, by force of arms, to the progress of 
 the young conqueror. The defeat of Mahmoud had justly 
 rendered Tamerlane an object of jealousy. Houssain was 
 persuaded, that with a small number of disciplined and 
 experienced troops, he might easily defeat a handful of raw 
 young shepherds, without experience in war. Never did 
 two armies engage upon more unequal terms, as regarded 
 the quality of their arms. The troops of the king, clothed 
 in resplendent steel, were armed with the bow and the 
 cimetar. Although the Tartars were at this time familiar 
 with the use of fire-arms, the musquet appears not to have 
 been yet applied to the purposes of war, but to have been 
 used only for field sports. On the side of Tamerlane were 
 displayed only long pikes, and a kind of javelin, used by 
 the Tartarian shepherds in defending their flocks. But, 
 on the other hand, his subjects were all in the flower of their 
 age, in that season of youth, which possesses a vigour 
 capable of maintaining a lengthened action without any 
 sense of fatigue, and a fervour of courage, which rushes 
 into danger unapprehensive of consequences. Their attach- 
 ment besides to a chief chosen for their leader from his 
 very infancy, and the confidence inspired by his late victory, 
 increased their boldness. The native sagacity of Tamerlane, 
 who seemed a warrior by inspiration, supplied the want of 
 experience. The battle was fought; the squadrons of 
 young shepherds, bristling with long pointed pikes, were 
 impenetrable. Tamerlane, who fought at the head of his 
 
TAMERLANE. 7 
 
 followers^ performed prodigies of valour. Finally, Hous- 
 sain lost both his life and his crown. 
 
 From this time Tamerlane became sensible that with 
 the cavalry he had formed, it would be easy to subdue all 
 Asia. The shepherds, his subjects, had selected from their 
 studs the most active of their horses, trained them to war, 
 and used them, while yet young, to exercise in squadrons. 
 Their skill as horsemen, and the habit of attending to the 
 cure of their horses when diseased, was in the sequel of 
 great service to these new conquerors, in the strange 
 regions whither they carried their arms. 
 
 Tamerlane, in consequence of his victory, entered 
 Samarcand without resistance. The capital of the kingdom 
 of Houssain opened its gates, and a prince of the Mogul 
 stock was beheld, without regret, on a throne, which had 
 been filled by his ancestors. Tamerlane estabUshed in this 
 city the seat of the vast empire, which he acquired by his 
 victories, and preserved by his wisdom. Samarcand be- 
 came the depot of all the wealth of Asia ; of the spoils of 
 Indostan, Persia, Syria, and Egypt ; countries which the 
 conqueror either ravaged, or brought into subjection. 
 
 The capture of Samarcand may be regarded as the 
 commencement of the reign of Tamerlane. It happened, 
 according to the Chronicle, in the year 771 of the Hegira, 
 and of the Christian era 1370, when Tamerlane was thirty- 
 five years of age. Certain it is, that the Tartarian con- 
 queror commenced his career of victory at an age when 
 Alexander had brought his to a close ; but, the Macedonian 
 monarch possessed advantages from birth to which the 
 other was a stranger. Alexander was born heir to a king- 
 dom ; Tamerlane acquired one by his ability. The first 
 inherited, the other gave himself subjects. The Macedonian 
 found disciplined phalanxes prepared for service, the Tartar 
 formed himself to discipline his squadrons. The homage 
 
8 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 and attachment of his subjects were the consequence of 
 legitimate succession in the one ; in the other, of a superior 
 mind, and that ascendancy over other men, which is the 
 gift of nature alone. Without the advantage of having had 
 an Aristotle for his preceptor, Tamerlane had all the virtues 
 without the vices of Alexander. He was temperate, chaste, 
 moderate, attached to the duties of his religion ; and, not- 
 withstanding the assertions of one of his enemies, who has 
 written his history, not too cruel for a conqueror. 
 
 The new king, continuing to pursue the plan of conquest 
 which he had traced out, began by subjecting the people in 
 the vicinity of Samarcand. The enterprising chiefs, who 
 have at different times quitted the frozen regions of the 
 north with their followers, have commonly effected an esta- 
 blishment in the more wealthy and inviting climates of the 
 Souw. It was therefore on the side of the Indies that the 
 torrent first poured its overwhelming tide. Tamerlane 
 found, on the banks of the Indies, a people of a very dif* 
 ferent faith from his own. The Tartars, of his time, were 
 in general disciples of Mahomet. He followed himself the 
 religion of Gengiskan, which had been preserved in the 
 family of the Moguls. He adored the eternal God, invi- 
 sible, infinite, and almighty, without distinction of nature 
 or persons, one only in unity. He observed the law of 
 nature, contained in eight precepts, which are nearly the 
 same with those of the Decalogue. He contemned the 
 reveries of the Alcoran, and was equally the enemy of idola- 
 ters and of Mussulmen. To the law of Jesus Christ he had 
 no aversion. The wife of Gengiskan is said to have pro- 
 fessed the Christian faith, and that she had inspired her 
 children with a respect for that religion. Thus, ambition, 
 and a zeal for the extermination of idolatry, engaged 
 Tamerlane to make war upon the Indian nations. 
 
TAMERLANE, Q 
 
 Cabul, one of the most northern of the cities of India;, 
 situated between Persia, Tartary, and the river Indus^ 
 gives its name to a kingdom called Cabulestan. The king 
 of this region, the most exposed to the incursions of 
 Tamerlane, experienced the entire shock of the firs't war^, 
 which this conquerer undertook against a foreign state. 
 Cabulestan was delivered up to pillage, was ravaged, and 
 made tributary to the Tartar. The circumstances which 
 suddenly diverted the storm, and caused it to fall upon 
 Persia are not known ; but it is certain that Tamerlane 
 without having passed the river Indus, transferred the 
 march of his victories, which had commenced their career 
 on the side of the east, to the west. 
 
 Different writers have described the progress of the 
 Tartar Prince in his conquests of Persia and Syria, The 
 capture and destruction of Herat rendered him master of 
 Korasan. The kingdom of Georgia submitted to his 
 dominion, on the reduction of the city of Nichabour. The 
 conquest of Persia was a task of greater difficulty ; Tamer- 
 lane was two years occupied in accomplishing this enterprise. 
 At last, having made himself master of Shiraz, the Persians 
 offered no further resistance, and were brought into complete 
 subjection, as much through the influence of the conciliatory 
 policy of their conqueror, as by the strength of his arms. 
 Thence he directed his victorious progress towards those 
 distant northern regions, where the sun is seen for forty 
 successive days never to dip beneath the horizon. The 
 Imans, who followed the army, dispensed the soldiers on 
 this occasion from the duty of the evening prayer; as 
 between the rising and the setting of the sun, they remarked, 
 there was no longer any visible distinction. 
 
 In this expedition Tamerlane made himself master of 
 the two Tartaries ; but the attraction of the climate, and a 
 sedition which broke out in Persia, occasioned him quickly 
 
10 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 to return to that country. Bagdat yet preserved some 
 semblance to the ancient Babylon. It was the capital of 
 a country^ of which Sultan Ben-Avis, himself a Mogul and 
 of the race of Gengiskan. had taken possession. Tamerlane 
 attacked him in his new acquisition^, drove him from Bagdat, 
 and compelled him to repass the Tigris, and to fly for 
 refuge to the Sultan of Egypt. 
 
 The Indies, the first country assailed by his arms, in 
 the meantime had been allowed to recover itself, and to 
 take measures to guard against the future attacks of its 
 ravager. The enslaved condition of the kingdom of Cabul, 
 gave all the nations which inhabited the country on the other 
 side the Indus just reason to apprehend a similar fate. 
 
 The Rajas who ruled these provinces, and had partitioned 
 among themselves the different states of this rich country, 
 had made great preparations to withstand the conqueror 
 if he should again direct his enterprises on the side of 
 India. Their fears were not without just grounds, nor 
 were their preparations void of utility. The revolt of Cabul 
 recalled from Syria the Tartar army, and diverted the whole 
 strength of the conqueror to the side of Indostan, who 
 availed himself of the opportunity now afforded him, to 
 complete the subjection of a country, in which his posterity 
 still reign, and where by the establishment of the Mogul 
 Empire, the name of his family will be perpetuated. 
 
 The return of Tamerlane to India is noted in the Chro- 
 nicle for the year 800 of the Hegira, or 1399 of the Christian 
 era. Tamerlane was then sixty-four years of age. It is 
 this epoch to which the origin of the Empire, whose history 
 is about to be recorded, ought to be ascribed. 
 
 The destruction of Cabul only served as a means of 
 enabling Tamerlane to penetrate to the centre of those 
 beautiful regions, still known as Indostan, but which are 
 gradually losing that distinctive appellation, and will pro- 
 
TAMERLANE. 11 
 
 bably be known in a short time no longer under any other 
 than that of Mogulstan, or the States of the Mogul. These 
 regions, situated between the Indus and the Ganges, are 
 watered by an infinite number of rivers and canals, which 
 nature or art have formed for the transport of the immense 
 riches collected on their bosom. 
 
 The Indus on their western side, flows from north to 
 south, and discharges itself into the Indian Ocean. The 
 Ganges having its source from the north in nearly as high 
 a latitude as the Indus, enters the Gulph of Bengal on the 
 south. All the country included between these two rivers was 
 subdued by Tamerlane. This hero found in India a braver 
 and more obstinate resistance than in all the rest of Asia. 
 A new Porus obliged the new Alexander to encounter in the 
 same regions dangers worthy of his great mind. Rana was 
 an idolatrous Prince, whose country was situated nearly 
 in the centre of Indostan. Tamerlane addressed to him 
 one of those menacing letters, an expedient, by which he 
 had often succeeded in effecting the submission of kingdoms 
 and provinces, without being obliged to have recourse to 
 the shedding of blood. He threatened him with his vengeance 
 unless he acknowledged himself his tributary and his vassal. 
 The young prince treated the threats of the Tartar with 
 contempt, and replied only by marching to attack him at 
 the head of a formidable army. This army was more 
 numerous than that of Tamerlane, the troops of Rana being 
 entirely composed of those Rajepoot soldiers who are 
 esteemed in India as almost invincible. 
 
 All Indostan seemed to have taken arms to combat with 
 Tamerlane. The cavalry in the army of Rana was computed 
 to number more than one hundred thousand horsemen. Ta- 
 merlane at the utmost had only twelve thousand horse, but 
 the Tartars whom he led to the fight were experienced troops, 
 and the confidence they reposed in their chief, joined to their 
 
12 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 familiarity witli victory, elevated their liopes. When the two 
 armies came in sight, the principal Tartar chiefs, alarmed 
 at the multitude of their enemies, began to think of retiring. 
 Have we not already, they said to one another, served long 
 enough this rash cripple, to whom the late combat has 
 added to his lameness the privation of a hand. Is Tamerlane 
 not satisfied that our bodies should be starred and mutilated 
 like his own ; does he also desire that we should sacrifice 
 our lives in a climate so opposite to that of our native 
 regions ; a climate in which the intolerable heat will destroy 
 all who may escape the poisoned arrows of the Indians. 
 Language so seditious repeated through all the ranks 
 of the army, had made the Tartars resolve to abandon 
 India, and leave Rana in unmolested possession of his 
 power and independence, Tamerlane, during these tumul- 
 tuary proceedings, was reposing in his tent, undisturbed 
 by any fears, confiding in the valour and experience of 
 his soldiers, and not at all alarmed at the multitude of 
 his enemies ; when he was apprised of the design enter- 
 tained by his troops of renouncing the enterprise of the 
 Indies. As he had not been used to appease seditions, and 
 perhaps doubted himself of his ability to succeed in a 
 conflict against an innumerable host, supported only by a 
 small number of intimidated soldiers, he thought only of 
 retreating. The tents were already furled, and the baggage 
 had began to move, when a muleteer of the army presented 
 himself to the king, and prostrating himself before him, 
 thus addressed him — " Wj have beheld you, my lord, 
 hitherto victorious over all the kings who entered the lists 
 against you, and give laws to Persia and to Syria. After 
 having subjected the country which gave you birth, you 
 have chosen, among the vanquished, the means of extending 
 your power over the rest of the universe — The Tartars 
 have hitherto been fearless of their enemies, having you for 
 
TAAIEP.LANE. M 
 
 ilieir leader, and now the chief himself sanctions the 
 timidity of his soldiers. — Go on, continue to fly before a 
 tumultuary army of badly armed and undisciplined Indians. 
 You may peradventure escape with your life, but the 
 profit and the glory of the conquests which awaited you will 
 be lost for ever." These words, pronounced with an air of 
 enthusiasm, by a man employed in the meanest duties of the 
 army, seemed to have the character of inspiration. Each 
 regarded the other, and sought in the countenance of his 
 comrade a disavowal of their common fears. Tamerlane, 
 who perhaps had himself instructed the muleteer to play 
 his part in this scene, availed himself of the conjuncture to 
 restore confidence to his troops. — The order of battle was 
 formed, they presented themselves before the enemy, and 
 the following stratagem was made use of by Tamerlane, 
 that he might engage, with less danger, an army, whose 
 numbers threatened to invelope him on every side. He 
 placed in his rear a defile, where it v/as impossible to form 
 an extended front, and stationed some of his best troops at 
 the entrance. Feigning terror, as soon as the enemy com- 
 menced the assault, his Tartars took to flight. The cavalry, 
 with a swiftness of which the Tartarian horse alone are 
 capable, sheltered itself in the rear of a mountain, where it 
 lay concealed from the enemy. The Indians pursued the 
 fugitives at full speed, and passed the defile, where their 
 first squadrons experienced little resistance. As soon as 
 one half of their army had gained the plain, the enemy who 
 had fled turned about, and attacking the Indian cavalry, 
 whose horses were exhausted in the pursuit, with their 
 cimetars, made a most dreadful havoc of the foe. This 
 victory made Tamerlane master of Indostan. Rana was 
 obliged to accept peace upon the best terms he could obtain 
 from the conqueror. The Indian was compelled to pay 
 every year a heavy tribute. Tartar governors were placed 
 
14 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 in the principal fortresses of Indostan, and especially at 
 Delhi, the metropolis of India, which then acknowledged 
 for its sovereign a Patan prince, in religion a Mahometan. 
 From this time, the Rajas adopted a policy, which they 
 have ever since maintained with unwearied consistency ; 
 never attacking their adversaries, but contented with acting 
 on the defensive, they defend their possessions with obstinate 
 perseverance against the encroachments of the Mahometans. 
 Tamerlane returned victorious to Samarcand, laden with 
 the spoils of India, having laid the foundation of an empire, 
 which of all his conquests, has alone remained subject to 
 his posterity. 
 
 The remainder of the exploits of Tamerlane have no 
 further connexion with this history, than as they may serve 
 to exhibit a true picture of thefounder of the Mogul dynasty. 
 Ambition would not allow the conqueror to enjoy in repose 
 the fruit of his enterprise. At an age when the decay of bodily 
 vigour ordinarily entails a relaxation of the energies of the 
 mind, Tamerlane went forth from Samarcand in all the 
 strength and vivacity of youth. Sultan Ben-avis was the 
 first victim of his resentment. This Mogul, whom Tamer- 
 lane had formerly vanquished and driven from Bagdat, had 
 been able to re-establish himself in his dominions, by the 
 assistance he had received from Egypt. He even extended 
 his incursions into Persian Irae, the government of which 
 Tamerlane had conferred on his son Miracha. This was 
 provocation sufficient to make the conqueror resolve on 
 exacting reparation from a prince whom he had formerly 
 vanquished. Sultan Ben-Avis was driven from Persia, and 
 obliged to take refuge in Natolia, at the court of Bajazet. 
 Tamerlane, after making himself master of Damascus, took 
 and pillaged Bagdat. On every side he spread terror, 
 wherever he appeared nations submitted to him. The 
 Sultan of Egypt himself, who had been the first to protect 
 
TAMERLANE. 15 
 
 Ben-Avis, respected the power of Tamerlane, and com- 
 manded prayers to be put up for this conqueror in all the 
 mosques of Egypt. 
 
 Bajazet alone had not as yet experienced the valour of 
 the Tartar, and seemed to defy him. He had even dared to 
 commit spoil on some princes of Caramania who were 
 allies of Tamerlane. The reputation of Bajazet increased 
 every day with his conquests. — The defeat of Sigismond, 
 king of Hungary, and of the duke of Nevers accompanied 
 by the flower of the nobility of France, near Nicopolis, in 
 Bulgaria, had emboldened the Ottoman to attempt the siege 
 of Constantinople. He had already compelled the Emperor 
 Emanuel to cede to the Mahometans a suburb of the city ; 
 to allow mosques to be erected there, as well as the residence 
 of a Mussulman judge ; and finally, he succeeded in obtaining 
 a recognition, by the Sultan of Egypt, of the title he had 
 assumed of Sultan of Roum, or of the Greek and Roman 
 empire. These magnificent titles, especially that of Dderim 
 or the Thunderbolt, assumed by Bajazet ; the recent victories 
 and audacity of this prince, as well as compassion for the 
 Emperor Emanuel^ drew upon the Ottoman all the vengeance 
 of Tamerlane. The Tartar could not endure a rival con- 
 queror in Asia. He therefore turned his arms against 
 Bajazet, and marched to combat a Mussulman, whose sect 
 he hated, in aid of a Christian prince^ whose religion he 
 respected. 
 
 The whole Tartar army marched with the greatest 
 alacrity against Bajazet^ and already viewed the spoil of 
 this Sultan as the richest booty, which they ever conveyed 
 within the walls of Samarcand. Tamerlane alone during 
 the march appeared silent and thoughtful. Some attributed 
 his apparent melancholy to the temperament induced by 
 advanced years, which is disposed to irratibility and over 
 anxiety; others imputed it to his apprehensions for the 
 
16 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 result of an enterprise^ undertaken against a prince covered 
 with laurels; and against troops accustomed to victory. 
 One of his captains took the liberty to ask Tamerlane, in a 
 circle of his principal officers^, the cause of this apparent 
 disquietude. — ^' If I appear thoughtful/' he replied, " it is 
 through a state of indecision in vi^hich I am placed, from which 
 it will be difficult for you to emancipate me — I am reflecting 
 whether I shall be able to find among j^ou, a man of sufficient 
 capacity to support the \y eight of the diadem to the conquest 
 of which we are marching, and of sustaining with dignity 
 the vacant throne ofBajazet.'' A reply so full of confidence 
 gave renewed courage to the Tartars. Some cities were 
 secured by way of protecting their retreat in the event of 
 a check ; and the two armies met in that fine plain which 
 extends between Ancyra and Mount Stella, the very spot 
 where Pompey formerly defeated Mithridates. 
 
 Tamerlane had forseen that the Mussulmen would have 
 the advantage in a close combat, the sabre being as for- 
 midable a weapon in the hands of the Ottomans, as was 
 the bow in those of the Tartars ; and that by engaging at 
 a certain distance without allowing the enemy to approach 
 too near, a greater carnage would be made of their anta- 
 gonists, while his own troops would be less exposed to 
 suffer. He had, therefore, directed his followers to approach 
 within bowshot only of the Mussulman squadrons, and to 
 take to flight immediately after discharging their arrows, 
 that they might return to the charge when they had refitted 
 their bows. In effect, the first attack of the Tartars was 
 lively and terrible. The air was darkened with arrows, 
 and the earth in an instant strewed with dead bodies. The 
 Ottomans pursued the Tartars with the sabre, and whenever 
 they were able to come in contact with a squadron, they 
 were sure to throw it into disorder ; with the force of their 
 blows penetrating and dispersing it : but a shower of 
 
TAMERLANE. 17 
 
 arrows would again fall upon the Ottomans, and enable the 
 Tartars to recover the ground they had lost. The chiefs 
 in the meanwhile^ gave their orders with all the ability which 
 was peculiar to the two greatest captains in Asia. Bajazet 
 fought in the manner of the Romans, Tamerlane after the 
 fashion of the Parthians. 
 
 Victory remained for a long time suspended between 
 the two armies ; it declared at last in favor of Tamerlane. 
 A body of Tartar auxiliaries, which Bajazet had taken into 
 his service, and had joined his army by the way of Russia, 
 began to murmur at being obliged to fight against their 
 countrymen, and at the prospect of the victory being 
 snatciied fr<>m the greatest man their nation could ever 
 boast — they deserted Bajazet and went over to Tamerlane. 
 Victory then no longer hesitated; complete disorder took 
 possession of the Ottoman army. The Tartar cavalry 
 attacked the flying enemy with the sabre, a weapon of 
 which they had made no use in the heat of the action. A 
 long pursuit took place. Bajazet was unable to escape 
 the fleetness of the Tartar horse, and fell into the hands of 
 the conqueror. The Ottoman experienced in his misfortunes 
 the kindness and humanity of the Tartar. Tamerlane never 
 exulted over his fallen foe. Every day a tent was ordered 
 to be set up for his accommodation immediately adjacent 
 to that of Tamerlane, who entertained him at his own table, 
 treating him with the greatest distinction, and procuring 
 him every diversion calculated to sooth his mind, and make 
 him forget his disgrace. Such a deportment towards him 
 by no means agrees with the story of the iron cage, in which 
 Bajazet is reported to have been exposed by the order of 
 Tamerlane. It is an ornament, of which I would not 
 willingly deprive history, if I believed there were just 
 grounds for giving credence to it ; but as some of the best 
 historians make no mention of it, and the Mogul Chronicle 
 
 c 
 
18 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 is altogether silent concerning it;, I am induced to believe 
 the story of the cage an agreeable fiction invented by the 
 GreekS;, who were the enemies of Bajazet. It would seem, 
 that they had a pleasure in representing the captivity of this 
 unfortunate prince as attended with circumstances the most 
 gratifying to their vindictive feelings. 
 
 The death of Bajazet, who, according to the Chronicle, 
 took poison, either through disgust of life, or from the appre- 
 hension of being exposed in triumph by his conqueror, was 
 quickly succeeded by that of Tamerlane. The Mogul 
 Chronicle varies in the account it gives of the circumstances 
 from that given by the different historians of Europe. I 
 do not pretend to pronounce whether it is more or less 
 meeting credence than theirs ; it is at least a contrariety 
 in history with which the reader ought to be made acquainted. 
 It is no longer then at Otrar, at the moment he was on the 
 point of leading his army against Kathay and China, that 
 Tamerlane expired, neither is it at Samarcand, surrounded 
 by his family. It is in India, and at Cabul, when preparing 
 to penetrate into Indostan, and push his conquests in that 
 vast empire to the shores of the ocean. 
 
 '^ Tamerlane," says the Chronicle, " had forbidden on 
 pain of death, those sanguinary combats of squadron against 
 squadron, an exercise to which his bravest soldiers had 
 been accustomed. It was a point of discipline, which he had 
 so much the more at heart, as his army suffered greater loss 
 by this species of mock engagements^ than they did through 
 disease, or in conflicts with the enemy. In spite of this prohibi- 
 tion, Miracha, third son of Tamerlane, disobeyed the injunc- 
 tions of his father and his commander. He put himself at the 
 head of a troop of Tartars, and engaged another troop with so 
 much fury, that a small number only on both sides survived 
 the combat. This act of disobedience irritated Tamerlane 
 to such a degree, that he became incapable of consolation. 
 
TAMERLANE. 19 
 
 Twice he gave orders that his son should be put to death, 
 and as often repented, and retracted the order. Distracted 
 between his zeal for discipline, and his paternal affection 
 for Miracha ; these two passions so preyed upon his mind, 
 that he fell sick. His great age, mortification, anxiety of 
 mind, a fever, and the heat of the climate, all contributed to 
 make his case desperate. It was then that he excluded 
 every one from his presence with the exception of an Iman> 
 who was well acquainted with his sentiments upon matters 
 of faith. He was exhorted according to the principles of 
 Deism, a fatal poison, which corrupts the hearts of all the 
 princes of Asia. He was affected by the exhortations of the 
 Mahometan doctor. Full of confidence in the mercy of 
 God, and of fear of his justice, he expired at the age of 
 sixty-six years, in confessing the unity of one God. A 
 prince unhappy in having believed that he could attain to 
 God without the mediation of Jesus Christ, who is the only 
 way and the life. It becomes us to adore the decrees of 
 Heaven in regard to a hero, who knew the Christian religion;* 
 who loved it, who always protected it, but who never pro- 
 fessed it. The Mogul Chronicle assigns to him only six 
 years, nine months, and twenty-two days of reign ; doubtless, 
 computing the term of its duration from the date of his last 
 conquests in Indostan. Tamerlane died in the year of the 
 Hegira 806, and of the Christian era, 1405. He was, it 
 is said, buried at CabuL 
 
 c 2 
 
20 
 
 M I R A C H A, 
 
 SECOND EMPEROR. 
 
 Succeeds his Father in a part of his dominions. Establishes the seat of his 
 Empire at Herat, Maintains the Sovereignty of his Father in Inodstan. 
 Is Slain by the King of Cascar. 
 
 ifjLlRACHA, who was the cause of the death of Tamer- 
 lane, his father, succeeded him in the empire of India. 
 In the distribution of the kingdoms made by the conqueror 
 to his children, Persian Irac, Cabulestan, and India fell to 
 the lot of Miracha. It often happens that the sons of a 
 powerful monarch are indolent in their dispositions, and 
 devoted to sensual pleasures, and that the heirs of a con- 
 queror become in their turn the prey to some more enterprising 
 adventurer. This was not strictly true as it respected 
 Miracha. If he did not improve the conquests made by 
 his father, or indeed preserve entire the inheritance he 
 derived from him, it was less the consequence of a degene- 
 racy in valour than through an abandonment of fortune, which 
 seemed weary of having so long and so constantly favoured 
 his father. In the lifetime of Tamerlane, Miracha, who had 
 the government of Persia, was almost always at war, and 
 for the most part unfortunately. Sultan Ben- Avis was very 
 near forcing him to take refuge in Tartary ; had not the 
 father arrived to the assistance of the son, this fine portion 
 of the conquests of Tamerlane would have been irrecoverably 
 lost. 
 
 After the death of Tamerlane, Miracha made choice for 
 his residence of eastern Persia, in preference to India; this 
 country being situated in a more temperate climate than 
 Indostan. In fixing his ordinary residence at Herat, he 
 
MIRACHA. 21 
 
 placed himself in the centre of his states. The power, 
 besides, of the Moguls was not yet sufficiently strong in the 
 Indies, to justify hazarding the establishment of his court 
 in that country. Tamerlane had indeed possessed himself 
 of the strongest fortresses of Indostan, had placed in them 
 trusty governors, and exacted heavy tribute from all the 
 Rajas ; but his authority was maintained in India by the 
 terror of his name alone. Miracha, who was less feared 
 than his father, had great difficulty in levying at Cabul, and 
 throughout Indostan, the tributes which Tamerlane had 
 imposed on those countries. He shewed himself every 
 year at the head of a formidable army, with the view of 
 overawing the Indians, and enforcing payment of the tributes ; 
 maintaining by these means an appearance of sovereignty 
 and dominion. 
 
 All the Rajas were not equally submissive to the son of 
 their vanquisher. The king of Cascar took arms against 
 Miracha, and the evil genius which constantly persecuted 
 the son of Tamerlane, delivered him into the hands of the 
 Indian king. He w as made prisoner in a combat ; but the 
 conqueror made a generous use of his victory. He restored 
 his captive to liberty on the sole condition of the kingdom 
 of Cascar being for the future exempted from tribute. 
 Miracha, who had as often as seven times experienced 
 fortune adverse to his arms in his wars with this prince, was 
 at last so fortunate as to defeat and take him prisoner in 
 his turn. The Tartar proved that he had less humanity 
 and generosity than the Indian. So far from giving liberty 
 to his prisoner, with the greatness of soul and disinterested- 
 ness which had been displayed towards himself; on the 
 contrary, he kept him prisoner, and put out his eyes. 
 
 Ingratitude of so deep a dye was punished by the very 
 individual who had been the subject of it. The Raja, 
 notwithstanding the deprivation of his sight, was able to 
 
22 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 destroy Miracha by transfixing his breast with a poisoned 
 arrow. — He made use of the follow^ing artifice. 
 
 The Tartars have always had the reputation of being 
 superior in archery and in darting the javelin, to all other 
 nations. The Tartar soldiery were daily accustomed to 
 the exercise of shooting at a mark. Miracha himself excelled 
 in this kind of diversion, and as he fancied himself unrivalled^ 
 he w^as astonished to learn that the Raja of Cascar^, blind 
 as he was, could hit a mark with the greatest precision, 
 provided he heard a sound to proceed from the spot, at 
 which it was necessary to take aim. The story, of this 
 surprising skill of the Raja, appeared to the king quite 
 fabulous. He therefore commanded that his prisoner should 
 be brought into his presence, being surrounded at the time 
 by all the officers of his court. A bow and an'ows were 
 placed in his hands, and he was ordered to suspend drawing 
 the bow till the word commanding him to do so should be 
 given. The Raja assuming in his misfortunes an air of 
 haughtiness which became him; ^'^ I shall not obey,'' he 
 said, " in this place, any one but my conqueror; no other 
 person has a right to command me. As soon as I hear the 
 king's voice commanding me to let fly the arrow, I shall obey 
 his mandate." Having thus spoken, he placed himself in an 
 attitude to obey the prince, as soon as he should give the 
 word. Miracha then raising his voice, ordered him to let 
 fly the arrow at the spot whence his voice proceeded. At 
 these words, the Raja obeyed; the bow was drawn, and 
 the arrow entered the body of Miracha. He was carried 
 oft' expiring, and the Raja was hewn in pieces by Miracha's 
 guards. The king of Cascar, in relinquishing a painful 
 existence, had at least the barbarous consolation of having 
 punished an ingrate. Miracha died in the year of the 
 Hegira 852, and of the Christian era 1451. He reigned 
 forty-six years, and left the kingdom to his son Abouchaid. 
 
23 
 
 ABOUCHAID, 
 
 THIRD EMPEROR. 
 
 Th^ beginning of his reign. Is driven from his Throne. The Throne occupied 
 by his Brother. Recovers his Crown. Makes amends by his Valour for his 
 former Indolence. Enters India with an Army to exact the Tribtdes imposed 
 by Tamerlane. Takes possession of Samareand. Defeats the young Ibrahim. 
 Distributes his Dominions among his Children. Is defeated and beheaded 
 by Usum Cassan, 
 
 jL AMERLANE had acquired the esteem of his subjects 
 by his superior meritj and Miracha gained their affection 
 by the mildness of a government which cultivated the arts 
 of peace, Abouchaid, in the first years of his reign, was 
 alike wanting in merit and humanity. He passed at Herat 
 a life of slothful ease in the pleasures of the haram, and 
 appeared to be of a disposition equally remote from the 
 clemency of his father, and the valour of his grandfather. 
 He held no further correspondence with his people than 
 such as served to answer the purposes of extortion, and the 
 indulgence of his cruelty. This conduct made him detested, 
 and his apparent want of talent inspired his subjects with 
 a contempt for him. They resolved to be delivered from 
 the tyrant and to put him to death. Abouchaid was not 
 ignorant of the designs which were plotting against him. 
 Sensible of his inability to escape from the fury of the 
 people, or the treason of the nobles, he embraced a design 
 worthy of his inclinations. He put on the habit of a 
 Faquir, a class of religious penitents, who live on alms, 
 and go from town to town, imposing on the credulity of 
 the people by an appearance of austerity. Abouchaid thus 
 disguised went from province to province, attended by two 
 confidants only^ who were the companions of his wander- 
 ings* 
 
24 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 The people in the mean while placed on the throne, in the 
 room of Abouchaid, one of his brothers, flattering them- 
 selves with the hopes of better treatment from a king who 
 owed his crown to their choice. They found however to 
 their cost, that the second son of Miracha was of a dispo- 
 sition yet more barbarous than the elder. The new king, 
 in the severities he exercised upon his subjects, did not 
 judge it requisite to excuse his conduct with a colour of 
 administering justice. The blood of his subjects flowed, 
 from the dictates of an arbitrary will and a nat*irally san- 
 guinary disposition. All ranks were equally persecuted ; 
 the rich and the poor, nobles and slaves, were put to death 
 amidst excruciating torments. 
 
 So many cruelties made the people regret the loss of 
 Abouchaid, the younger brother having become a greater 
 object of their detestation than ever the elder had been, not- 
 withstanding their former experience of his natural ferocity. 
 A search was made for the fugitive monarch, and a conspi- 
 racy was entered into, to reinstate him on the throne from 
 which he had been driven. So much diligence was used, 
 that he was at last discovered among the prodigious 
 multitude of Faquirs, who Avander from place to place in 
 India. Abouchaid resumed the crown, and after his new 
 elevation, applied himself seriously to render himself 
 worthy of it. He had been taught by adversity the use of 
 moderation in his good fortune. 
 
 The beginning of the new reign was as agreeable to the 
 people as the government which it supplanted had been 
 intolerable. Abouchaid treated with indulgence those who 
 had forced him into exile. My people, he said, are suf- 
 ficiently punished for their revolt by the persecution they 
 suffered from the tyrant they had chosen to rule them. 
 The only cruelty he exercised was upon his brother, who 
 had usurped his power, whom he ordered to be beheaded. 
 
ABOUCHAID. 25 
 
 By this act he revenged his own injuries^, as well as those 
 of his subjects, who had suffered by the cruelties and 
 usurpation of the tyrant. It is from the example of 
 Abouchaid that the Mogul Emperors derived the practice 
 of massacreing their brothers ; we shall find in the sequel 
 of this history but too many instances of such melancholy 
 catastrophes. 
 
 Abouchaid repaired his passed indolence, and the recent 
 crime of the murder of his brother, by a conduct full of 
 valour. Ulubeg, his cousin-german, also a grandson of 
 Tamerlane, was but an indifferent father. Through jealousy 
 of the preference given by Ulubeg to his younger brother, 
 his eldest son, Abdalatif, had 'quitted Samarcand. This 
 Ulubeg reigned in Southern Tartary, having succeeded 
 his father Schahrokh. In the division of the empire of 
 Tamerlane, the provinces on the other side of the Oxus 
 had fallen to the lot of this eldest son of the conqueror, to 
 whom Ulubeg was indebted for his birth. Abdalatif, after 
 having taken arms against his father, had retired to Herat, 
 and placed himself under the protection of Abouchaid. 
 The opportunity which this circumstance afforded Abouchaid 
 of quitting thtit state of inaction in which he had so long 
 languished, and of recovering the esteem of his people by 
 acts of valour, was not neglected by him. He furnished 
 aid to Abdalatif, and placed himself at the head of an army, 
 with which he marched in person to Samarcand, carrying 
 war into the country from which he derived his origin, 
 against the head of his family. Ulubeg was at this time 
 occupied at a distance from Samarcand, in a war with some 
 of the neighbouring states. Abdalaziz, the brother of 
 Abdalatif, and the object of his jealousy, commanded in 
 the city in the absence of his father. The young Tartar 
 made a defence worthy of a descendant of Tamerlane. 
 Princes of the Mogul blood were then beheld armed against 
 
26 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 each other, contending for glory and their private interests. 
 Abdalatif, the eldest son of Ulubeg, was indignant at the 
 preference his father gave to his younger brother. Abou- 
 chaid, eager to efface by the glory of his arms the sharne 
 of his past inactivity, maintained the rights of an elder 
 brother, whose just claims it was sought to frustrate. 
 Abdalaziz combated at the same time for his country, the 
 rights of his father, and a kingdom which he hoped to 
 inherit, to the exclusion of his elder brother. The siege 
 was long and bloody ; but in the end, Abouchaid made 
 himself master of Samarcand ; placed the presumptive heir 
 upon a throne, which would have been lawfully his after the 
 death of his father, and returned to Herat covered with 
 laurels. Abdalatif pushed too far the advantages which 
 the taking of Samarcand had given him over his father. 
 He marched against Ulubeg, engaged him in battle near 
 Balk, gave him a total defeat, and deprived of life him 
 to whom he was indebted for it. This unfortunate prince 
 enjoyed but a short time the fruit of his crime ; he perished 
 after a reign of a few months ; Abdalaziz having been put 
 to death by him, the kingdom of Samarcand was inherited 
 by his third brother, Abdalla. 
 
 Abouchaid, in the mean time, enjoyed quietly at Herat 
 the reputation he had acquired by the capture of Samar- 
 cand. Full of the confidence which victory inspires, he 
 imagined, that by shewing himself in the Indies like his 
 predecessors at the head of a gallant army, he should be 
 able to levy the tributes which Tamerlane had imposed on 
 the Rajas. He found the authority of the Moguls greatly 
 enfeebled in Indostan. The contempt which he had drawn 
 upon himself at Herat, during the first years of his reign, 
 had spread to India. The Tartar governors, whom his 
 predecessors had appointed over the principal fortresses of 
 Indostan, had almost all thrown off their allegiance, and 
 
ABOUCHAID. 27 
 
 erected themselves into so many petty sovereigns. Abou- 
 chaid repressed their insolence on his arrival, exacted from 
 the idolatrous Rajas the tributes which were his due, and 
 succeeded in re-establishing in India a dominion equal ta 
 that of his predecessors. 
 
 A great change had apparently taken place in the cha- 
 racter of Abouchaid, and the virtues he now displayed 
 seemed to have supplanted the vices which disgraced his 
 early years. His natural disposition, nevertheless, remained 
 the same, as was at times but too apparent. His two 
 associates, who had attached themselves to his fortunes^, 
 and had followed him in the habit of Faquirs, trusted to 
 experience a return of gratitude proportioned to their 
 services, and their fidelity. They presented themselves to 
 their sovereign, at a moment when he was distributing in 
 the Indies the governments of which he had deprived many 
 of his Tartar officers, whose fidelity he suspected; and 
 solicited employment as a reward for the proofs they had 
 given of attachment to their master. Nothing could be 
 more equitable than to confer on affectionate servants 
 those benefits which had been forfeited by rebels. But 
 the ungrateful Abouchaid spurned the persons who had 
 made him their debtor by their services. He commanded 
 them to leave his presence, and release him from a sight 
 which was offensive to him. They did not however take 
 their departure without a remonstrance. " By what means 
 have we offended you, my lord ?" resumed the two ancient 
 servants of the monarch : " we attached ourselves to your 
 fortunes at a season when they were the most adverse to you; 
 we were the companions of your wanderings, we assisted 
 you with our counsel, and we have partaken with you the 
 severities of an austere and laborious ministry." It is for 
 that very cause, replied Abouchaid, with a manifestation 
 of rage which terrified the two applicants ; it is because 
 
28 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 your claims upon my gratitude are greater than I can ever 
 repay. It is a reflection I can never bear, that I have sub- 
 jects to whom I am so deeply indebted ; and your presence 
 only serves to accuse me, without ceasing, of the crime of 
 ingratitude. Begone for ever from my presence ; never 
 shall your names be enrolled among those of the ofiicers of 
 my crown. 
 
 This record of ingratitude on the part of Abouchaid has 
 become proverbial among the Moguls ; M. Manouchi had 
 seen it in the Mogul Chronicle, but he received one day a 
 confirmation of it from one of the officers of the sultaness, 
 the mother of Aurengzebe, when M. Manouchi was express- 
 ing his surprise at the little generosity of the princes 
 whom he served in his capacity of their physician. Such, 
 the officer replied, is the character of the Moguls ; they 
 bestow upon you a thousand caresses when they have 
 occasion for your services, and give as many proofs of 
 ingratitude, when they are no longer wanted. They are 
 indeed the true heirs of Abouchaid. 
 
 The king did not resign himself to his pleasures, or to 
 the enjoyment of repose, upon his return from his expe- 
 dition into India. He had already experienced too severely 
 the dangerous results of a life of indolence, to be disposed 
 to resign himself to the enervating delights of his haram. 
 The possession of Samarcand was the immediate object of 
 his ambition, to which he had paved the way by his first 
 successes, and to which point he now purposed to conduct 
 a new army. Abdalla still reigned in that capital, and 
 filled a throne for which his two elder brothers had long 
 contended. The Chronicle does not explain the motives 
 which influenced Abouchaid to make war upon a prince of 
 his blood. The grandsons of Tamerlane, doubtless, resembled 
 their progenitor, and had few scruples in regard to the 
 equity of their enterprises, provided they were successful. 
 
ABOUCHAID. 29 
 
 Uzbec-Khan, who afterwards gave his name to a Tartar 
 dynasty, known at the present day as that of the Uzbecs, 
 was grandson of the famous Houssain, whom Tamerlane 
 in his early years had deprived both of life and empire. 
 This prince governed at this time a very small kingdom in 
 Western Tartary, on the banks of the Caspian Sea. 
 Abouchaid formed an alliance with the successor of Hous- 
 sain, that he might be able to wrest, with his assistance, 
 the sceptre from a Mogul prince, his near relation. Sarnar- 
 cand was then besieged a second time, but Uzbec-Khan 
 and Abouchaid were repulsed with loss. The first retired 
 into Bokhara, where he passed the winter, and the other 
 took up his quarters in the neighbourhood of Samarcand, 
 till the return of spring. On the opening of the campaign, 
 Abouchaid on one side, and Uzbec-Khan on the other, 
 advanced again to Samarcand. Abdalla did not judge it 
 proper to wait for the enemy in his capital, as the pre- 
 ceding year." He took the field, and marched with his 
 troops to encounter the two confederate monarchs. The 
 combat was sanguinary on both sides : Tartars were seen 
 fighting against Tartars, and the descendants of Tamerlane 
 armed for their mutual destruction. Abouchaid, who com- 
 manded the wing of his army opposed to that in which 
 Abdalla fought, Avas at first routed, but that illustrious 
 chief Uzbec-Khan, whose name has been perpetuated by 
 his victories, and by the great empire of which he w as the 
 founder, fell with so much impetuosity upon Abdalla, that 
 he lost both the victory and his life. Samarcand received 
 the two conquerors, and the hihabitants of that great city 
 beheld within their walls the grandsons of two kings, who 
 had both reigned over them. Uzbec-Khan represented the 
 rights of Houssain, who had been di'iven from the throne 
 by Tamerlane ; and Abouchaid had on his side the rights 
 of Tamerlane, whose descendants had reigned over them 
 
30 HISTORY OP THE MOGUt DYNASTY. 
 
 from the days of Houssaiii. Abouchaid, apprehensive lest 
 the people of Samarcand might hesitate in their choice of 
 a ruler between him and Uzbec-Khan, made use of a 
 stratagem to get himself acknowledged as sole master. 
 Causing his army to march in by the eastern gate^, he 
 hastened in a disguised habit to the western gate, by which 
 the troops of Uzbec-Khan were to be introduced, and 
 ordered it to be shut against his allies ; making a merit 
 afterwards of suffering their chief, who had imprudently 
 entered the city before his army, to retire and rejoin his 
 troops. Thus Abouchaid remained in sole possession of 
 the famous capital, to which Tamerlane brought every year 
 the spoils of the nations he had subdued. 
 
 Whilst Abouchaid was occupied in the conquest of 
 Samarcand, and in establishing his authority in that city, 
 he was dispossessed of his own capital, the city of Herat. 
 Ibrahim Mirza, a young prince of great beauty, had in- 
 spired a princess of the Mogul race, whom Abouchaid had 
 compelled to reside in his haram in a state of celibacy, with 
 a passion for him. Some authors pretend she was the 
 sister, others the cousin of Abouchaid. The princess, who, 
 in the absence of the king, found herself under less restraint 
 than usual, procured Ibrahim easy access to the haram, 
 gained him the affection of the eunuchs, and caused him to 
 be proclaimed king in Herat. The new sultan was the son 
 of Alaeddoulet, who possessed the sovereignty of some pro- 
 vinces in the vicinity of Persian Irac. Having obtained 
 assistance from his father, and persuaded the people of 
 Korasan, of which Herat was the capital, to revolt, he made 
 preparations to maintain possession, by force of arms, of a 
 crown which he had received from the hands of his princess. 
 He trusted that he should be able to oppose, with success, 
 the army of Abouchaid on its return from Samarcand; and 
 waited for the king in a camp, well supplied with provisionsf. 
 
ABOUCHAID. 31 
 
 resolved to give him battle before he could reach Herat. 
 Abouchaid was never exposed to greater peril. His sol- 
 diers, after the fatigues of a long march, stood in need of 
 repose, while those of Ibrahim were fresh, occupied advan- 
 tageous posts, and were drawn up in order of battle. A 
 considerable part of the army of Abouchaid was yet at a 
 distance, when he appeared in the presence of Ibrahim, ac- 
 companied by some of his squadrons. He beheld the enemy 
 in a large plain, situated between the cities of Sarkas and 
 Merou. Abouchaid was too near to have it in his power 
 to avoid an engagement, and already Ibrahim, superior in 
 number, had began to surround the army of the king ; when 
 the remainder of his troops arrived. Ibrahim, who made 
 war from motives which have the greatest sway over the 
 human heart, attacked with fury, and fought valiantly; 
 but he was too young to be able to contend with the expe- 
 rience of Abouchaid. At the first shock the tumultuary 
 army of Ibrahim was put to the rout, and the young prince 
 fled towards Damegan, mora distressed at the prospect of 
 the fate which awaited the young princess, than for his own 
 misfortune. In eifect, the news of the flight of Ibrahim 
 was no sooner made known at Herat, and conveyed to 
 the haram, than every one gave himself up for lost. They 
 were sensible of the severity of Abouchaid from the melan- 
 choly experience of former days. The women, and the 
 eunuchs of the palace, thought proper to anticipate the 
 justice of the conqueror. Some destroyed themselves by 
 poison, others with the sword : but the young sultaness, 
 with superior resolution, had the courage to put to death 
 her little son, whom she yet suckled, the sole fruit of her 
 intercourse with Ibrahim, by forcing into its throat a piece 
 of gold, and producing strangulation. After which, taking-^ 
 poison, which she had preserved sometime in a ring, she 
 instantly expired. It was thus that the rebels exercised 
 
32 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTV. 
 
 upon themselves the vengeance due to their crime, sparing 
 their conqueror the odium of putting them to death. 
 
 Abouchaid having returned in triumph to his capitalj, 
 the city of Herat, made a merit of pardoning several of 
 the guilty who had been wanting in the courage to execute 
 justice upon themselves. By this act of clemency, the 
 prince gained the affection of his people, and entirely 
 effaced the stain of his former cruelty. He made some 
 further conquests upon his neighbours, who were nearly 
 all of Mogul race, and descended from the sons of Tamer- 
 lane. He took Asterabad, the capital city of Mazanderan, 
 from Sultan Houssain, and vanquished in battle Sultan 
 Khalil, Prince of Segestan, obliging him to return into his 
 own country with a ruined army. Finally, having restored 
 tranquilJity in Herat, and in all Korasan, he returned to 
 Samarcand, vv^hich seems to have been bis favorite conquest. 
 
 The son of Abdalatif, Sultan Gioughi, appeared to 
 Abouchaid ungrateful for the assistance which he had for- 
 merly granted to his father. This young prince preserved 
 a secret intelligence in Samarcand, and laid claim to a king- 
 dom, of which he insisted his family had been deprived, 
 under the pretext of rendering them assistance. Availing 
 himself of the absence of Abouchaid, he advanced often to 
 the gates of Samarcand, made inroads into the provinces of 
 Transoxiana, and ravaged the open country. The audacity 
 of Gioughi obliged Abouchaid to hasten, by some months, 
 his march towards Tartary ; but he had scarcely passed the 
 river Gihon, when, seized with alarm, Gioughi retired to 
 Skarokhia, which he fortified, and there waited the attack 
 of his enemy. The young prince defended the fortress with 
 courage, but was at last obliged to surrender at discretion; 
 and as an act of grace on the part of his conqueror, was 
 condemned to a perpetual captivity. The life of Abouchaid 
 seemed to be a continual progress from Herat to Samar- 
 
ABOUCHAID. 33 
 
 cand, and from Samarcand to Herat. About this time a 
 religious ceremony recalled him to the capital of Korasan. 
 The Imans had long pressed the king to give orders for the 
 circumcision of his children. Abouchaid had;, by different 
 wiveS;, eleven sons, and they were nearly now all of an age 
 Capable of being placed in posts of honor and authority. 
 Reverence for his religion had hitherto prevented his placing 
 them at the head of his troops^, till such time as they had 
 received the mark of true Mussulmen. It was in Herat 
 that the ceremony of the circumcision of the princes was 
 kept, accompanied by feasts, dances, the combat of 
 elephants, and other rejoicings, which are practised on such 
 extraordinary occasions. What enhanced the value of the 
 ceremony to the sons of Abouchaid, was, their being pro- 
 claimed sultans ; and the father distributing to his children 
 the government of the kingdoms which belonged to his 
 empire, either by inheritance or conquest. The Chronicle 
 does not explain the particular territory apportioned to each 
 prince. It is however certain that Samarcand and Southern 
 Tartary fell to the lot of Sec-Omor, fifth son of Abouchaid, 
 from whom the Mogul Emperors, who now reign in Indos- 
 tan, are descended. 
 
 Doubtless, Abouchaid ought to have been satisfied with 
 terminating in repose the remainder of a life which had 
 been so much occupied in warlike enterprise. The fault of 
 this prince was always to deal in extremes. He gave him- 
 self up, during the early years of his reign, which ought to 
 have been a season of action, to repose ; and in his old age 
 h^ abandoned himself to wars, which he should have 
 shunned. That which he undertook against Usum Cassan 
 was both rash, and unfortunate. I trust that the recital will 
 be the more agreeable to the reader, as he will thereby learn 
 the origin of the Dynasty which rules, at the present day, 
 the empire of Persia. 
 
 D 
 
34 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 Miracha, the son of Tamerlane, to whom, in the distri- 
 bution of the states of his father, the province of Persian 
 Irac had fallen, did not long enjoy entire his extensive 
 dominions. Different princes despoiled the son of the best 
 part of the conquests of his father, and forced him to be 
 content with the kingdoms of Sindy, Segestan, Cabul, and 
 Korasan, of which Herat was the capital. He preserved 
 also the species of sovereignty which the posterity of 
 Tamerlane have always enjoyed in the Indies. To these 
 remains of the vast empire which had been acquired by 
 Tamerlane, Abouchaid joined the conquest of Transoxiana 
 and Samarcand. The extensive kingdom he had thus 
 acquired ought to have satisfied his ambition, but the 
 natural restlessness of the Tartars, when they have entered 
 upon a successful career, prompted Abouchaid to renounce 
 a repose in which he might safely have indulged. He 
 sighed incessantly for the possession of Western Persia, 
 that beautiful portion of the conquests of his grandfather. 
 Two Turkish princes, at this time, divided the territory 
 between them ; Hassan Beg, known in Europe by the name 
 of Usum Cassan, of the family of the white sheep ; and 
 Gehan-Schah, of the family of the black sheep. These two 
 sultans had formerly been the principal chiefs of the army 
 of Ben-Avis, whom Tamerlane had expelled from Bagdat. 
 Ben-Avis had divided his troops into two bodies, of which 
 one, commanded by Cara-Muhammed, carried in their 
 ensigns a white sheep ; and the other, commanded by Cara- 
 Joseph, carried in his a black sheep. After the death 
 of Tamerlane, and of Ben Avis, the princes, who descended 
 from the chiefs of these two families, took possession of the 
 best provinces of Southern Persia ; and, as it often happens 
 to ambitious conquerors, they quarrelled, made war upon 
 each other, and seized upon the fruits of each others spoil. 
 Usum Cassan, not contented with Mesopotamia, of which 
 
ABOUCHAID. 35 
 
 he had dispossessed one of the successors of Tamerlane, 
 turned his arms agajnst Gehan-Schah. Georgia and Gur- 
 gestan were subject to this sultan. Usum Cassan coveted 
 these fine provinces, and was besides instigated by that 
 jealousy, which from the earliest times had existed between 
 the families of the white and of the black sheep. The two 
 Turcomans gave battle to each other, and Usum Cassan, 
 who remained victor, slew, in the heat of the action, Gehan- 
 Schab, and the eldest of his sons. There only remamed of 
 the family of the black sheep, Hassan Ali, who with the 
 wreck of his father's army had recourse to the protection of 
 Abouchaid. The Mogul was stimulated by various consi- 
 derations to make war on the Turcoman. Compassion for 
 a young prince despoiled of his inheritance, hatred to the 
 vanquisher of the successors of Tamerlane, but especially 
 by his desire for the conquest of Persia, and for rendering 
 his empire equal to that of his grandfather. Such were the 
 motives which determined him to march towards the west 
 with those gallant troops, which had been so often victorious 
 in the north. Abouchaid accordingly entered the provinces 
 of Aderbigiam and Fars, without encountering any resist- 
 ance 
 
 All Persia was in a state of alarm at beholding the 
 grandson of Tamerlane marching in the steps of his grand- 
 father, and inundating extensive countries with still more 
 numerous armies. Usum Cassan especially, terrified at the 
 approach of so formidable an enemy, was desirous of depre- 
 cating the storm, by making the most humble submissions. 
 He dispatched ambassadors to the Tartar prince, offering 
 to restore to the family of the black sheep the conquered 
 territory, and to relinquish to Abouchaid all the country 
 between Korasan. and the Caspian Sea. It was in vain ; 
 the haughty Mogul insisted upon harder conditions. He 
 required that the Turcoman should deliver himself into his 
 
 D 2 
 
36 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 hands, unci become guarantee in his own person for the 
 fulfihnent of his engagements. The gallant Turcoman was 
 indignant at these propositions, and determined to reject 
 them ; but not being in a condition to make head against 
 the swarms of Indians and Tartars which accompanied 
 Abouchaid, he supplied by art his want of force. Avoiding 
 the risque of coming to blows, he intrenched himself between 
 lakes, and inaccessible mountains ; whence harrassing 
 continually the enemy with small detachments, he cut oft' 
 his provisions, and left the incredible multitude of his foes to 
 waste itself in inaction, and perish for want. Abouchaid then 
 became too late sensible, that it is often dangerous to refuse 
 peace to an enemy who solicits it at the price of great sacri- 
 fices. The haughty Mogul, constrained to attempt a retreat, 
 which had the character of a flight, was taken by the son of 
 Usum Cassan. Being brought into the tent of the Turcoman, 
 he affected, in the presence of the victor, a haughty 
 demeanor; reproaching Usum Cassan that he had not dared 
 to encounter him in fair and open combat in the field. This 
 behaviour exasperated the sultan, who had received him 
 at first with humanity, and was inclined to treat him with 
 generosity. This unseasonable pride was fatal to Abou- 
 chaid ; he was beheaded in the year 1469. The victor 
 carried his resentment still further ; he ordered the eyes of 
 the three eldest sons of Abouchaid, who had been taken with 
 their father, to be seared with a hot iron. It was thus that 
 Usum Cassan found himself master of all Persia, to the 
 frontiers of India. Happy, had he known how to enjoy 
 the fruit of his victories ! 
 
 The fate of Abouchaid might have taught Usum Cassan, 
 that to cultivate the arts of peace would be the best policy 
 of conquerors in their old age. At a very advanced age he 
 engaged in a distant war in Natolia, and was defeated by 
 Mahomet the Second. His children even did not reign after 
 
ABOUCHAID. 37 
 
 him in Persia^, and the family of the white sheep did not long 
 vSurvive that of the rival colour. Ismail Sophi, profiting by 
 the defeat of Usum Cassan, possessed himself of the spoil 
 too much neglected by Mahomet the Second. Thus the 
 family of Ali, son-in-law to Mahomet, from whom Ismail 
 was descended, mounted the throne of Persia, whose poste- 
 rity still enjoy it, and retain the title of Sophi. 
 
 The children of Abouchaid availed themselves of the 
 misfortunes of Usum Cassan, to recover some part of their 
 father's inheritance. 
 
 Abouchaid reigned eighteen years; a prince unhappy 
 in the beginning, and in the close of his reign; but always 
 fortunate when he merited it by his conduct. He suffered 
 equally by indulging in indolence, and in too much action. 
 At a time it became him to be enterprising, he resigned him- 
 self to ease ; and he engaged in perilous undertakings, 
 when he might have enjoyed an honorable repose. The 
 Chronicle complains, that he left to his successors two bad 
 examples ; that of putting to death his brothers, and acting 
 the ingrate io his most faithful servants. 
 
 It is not altogether certain, that Abouchaid was the 
 son of Miracha, or that he was his immediate successor, 
 and the grandson of Tamerlane. The great seal of the 
 Mogul emperors, places among the number of sovereigns 
 a Mirza Sultan Mahamed, between Miracha and Abou- 
 chaid. Some authors represent this Mahamed as the 
 father of Abouchaid. However, the Mogul Chronicle, 
 and the best historians, are agreed that Abouchaid 
 succeeded immediately to his father Miracha. In order to 
 reconcile these contradictory statements^ it may be 
 surmised, that Mahamed, whose name is engraved on 
 the imperial seal, was the brother of Abouchaid, whom the 
 people raised to the throne at the time of the flight of this 
 monarch. The word Mirza, which is a title bestowed on 
 
38 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 princes of an inferior rank only, is some evidence that 
 Mahamed's pretensions as sovereign were of a doubtful 
 character. However;, granting even that he was the father 
 of Abouchaid, and actually reigned before him, he was 
 doubtless a prince of so little merit, that history has 
 deemed the mere record of his name the only notice to 
 which it is ejititled. 
 
39 
 
 SEC-OMOR; OR, SCEICK-OMAR. 
 
 FOURTH EMPEROR. 
 His peaceable Character. Reigns at Samarcand. His Death. 
 
 J. HE sons of Abouchaid, during the lifetime of their father, 
 had already commanded as governors in the provinces, of 
 which it was intended they should one day possess the 
 st)vereignty. Sec-Omor had for his inheritance the pro- 
 vince of Maveranahar, known in Europe as Transoxiana. 
 It may be concluded also, that he retained the dominion 
 which Abouchaid had established in the Indies^ either as 
 part of his inheritance, or by possessing himself of it after 
 the death of his three elder brothers, who perished in 
 Persia, in the defeat of their father. Never was a Tartar 
 prince of a more tranquil character than Sec-Omor. Con- 
 tent with the kingdom assigned him by Providence, he 
 never by his ambition gave disturbance to his neighbours, 
 or tormented his subjects with tributes and laborious 
 enterprises. 
 
 The Tartars, notwithstanding their natural restlessness, 
 soon acquired a taste for the sweets of a tranquil life, which 
 they seem at this period to have required. Tamerlane and 
 his sons had much thinned the country of inhabitants by 
 their warlike enterprises, and by the colonies which they 
 had established. Their cities had become desart, and their 
 lands were left without culture. Sec-Omor seemed destined 
 by Providence to repair, by a long peace, all the evils which 
 the Tartars had suffered in making war. 
 
 Samarcand was the capital of the states of Sec-Omor. 
 It is situated in a pleasant territory, watered by a large 
 
40 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 river, which, after gently meandering through the neigh- 
 bouring plains, passes through the centre of the city, and 
 making a circle round it, fills the channel of the fosse which 
 surrounds and protects it. It has been said, that Alexander 
 the Great built Samarcand, and gave his name to it- 
 Tamerlane took a pleasure in enriching and adorning it ; 
 and he rendered it one of the largest and most opulent 
 cities in Asia. Its air is pure and temperate, and the vast 
 plain, which encircles it, is varied with meadows and cultir 
 vated grounds. It is still called Sogd, a word which may 
 sanction the belief, that this part of Southern Tartary \Yas 
 the ancient Sogdiana, a country which the writers of the 
 life of Alexander have so much extolled. 
 
 It was in this charming country, and in this agreeable 
 residence, that Sec-Omor enjoyed tranquilly the fruit of 
 the labours, and of the conquests of his predecessors. His 
 sole occupation consisted in re-establishing in its purity 
 throughout his states the Mahometan law. Tamerlane 
 always entertained an aversion to the Alcoran, and professed 
 a species of Deism, exempt from the superstitions of the 
 east. Sec-Omor applied himself, especially, to the study of 
 the Mahometan law, to which he was scrupulously attached. 
 He caused its precepts to be carefully observed, and 
 suffered the Imans to have rather too much influence over 
 him. The Tartar princes, his neighbours, respected the 
 mildness of his character, and never troubled his repose. 
 He lived till the year 1493, having reigned twenty-four 
 years. The Chronicle gives the following account of the 
 manner of his death : — 
 
 '^ Almost the only diversion in which this good prince 
 indulged was that of rearing pigeons, and teaching them to 
 engage in certain combats. Two dove houses had been 
 constructed in his haram, at the two extremities of a terrace, 
 upon which the king was accustomed to assemble these 
 
SEO-OMOR. 41 
 
 birds, who gathered about him at the least signal. At 
 times the king made use of a long cane, to which was 
 attached a sort of standard, composed of white satin. All 
 the pigeons of one of the dove houses would collect around 
 the flag, and accompany the monarch, who led them to the 
 attack of the opposite dove house. These animals, not- 
 withstanding their natural mildness, would defend fiercely 
 their possessions against the irruption of the assailants. 
 Sometimes the besieged quitted their retreat, and gave 
 battle in the open air. The king encouraged them by his 
 voice and gestures, fluttering the standard to inspire them 
 with greater rage, and induce them to come to a closer 
 engagement. One day that Sec-Omor was enjoying this 
 harmless diversion, having his attention fixed on a flock of 
 pigeons, which he was animating to the combat, he did not 
 observe a place where the parapet of the terrace had given 
 way. He fell from a considerable height to the ground, 
 and died two days afterwards from the injuries he received. 
 This prince had nothing of the impetuosity which cha- 
 racterized the Tartars. He was reproached with a rather 
 too great indolence of temper, which appeared in him the 
 more particular, as he was surrounded on all sides by 
 princes of a warlike character." 
 
42 
 
 B A B A R, 
 
 FIFTH EMPEROR, 
 
 Is driven from Samarcand by an Ushec Prince. Retires to Cabul Resolves t^ 
 establish himself in the Indies. Disguises himself to acquire a knowledge of 
 the Manners of the Indians. Makes War upon an Indian King and defeats 
 him. Establishes Laws in Indostan^ after having subjected it. Dies. 
 
 JL HE repose, in which Sec-Omor had indulged his 
 subjects, was fatal to Babar, his son and successor. The 
 courage of his Tartars was enervated by a long peace, and 
 their experience of the sweets of a tranquil life had ren- 
 dered them inadequate to the maintenance of a conflict 
 with their neighbours. In the person of Schaibekkan they 
 had a formidable enemy. He was an ambitious and enter- 
 prising prince, who had not yet forgotten the treachery 
 which had been practised by Abouchaid towards his father, 
 Uzbec-Khan. He called to mind the ingratitude with which 
 his father had been driven from the city of Samarcand, 
 after the co-operation of his arms had been obtained for its 
 reduction. The gallant Uzbec, animated by ambition and 
 revenge, entered Transoxiana, ravaged all the provinces 
 of Andecan, and presented himself before Samarcand. 
 Schaibek found no longer in the Tartars he attacked those 
 gallant Moguls whom the preceding kings had always led 
 to victory. Babar, especially, educated in habits of effe- 
 minacy and indolence, had imbibed the quiet spirit of his 
 father, Sec-Omor. Terrified at the approach of Schaibek, 
 and abandoned by his timorous subjects, he retired with a 
 few attendants to Gazna, a city of Tartary, the nearest to 
 the Indian frontier. Thus, by a disposition of Providence, 
 
BABAR* 43 
 
 the victory of Schaibek, and the flight of Babar, were the 
 means of establishing two of the greatest monarchies of 
 the world. The Uzbecs took possession of Samarcand, 
 which has ever since been the capital of their empire^, and 
 Babar, compelled to flight, carried into India the Mogul 
 domination, which subsists to the present day. 
 
 The fugitive sultan did not long remain at Gazna. He 
 was obliged to retire from one city to another, and 
 eventually to seek an asylum in Cabul. This capital of a 
 kingdom of the same name, was governed at the time by 
 one of those Tartar officers whom Abouchaid had placed in 
 authority in the Indian provinces, and who remained faith- 
 ful to the princes of the Mogul race, and especially to the 
 son of Sec-Omor. This faithful subject received his 
 sovereign with honour, assisted him with his counsel, and 
 assembling an army chiefly composed of Tartars scattered 
 throughout Cabulestan, he placed Babar in a situation to 
 sustain with honour the dignity of his predecessors. 
 
 Courage is sometimes inspired by adversity. Babar 
 found virtue revive in his breast, after the loss of his king- 
 dom. Like his grandfather, Abouchaid, he redeemed by 
 his valour the time he had wasted in inactivity. He placed 
 himself at the head of his new army. It was natural that 
 his inclination should lead him in the direction of Samar- 
 cand, and that he should seek to recover possession of his 
 former kingdom. Ranguildas, which was the name of the 
 governor of Cabul, (immortalised by his fidelity to his 
 sovereign) did not enter into the views of Babar, and 
 spoke to him to the following effect : — " I do not pretend, 
 my lord, to restrain your inclinations, or to resist the just 
 resentment which you entertain against the usurper. Nothing 
 can be more reasonable than to make war upon him who 
 has despoiled you of your dominions ; and I am ready to 
 sacrifice my life to aid you in recovering possession of 
 
44 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY* 
 
 them. But^ when I cast my eyes, first towards the norths 
 whence you come, and next towards the south, which 
 offers so noble a career, I confess that I feel inclined to 
 advise you to neglect your ancient domain, for the more 
 profitable and inviting prospect which a new dominion 
 offers. No, my lord, your ability to measure your strength 
 with that of Schaibek is by no means evident. The Tartar, 
 who has seized your crown is grown, old in the career of 
 arms, and his Usbecs are troops which have taken the place, 
 at the present day, of those invincible soldiers whom 
 Tamerlane formerly disciplined in Tartary. Let us listen 
 no longer, my lord, to the seducing language of passion. 
 To be revenged upon an usurper is sweet, but it is dangerous 
 to attack him with unequal forces. India, on the contrary, 
 offers to your valour a more easy prey. The domination 
 of your predecessors was never completely established in 
 that country, and your own is in a tottering state. Hasten 
 to secure to yourself the finest empire in the universe. 
 Establish beyond the river Indus a power only sketched by 
 your ancestors. Go and fix your court in the centre of 
 Indostan, and learn how much the delicious climes of India 
 are to be preferred to the snows of Tartary. All things 
 concur to attract your attention to the south ; the Provi- 
 dence which has led you to Cabul, and placed you on the 
 road to Indostan ; the interests of the religion you profess ; 
 God and Mahomet engage you to war against the 
 idolatry of the Indians. Consider the facility of the enter- 
 prise. The governors of your own nation, whom your 
 fathers have placed in the fortresses of the Indians, will 
 unite their forces with your's, and your army will gather 
 strength every step which you take in Indostan. When 
 we shall have made an essay of victory under your com- 
 mand, we will follow the path you may lead, even to the 
 walls of Samarcand, where you wish to conduct us. It 
 
BABAR. 45 
 
 will then be time enough to despoil the Tartar, and make 
 war upon the Usbecs." 
 
 A discourse so reasonable determined the prince, who 
 had good sense, to prefer an almost certain victory to an 
 uncertain revenge. He, in consequence, turned his atten- 
 tion to the side of the Indus, and formed the resolution to 
 undertake the conquest of Indostan. Before entering upon 
 so glorious an enterprise, Babar, desirous to attain, in his 
 own person, an acquaintance with the manners, resources, 
 and the mode of conducting military enterprises, of those 
 who were likely to become his antagonists, assumed the 
 habit of a Joguy, a kind of penitent, who is occupied chiefly 
 in making pilgrimages in India to those spots which are 
 particularly consecrated by the devotion of the people. 
 Babar, then, disguised as a pilgrim, and accompanied by 
 Ranguildas, entered India, visited all the fortresses occu- 
 pied by the Tartars, and made himself acquainted with the 
 conduct, and the character of his governors. At last he 
 arrived at Delhi, the strongest of the places which had sub- 
 mitted to Tamerlane, and the most distant of all those which 
 the Moguls at that time occupied in India. It will, in this 
 place, then, be proper to explain the state in which he found 
 that fine region, which was soon to become the theatre of 
 his glory. 
 
 India, in the year 1501, when Babar entered the country, ' 
 was peopled by four distinct races of inhabitants. First, 
 the descendants of the Hindoos, the original inhabitants ; 
 secondly, the Patans ; thirdly, the Parsees ; and fourthly, 
 and last, the Tartars, or, as they were usually denominated, 
 the Moguls. 
 
 If we are to credit the most learned Bramins of the 
 country, the ancient inhabitants of India were a colony of 
 Egyptians, which is corroborated by the fact, that the 
 manners, customs, and religion of ancient Egypt subsist at 
 
46 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTV. 
 
 the present day in India, nearly in the same state in which 
 they are described by Herodotus. It is besides certain that 
 there has always be6n an intercourse of commerce between 
 the Indians and the Egyptians, and that the Metempsychosis 
 which Pythagoras learnt in Egypt, makes still a part of the 
 religion of the Indians. These ancient Egyptians, who 
 came to take up their habitation between the Indus and the 
 Ganges, brought with them, doubtless, the knowledge of 
 the true God. They maintained his worship for some time, 
 and preserve it to this day, at least in certain families, who 
 adore only the Lord of Heaven and Earth in temples, in 
 which idols have never been erected. However, to speak 
 more generally, the greater part of the nation soon adopted 
 false divinities, and paid them a profane worship. These 
 corruptions became introduced in the following manner. 
 The Indians persuaded themselves that the Lord of Heaven 
 exercised his care over mankind, without its being necessary 
 to implore his protection by prayer. With respect to the 
 demon, they judged that this malignant and jealous spirit 
 should be appeased by offerings. It was thus that they 
 divided their worship between the Sovereign of Heaven 
 and the demon. They represented not the Sovereign of 
 the Universe under figures ; but the demon they represented 
 under the most hideous forms. They painted him under the 
 form of tigers, elephants, lions, or serpents, and often 
 indeed they blended all these animals in one, in order to 
 make a representation of him of the greatest possible 
 hideousness. 
 
 The religion of the Indians was for a long time confined 
 to the knowledge of God, and the worship of the demon, 
 without any intermixture. In the sequel they blended with 
 it the worship of Brama, a legislator meriting the veneration 
 of the whole nation, by the good order and admirable 
 policy which he established throughout India. Some 
 
BABAR. 47 
 
 Brahmins pretend that he came from Europe, and give him 
 a name much resembling that of Pythagoras. If the histo-^ 
 rians of India are, indeed, to be credited, the works of that 
 philosopher may be found at the present day in the hands 
 of the learned of the country. It is more probable, how- 
 ever, both that Pythagoras never made a voyage to India, 
 and that the laws of Brama are more ancient than that phi- 
 losopher. 
 
 This legislator separated the people into four casts, or 
 principal tribes. The first is that of the Brachmans, or 
 Bramins. This cast is the most noble, and has alone the 
 privilege of giving to the nation those persons who are to 
 be set apart for the services of religion, and the office of 
 judges, or of teachers. The second tribe is that of the 
 Rajepoots, which is solely military, their destination being 
 to defend the state, or to extend its limits. The third are 
 the Banians, whose occupation is limited to trade, the 
 employment of artisans, and the sale of their wares either 
 retail or in gross. The fourth class is that of the artisans, 
 which is divided into several other casts, according to their 
 different occupations ; one cast not being allowed to marry 
 into that of another. A labourer, for example, a goldsmith, 
 or a weaver, never instructs his son in any other business 
 than his own, and will never marry his children to one of a 
 different trade. 
 
 Brama, who was the founder of this species of republic, 
 instituted general laws for all the tribes, and other laws 
 which are applicable to each in particular. The Brahmins 
 are under an obligation to live in great austerity. It is a 
 crime for them to eat fish, birds, four-footed animals, or 
 even any sort of vegetables with a red tinge, which resem- 
 bles a blood colour. They are prohibited from having 
 more than one wife at a time, and their wives are forbidden 
 from entering again into the marriage state after the death 
 
48 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 of their husbands. They are permitted to burn themselves 
 on the same funeral pile, on which the bodies of their hus- 
 bands are consumed. Brama instituted this law to put a 
 stop to a crime which had become too common. The wives, 
 often weary of their husbands^ destroyed them secretly by 
 poison. The device of Brama was to render it honorable 
 for women to burn themselves on the bodies of their hus- 
 bands, or to subject themselves to a perpetual widowhood 
 after their death. Hence, the care and the aifection of the 
 wives for those to whom heaven has united them; their life 
 or their liberty being irrevocably attached to the life of 
 their husbands. It is a crime for a Brahmin to have inter- 
 course with an Indian of an inferior cast, to eat with him, or 
 even to allow himself to be touched by him. They are all 
 under the obligation of passing their lives in the study of 
 the law, in the contemplation of the heavens, in ministering 
 in the temples, in burning perfumes, and making sacrifices. 
 
 The Rajepoots are not obliged to submit to austerities 
 so severe. Being destined for the services of war, the 
 legislator has not required at their hands abstinence so 
 rigorous. It would be criminal in them to slay animals, 
 but they are permitted to eat the flesh of them when they 
 find them killed. Brama did not exact from them a rigid 
 adherence to one wife. The race of warriors, he said, 
 which is so perishable through the perils and fatigues to 
 which it is exposed, cannot be rendered too prolific. 
 
 The Banians are the most rigid observers of the laws, 
 and the most scrupulous in abstaining from eating the flesh 
 of animals or fish. As they live in the cities, and are the 
 only class engaged in commerce, it is their duty, above the 
 rest, to give an example to strangers, and to artisans, of 
 whom they are the chiefs. Charity towards man and 
 animals has never been carried so far by any other tribe. 
 Besides the hospitals which they have built for the reception 
 
BAB All. 49 
 
 of sick persons and for orphans, others have been founded 
 for cows, for monkeys, and for birds. The Banians would 
 be the most amiable of hiunan beings, if it were not for 
 those unsociable and rather ferocious manners engendered 
 by the fear of being defiled by intercourse with strangers. 
 Their propensity to trickery makes them rather dangerous 
 in commerce. 
 
 The artisans are exempt from the observance of the 
 more severe laws. As their employments are laborious, 
 Brama allows them the use of more solid and nourishing 
 aliments. This indulgence, however, is augmented or 
 decreased in proportion to the degree of labour the different 
 trades require. Those to whom the largest exemptions 
 are permitted, are esteemed the most ignoble. These laws 
 extend generally to the ancient people of India^ whatsoever 
 chief or raja they may be subject to. 
 
 However repugnant to reason the doctrines of Brama 
 may appear, the moral tendency of his institutions is less 
 questionable. He forbids adultery, and fornication. The 
 greatest of all crimes is that of shedding human blood, or 
 taking away the life of animals, whom they believe inha- 
 bited by a human soul. Lying and theft were proscribed 
 society. Cows were to be nourished with care, never used 
 for food, but protected and revered as the mothers of men. 
 This is more a political, than a religious institution. Oxen 
 are of all animals the most useful in India. They are used 
 in carriages for travelling, and for the conveyance of the 
 productions of the soil ; supplying for those purposes the 
 place of horses. 
 
 The kings are always taken from the cast of the 
 Rajepoots. Never has a Banian or an Artisan been known 
 to mount the throne ; these are casts which are despised by 
 the Brahmins. The kings treat their subjects with haugh- 
 tiness, and oppress them with tributes. As the love of 
 
 .E 
 
5p HISTORY OP THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 indolence keeps them almost always shut up within the 
 walls of their Haram, it is seldom they are inspired with 
 the ambition of making conquests. A disposition^, besides;, 
 naturally soft and effeminate^, is little calculated to produce 
 jrallant soldiers. Such Vv as the state of the native Indians, 
 when visited by Babar. 
 
 The Patans are a Mahometan people, who were esta- 
 blished in India more than four hundred years before the 
 conquest by Tamerlane. It is probable, that this colony 
 came from Arabia, and after traversing the Indian ocean, 
 was at first seated on the southern coast of Indostan ; that 
 the city was founded by them still called Musulipatam^ and 
 that penetrating from thence into the interior, they finally 
 became possessed of the city of Delhi, where they ruled at the 
 time of Tamerlane's invasion of India, to whom the place 
 submitted. The Moguls are therefore not the first nation, 
 which introduced Mahometanism into India. 
 
 The Parsees are another people scattered more parti- 
 cularly throughout the maritime parts of Indostan. They 
 are most probably the remains of those ancient idolaters of 
 Persia, who were constrained to leave their country, when 
 the Mahometans, by the increase of their power and 
 influence, would have compelled them to forsake their 
 idolatry, and embrace the law of Mahomet. This unfortu- 
 nate people preferred abandoning their native soil, to the 
 obligation of submitting to a new faith. The Parsees 
 acknowledge one God, and worship the sun, and fire. They 
 suppose a certain something divine in this element; they 
 make offerings, and immolate victims to it. They give the 
 greatest attention to preserve a perpetuity of the ignition 
 on their altars. If by accident it is suffered to expire, it is 
 considered a crime, from which they can only be absolved 
 by the ministers of their religion. They, in consequence, 
 visit them, acknowledge their offence, and after a severe^ 
 
HABAK 51 
 
 admonition from the priest, Ihey take away witli them a 
 brand from his fire/ which tliey bring home in triumph, to 
 the sound of trumpets and hautboys. There are no people 
 in the world more tractable than the Parsees. As they are 
 all poor^ and scattered throughout the country, they are 
 regarded wdth contempt by the state. 
 
 As for the Moguls, their origin is traced no higher than 
 the epoch of the arrival of Tamerlane in India. This con- 
 queror established them in the principal fortresses which he 
 had subjected to his power. The whole duty of these 
 governors w^as originally confined to the exacting, from the 
 Rajas of the country, the tributes which they had submitted 
 to pay to the successors of Tamerlane. 
 
 Babar, in his disguise, visited these different nations- 
 made himself acquainted with tlieir manners, and formed 
 his plan of concjuest on the result of his personal observation. 
 The kingdom of Delhi, especially, appeared to him the 
 portion of India most worthy of his labours, and the 
 easiest to bring into subjection. Sultan Amwixa, who at 
 this time was in possession of Delhi, was the most powerful 
 prince in Indostan. He was the thirty-first king of the 
 race of those brave Patans, who had established themselves 
 in India by force of arms. It was then resolved to enter 
 upon the conquest of the new empire, by first attacking 
 this monarch. 
 
 Babar, having returned to Cabul with his faithful Ran- 
 guildas, adopted the most prudent measures to ensure the 
 success of the great enterprise he meditated. He instructed, 
 in the first place, the Mogul officers w^ho commanded in 
 Delhi, to observe the motions and the preparations of 
 Amwixa, and to give him advice of all his proceedings. 
 Some time after, he summoned the Patan monarch to relin- 
 quish the title and character of sovereign over a country, 
 the whole of which was a dependancy of the Mogul empire. 
 
52 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 He added, that Tamerlane, one of his ancestors, had con- 
 quered it for his posterity. Amwixa replied with spirit — 
 that a tributary monarch did not forfeit his rank among 
 sovereigns — that the love of peace had alone influenced him 
 to submit to a symbol of dependance which it became him 
 long since to have renounced to a feeble usurper — ^that since 
 his rank as a monarch was disputed, he, in his turn, refused 
 to pay to a foreign invader, who had been driven from his 
 own dominions, a tribute to which he was no longer entitled. 
 So haughty a reply brought down upon the Patan the 
 whole vengeance of the Mogul. He ordered his troops to 
 take their departure from Cabul, and proceed in the direc- 
 tion of Delhi. Amwixa did not think it necessary to stand 
 upon the defensive, and to oppose walls to the impetuosity 
 of Babar; his courage prompted him to take the field, and 
 to encounter the attack of an enemy, of whose means of 
 annoyance he had little dread. The army of Amwixa was 
 indeed formidable in respect to numbers. It was composed 
 of Mahometan Patans, and idolatrous Indians. The natives 
 of the country were accustomed to the quiet domination of 
 the Patan princes, and feared the power of the Moguls, 
 whose severity, and avarice they had experienced. Amwixa 
 commenced the war by taking possession of the citadel of 
 Delhi, occupied by the Tartars, and immediately went to 
 meet Babar, who was advancing by forced marches to 
 engage him in battle. The principal strength of Amwixa 
 consisted iu his elephants, which abound in the vicinity of 
 Delhi. The two rivals met in a plain, where the Patan 
 appeared to have the advantage over his enemy. His 
 elephants had sufficient room to extend themselves, and his 
 innumerable army seemed capable of surrounding with ease 
 the weaker force of Babar. The Mogul prince had learnt 
 from the example of Tamerlane, to regard with little appre-. 
 hension the most numerous armies, when accompanied by a 
 
BABAR. 53 
 
 few faithful and warlike troops. He gave battle, and came 
 off triumphant. The Tartar troops, led by Babar, attacked, 
 with so much impetuosity the innumerable multitude of 
 Indians, badly armed, that they gave way on the first assault, 
 and fell back upon the elephants, putting them in disorder, 
 as well as the Patau troops, who fled without its being 
 possible to rally them. Fear made them take their flight 
 towards the north, and seek refuge in the mountains, where 
 they fixed their abode ; and in the fastnesses of which they 
 still exist : sometimes tributary, and in a state of subjection 
 to the Mogul empire ; and at others, in a state of re])ellion 
 and hostility. In this first engagement, Amwixa lost both 
 life, and crown ; and Babar beheld himself master of an 
 empire more considerable than the one he had lost. 
 
 The victor no wentered the capital of his new kingdom ; and 
 took possession of the palace, and the treasures of Amwixa. 
 Delhi was then a considerable city, situated in a fertile plain, 
 almost at the source of the Gemna. This river, after flowing 
 through a considerable territory, takes a sei'pentine course 
 round Agra, and at last disembogues itself in the Oanges, 
 near Eleabas. At this time there was no city in all India 
 where there was to be found a greater number of the 
 remains of antiquity, or more illustrious monuments, than 
 at Delhi. It is probable, that it was formerly the capital, 
 or at least one of the principal cities, of the kingdom of 
 Porus, and, that the celebrated battle, which terminated in 
 the defeat of that hero by Alexander, was fought near 
 Delhi. A column is still to be seen, erected in the time of 
 Alexander, with the remains of an inscription in unknown 
 characters. 
 
 The kingdom of Delhi had belonged to princes descended 
 from Porus. It is said, that Rana, who was defeated by 
 Tamerlane, traced his origin to that prince. In the year 
 1085, sultan Alaudin, the first Patan king, he estabhshed 
 
54 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 court at Delhi, and his posterity continued to reign till the 
 year 1519, when Babar made himself master of it. 
 
 The first care of the new king was to establish his 
 authority over the people, which he effected partly by inti- 
 midation, and partly by conciliation. The counsels of the 
 virtuous Ranguildas did not a little contribute to reconcile 
 them to the conqueror. The native Indians, naturally 
 effeminate, and born to servitude, easily accustomed them- 
 selves to the yoke. The Patans, weakened by the defeat 
 of their king, and by the desertion of the bravest part of 
 the nation, which had taken refuge in the mountains, 
 submitted quietly to the government of a prince of their 
 own religion. Thus the Tartars took possession of all the 
 posts, and of all the dignities of the empire. 
 
 Babar conceived the plan of a government entirely new. 
 He established laws, at his own pleasure, in a country which 
 was his by conquest. All the Mogul emperors, his successors, 
 follow ed in the same path ; they became the fundamental 
 laws of the kingdom, and are regarded as the work of the 
 good Ranguildas. 
 
 The Mogul has the sole propriety of all the lands of 
 the empire. They descend not from father to son ; but 
 they return to the sovereign upon the death of him to whom 
 the usufruct was granted. Thus the people are, properly 
 speaking, only the emperor's husbandmen. 
 
 The officers of the court are entirely dependant on the 
 generosity of their master; and as no one is by birth 
 possessed of riches, so none can be great but by the muni- 
 ficence of the prince. 
 
 The principal nobility, that is to say, the governors of 
 provinces, the first minister, and the secretary of state, are 
 called Omrhas, and hold the first rank in the state. The 
 idolatrous Rajas, or the Indian nobles, who ruled a small 
 state before the coBtquest of their country, have also at the 
 
BABAR. 55 
 
 court the rank of Omhras. There is this distinction ; that 
 the children of Rajas succeed to their fathers in the species 
 of sovereignty which is preserved to them ; but that the 
 children of Mahometan Omhras lose every thing in losing 
 their fathers. The emperor is sole heir to all the officers 
 of his court. 
 
 The Man-Sebdars are Omhras of the second lank, 
 serving at court, and in the armies. They are gradually 
 promoted to the first dignities, according to their services, 
 and their fidelity. 
 
 Babardid not commit his laws to writing, either as they 
 respected proceedings, in civil or criminal causes. A written 
 law would have placed limits to that absolute authority, 
 which the emperor assumed over the wealth, and the lives 
 of his subjects. According to circumstances, without any 
 other rule of action than his own g6od sense, or his caprice, 
 the Mogul emperor decides causes, and pronounces sen- 
 tences of death, which are executed on the spot, under the 
 eyes of the prince. The guilty person is beheaded, or 
 trampled under the feet of elephants, trained to this 
 species of execution. 
 
 The emperor every day in a saloon gives audience to 
 his subjects generally. He listens to tlieir complaints, 
 adjudges their differences, and punishes the guilty. He 
 suffers no other pretext than extreme illness, to dispense 
 him from this duty. In smaller matters, he acts in concert 
 with a Casy, or judge of the people, and leaves the care of 
 the police to the Cotwall, who fills, at the same time, the 
 office of provost, and of civil judge. 
 
 A government, in which the authority of the prince was 
 so absolute, and so well maintained, without, nevertheless, 
 violating the ancient rights of the primitive inhabitants, 
 acquired Babar the love and veneration of the people. 
 
66 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTV. 
 
 The submission to his rule was universal, and his states in 
 a short time became very flourishing. 
 
 The Tartars, the former subjects of Babar, arrived in 
 crowds from Samarcand, to enrich themselves under tlie 
 new monarch. Employments were given them at court. 
 It was then, that the Indians gave the name of Moguls 
 without distinction to all the Tartars, and transferred to the 
 nation generally, a name, which at first was peculiar to the 
 royal family. A great many Persians likewise came to 
 Delhi, to seek their fortune. The employments which were 
 conferred upon them at court attracted others; thus the 
 Mahometan rule soon became the most influential, and the 
 strangers occupied all the governments, and all the great 
 offices in the state. Finally, the Rajas, who, in the beginning 
 were from necessity treated with consideration, fell by 
 degrees into contempt, and the Mahometan became the 
 prevailing religion. 
 
 Laws so wisely conceived, and a domination so tranquil, 
 would have secured to Babar the admiration of his age, if 
 the ingratitude, natural to the Moguls, had not tarnished his 
 glory. The only instance of rigour, and injustice, which he 
 exercised, was towards the very author of his elevation. 
 Ranguildas, who had taught him both how to conquer, and 
 how to govern, was disgraced by his master, and in order 
 to escape death, condemned himself to exile. This great 
 man, disguised as a Faquir, retired to an obscure village. 
 The Chronicle reports, that after the departure of this 
 faithful minister, the kingdom fell into disorder. The 
 insurrections, and the scarcity which followed, afflicted the 
 people, and shook the throne of the new monarch. The 
 state appeared in danger of being subverted, unless recourse 
 was had to the counsels of the man, who had first laid its 
 foundations. The emperor became sensible of his fault, and 
 repented of having obliged so virtuous a subject to fly his 
 
BABAR. 57 
 
 presence. He made several attempts to discover his retreat^ 
 and at last^ it is said, made use of the following artifice to 
 bring him back to court :— 
 
 Babar issued a singular edict throughout his kingdom, 
 which commanded the inhabitants of the villages to bring 
 to Delhi their bazars, or market places. He wished to 
 ascertain what apology each village would furnish^ by way 
 of evading a compliance with an ordinance^, which it ap- 
 peared impossible to obey. He trusted^ that the village, 
 in which Ranguildas was concealed, would display som? 
 ingenuity in extricating itself from the dilemma ; and that 
 his minister would by this means be discovered. In effect, 
 Ranguildas, who passed, in a village at a distance from the 
 court, the life of a sage, and had acquired some reputation 
 in the place in which he resided, suggested to the inhabitants 
 an excuse, which ought doubtless to have contented the 
 emperor. " Go to Delhi," he said, " and presenting your- 
 selves to the king, speak to him in the following manner : — 
 * The bazar of the village, my lord, whence we come, is 
 ready to obey your orders ; there is only one diflficulty to 
 be removed, which is, that it is ignorant of the road to 
 Delhi. If your majesty will condescend to send the bazar 
 of your capital, to serve as a guide to ours, it will immedi- 
 ately commence its progress, in obedience to your mandate." 
 The emperor thought the reply of the peasants so ingenious, 
 that wishing to know the author, he commanded that he 
 should be brought into his presence. Ranguildas, in spite 
 of any resistance he could make, was thus conducted by 
 the peasants to the court of his master. Babar soon 
 caused him to forget, by his kindness, his former bad 
 treatment. He was restored to all his posts, and his 
 counsels reassumed all their influence. 
 
 Ruled by so wise a minister, the state soon recovered 
 its previous lustre. Abundance seemed to return with 
 
58 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 RanguildaSj and peace was re-established after long dissen- 
 tions. It is true, that the kingdom of C a scar, which had 
 fallen by right of succession to Babar, in consequence of 
 the death of one of the descendants of Abouchaid, 
 was invaded by a descendant of one of the princes from 
 whom Tamerlane had usurped it. But Ranguildas judged 
 it unwise to embark his master in a perilous war, at 
 a distance from a country newly conquered. He relinquished 
 a doubtful, for a certain possession. It was in this spirit, 
 th^t Babar reigned peaceably, and obtained the reputation 
 of a wise prince, who had the talent to conquer a throne 
 ^ more brilliant than the one he had lost. Babar died in the 
 year 1530. He reigned thirty years in India, five years at 
 Samarcand, and passed three years, partly in exile, and 
 partly in making a conquest of the kingdom of Delhi. 
 Fortune, which abandoned him in Tartary, favored him 
 always in Indostan ; but wisdom and justice accompanied 
 him throughout his career, never forsaking him, even in 
 his reverses. 
 
59 
 
 AMAYUM; OR, HOMAYUM. 
 
 SIXTH ExMPEROR. 
 
 Js dtlhroned Inj a Patau Prime. Retires to Persia. Returns to India, and 
 re-establishes himself upon the Throne. His Death. 
 
 X HE great empire^ which Babar had conquered with so 
 much labour, had very nearly been lost by his son Amayuin. 
 The young king experienced, that a crown, newly acquired, 
 in preserved with difficulty. The authority of Babar, whilst 
 he lived, curbed the revolting spirit of the natives. But 
 the commencement of a new reign, in a monarchy of such 
 recent creation, furnished an opportunity for intrigue, and 
 the setting up of various pretensions. Cliira was a Patau 
 prince, of the race of those whom Babar had dethroned. 
 During the preceding reign he had been suffered to reside 
 at court, and was treated with distinction ; but the wise 
 policy of Ranguildas excluded from any office or part in 
 the government, a man of shrewd character, and of a race 
 which rendered him obnoxious to suspicion. Amayum, in 
 this respect, neglected the conduct of his father, and the 
 counsels of Ranguildas. He advanced Chira by degrees to 
 the highest honors ; confided to liim the guard of his person, 
 and the conduct of his armies. The power of Chira became 
 formidable to Amayum, who soon repented of having too 
 much aggrandised a subject, contrary to the dictates of 
 sound policy. In effect, the general, who found himself in 
 a condition to make use of the confidence, and munificence 
 of the prince, for his destruction, changed his name of Chira, 
 which signifies a young lion, to that of Chircha, the royal 
 or the king lion. Amayum made some attempts to repress 
 
60 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 the insolence of a seditious subject. Chircha had always 
 the advantage of the king's troops. The city of Delhi 
 became the theatre of several combats. Every one took 
 the side which consorted with his inclination,, or interests. 
 The Patans and some Indian Rajas embraced the party of 
 Chircha. Amayum had scarcely any support but from his 
 Tartars, of whom he formed in haste an army, inconsiderable 
 in point of numbers. They were no longer those gallant 
 conquerors, of whom a small number had under Babar 
 brought into subjection a great kingdom, and put to flight 
 the largest armies. They were men already enervated by 
 their residence in India, prone through the heat of the 
 climate to indulgence, and the neglect of discipline. How- 
 ever, with this small force, Amayum took the field, no 
 longer daring to confide in the walls of his palace, where he 
 would have subjected himself to the risk of being starved 
 into a surrender. The countenance of the king displayed still 
 marks of the ancient valour of the Tartars ; but he was ill 
 seconded. A battle won gave empire to Babar, a battle 
 lost sent his son into exile. Amayum was defeated, and 
 escaped through the assistance only of some brave Persians, 
 who saved the life of the prince, and escorted him into 
 Persia; in which kingdom he took refuge. After a troubled 
 reign of eleven years, always disturbed by civil war, 
 Amayum was thus compelled to seek protection in a foreign 
 court, against a Patau king, who had re-possessed himself 
 of the rights of his nation. 
 
 As the Orientals are scrupulous observers of the flight 
 of birds, they drew a favorable augury from an incident 
 which occurred during the flight of Amayum. The fugitive 
 prince had laid himself down to sleep about mid-day, in an 
 open spot, and was exposed to the sun's rays. An eagle, 
 followed by its young ones, appeared over the head of the 
 king, and soaring in the air with extended wings, covered 
 
AMAYUM. 6*1 
 
 the head of Amayum, defending him from the sun's heat, 
 and preventing his slumbers from being disturbed. So 
 favourable an omen restored courage to the king on his 
 awaking. The small number of courtiers, by whom he was 
 accompanied, predicted from this incident, that he would 
 once more reign in India, and with great glory. 
 
 Amayum, having arrived at the court of Persia, main- 
 tained his accustomed dignity, which he knew how to 
 support, even in misfortune. The king of Persia received 
 the Mogul in a garden, on his arrival. Either by chance, or 
 design, there was in the place of interview, a sopha so 
 small, that two persons were unable to be seated at the 
 same time. The Mogul was perplexed. Anger and morti- 
 fication appeared on his countenance ; but good sense came 
 to the aid of his mortified feelings. Amayum resumed at 
 once the sentiments which were suitable to his present 
 condition, and worthy of his great mind. He invited the 
 king of Persia to seat himself on the sopha, and placing 
 himself on the left hand of the Persian, (which is the place 
 of honor in the east), he rested himself on his bow-case, 
 which he placed on the ground. He avoided, by this means, 
 the disgrace, of appearing standing in the presence of a 
 king, whose assistance he came to implore. The Persian 
 was astonished at the presence of mind shewn by Amayum, 
 and felt a still stronger disposition to serve him. The 
 conversation of the two kings consisted chiefly in expressions 
 of condolence, on the part of the Persian, and of thanks 
 and protestations of gratitude, on the side of the Mogul. 
 The interview did not terminate in mere compliments ; the 
 king of Persia added to them good offices. He assigned 
 to the fugitive emperor a palace and officers, ordered him 
 to be served as a sovereign prince, supplied him with 
 amusements, and furnished his haram. He then exhorted 
 his guest to take patience, until a favorable opportunity 
 
62 HJS'l'ORr OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 should occur to put him once more in possession of his 
 
 kingdom. 
 
 Chircha, on his side, omitted nothing which could conci- 
 liate the people, and render him worthy of the throne, of 
 which he had taken possession. Conveniences for facili- 
 tating commerce were much wanted in India. Halting 
 places were no where to be found, to give refreshment to 
 the merchant in his tedious travels. The usurper judged, 
 therefore, that it would be necessary, in order to encourage 
 merchants to trade in a country abounding in all sorts of 
 productions, to follow the example of Persia in building 
 caravanseras, or public inns, for the accommodation of tra- 
 vellers. Many were accordingly erected in the cities, and 
 at certain distances from each other, throughout the country. 
 Had no other advantage accrued to India from the usurpa- 
 tion of Chircha, this alone merits a confession of its useful- 
 ness. He did more than merely furnish a place of cover for 
 persons travelhng; he established a certain number of 
 domestics in each of the inns, whose duty it was to attend 
 gratuitously upon travellers, to prepare the beds, and to 
 take care of the furniture. He taxed, at a moderate sum, 
 the provisions required for the necessities of the traveller, 
 and his beast. In several of the caravanseras, baths and 
 stoves were constructed; and, in their vicinity, beautiful 
 avenues of trees were planted, to serve as an agreeable 
 recreation to the sojourners. The weary traveller was to 
 be lodged, and fed, at the king's expense. In imitation of 
 the example given by Chircha, many devout Mahometans 
 founded caravanseras in different places, upon the great 
 roads, leading to those cities, where a commercial inter- 
 course was particularly desirable. They were generally 
 erected near to a lake, or piece of water, to which small 
 mosques were added by the founders, destined, by the greater 
 parti as a place of burial for themselves and their families. 
 
AMAYUM. , 63 
 
 In these public inns were commonly to be found those who 
 trafficked in jewels, stuft's, and cloths of different patterns, 
 players on instruments, male and female dancers, artisans 
 of every class ; but^ more especially, saddlers, shoers of 
 horses, and provincial quacks. How consolatory must 
 have been the reflection to the traveller, of having the 
 certain assurance of finding, at the termination of a toilsome 
 journey, an apartment, a couch, and refreshments free 
 from cost. 
 
 Chircha effected a reformation in the weights, and 
 measures of the country, which he brought to a fixed 
 standard. Before his time, the use of scales was unknown. 
 All commodities were sold by guess. Measures of an 
 uncertain character, such as that of a hand or an elbow 
 lengthy were alone in use. In consequence of these regu- 
 lations, mercantile operations were conducted with greater 
 facility, and more advantageously ; and merchants from all 
 quarters flocked to the Indies. Chircha was not less 
 attached to his religion, than to justice, and a desire of 
 enriching his subjects. He freighted every year a vessel 
 at his own expense ; and those of his subjects, who, from a 
 principle of devotion, desired to pay a visit to Mecca, were 
 conveyed thither at the charge of the monarch. 
 
 This love of peace, and regard to religion, did not prevent 
 Chircha from attending to those precautions which were 
 necessary for the maintenance of his power. He kept, in 
 a state of readiness, large armies, which he reviewed in the 
 plains of Delhi ; and, especially, a considerable corps of 
 artillery. He was himself so good a cannoneer, that he 
 could, at his pleasure, hit any mark at which he chose to 
 take aim. One day, amusing himself at this exercise, he 
 met with an accident which cost him his life. A piece of 
 ordnance, of extraordinary size, had been sent him from 
 Bengal, and, in attempting to make an essay of its capa- 
 
64 HISTORY^ OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 city, the cannon, being too heavily charged, burst, and one 
 of the fragments striking him, he was killed instantaneously* 
 Chircha reigned nine years, and was interred in the centre 
 of a pleasant island, situated in a beautiful piece of water, 
 near to the city of Samahergam. 
 
 The death of Chircha gave birth to one of those extraor- 
 dinary revolutions, which commonly succeed to a reign 
 which has been an usurpation ; especially, when the usurper 
 dies without leaving children of an age capable of succeeding 
 him. The whole kingdom was in a flame, in consequence 
 of the diversity of interests, and the number of pretenders 
 to the crown. The Patau nobles flattered themselves with 
 the hopes of retaining possession of a sceptre which had 
 long remained in their nation. The Indian Rajas, on the 
 contrary, prepared to expel their ancient masters, and 
 re-conquer a throne of which they had been despoiled. 
 The number of rival candidates divided the forces of the 
 kingdom, and rendered its subjection the more easy. 
 
 In the mean while, Amayum continued to reside in Persia, 
 in that restless state of mind which was produced by 
 uncertainty with respect to the future, and an anxious 
 desire to remount a throne of which he had been despoiled. 
 He paid his court regularly to his benefactor, the King of 
 Persia, and endeavoured by promises to interest him in his 
 re-establishment. Whilst Amayum was sedulously occu- 
 pied in watching every opportunity, which might present 
 itself, for recovering his rights, he received the news of the 
 death of Chircha, and of the dissensions to which it had 
 given rise in the kingdom of Dellii. One of the chiefs of 
 the Faquirs, who travel the country under the pretext of 
 piety, thought it his duty to inform his former sovereign of 
 the distractions which prevailed in India, and to invite him 
 to return, and take possession of the government of his 
 former kingdom. He assured him that the people would 
 
AMAYUM. G5 
 
 bestow the crown upon him on his arrival. He made him 
 acquainted with the character of the contending factions, 
 and the facility he would experience in destroying rivals, 
 weak through disunion. Chadaula, which was the name of 
 the Faquir, added, that the stars favored the enterprise, 
 and assured him, on the part of heaven, of a fortunate 
 issue. 
 
 Intelligence so favorable, and such useful counsel, were 
 not neglected. Amayuni had recourse to the King of 
 Persia, and solicited the aid of troops and money, to enable 
 him to re-conquer his kingdom, for which, in the event of 
 being successful, he should be indebted to him alone ; and 
 he engaged, in such case, to pay him tribute. He also 
 engaged to remunerate the king for the expenses he had 
 incurred on his account, by ceding to him the province of 
 Candahar, and the city of Sindy, which border upon Persia. 
 The Persian accepted the offers of the Mogul, and sup- 
 plied him with an army composed of some infantry and 
 of twelve thousand horse. This was a small force for the 
 atchievement of so great an enterprise ; but Amayum was 
 well assured, that so soon as he should make his appearance 
 in that country, he would be joined by his ancient subjects;^ 
 and that his army would go on increasing in strength, in 
 prop ortion as he approached the city of Delhi. The Mogul 
 took then his leave of Persia. After mutual expressions of 
 regard at their final parting, the Sophi ventured to give him 
 some salutary counsel. He advised him, as soon as he 
 should have re-possessed himself of his kingdom, to encou- 
 rage the natural animosity, which had always subsisted 
 between the Patans and the Rajepoots, and insensibly to 
 crush the one by the instrumentality of the other. He 
 added, that to enable kings to reign in security, it was 
 necessary to maintain jealousies among subjects of a formi 
 dable and intractable character. 
 
 F 
 
66 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 Loaded with the favors of the King of Persia, and 
 instructed by his wise counsels, Amayum entered India on 
 the side of Cabul. His army every day became more formi- 
 dable by the junction of the Mahometans and Indians, 
 whom interest, or fidelity attached to his new fortune. 
 Scarcely any opposition impeded the progress of the con- 
 queror ; and the recovery of all the provinces, which extend 
 from the frontiers of Persia to Labor, was effected at the 
 price of a few slight skirmishes. Labor itself threatened a 
 more powerful opposition. This was a considerable city, 
 considered in India as a second capital. It was surrounded 
 by good walls, and had a fortress built on a spot which 
 appeared inaccessible. The governor of this place, aPatan 
 by nation, hoped to profit by the divisions of the country, 
 and to secure to himself a species of sovereignty at Labor, 
 and in the province of Pangiab, or of the five rivers. 
 Amayum purposed to get possession of this city, (the siege 
 of which would have been attended with considerable diffi- 
 culty), if possible, by stratagem. With this view, he sent 
 forward, by a different road from that through which his 
 army was marching, one hundred resolute young Persians. 
 They were disguised as pilgrims carrying staffs, to assist 
 their weary steps ; and in this manner presented themselves 
 in the evening, without the gates of the citadel. Being 
 divided into several small bands, those, who were the first to 
 arrive, entered the place without difficulty ; but others, 
 which arrived at a late hour, found the gates closed. These 
 began to utter aloud their complaints, and to exclaim 
 against so little charity being shewn towards devout pil- 
 grims, who were just returning to their homes from Mecca. 
 They begged only a slight alms, and cover for a single night. 
 They added, that if so inconsiderable an aid were refused 
 them, the avenging Deity would know how to punish the 
 insensibility of the inhabitants. Aziscam, (which was the 
 
A MA YUM. 67 
 
 name of tlie governor), heard tlieir complaints, and was 
 touched with compassion. He commanded, tliat the gates 
 should be opened to the poor travellers ; but his pity 
 increased, when he beheld this last band of wanderers habited 
 as Santons, who are a sort of Mahometan hermits. This 
 charity, which would, in Europe, doubtless, be deemed 
 injudicious, appears excusable in the Indies. The disguised 
 pilgrims, and false hermits, availed themselves of it to get 
 possession of Labor. Introduced into the palace of the 
 governor, they appeared with a mark of devotion on their 
 countenances, calculated to deceive the most penetrating 
 observer. They, then, drew their poignards from beneath 
 their vests, and attacking the governor and his garrison 
 with the desperate fury of men determined to sell their lives 
 dear, succeeded in making themselves masters of the 
 fortress, which they resolved to maintain till the arrival of 
 the army of the king should enable them to put it in pos- 
 session of the city. Amayum, advancing by forced marches, 
 took possession of Labor. He remained there no longer 
 than was necessary to enable him to place as governor 
 over it an officer on whose fidelity he could rely. He then 
 resumed his march towards Delhi. Every thing hostile 
 was subdued by the presence of the conqueror. Amayum 
 experienced but a feeble resistance from the Patans, or the 
 Rajas. A single battle, fought near Panipat, at the 
 distance of three leagues from Delhi, put to flight all the 
 forces of Indostan ; and secured to the successors of 
 Tamerlane the empire, of which they have continued in 
 possession to the present day. 
 
 The first care of Amayum, as soon as he had remounted 
 his throne, was to conciliate the minds of tlie people, and 
 to gain the affections of the Indian nobles ; as well as to 
 reward the Faquir Chadaula, who had first acquainted him 
 with the death of Chircha. The king assigned to him 
 
 F 2 
 
68 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTT. 
 
 revenues to be possessed in his own right, and to descend 
 to his posterity, in contradiction to the laws of the kingdom. 
 The descendants of this illustrious Faquir are the only 
 Mahometans in the empire who possess a domain, over 
 which the sovereign has no control. The family of Cha- 
 daula, in consequence, holds the first rank in the Mogul 
 empire. The Faquir himself is, to this day, honored as a 
 saint. The people, and even the emperor, at times, pay a 
 visit to his sepulchre from a spirit of devotion. This trait 
 of gratitude, on the part of Amayum, is so extraordinary in 
 the history of the Mogul emperors, that it is recorded in 
 the Chronicle in the most pompous terms. 
 
 Amayum would certainly have merited the praises 
 bestowed on him, if he had kept liis word to the King of 
 Persia, which a regard to good faith, and a sense of grati- 
 tude for such essential aid as enabled him to recover his 
 kingdom, should have taught him sacredly to observe. 
 But, on the contrary, he, on this occasion, acted in direct 
 opposition to the principles of justice, and of honor. No 
 sooner had he remounted the throne, than the Mogul refused 
 to pay tribute to the King of Persia, or to surrender into 
 his hands the provinces of Candahar, and the city of Sindy. 
 How truly has it been observed, that good faith, or an 
 honorable observance of treaties, has seldom, if ever, been 
 known to exist among the Mahometan princes, of what- 
 soever nation or sect. 
 
 Amayum, subsequently, made as good a use of the 
 counsels of the King of Persia, which were to enable him to 
 rule with effect over his newly-recovered states, as he had 
 previously made of his troops, by which he had been enabled 
 te re-conquer them. He was always devising means for 
 humbling the Patans, and for the advancement of the 
 Indians. He gave particular encouragement to the native 
 race of warriors, the brave Rajepoots. He composed his 
 
AMAYUM. f)9 
 
 army of this class of his subjects, promoted them to offices 
 and did not scruple to relax sometliing from Mahometan 
 austerity, mixing at times with the idolaters in their temples, 
 and assisting at their ceremonies. It is even said, that he 
 appeared every morning, before break of day, on a balcony, 
 where he waited the rising of the sun, that he might pay 
 his devotion to that splendid luminary. Whether this be 
 true or not, certain it is, that Amayum never passed for a 
 very rigid Mahometan. 
 
 It was in views of policy such as these, that the king 
 educated his son Akebar. The lot of this young prince 
 was involved, for a time, in obscurity. The sultaness, his 
 mother, had been disgraced on false suspicion. I shall, 
 relate the account as given by the Chronicle. The Portu- 
 guese writers, not having had the opportunity of becoming 
 acquainted with this document, have given a false colouring 
 to the adventures of the queen, and the birth of the son. 
 
 At the time, when Amayum was forced to quit Delhi, 
 Chircha made himself master of the palace, the treasures 
 and the haram of the fugitive monarch. The queen became, 
 with the rest of his women, the captive of the conqueror. 
 Although she was possessed of a beauty, which might have 
 captivated his fortunate rival, Chircha, who was a truly 
 great prince, and more a man of honor than comports Avitli 
 the law of Maiiomet, treated the queen with distinction and 
 respect. He did more. As soon as he knew that she was 
 with child, he released her from captivity, and sent her to 
 her husband in Persia. The suspicions of the Mogul were 
 the cause of great unhappiness to the queen. Amayum 
 was fully persuaded that an enemy, who had dethroned him, 
 would not scruple to assail the honor of his wife. The 
 princess, repulsed by her husband on solitary conjecture, 
 claimed the protection of the Sultaness of Persia, and made 
 Chircha acquainted with the bad treatment she sufl'ered. 
 
70 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 from the jealous alai-ms of Amayum. " I am/' she wrote 
 to him, " an unfortunate princess^ of whose entire inno- 
 cence you are not ignorant ; it is incumbent upon you to 
 bear testimony to my purity." The Patan, touched with 
 the affliction of the queen, wrote to the Mogul in her favor ; 
 rendered testimony to her virtue, and swore upon the 
 Alcoran, that never had the fidelity of the sultaness suffered 
 the slightest taint. Upon receiving such unequivocal evi- 
 dence of her virtue, Amayum's former affection for the 
 princess revived; he recalled her to his j^alace, and she 
 became from that time his chief consolation in his exile. 
 To crown his felicity, the prince Akebar was born, a most 
 lovely infant, in whose features were distinctly to be traced a 
 marked resemblance to his father Amayum. This son was 
 the object of the tenderest cares of the king, after his 
 return to the Indies. 
 
 However, Amayum, still in the heighth of his prospe- 
 rity, calling to mind the precariousness of human existence ; 
 although in the meridian of life, and in excellent health, 
 applied himself to the preparing of a mausoleum for the 
 interment of his remains. All the Mahometan nobles in 
 India are inclined to this species of devotion. The expense 
 they lavish on such monuments, and the revenues with 
 which they endow them, are scarcely credible. A provision 
 is made for a certain number of Moulas, (doctors of the 
 Mahometan law), who pray continually for the soul of the 
 deceased, and read the Alcoran by the side of the 
 sepulchre. 
 
 Whilst Amayum was engaged in constructing a work 
 so agreeable to Mahometan piety, an accident befel him, 
 which occasioned his death. He had caused the plan of 
 the mausoleum, in which his ashes were to repose, to be 
 marked out without the gates of Delhi, at the termination 
 of a large bridge of twelve arches. The work was already 
 
AMAYUM. 71 
 
 far advanced, and the walls were raised to a level with the 
 key stone of the arch. The king, carrying in his hand a 
 measuring rod, was mounted on the wall, and was Avalking 
 round the edifice, on its cornice, which was very wide, 
 when the rod on which he rested broke in his hand. The 
 king fell with the pieces of the rod, and having rolled for a 
 while on the entablature, to which the architect had given a 
 slope for the purpose of carrying off the waters, he fell to 
 the ground, was dashed to pieces, and found his death on 
 the very spot intended for the place of his burial. This fine 
 monument of the piety of Amayum was afterwards finished, 
 and his body was interred in it. The sepulchre is still to be 
 seen, ornamented on the inside with the most beautiful 
 marbles, and on the outside surmounted with a magnificent 
 dome, the gilding of which, in a country where the sun 
 shines with a lustre unknown in Europe, is almost too daz- 
 zling for the sight. An establishment of Moulas have the 
 charge of keeping the edifice in repair ; they scatter conti- 
 nually fresh flowers upon the grave, taking care to cover it 
 with a magnificent cloth of gold brocade. 
 
 Amayum lived only two years, nine months, and fourteen 
 days, after the recovery of his kingdom, and twenty-two 
 years from his first accession to it. He died in the year 
 1552. 
 
72 
 
 A K E B A R, 
 
 SEVENTH EaiPEROR. 
 
 His birth in Persia. Establishes himself firmly upon the Throne. Adds the 
 Kingdom of Guzzerat to his Empire. UndeHakcs the Conquest of the King- 
 dom of the Decan. Builds the City of Agra. Besieges Chitor in order io 
 carry off the Princess Padmani. Punishes his Son lehan Guir for his 
 revolt. Causes some Jesuit Missionaries to arrive at his Court. Becomes 
 the Founder of anew Religion, The Missionaries leave him. Recalls them^ 
 Loses his second Son. His Death. 
 
 -i. HE successor of Amayum was the true heir of the 
 ability, and valour of Tamerlane. All the good qualities 
 of the Mogul princes seemed to be re-united in the person of 
 this prince, with scarcely any of the alloy of those defects, 
 which occasion the people of Europe to look upon them as 
 barbarians. A prince has rarely been known possessed of 
 more natural sagacity, or a more comprehensive mind ; of 
 a nobler or more valiant nature, and, at the same time, so 
 tender, so compassionate, and so sensible to obUgation. 
 In a word, Akebar was equally a great king, and a truly 
 honest man. The historians of Europe have done justice 
 to his merit. His glory has been celebrated in their works ; 
 but I am able to aver, that they have merely furnished a 
 sketch of the transactions of this celebrated reign. It will 
 be here attempted, with the assistance of the Mogul Chro- 
 nicle, to trace with fidelity the life of this illustrious prince. 
 The transactions, which will be related, will all have been 
 extracted from the most approved historians, and docu- 
 ments of the country. At times, some use will be made of 
 the historians of Europe, when tliey are found in accord- 
 ance with these original records. 
 
 The political edifice, constructed by Akebar, was built 
 
/ 
 A K KB A 11. 73 
 
 Upon tlie foundations laid by his father. He was convinced, 
 that it would not be possible to reign in security without 
 crushing the power of the Patans, a nation which had 
 exceedingly multiplied in India. Such as derived their 
 origin from the Tartars were too few in nundjer to be 
 capable of making head against the incredible multitude of 
 this people, who had been seated in the country four hundred 
 years. He, therefore, resolved to retain in his service 
 those Persian soldiers, whom Aniayum had brought with 
 him to India, and of whose assistance he had availed hini- 
 self to establish and to maintain himself on the throne. In 
 order to attach them the more to the country, and to his 
 service, he encouraged them to form matrimonial alliances 
 at Delhi. Thus it happens, that the greater number of 
 those who are called, in Indostan, the fair men, and some- 
 times Moguls, is rather composed of the descendarits of 
 Persians, than of Tartars. It is not till the third genera- 
 tion, that their complexion changes, together with their 
 native vigour, and courage. In course of time, they become 
 sallow, and effeminate. 
 
 Akebar, besidesthePersians, of whose valour he availed 
 himself to sustain his power, attached also to his service 
 those brave Rajepoots, who are the flower of the Indians. 
 They were of great use to the Mogul in extending his 
 dominion. The idolatrous Rajas no longer felt any repug- 
 nance to acknowledge him as their superior lord. From 
 all parts they collected around his person, and became his 
 principal courtiers. Akebar no longer experienced any 
 difficulty in levying the tributes, the exaction of which had 
 always been attended with so much trouble to his prede- 
 cessors. A policy which he employed to fix the Indians in 
 his interests, was, to receive into the number of his wives 
 their daughters, and to contract in marriage with the 
 Rajas princesses of the Mogul blood. By means of these 
 
74 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 Maliometan women, he embroiled the Rajas in perpetual 
 jars among one another. They had been taught in the 
 haram, in which they were educated, to divert the hostile 
 designs of their future spouses from the Mogul, and direct 
 them towards the Rajas their neighbours. " Your laws," 
 they said to their husbands, " allow you to make war only 
 with the Rajepoots, a people to whose cast you owe your 
 origin ; to them only the spirit of rivalry should be con- 
 fined." It was by language of this nature, that Akebar 
 sowed discord between the native chiefs ; through their 
 divisions, Akebar was enabled to reign unmolested, and to 
 pursue his conquests. If these idolatrous princes had 
 considered their own strength, and had combined together 
 against the Mahometan Patans and Tartars, who sought 
 to destroy each other, they might, doubtless, have expelled 
 them the country, and have emancipated themselves from 
 the yoke of foreigners. 
 
 When Akebar entered upon his reign, the kingdom of 
 Delhi was much confined on its southern frontier. Some 
 kingdoms of Western India, beyond the river Indus, were 
 in the power of the Moguls. On the side of Persia, Can- 
 dahar, Cabul, Moultan, the Pangiab and Delhi, of which 
 provinces Akebar was master, composed a considerable 
 empire. The southern part of Indostan, which remained 
 unsubjected, at the present day, forms the chief source of 
 that immense wealth, which renders the Mogul the richest 
 and most powerful monarch in the universe. Although 
 the river Indus partly held its course through the states 
 possessed by Akebar, still, not being possessed of a sea 
 port, his empire was unable to enjoy the advantages of a 
 free commerce ; its operations being much shackled, in 
 consequence of their being restricted to land-carriage. 
 Akebar, therefore, undertook to push his conquests to the 
 Southern Ocean, to a great distance beyond the lands. 
 
AKEBAR. 75 
 
 which had been rendered tributary l)y Tamerlane. The 
 subjection of the kingdom of Guzzerat was the first enter- 
 prize undertaken by the young monarch. 
 
 Guzzerat is one of the most fertile countries of India, 
 and the best situated for commerce. It extends from the 
 river Tai:)te on the east^, on which is situated the city of 
 Surat, to the mouth of the river Indus on the West. This 
 coast, abounding in all kinds of wealth, was at this time 
 frequented by a concourse of all the nations of Europe, and 
 Asia. The Portuguese had been long established upon the 
 coast, and had made some conquests. 
 
 Sultan Bahadur, or Badur, reigned in Guzzerat. He 
 was a descendant of one of those Mahometan adventurers, 
 who, having originally emigrated from Arabia with the 
 Patans, had, with views of participating in the wealth of 
 the country, taken up their abode in India, and from being 
 at first only simple traders, availed themselves afterwards 
 of the weakness and effeminacy of the Indian kings to 
 acquire sovereignties on the southern coast of India. Badur 
 had been engaged in a series of hostilities witii the Portu- 
 guese, who had recently dispossessed him of the city of 
 Diu, situated in the vicinity of Surat and Cambaye. How- 
 ever, when the Mogul advanced towards the kingdom of 
 Guzzerat, Badur and the Portuguese joined their forces, 
 in order to arrest the progress of the conqueror. The 
 viceroy of Goa, and his council in the Indies, considered 
 that it would be bad policy to remain idle spectators, and 
 suffer the Mogul emperor to extend his dominion through- 
 out the maritime coast of Indostan : and that his power, 
 already become so formidable in the northern parts of 
 India, unless resisted, might eventually prove fatal to their 
 interests. With these views, they furnished assistance to 
 Badur. This prince marched to encounter Akebar, with 
 an army composed of Indians and Portuguese. The Mogul, 
 
76 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 then, became vsensible, how necessary it was for a king to 
 command his armies in India in person, that he might be 
 able by his presence to inspire the weak and timid with 
 confidence, and by his example engage them to bear cheer- 
 fully those duties and fatigues, v/hich the heat of the 
 climate renders almost insupportable. The sight of the 
 Portuguese, whose reputation and valour had spread to 
 Delhi, discouraged the troops of Akebar. They had very 
 nearly abandoned the enterprize. Akebar had caused his 
 army to precede him, and followed it by easy journeys. 
 He was at the distance of forty leagues, when the news 
 reached him, that his enterprize was on the point of miscar- 
 rying, through the terror which had seized his troops. 
 Their imagination represented the Portuguese as men 
 dropped from the skies, or risen from the bosom of the 
 ocean. They were, especially, terrified at their floating 
 machines, (the name by which their vessels of war were 
 known at Delhi), unaware of their utter uselessness in a 
 battle on land. Akebar made so much haste, that his 
 sudden presence restored confidence to his army. He put 
 himself at the head of his troops, and falling with rapidity 
 upon his enemies, he taught his followers that the Portu- 
 guese were by no means invincible. In effect, the army of 
 Badur was completely routed. The Indians then, who 
 fought under his orders, abandoned their chief. Badur 
 fled ; his children fell into the hands of the conqueror, and 
 were by his orders put to death. This single victory gave 
 the Mogul entire possession of the rich kingdom of Guzzerat. 
 All the cities opened their gates to the conqueror ; the 
 places occupied by the Portuguese, on the coast, alone 
 remained unassailed. They were fortified agreeably to the 
 tactics of Europe, and the Mogul was not yet acquainted 
 with the art of laying siege to places according to scientific 
 rules. 
 
AKEBAR. 77 
 
 The kingdom of the Decan experienced the same fate 
 as that of Guzzerat. The young conqueror reduced it 
 under his yoke. Brampour, Acer, Amadanagar, and 
 Doltubad are the chief cities of this kingdom. The two 
 first obeyed a JVTahometan prince, named Mostafa. The 
 flattery of his subjects liad given him the title of Melee, or 
 King, although the state which he ruled was but a province 
 of very limited extent. Amadanagar and its territory were 
 subject to the Princess Cande, who took the title of Queen, 
 or Bibi. Ambar possessed the lordship of Doltabad, which 
 he ruled despotically. These two princes, and the princess, 
 who divided between them the sovereignty of the Decan, 
 forgot their former animosities, made a league against 
 Akebar, and assembled an army of forty thousand horse to 
 combat the common enemy. Mostafa, a prince as saga- 
 cious as brave, commanded in chief the army; Ambar 
 commanded one of the wings ; and the Princess Cande, 
 animated with a courage superior to her sex, led the other 
 wing, entirely composed of her own subjects. It was not 
 difficult for the Mogul emperor, at the head of a victorious 
 army, to put to the rout a tumultuary force, composed of 
 the troops of three confederate powers, too often found to 
 be inefficient in action ; but the besieging them, separately, 
 in their cities, was a task of greater difficulty. The citadel 
 of Acer made the most resistance. Mostafa, who defended 
 it in person, performed all that could be expected from the 
 skill of a great captain. A more powerful artillery had 
 never been known in Indostan. Some ancient culverins in 
 the fortress of Acer, of a most formidable construction, 
 were particularly admired ; for, long before the use of 
 powder and cannon was known in Europe, these destructive 
 inventions had been discovered in India. The troops of 
 Akebar suffered incredible fatigue from the frequent sorties 
 made by the troops of 3Iostafa. Oppressed by the labours 
 
78 HISTORY or THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 of a long siege, and by the heats, which, in this southern 
 latitude, are almost insupportable in the month of May, 
 they were upon the point of relinquishing the siege, when 
 they received intelligence from deserters that water 
 began to fail in the citadel. The renewed hope of a 
 successful issue put an end to their discouragement. 
 Akebar pressed the place more closely ; Mostafa, distressed 
 by the want of water, and perceiving that the rainy season 
 was yet at a distance, despaired of being able to fill his 
 cisterns. Under this apprehension, he resolved to abandon, 
 secretly, and alone, a fortress, which it w as no longer in his 
 power to defend, and to endeavour to reach Brampour, 
 that he might be enabled, by fortifying himself in that 
 place, to defend what remained of his state. He, then, 
 quitted the place by night, unattended, taking an unfre- 
 quented road, but fell, notwithstanding, into the hands of the 
 scouts of the army. Mostafa was by no means disconcerted 
 when brought into the presence of the emperor ; he dis- 
 played a presence of mind which never forsook him in the 
 greatest dangers. The Mogul demanded who he was, and 
 if he expected any favor at his hands. "I am king Mostafa, '' 
 replied the prisoner, " who have come out of the place you 
 are besieging, for the express purpose of seeking to obtain 
 from my enemy the counsel and assistance, of which I stand 
 in need, in my difficulties. It will not become so great a 
 prince as you are, to refuse a salutary counsel to one who 
 has need of it ; or to give such as will be pernicious to him. 
 The place, which T defend, begins to suffer from a scarcity 
 of water. What does it become me to do, that I may be 
 enabled to escape that state of servitude, with which I am 
 menaced ?" Akebar was surprised at the discourse of 
 Mostafa ; and as he piqued himself upon a generous bearing, 
 he made him an answer, which was both obliging, and 
 advantageous to Mostafa. " You are free," he replied," to 
 
AKEBAR. 79 
 
 return to the citadel^ which you have so ably defended. 
 Should heaven be disposed in your favor, and will your 
 preservation, you will be furnished abundantly with water, 
 when your occasions require it." Akebar did not suspect 
 the good fortune, which providence prepared for his enemy. 
 Although the rainy season seldom commences in India 
 before the middle of June, when it lasts generally three 
 months, almost without intermission, it now preceded the 
 usual period of its opening. On the following night it 
 rained so abundantly, that the cisterns of Acer were filled. 
 Akebar, who had lost the opportunity of atchieving a 
 conquest, through a principle of generosity alone, changed 
 the siege into a blockade ; and marched with his army to 
 the attack of Brampour. As this city was not defended 
 by Mostafa in person, it was soon surrendered to the 
 besiegers. The taking of the capital, was soon followed 
 by the surrender of Acer. Mostafa, yielding to his unhappy 
 fate, capitulated. He accepted a command in the army of 
 his conquerer, and held for a while, at the court of the 
 Mogul, the rank conceded to the Indian Rajas. The 
 princess Cande did not display less spirit in the defence of 
 the city of Amadanagar. Unappalled by the formidable 
 army of Akebar, she beheld with perfect composure the 
 Mogul, returned conqueror of Mostafa, surround, and lay 
 siege to the capital of her dominions. Akebar was detained 
 more than two months at the foot of her ramparts. Obliged 
 at last to yield to the perseverance of the besiegers, she 
 conceived a singular mode of taking revenge on her enemy. 
 All the gold and silver of which she was possessed, the 
 princess caused to be melted, and made into bullets, on 
 which were engraved in the characters of the country, words, 
 expressive of maledictions against the usurper. With 
 these some culverins where loaded, capable of carrying 
 ball to the distance of a league, and the bullets were fired 
 
80 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 into the copses and lesser woods, by which the place is on 
 every side environed. The princess at last capitulated, after 
 having scattered all the riches of which she purposed to 
 disappoint her conqueror. The princess soon repented of 
 her rage. At the sight of her vanquisher, she ceased to be 
 liis enemy. Akebar placed her among the number of his 
 wives, and she was treated as his queen, or rather, perhaps, 
 she was considered for along time, as his favourite Sultana. 
 Some of these bullets of gold and silver are occasionally 
 found,even at the present day, in the vicinity of Amadanagar. 
 It is but a short time since, that a peasant discovered one 
 of gold, weighing eight pounds. It was seen by M. 
 Manouchy, who was much gratified with reading the 
 inscription. 
 
 Ambar did not think proper to confine himself within 
 the walls of Doltubad, but made haste to succour the 
 besieged princess. His army was composed of fifty 
 thousand men, he, having made a levy of nearly all his 
 subjects, throughout his states, capable of bearing arms. 
 But his troops were all native Indians, destitute of courage, 
 and wretchedly armed. Akebar went out to give them battle, 
 and surprised them while marching without order, resembling 
 more a multitude of men, who were upon a journey, than 
 soldiers, who were marching to battle. A confused troop 
 of cowardly Indians was defeated with little difficulty. The 
 Mogul, who lost not a single man of his army, killed the 
 greater part of the fugitives, and dispersed the remainder. 
 Ambar was found at more than three leagues distance from the 
 field of battle, pierced with many wounds. He had, doubtless, 
 found liis death at the hands of his own soldiers ; for it was 
 afterwards discovered, that he had not been present in the 
 combat, and that he had always kept himself at a conside- 
 rable distance from the heat of the action. The Mogul, 
 become thus master of the kingdom of the Decan, beheld 
 
AKEBAR. 81 
 
 nearly all tlie southern coast of Indostan subject to his 
 -empire. 
 
 The subjection of two kingdoms established the autho- 
 rity of Akebar throughout the Indies. The terror of his 
 name, alone, kept the Rajas to their allegiance^ or drew them 
 into the service of the Mogul. Confiding ni the greatness 
 of his power, he hazarded the ruin of the city of Delhi, 
 the ancient residence of the Patan sovereigns, and the 
 capital of Indostan, The particular motive, which induced 
 Akebar to overturn the finest city of his states, has never been 
 clearly ascertained, but the prevailing opinion throughout 
 the empire attributed alone to the ambition of immortalising 
 his name, the resolution he took of founding anew Imperial 
 city. The pretext he assigned for abandoning Delhi, was a 
 vow, which he had made to build a mosque in honor of 
 Mahomet, in order to obtain from heaven a son, who might 
 be the heir to his empire. Adjacent to the mosque, the 
 Emperor built a magnificent palace, in which he fixed his 
 residence. The courtiers soon were eagerly occupied in 
 erecting their houses in the vicinity of the new palace ; so 
 that in a short time, there was a sufficient number of 
 buildings to compose a moderately-sized city. The place 
 kept its ancient name of Fetipour. The glory of this new 
 establishment was of short duration. In a little time it 
 w as discovered, that the air was unwholesome, and that 
 the waters occasioned diseases. The king himself con- 
 demned his bad choice, abandoned Fetipour, and returned 
 to the banks of the river Genma, to erect a new city in the 
 neiirhbourhood of Delhi. The ruins of the ancient served 
 for the construction of the new capital. For sometime this 
 place was also the residence of the prince ; but Akebar w as 
 fond of change. He selected the city of Agra, at that time 
 an inconsideiable place, whither to transport his throne 
 and his court. 
 
 G 
 
82 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 Agra^ at the present day the ordinary residence of the 
 Mogul emperors, is situated in a spacious plain, upon 
 the banks of the same river which passes by Delhi. It 
 extends itself upon the banks of the Gemna, in the 
 form of a crescent. At one of its extremities, the Imperial 
 palace, and the mansions of the principal nobility are 
 erected. The city in length is about nine Italian miles, but 
 is much less in breadth. It was not, indeed, in the time of 
 Akebar, surrounded with walls, but a large trench, into 
 which the water of the river had been introduced, environed 
 it on all sides. In a short time, the inhabitants were esti- 
 mated to amount to six hundred and sixty thousand persons, 
 including all sexes and ages, without taking into the account 
 strangers, whom the convenience of caravanseras, and the 
 facilities which it afforded for trade, attracted thither from 
 all the countries of Asia. 
 
 The palace of the emperor, which serves for a citadel 
 to the city of Agra, may pass for one of the finest in the 
 world, whether considered with respect to its situation, its 
 structure, or its riches. It is situated upon an eminence, 
 and its walls, raised twenty-five cubits from the ground, 
 are constructed of a kind of red free stone, which resembles 
 marble. The masonry is incomparable ; this magnificent 
 edifice has the appearance of one single mass, it being 
 impossible to discern the parts where the stones unite. The 
 view of the structure from the river is particularly fine. 
 The windows and balconies, disposed with much symmetry, 
 are very ornamental. It is thence, the emperor views the 
 combat of elephants, upon a strand, which extends from 
 the palace to the river. Upon the opposite bank of the 
 river, a second city is descried, equal in length to the first, 
 but not quite so wide ; this is the quarter of the banianS;^ 
 or merchants. The trafliie carried on here is immense. 
 
AREEAR. 8:^ 
 
 Akebar considered the city of Agra, of wliicli he was 
 the founder, as the brightest monument of his glory ; and 
 was desirous that it shoukl bear his name. In his lifetime, 
 it was called Akerabad, or, the city of Akebar. After his 
 death, when the people were no longer constrained to 
 flatter the vanity of the monarch, Akerabad resumed its 
 ancient appellation of Agra, which it still retains. 
 
 The emperor's warlike propensities were not forgotten 
 
 amidst these peaceable occupations. An Indian prince in 
 
 his neighbourhood, of the race of the famous Rana, w ho 
 
 yielded formerly to the arms of Tamerlane, and who 
 
 Ijreserved still a species of independence, was particularly 
 
 obnoxious to him. This chief was named like his ancestor 
 
 Rana, and boasted his origin from the ancient Porus. 
 
 The states of Rana were only twelve days' journey from 
 
 Delhi, and the capital of his country was called Chitor. 
 
 This was more a place of strength, than a busy or populous 
 
 town. It is situated on a lofty mountain, insulated on all 
 
 sides, in the centre of a spacious plain. The summit of the 
 
 mountain, on which the city is built, is a perfect level. The 
 
 circumference may be about a league and a half, and the 
 
 breadth, in some places, half a league. At the foot of the 
 
 mountain, flow the tranquil waters of the Nug, a river of 
 
 considerable depth, and pretty w ide. A brook of the finest 
 
 water has its source in the city, and after meandering for 
 
 a while, and forming several natural cascades on the edge 
 
 of the mountain, its waters are precipitated into the 
 
 river. Within the circuit of the fortress are contained 
 
 fine fields planted with rice, and irrigated by the w aters 
 
 of the brook. A sufficient quantity of provisions is 
 
 raised to supply a moderate garrison. A place which is 
 
 so difficult of access, and deficient neither in provisions 
 
 nor water, is considered in India as impregnable. Akebar, 
 
 nevertheless, undertook the conquest of Chitor. The 
 
 G 2 
 
84 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 passion of the young emperor for the Princess Padmani, 
 wife to Rana, the sovereign of Chitor^ enabled him, it is 
 said, to overcome difficulties, Avhich would otherwise have 
 appeared insurmountable. Before engaging in so difficult 
 an undertaking, Akebar caused to be announced to the 
 Raja, by his ambassadors, that his enterprise was not one 
 merely of ambition ; that the Indian might preserve his 
 states from the misfortunes with which they were menaced, 
 by resigning the most charming princess of all the east, to 
 the most powerful emperor of the universe. A proposition 
 of this kind in India is not so revolting to the mind as it is 
 in Europe ; repudiation is permitted by the laws. Rana, 
 however, was too strongly attached to Padmani to deliver 
 her up to his rival. He, therefore, on receiving these 
 propositions, took counsel only from his courage, and the 
 tears of his wife. "Is it possible," said the virtuous princess, 
 '' that you can abandon me to a tyrant I abhor. Do we not 
 possess in Chitor the means of successfully resisting the 
 forces of the enemy, and of extinguishing his passion, by 
 the tediousness of a fruitless siege. Let the worst come ; 
 if it be necessary to forfeit life, I shall leave it without 
 regret, provided I suffer not the calamity of surviving you." 
 Language so affecting made Rana resolve rather to risk 
 the result of an honourable war, than to submit to a dis- 
 graceful peace. He replied to the ambassador of Akebar, 
 that he would counsel his master not to present himself 
 before Chitor; that should his passion be stronger than his 
 reason, Akebar would find in the person of Rana a true 
 Rajepoot, able to maintain his rights, and incapable of 
 betraying his fidelity to Padmani. The emperor was 
 astonished at so bold an answer. He was not accustomed 
 to experience opposition to his desires, and to find himself 
 thwarted in his j^leasures. He then assembled, with the 
 greatest celerity, those victorious troops, which had already 
 
AKEBAR. 85 
 
 subjected to his dominion two kingdoms. Rana, on his 
 side, was no less diligent ; and made preparations to sustain 
 a long siege in Chitor. He endeavoured, by liis ambas- 
 sadors, to arouse from their indolence the Rajas, his neigh- 
 bours. He insinuated to tliem, tliat througli their neglect 
 and inactivity, they would suiler themselves to be tyrannised 
 over by a Mahometan ; that the Moguls v/ere a race of 
 men recently arrived in Indostan^ and were powerful only 
 through the divisions, which prevailed among the Indians ; 
 that if the princes, who were the worshippers of Brama, 
 would unite to oppose the Mahometan sectaries, the 
 destruction of this people would be easily accomplished. 
 Jamal and Tata, the Rajas of two provinces in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Chitor, joined their troops to those of Rana, 
 and came to wage war in person against Akebar. They 
 presented themselves in the field at the head of their army ; 
 but the Mogul, who advanced with the utmost rapidity 
 towards Chitor, easily dispersed their forces. The two 
 Rrijas had no other resource, than to retreat into the strong 
 places of their provinces, and to wait the attack of an enemy, 
 whose strength in the field they were unable to resist. 
 Never had there appeared in Indostan a finer or more 
 numerous army, than was this of the Mogul. Akebar spared 
 no expence, that he might appear before Chitor in all the 
 splendour of liis glory. His pavillions displayed riches not 
 easily imagined in Europe. Gold shone resplendent in 
 every part. He was flattered, equally, with the hopes of 
 fascinating and dazzling the princess by so great a display 
 of magnificence, and of intimidating Rana by the prodigious 
 multitude of his forces. Akebar had to experience the 
 ascendancy of virtue and valour over the most flattering 
 projects, and their superiority to circumstances the most 
 calculated to inspire apprehension. Tlie gallant Indians 
 beheld without emotion, from the summit of their mountain. 
 
86 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 the magnificence, and the prodigious extent of the camp 
 of their enemies. In the beginning of the siege, the Mogul 
 made war in the cliaracter of a passionate lover. Arrows, 
 it is said, were discharged into the city, to which the 
 emperor had affixed letters for Padmani. The princess 
 was by no means moved by them. Akebar pressed, then, 
 the siege as a man in despair ; he caused the place to be 
 assailed by a furious artillery ; but his cannon, which were 
 levelled at the fortifications from the lower grounds, had 
 very little effect. The Indians, from the heighth of their 
 walls, insulted the Mahometans, reproaching them with 
 their want of courage, although they were stimulated to 
 the fight by more than one passion. A Portuguese 
 historian says, that the siege of Troy was renewed in the 
 siege of Chitor. He adds, that it lasted twelve years, and 
 that the duration of the war allowed time for Padmani to 
 lose her bloom, whilst these extraordinary efforts were 
 making to get possession of her person. This is an exag- 
 geration, and is at variance with the account given by the 
 Mogul Chronicle. The siege lasted at the utmost not more 
 than two years, and was terminated only by an event, of a 
 very singular nature. It is not intended to vouch for the 
 truth of the narrative. 
 
 It is said, that Akebar, wearied by so obstinate a 
 resistance, affected an inclination to relinquish the siege of 
 Chitor ; and that he wrote to Rana a letter, expressed in 
 terms of great civility, but, at the same time, of a very 
 artful nature. He paid the Raja many compliments on 
 his valour ; but before relinquishing an enterprize, which he 
 could not, he said, abandon without a portion of humiliation 
 and disgrace, he requested that Rana would grant him two 
 favours. — The first was, that he might be permitted to see 
 the princeas ; and the second, that he might be allowed 
 to enter Chitor, and have the satisfaction of viewing the 
 
AKEBAR. 87 
 
 I 
 
 only place in the world capable of rcsisliiig his arms. 
 The Raja granted, willingly, the second of his requests, 
 and refused him the first. He would allow the Mogul 
 to enter Chitor with a suit of fifty attendants, bul 
 he did not engage to permit him to see Padmani. Akebar 
 accepted the offer of the Raja; and, after receiving 
 hostages for the security of his person, he entered Chitor, 
 with a suite yet fewer than the number which had been 
 stipulated. The emperor received, at the hands of Rana, 
 all the respect, and distinction, which was due to his rank. 
 The entertainment, which was given in his palace, by Rana, 
 to the emperor, was served up after the Indian manner. 
 The conversation was obliging on both sides ; but Akebar, 
 who was eloquent and persuasive, knew how to lead Rana 
 to go beyond the strict letter of his engagement. As soon 
 as he perceived the Indian somewhat warmed by the fumes 
 of the entertainment, he solicited him, earnestly, to allow 
 Padmani to make her appearance, though it were but for 
 an instant. The Raja gave his consent ; but there was the 
 greatest difficulty in bringing the princess to a compliance. 
 At last, out of complaisance to her husband, she just 
 shewed herself, and instantaneously disappeared. The indis- 
 cretion of Rana cost him dear. The sight of the princess 
 added fuel to the passion of Akebar ; but he had sufhcient 
 command over himself, to conceal his emotion. He made 
 Rana believe, that he was resolved on raising the siege of a 
 place, which had caused him but too many losses. He even 
 had the skill to avoid interweaving, in his discourse, more 
 than cold and formal praises of Padmani. Rana, deceived 
 by appearances, treated his most cruel enemy with the 
 greatest confidence. He both received, and returned pre- 
 sents. Akebar gave the prince a cimeter, studded with 
 diamonds; and Rana presented the emperor with some 
 jewels of value. However, the time for their separating 
 
 y 
 
88 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNAST V. 
 
 was now approaching. Akebar took his leave, and pro- 
 ceeded towards the gate of the fortress, followed only hy 
 his suite, composed of forty attendants, and accompanied, 
 out of courtesy, by Rana. During their progress, Akebar 
 renewed the most obliging protestations. Having, at last, 
 reached the gate of the city, the Mogul, apparently in testi- 
 mony of his regard, threw around the neck of Rana one 
 of those large pearl necklaces, with which the rnen, as well 
 as the women, adorn themselves in India. He had used 
 the precaution of having them strung on a cord of some 
 strength. Assisted by this collar of pearls, he forced the 
 Raja through the gate; whilst his forty resolute followers 
 02)posed any movement, which might be attempted by the 
 guard, for the rescue of their prince. The Indian was 
 compelled to mount on horseback ; and the party, after 
 sustaining some discharges of musquetry from the ramparts, 
 at last succeeded in conducting Rana into the Mogul's 
 camp. 
 
 The noise, in the meanwhile, occasioned by the struggle 
 at the gate of the city, threw all Cliitor into consternation. 
 An alarm was spread, that the enemy had taken possession 
 of the place. Indeed, if the Mogul had been provided with 
 an armed force to sustain the enterprise, the Indians, in 
 their present terror, might have been easily subdued. 
 Rumour, which always magnifies an evil, brought to the 
 hearing of Padmani the intelligence of a sudden irruption 
 of the enemy. She was also told, that her husband had 
 disappeared in the confusion. The noble-minded princess 
 did not suffer herself to be subdued by so unlooked-for a 
 calamity. She mounted on horseback, and with lance in 
 hand, appeared at the head of her troops, prepared to 
 vanquish or perish. It was only on the spot, where the 
 scene transpired, that she was made acquainted with the 
 treachery of Akebar, and the carrying oif of Rana. 
 
AKEBAR 89 
 
 Sensible that she was the cause of the misfortune of her 
 husband, Padniani exerted all her energies to control her 
 agonising emotions. ^' He is dead!" she exclaimed, with 
 an heroic spirit ; " that beloved husband, whom my fatal 
 attachment has destroyed ! Let us no longer think of 
 recovering him by a dishonourable treaty ; but let us 
 revenge him, by beholding perish around us the authors of 
 his death." Having thus spoken, without shedding tears, 
 although she was penetrated with the liveliest grief, she 
 made the round of the ramparts, administered every where 
 her orders, encouraged the soldiers, and gave animation 
 to the chiefs. She shewed herself, indeed, as much supe- 
 rior to men in spirit, and in courage, as she surpassed the 
 rest of her sex in beauty. 
 
 Akebar already flattered himself with soon becoming 
 master of the fortress. He caused it to be announced to 
 the besieged, that if they did not deliver up the place, as 
 well as the princess, he should begin by cutting oft" the head 
 of Rana ; and that he w ould complete his revenge by sack- 
 ing the city, and massacreing the inhabitants. The noble 
 Amazon replied, that her husband having fallen into the 
 hands of a treacherous enemy, she could not doubt but he 
 was already dead ; yet, that there still renuiined a sufficient 
 number of brave Rajepoots among her people, to revenge 
 their sovereign. As for herself, she would exert all the 
 authority which heaven had given her over her subjects, to 
 raise up enemies to the Moguls still more formidable than 
 Rana. Further, that the principal chiefs of her army had 
 sworn sooner to lose their lives than to surrender the 
 place. 
 
 Akebar was not unacquainted with the constancy of the 
 Rajepoots in their resolutions. He, therefore, came to the 
 determination of raising the siege, and endeavouring to 
 obtain the princess by the means of negociation. An 
 
90 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 ambassador carried to Padmani presents of great value, 
 accompanied with letters, expressive of the intenseness of 
 his passion. Akebar represented to the princess, that she 
 had given sufficient proofs of the fidelity due to a husband ; 
 that it was now time to make some sacrifice to the power of 
 a great monarch, and to her ow^n interest ; that her affection 
 for Rana could not be better demonstrated, than in pro- 
 curing the liberty of her captive husband : and that in 
 withdrawing Rana from captivity, she would become the 
 most powerful queen in the world. She was shewn even 
 letters, which had been extorted from the captive prince, 
 by Avhich he exhorted her to become happy, in restoring 
 him to libert}-. The heroine comprehended, that this con- 
 sent of Rana was forced ; and, that her glory, besides, 
 was interested in remaining faithful to her husband. She 
 considered, however, that she was justified in dissembling, 
 and in trying to deceive a perfidious enemy, who had got 
 possession of the person of her husband by surprise and 
 deceit. She, therefore, gave the Mogul to understand, 
 that she began to change her sentiments, and that ambition 
 had shaken her resolutions : that were it not for an oath, 
 which held her indispensably bound to Rana, she should 
 rejoice to become the sultaness of the Mogul ; but, that she 
 had vowed to her first husband by his gods, that she would 
 never be another's, without having his consent granted 
 expressly from his own mouth. That she left the choice to 
 the emperor, to give permission to Rana to come into 
 Chitor, or to allow Padmani to visit her husband in the place 
 of his captivity, and obtain from him a personal declaration 
 of repudiation. Akebar did not hesitate to prefer the 
 latter alternative. He gave his consent, that the queen 
 should come with a large escort, and visit her husband. 
 
 The place, where Rana was confined, was a fortress in 
 the vicinity of Agra. It is impossible to describe the impa- 
 
\KEBAR. 91 
 
 ti6nce shewn by Akebar, to behold in his capital a princess, 
 for whose sake he had incurred so much expense, and run 
 so many hazards. Couriers were incessantly employed to 
 invite her not to delay her departure. Every day the 
 Mogul sent to her presents of jewels, fruits, and that species 
 of nosegay, of a mysterious character, made use of in the 
 East to express, by the disposition of the flowers, the 
 sentiments of the heart. The princess caused equipages to 
 be got ready, with the utmost celerity, for her journey. 
 Palanquins were prepared, of the greatest magnificence. 
 In India, the palanquins are a species of sedan, in which 
 persons of quality cause themselves to be conveyed upon 
 he shoulders of ten or twelve slaves. They are sufficiently 
 long to allow of lying at full length, as in a litter. Those of 
 the men are uncovered, and those in which women are 
 carried, are closed, and are more spacious than those of 
 the men. Four persons may be accommodated with con- 
 venience, so that slaves to the number of twenty are some- 
 times employed in carrying those of the princesses. 
 
 In the two palanquins, Padmani caused eight of the 
 bravest of her subjects to be seated, and commanded theui 
 to maintain the strictest silence during their progress. As 
 for herself, having seen the palanquins take their departure, 
 accompanied by an escort, she remained at Chitor. The 
 project was executed with so much secresy, that every 
 person in the city w^as deceived. Tears were shed at the 
 pretended departure of the princess. The people, in 
 crowds, accompanied the escort through the gates, 
 imagining they were taking a last leave of the princess. 
 In the meanwhile, Padmani, preserving the strictest retire- 
 ment in her palace, rejoiced in the affection displayed by 
 her subjects. 
 
 The emperor no sooner heard that the Indian princess 
 had set out for Agra, than he s^nt various persons to com- 
 
92 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 pliment her. The chief eunuch of the princess, who con* 
 ducted the intrigue, and who was shut up in the palanquin, 
 which they imagined contained the princess, gave answers 
 in her name. Among other communications, he gave 
 notice to the emperor under the name of Padmani ; that if 
 she were obstructed on her route, or prevented from pro- 
 ceeding direct to her husband without passing through 
 the capital, or, if she were interrupted even in her conference 
 with Rana ; she was determined to pierce herself with a 
 poignard, which she had brought on purpose with her, and 
 which she held always in her hand, to be prepared against 
 a surprise. Akebar took great care not to make the slightest 
 opposition to the wishes of the princess. He gave her to 
 understand, that she would be at perfect liberty to see Rana, 
 to converse with him, and to take her last farewell. 
 
 In proportion as the palanquins approached the city, 
 the couriers became more frequent. They were found at 
 every village, and the eunuch continued, unintermittingly, to 
 give answers to the letters of Akebar. At the distance of 
 half a day's journey from Agra, about three or four leagues 
 from the fortress in which Rana was confined, they found 
 a magnificent equipage, which the emperor had forw arded 
 for the use of the princess. It was composed of elephants 
 of war, camels, and a numerous escort, which was destined 
 to accompany Padmani to the palace of the Mogul, and to 
 take the place of the Rajepoots of her guard, at the same 
 time that her husband, attended by the same suite which had 
 escorted thence the princess, took the road to Chitor. At 
 last, in the evening, they arrived at the place in which Rana 
 was prisoner. The two palanquins, and some officers of 
 the Indian escort, were alone permitted to enter the fortress. 
 These, having arms concealed under their vests, in con- 
 junction with the band of resolutes, w lio had been shut up 
 - in the palanquins, slew the governor, who was tlie first to 
 
AKEBAR. 93 
 
 present himself to receive the princess. Having made 
 themselves afterwards masters of the guard, they made 
 haste to deliver Rana from his prison. He was mounted 
 on a horse of extraordinary lleetness, and as relays had 
 been prepared on tlie whole of his route, the Raja was 
 soon enabled to reach Chitor, and to testify to Padmani 
 the gratitude which was due to her as his liberatress. 
 Akebar, in the meanwhile, was Avaiting in a garden the 
 arrival of the princess, when he was informed that the 
 Raja had escaped; armed men, concealed in the palanquins, 
 having appeared instead of Padmani. In the first moment 
 of surprise, and irritation, Akebar ordered the man wlio 
 was the bearer of the intelligence to be beheaded ; but soon 
 recollecting himself, he was contented with banishing him 
 for ever from his presence. '' Let Rana be instantly pur- 
 sued," he exclaimed. But Rana had gained an advance, 
 which precluded the possibility of his being overtaken. 
 With respect to the Rajepoots, who had served as escort 
 to the palanquins ; after journeying nil night with the utmost 
 expedition, they found themselves, in the morning, in the 
 territory of a friendly Raja, allied to the Prince of Chitor, 
 and returned to their country in safety. No sooner was 
 Rana returned to his city, than he wrote taunting letters to 
 Akebar. He reproached him with his treachery, and rallied 
 him on the ill success of his enterprises. He challenged 
 him to make a second essay of the fortune of his arms by 
 besieging the citadel. He added, in conclusion, that after 
 having been vanquished, and overreached by a woman, he 
 might justly expect a more complete discomfiture from an 
 army of Rajepoots, who waited for him impatiently. Rana 
 did more than insult his enemy by letters. He erected a 
 column in the great square of Chitor, on which he had 
 engraved these words in the language of the country : — 
 ^' Never more place confidence in the Moguls, of whose 
 faith you liave had bitter experience." 
 
94 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 The conduct of Rana, and the contempt of Padmanf/ 
 kindled a rage in the breast of Akebar^, which he could no 
 longer master. He assembled a second time his troops ; 
 he augmented his artillery ; he caused machines to be con- 
 structed ; finally, he gave such good directions for recom- 
 mencing the siege of Chitor^ that he deemed his success 
 infallible. In this confidence, he surrounded the place on 
 all sides ; he caused cavaliers to be raised, upon which he 
 planted his machines. The attack and defence w as destruc- 
 tive on both sides. It was no longer an enamoured monarch, 
 who spared the subjects of his princess ; it was a vindictive 
 prince, who revenged his personal injuries. The two chiefs 
 were continually occupied ; the one in pressing the siege, 
 the other in seeking to counteract the efforts of his rival. 
 Rana was almost contiri»ually on the ramparts, where he 
 encouraged his soldiers, and caused the breaches to be 
 repaired. Akebar, on his side, took his station often on 
 the cavaliers which he had constructed, and gave his orders 
 for forming the attacks. One day, that the emperor had 
 mounted on one of those terraces, whicli nearly equalled in 
 heighth the walls of Chitor, he perceived on the ramparts 
 an ofiicer of the enemy who was pacing slowly to and fro ; 
 he took aim at him with a carabine, which brought the 
 Raja to the ground. Akebar learnt, two days afterwards, 
 that the random shot, which he had tired, had caused the 
 death of his rival. The body of Rana was consumed on a 
 funeral pile, accompanied with every display of aifection, 
 and all the honors due to his rank and merit ; and the noble 
 Padmani, agreeably to the usage of the Rajepoot prin- 
 cesses, threw herself into the flames, and mixed her ashes 
 with those of her husband. Chitor continued to make 
 some resistance, but it became necessary, at last, to yield to 
 the valour and fortune of Akebar. — This history, which is 
 found, says M. Manouchi, both in the works of European 
 writers, and in those of the native historians of India, has 
 
AKEBARi 95 
 
 the air of a romance. Nevertheless, apparently, there is. 
 nothing in it of the manner of those fables, which are so 
 common in the productions of the native writers. They 
 are almost all taken up with dialogues of apes, tales of 
 animals^ of the miracles of the gods of the country, and 
 similar matter, the whole entirely destitute of ])robability. 
 However, as the adventures of Akebar and Padmani are 
 not found in the Chronicle of the empire, the reader is at 
 liberty to place confidence in it to whatever extent he 
 pleases. The capture of Chitor, and the death of Rana, 
 are incontestible facts. 
 
 Akebar, after the fatigues of the siege of Chitor, 
 thought proper to allow himself some repose. The Mogul 
 emperors have always possessed the advantage in the 
 Indies, of having it in their power to make war, or taste 
 the sweets of peace, at their option. The Indians defend 
 themselves, sometimes, when they are attacked, but they are 
 never the aggressors. The emperor now employed his 
 leisure, in embellishing his city of Agra, completing the 
 building of his palace, and adorning his gardens. He 
 formed indeed, a chimerical enterprise. It is said, that he 
 entertained the idea of building a palace, to be entirely 
 constructed of brass. This would be the true mean, he 
 said, of obtaining a defence from the heats, which are very 
 inconvenient in the Indies. It is added, that he did not 
 abandon his design, until he found that materials could not 
 be procured in sufficient quantity to carry the project into 
 execution. He was more happy in the execution of another 
 scheme. From Agra to Labor, the distance is computed 
 to be one hundred and fifty leagues. Akebar caused the 
 whole road, from one city to the other, to be planted with 
 an alley of trees, which, for its length, and its perpetual 
 verdure, is the most beautiful, and the most extraordinary 
 nionument in the whole empire. It still subsists, and is a 
 
96 HISTORY OP THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 convenience of incredible advantage to those who travel, 
 who are thereby enabled to take so long a journey, defended 
 always by the shade. 
 
 All the amusements of the emperor partook of a 
 
 martial character. He had retained from the Tartars, his 
 
 ancestors, a fondness for archery, and for the taming of 
 
 fiery steeds. The exercise, which he more especially 
 
 delighted in, was to mount on the war elephants, and to 
 
 serve as their conductor, whilst they engaged in combat. 
 
 This is a species of exercise so extremely dangerous, that 
 
 the wives of those, whose duty it becomes, tear their 
 
 vestments, and pluck the pendants from their ears, when 
 
 they behold their husbands expose themselves to these 
 
 kind of combats. Nevertheless, what to others was a 
 
 terrific occupation, served Akebar as an amusement. An 
 
 adventure is related of him, which displays the intrepidity 
 
 of the gallant Mogul. Some rebellious peasants had fled 
 
 for refuge to a city indifferently fortified, but of which it 
 
 was difficult to force the gates. Akebar gave orders to 
 
 employ the war elephants in breaking down the gates, and 
 
 forcing a passage into the place. The conductors of these 
 
 animals, which are trained to these kind of conflicts, failed 
 
 in resolution. The monarch was exasperated. Having 
 
 that day assumed the dress of a simple soldier, that he 
 
 might not be known in an inglorious war, undertaken 
 
 against peasants, he took the place of one of the conductors ; 
 
 mounting on the neck of the elephant, and guiding him 
 
 with an iron hook, he made the animal, with so much 
 
 address, go through the manoeuvres used on those occasions, 
 
 that the gate was burst open. This was a perilous attempt.' 
 
 Arrows were discharged at the elephant, and at him who 
 
 guided it, but the emperor escaped without injury. The 
 
 conductor of the second elephant, charmed with the valour 
 
 of the man whom he believed a simple soldier, demanded 
 
AKEBAR. 97 
 
 of Akebar his name, tliat he ini<^ht, he said, report liis 
 bravery to the emperor. " I am called/' replied Akebar, 
 ^'' the Smasher of" Gates, do not forget to bear a good testi- 
 mony in my favor." In ellect, his faithfid companion did 
 not fail the next morning, at the audience which the king 
 permits generally to all his subjects, to give a recital of 
 the valour and address of the man, named the Smaslicr of 
 Gates. The emperor, recollected at these words, what had 
 passed, and avowed himself. He then gave the reward, 
 which was due to his own intrepidity, to liiui who had 
 bonie his testimony to it. The man was presented with a 
 complete serpaon, that is, with a dress, a turban, and a 
 horse. His pay was augmented, and he was promoted to 
 a higher rank. 
 
 This war, against the rebellious peasants, gave Akebar 
 more trouble, than all his successes over the Rajas. These 
 unfortunate beings were intrenched in inaccessible forests, 
 whose paths were familiar to them, whence they issued in 
 bands, to burn or pillage the villages. Wheu surprised, 
 they fled to, and fortified themselves in the midst ol" ruined 
 habitations, and if compelled to defend themselves, they 
 discharged their pieces, when the enemy had approached 
 within half musquet shot distance. Their carabines were 
 then re-loaded by their wives ; they, afterwards, made use 
 in their defence, of the bow and the javelin. It was in the 
 reign of Akebar, that this war of the peasants began. It 
 may be said, that it is not yet terminated ; at the present 
 day, these unhappy wretches are beheaded, whenever they 
 are found in the villages carrying arms. Nothing is more 
 common than for travellers to find heads hung upon the 
 trees, or fixed upon poleS;, along the great roads. These 
 robbers are to be known by their shaven chins, and loiig 
 mustachios, which extend to the ears, and are dispersed 
 in all the hamlets which lie between Agra and Delhi. 
 
 H 
 
98 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 The astrologers of the country pretend that the planet 
 Mars rules over this part of India. They say, that even 
 the waters, which are drank throughout the country, have 
 the quality of inspiring courage, and warlike inclinations. 
 Travellers have also remarked, in passing through this 
 province, that the bulls which are natives of it, though in 
 size small, have their horns more pointed than is common 
 to those animals, and that they contend together often with 
 a fury, which is rarely seen elsewhere. 
 
 Whilst thus occupied in purging his states from robbers, 
 Jehan Guir, the eldest son of the emperor, was entering 
 upon the state of manhood. This young prince had been 
 hitherto educated in the retirement of the haram, and, being 
 destitute of experience, appeared likely to become a prey 
 to the counsels of designing men. Some discontented 
 persons made use of the facility of Jehan Guir 's disposition, 
 to inspire him with an inclination to revolt. '' Sufficiently 
 long," they said to him, " has a father, jealous of your 
 glory, suffered you to languish in inaction. The first years 
 of a prince, destined to wear so many crowns, ought to be 
 employed in warlike enterprises. It is thus, that a people, 
 whom, by our birth, we are called one day to rule, are 
 impressed with a favorable opinion of our courage. Since 
 a father, envious of your acquiring distinction, deprives 
 you of all opportunity of combatting by his side, endeavour 
 to acquire renown in fighting against him. Whatever you 
 may undertake, to the injury of a tyrant, who holds in 
 captivity your rising valour, will be applauded by the great 
 officers of the crown. As for us, my lord, we are quite 
 prepared to second your designs. Akebar has reigned 
 sufficiently long for his own glory, and too long for the 
 happiness of his people. It is but just, that he should 
 yield his place to a young prince, whose duty it will be» 
 
AKEBAH. 99 
 
 wlien on the throne, to exert himself to promote the 
 prosperity of his states." 
 
 Such pernicious discourse, ensnared the young Jehan 
 Guir into an open revolt; but the discontented were few in 
 number, and the authority of Akebar was too firmly esta- 
 blished, to be shaken by such means. Jehan Guir trusted, 
 that the good fortune of his father would pass over to his 
 side. He found that an aged and experienced monarch is 
 a dangerous antagonist for a young prince, who calculates 
 only on his courage. He was made prisoner, and was 
 suffered to languish some months, confined in a fortress, 
 under the constant apprehension of being ordered for 
 execution. 
 
 At last, the affection, which Akebar had for a son of 
 such great promise, subdued his resentment, and prevailed 
 against the strict demands of justice. But, the disobedience 
 of the prince did not escape without rliastisement. The 
 emperor taught his son, how much he merited punishment 
 for his revolt. The very day, that Akebar liberated Jehan 
 Guir from captivity, he carried him, on the pretext of 
 hunting, into the recesses of a forest. This was with the 
 intention of exhibiting to the guilty prince, a terrific spec- 
 tacle, which might serve to impress him with an abiding 
 lesson, of the respect and obedience due to a sovereign. 
 Akebar had here caused to be affixed, to the different 
 branches of a tree, the heads of a hundred of the principal 
 conspirators. Jehan Guir recognised them all, as being 
 those of his late friends and advisers, and was terrified at 
 the sight ; but he was yet more strongly affected, when his 
 father addressed him in these words : — " You have forgotten, 
 perfidious young man, that I am your father ; but I cannot 
 forget that you are my son. The vengeance, which I have 
 taken on your accomplices, instructs you sufficiently in 
 your own deserts. I give you back again the life, which I 
 
 n 2 
 
100 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 first gave you at your birth, and of which you meditated 
 depriving me. However, notwithstanding my affection, 
 you will be unable to escape one punishment, which it is 
 incumbent uopn me to visit on your unnatural conduct* In 
 the Chronicles of the empire, it will be recorded : that 
 Jehan Guir was the first of the posterity of Tamerlane, to 
 conspire against the life of his father. See that you avoid 
 the infamy, of suffering to descend to posterity, the record 
 of a second crime, of the like guilt." The young prince 
 profited by advice, given under such affecting circumstances, 
 by so indulgent a parent. He repaired the errors of a 
 few months, by an affection and a duty, which ever after- 
 wards remained unshaken. 
 
 As a passion for enterprise had been the principal 
 cause of the revolt of Jehan Guir ; that he might not be 
 again tempted to acts of disobedience, from motives of 
 discontent, Akebar resolved to furnish him with an oppor- 
 tunity of displaying his valour. He entertained the design 
 of making war upon a powerful Raja, whose territories 
 interposed between his own states and the kingdom of 
 Bengal; a country, the conquest of which he meditated. 
 The name of this Raja was Carn. Akebar had kept his 
 intention so secret, that he had not confided it to a single 
 person. Nevertheless, a report, that the Raja's territories 
 were about to be attacked, was generally diffused through- 
 out Agra. The emperor was astonished, that his purpose 
 should have been so accurately divined, and wished to 
 ascertain the source whence the report originated. He 
 found, that a slave of the palace, whose business it was to 
 keep off the flies from the Sultan, whilst he slept, had 
 discovered the secret. Akebar wished to know the means 
 by which the slave had penetrated his intentions. The 
 slave made the following confession : — '^ During the time, 
 that you were sleeping, my lord, at mid-day, I observed 
 
AKEBAR. 101 
 
 tliat you pointed witli your finger to the quarter, in which 
 the lands of Raja Carn are situated. You then assumed 
 the postures of a man, who combats with the bow and the 
 sabre. Lastly, you seized yourself by the beard, and 
 placed yourself in the attitude of a man, who seeks to 
 triumph over an enemy, by his humiliation in his presence. 
 As the Raja is the only person of rank among the Indians, 
 who wears his beard long, according to the fashion of the 
 Mahometans ; and, as I know his territory lies very con- 
 venient for you, I conjectured, that you were meditating, 
 even in your dreams, to make war upon the Raja Carn. 
 I at first mentioned it merely as a matter of conjecture ; 
 but, agreeably to the ordinary coui'se of popular rumours, 
 it came soon to be reported as an established fact." Akebar 
 acknowledged, that the slave had guessed shrewdly, and 
 justly ; and from that time, he would no more suifer his 
 person to be approached, during his hours of repose. As 
 his designs had now been made public, he no longer thought 
 of entrusting the execution of them to his son. 
 
 It was, however, in the power of the emperor, to have 
 given a direction to the valour of Jehan Guir, by employing 
 it in the north, on the other side of the river Indus. It has 
 been stated, that the Patans, who were defeated by Amayum, 
 had retired iuto inaccessible mountains. They had there 
 formed a species of little state, between Cabul and the 
 Tartars; and, issuing, at times, from their retreats, made 
 inroads upon the Mogul territory. This was an enemy, the 
 more to be dreaded, as he had a feasible right to the 
 kingdom of Delhi, of which he had been dispossessed only a 
 few years. Akebar gave orders for an army of eighty 
 thousand men, to march against them. All Cabulestan was 
 exhausted, to furnish troops for this expedition. Jehan 
 Guir desired passionately to have the command of them. 
 His father did not judge it i)roper, and the event proved. 
 
102 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY^ 
 
 that the caution of Akebar had been just and prudent. 
 The eighty thousand men, who entered the country of the 
 Patans, all perished by the sword, or from distress^, in this 
 warfare, undertaken amidst uncultivated and desert tracts. 
 The entire destruction of this nation was reserved for 
 another emperor. 
 
 The military enterprises which Akebar was continually 
 forming, obliged him to found a school for engineers. There 
 was no deficiency of artillery in the Indies. It may be said, 
 that from time immemorial, the Chinese, who doubtless 
 were, at one time, masters of Indostan, had in that country 
 cast pieces of ordnance, the antiquity of which cannot be 
 traced at the present day. Unfortunately, there were but 
 few persons in the Indies, who had the skill to work them, 
 with the same science and precision, which is practised in 
 Europe. Akebar entertained, therefore, the plan, of inviting 
 Europeans into his service, and of inducing them to settle 
 at Agra, by the prospect of great advantages. The English 
 had recently established themselves on the coast of Indostan, 
 and had acquired a great reputation for valour. In their sea 
 engagements, they had almost always the advantage of the 
 Portugese. It was from their new establishment at Surat, 
 where they began to carry on a very advantageous com- 
 merce, that Akebar procured English cannoneers, to serve 
 his artillery. One of these cannoneers had an extraordinary 
 reputation for ability among those of his nation : he was 
 noted, besides, for his inebriety. This man was much 
 disconcerted, when he found himself in a country, in which 
 wine shops are prohibited. He made use of the following 
 artifice, to procure the enjoyment of his favorite beverage. 
 One day, that the emperor wished to be a witness to his 
 skill ; at a moderate distance, on the opposite side of the 
 river, a large cloth had been fixed, at which the cannoneer 
 was ordered to take aim. The Englishman pointed his 
 
AKEBAR. 103 
 
 gun so badly, that he did not even strike an object, so 
 extremely easy. The monarch was astonished, and made 
 him some reproaches. " My lord," replied the Englishman, 
 *' since I have been compelled to the disuse of wine, my 
 sight is grown so weak, that I can no longer discern an 
 object, however conspicuous, even at a moderate distance. 
 Wine is alone capable of restoring, sufficiently, my powers 
 of vision, to enable me to discover objects, agreeably to 
 my ordinary habits." There was no want of wine at the 
 palace. Akebar had always some for his own pleasures;, 
 and a certain quantity was given every day to the elephants. 
 A bottle was then brought, which the cannoneer emptied at 
 a single draught. Then causing the mark to be changed, 
 and another substituted, which was very little bigger than 
 the ball, which was to be fired, the Englishman hit it with 
 the greatest precision, and obtained the applauses of the 
 king. From that time, Akebar gave liberty to all his Euro- 
 pean cannoneers, to plant vineyards in the neighbourhood 
 of Agra. Some excellent wine is produced from these 
 plantations. The decree of the prince was inserted in the 
 Clironicle, in these words : — '" The Europeans are born in 
 the element of wine, as fish are produced in that of water ; 
 to prohibit them the use of it, is to deprive them of life." 
 This permission to cultivate the vine, which foreigners, in 
 the service of the Mogul, possess, is a great source of 
 profit to them. Wine, which is not conunori at Agra, is 
 dear, and the cultivator does not run the hazard of injury 
 from frost, as in Europe ; it is a certain harvest. 
 
 • It was not only English cannoneers, whom Akebar took 
 into his service ; he had procured, also, from Goa, artisans 
 of every description; lapidaries, enamellers, goldsmiths, 
 surgeons, and European practicioners in medicine. Akebar, 
 by their means, became acquainted with the Christian 
 religion, and entertained thoughts, at this time, of embracing 
 
104 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 it. The viceroy of Goa, had sent Antony Criminal to ike 
 court of the Mogul, in the character of ambassador. He 
 was a truly Christian man, who did honor to his religion, 
 by the purity of his manners. The piety, the good faith, 
 and the irreproachable conduct of the Portuguese, made an 
 impression on the mind of Akebar. He formed his judg- 
 ment of Christians in general, from the demeanor of an 
 individual of that profession, and became persuaded, that 
 such perfect integrity, could be inspired only by the true 
 religion. The emperor wished to be informed of its pecu- 
 liar doctrines, which the ambassador only explained to him 
 in substance. He replied, " that it was the part of the 
 priests of his religion, to explain in detail, and to develope 
 its mysteries ; that two Jesuits, at that time employed in 
 the kingdom of Bengal, in the conversion of the Indians, 
 would think to render God service, should their instru- 
 mentality be required, to instruct the greatest monarch of 
 the east." This discourse induced the prince to procure 
 the visit of a missionary from Bengal. It is probable, 
 that he was a Jesuit, but this is not certain. It was through 
 this priest, that the emperor learnt to contemn the Alcoran, 
 and to esteem the gospel. That he might be able to 
 converse with him the oftener, and the more privately, 
 Akebar applied himself to acquire the Portuguese tongue, 
 in which he succeeded with a facility, which was surprising. 
 At the instigation of the missionary, the Mogul determined 
 to invite into his states, as many Jesuits as he could 
 procure. The letter which he addressed to them at Goa, is 
 as follows : — 
 
 " Akebar the Great, Emperor of the world, to the 
 venerable fathers of St. Paul. — I have sent to you, on my 
 behalf, Ebadola, with an interpreter, to testify to you the 
 affection, which I entertain towards you. He will request 
 you, in my name, to send to my court some of your fathers. 
 
AKEBAR. 105 
 
 skilled in the knowledge of the sacred volumes, and able 
 to explain the deep mysteries of your religion. I have 
 equally a desire to learn its true merits, and to embrace it. 
 You may judge from this, that your fathers will be treated 
 honorably, and that every attention will be shewn to their 
 accommodation. Sutler them then to come, and let them be 
 assured, that they will have entire liberty to return to Goa, 
 should they at any 'time become dissatisfied with the 
 docility of their pupil. Further, that they may rely on my 
 protection." 
 
 The letter of the Mogul gave great pleasure to the 
 Jesuits of Goa. Every one prayed, that he might be 
 appointed to a mission, which promised to be so advantage- 
 ous to the spread of the faith. The lot fell on the Fathers 
 Rodolph Aqauviva, Antony Manserrat, and Francis Henric. 
 The first, who was appointed the superior, was son to the 
 Duke d'Atri, and nephew of Father Claude Aquaviva, 
 who became afterwards General of the Jesuits. Father 
 Rodolph had relinquished high expectations, and the strong 
 ties which bound him to his native land, that he might 
 consecrate his life to the service of the missions in the 
 Indies. The apostleship of the Mogul fell to his lot. It is 
 impossible to conceive the impatience with which Akebar 
 expected the missionaries at Fetipour. Naturally of an 
 ardent disposition, as soon as he knew of their having set 
 out, he informed himself, incessantly, of their progress, 
 while on their route. 
 
 The emperor received the fathers with as much kind- 
 ness, as he had shewn ardour, in inviting them to his court. 
 He passed the whole night in conversation with them ; 
 and, on the pretence of furnishing them with the means of 
 procuring necessaries, he offered them a pretty large sum 
 of money. The missionaries represented to the emperor, 
 the vow of poverty, which separated them from the interests 
 
106 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 of this life. This was a strong hold, from which they never 
 aUowed themselves to be diverted, notwithstanding the 
 liberal disposition, and frequent pressing offers, of the 
 prince. A disinterestedness, which was so rare among 
 the ministers of the Mahometan religion, was calculated to 
 give a favourable impression of the superiority of that of 
 Jesus Christ. The fathers made their presents to the Mogul ; 
 these w^ere, a fine impression of the Bible, printed in four 
 languages ; and two pictures, one representing Jesus 
 Christ, and the other the Virgin Mary. Akebar took the 
 Bible, placed it upon his head, in sign of respect, kissed 
 the images, and made his children kiss them. 
 
 The visits, which the missionaries paid, subsequently, 
 to the emperor, did not terminate in mere compliments. 
 Akebar desired to know the grounds, which go to prove, 
 fundamentally, the falsehood of the Alcoran ; and the prin- 
 ciples which establish the truth of the gospel. Argu- 
 mentative contests were entered upon, every Saturday, at 
 the palace, with the Moulas. The Jesuits had brought 
 with them an Alcoran, from Goa. Father Henric, by birth 
 a Persian, served his companions as their interpreter. 
 His assistance was of the greatest advantage in refuting 
 the doctors of the Mahometan law. The fathers laid great 
 stress on the species of beatitude, which Mahomet promised, 
 in another life, to Mussulmen. They demonstrated the 
 infamy of the promises, which the impostor has made to 
 carnal men, to gain them over to his false doctrines, by 
 the hope of the full indulgence of their passions. The 
 emperor was convinced of the weakness of the Alcoran on 
 this point ; he contrasted the spirit of pride, and of sen- 
 suaUty, exhibited in the Alcoran, with the spirit of humility, 
 and of mortification, taught by the gospel. It is, he said, 
 in shedding their blood, that the Christains have extended 
 their faith throughout the earth ; and in shedding the blood 
 
AKEBAR. 107 
 
 of otliers^ that Mahometanism has been cstabHshed in the 
 east. The emperor appeared to have been staggered by 
 these first impressions. 
 
 The fathers were always welcomed at the palace, with 
 the greatest demonstrations of regard ; but they were well 
 acquainted with the spirit of the Orientals. With them, 
 the heart is little responsible for the protestations they 
 make. In order, therefore, to bind Akebar to good faith. 
 Father Aquaviva had the boldness to address him, in the 
 following manner : — " Your Majesty cannot be ignorant, 
 of the conditions on which we abandoned an abundant 
 harvest, that we might come to announce to you Jesus Christ. 
 You have given us your assurance, that we shall be allowed 
 to return to the country we have quitted, in the event of 
 the seed of the word of life, preached at your court, proving 
 unfruitful. We are, then, emboldened to solicit your 
 Majesty to fix a season, when it may please your Majesty 
 to declare yourself, openly, as a servant of Mahomet, or 
 of Jesus Christ." The emperor was not disgusted at the 
 the freedom of the missionary. " So serious a change,'* 
 replied Akebar, '^ is in the hands of God. As for myself, I 
 shall never cease to implore his illumination and his aid." 
 
 So just a reply ought, one would imagine, to have 
 occasioned the conversion of the emperor to be regarded 
 as infallible. The fathers were not blinded by it. They 
 always apprehended, that dissinmlation and policy, so 
 natural to the Moguls, had the greatest share in the dis- 
 course of the Prince. Nevertheless, they received fresh, 
 and unabated testimonials of the favour of the court. 
 Akebar knew, that the house, inhabited by the fathers, 
 was inconvenient, and exposed them to be disturbed by 
 the noise of the people, that were constantly passing ; he, 
 therefore, gave them a lodging within the circuit of the 
 palace. Then, for the first time, was seen an altar set up to 
 
108 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 Jesus Christ, in the heart of a Mahometan court. The 
 fathers had even the consolation to have disciples of the 
 royal family. The education of the second son of Akebar 
 was confided to Father Manserrat. He was equally 
 instructed in the sciences of Europe, and in the knowledge 
 of our sacred mysteries. Pahari, which was the name of 
 the young prince, was about thirteen years of age, at the 
 time he was placed under the care of the missionaries. 
 His superior understanding, and the natural sweetness of 
 his disposition, occasioned them to be flattered with the 
 hope, of finding one day, in his person, a protector of the 
 Christian faith in the dominions of the Mogul ; but, the 
 natural inconstancy of the Indian character prevailed in 
 this young prince over the steadiness of the Tartar. 
 
 Akebar maintained always, in his heart, an indescribable 
 aversion for the eldest of his sons. The great object of 
 his affection was Paliari; in consequence, he spared no 
 pains in the cultivation of his mind. His aim was, to 
 enable him to assume, on the side of intellect, that supe- 
 riority of which he was deprived by the order of birth. 
 The emperor frequently came to visit the fathers during 
 the time they were occupied in the instruction of his 
 favorite son. The young prince, by chance, began, in the 
 presence of the emperor, to recite his lesson of the day in 
 these words : — " To the glory of Amighty God," — " add, 
 my son," said Akebar, " and of Jesus Christ, the true 
 Prophet." He entered, afterwards, into the chapel, which 
 the fathers had prepared in their apartment. He adored 
 the Saviour by prostrations ; then, seating himself upon 
 cushions, according to the custom of the country, he 
 entered upon a conversation with the missionaries, which 
 enabled him to unburthen his mind to them. 
 
 " You are not ignorant," he said, " of the profound 
 veneration, which I entertain for the religion in which you 
 
AKEBAR 109 
 
 have instructed me. All things tend to inspire me with 
 favorable sentiments towards it. The miracles of the 
 Messiah, acknowledged even by the Alcoran ; the purity of 
 the morals inculcated by the gospel ; its establishment, by 
 the simple instrumentality of the preaching, and suffering, 
 of individuals ; are unconquerable impressions, which lead 
 me to the acknowledgment of Jesus Christ, as a prophet 
 sent from God. But, when you raise my thoughts high 
 above all, which appears founded in reason and nature, in 
 the person of the Messiah, T am bewildered in the sub- 
 limity of your mysteries. Explain to me," he added, 
 " the eternal generation of the word, in the bosom of Ms 
 father, and his miraculous incarnation, in time, and I 
 shall subsribe, without reserve, to all the articles, which 
 you propose for my belief." 
 
 The missionaries availed themselves of the principles, 
 of which the emperor appeared to be convinced, and drew 
 from them consequences, favorable to our mysteries, 
 which appear the most incomprehensible. " Jesus Christ," 
 they said, " appears to you to have sufficiently proved his 
 mission, by miracles, acknowledged even by the Alcoran : 
 the sanctity of the morals, he inculcated, bear testimony 
 to the truth of his religion ; he is an approved Prophet. 
 He ought, then, to be believed on his own word. He 
 declares to us, that he was before Abraham. All the 
 monuments, which he has left us, tend to confirm the Trinity 
 of persons in God. Doubtless, the miracles, which you 
 believe, confirm the mysteries that he has revealed to us, 
 and which you cannot comprehend." The emperor felt the 
 force of this reasoning, broke up the conversation, with 
 tears in his eyes, and several times repeated — " Turn 
 Christian ! Renounce the religion of my fathers ! What 
 danger for an emperor ! What an undertaking for a man 
 
no HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 educated in voluptuousness, and in the latitude allowed by 
 the Alcoran !" 
 
 However, as Akebar was perfectly convinced of the 
 falsehood of the books of Mahomet, he took a pleasure in 
 refuting the doctors of his religion. " If the books of Moses," 
 he said to them, " as well as the book of Psalms, are in- 
 spired, as is confessed by Mahomet, why does he prohibit 
 our reading them ? It is said in the Alcoran, that the books 
 of the evangelists of Jesus Christ are true writings. Yet how 
 essentially are their respective doctrines opposed to each 
 other. Can the Almighty be inconsistent with himself, 
 when he speaks by the instrumentality, and by the voice of 
 Jesus ? In order to extricate myself from the embarrass- 
 ment in which I am placed, by the contradictions which I 
 find between the volumes which I ought to regard, if I am 
 to believe Mahomet equally as the word of God, ought I 
 not to reason thus ? It is agreed, on both sides, that the 
 books of the evangelists are holy and true. The Christians 
 deny that the Alcoran is the word of God. It will then be 
 wise to adopt the safest course, and to renounce the Alcoran, 
 which the Christians abhor, for the gospel, which the Maho- 
 metans acknowleige." 
 
 Notwithstanding his private sentiments were so favor- 
 able to Christianity, Akebar could not be prevailed upon to 
 embrace it. Liberty, however, was granted for the preach- 
 ing of it throughout his empire. He even consented that 
 our ceremonies should be practised in public, in all their 
 majesty ; and that the interment of a Portuguese should 
 take place attended by all the pomp of the Roman religion. 
 The cross was then carried, for the first time, in the streets 
 of Fetipour. Akebar felt much satisfaction at the triumph 
 which he had procured to the religion of Jesus Christ. 
 The evangelical seed, it may be said, had fallen upon the 
 
AKEBAR. Ill 
 
 heart of the prince ; but it had been too long disposed to 
 voluptuousness to prove a fruitful soil. The ambition of a 
 doctor of the Mahometan law was very nearly contributing 
 more to bring about the conversion of the emperor, than all 
 the zeal by which the missionaries were actuated. 
 
 Abdul Fasil, whicli was the name of tlie Moula, was 
 persuaded, that he should succeed in gaining the favor of 
 the emperor by adopting sentiments conformable to that 
 prince's inclinations. He declared himself a convert to 
 the missionaries, and by that complaisance insinuated him- 
 self so far into the good graces of Akebar, that he drew 
 upon himself the jealousy of his contemporaries. He spoke 
 to him incessantly of Jesus Christ, and represented to him 
 the absurdities of the Alcoran, which he had studied from 
 his infancy. To induce him to change the religion of his 
 states, he made use of a strain of reasoning, wliicli he 
 knew would touch sensibly the heart of the prince. " The 
 authority of your predecessors," he said, '^ never attained 
 the heighth at which we behold it in your days. How 
 much greater will be the honor reflected on your memory, 
 in rendering your name illustrious to posterity, by a signal 
 display of the empire which you obtained over the minds 
 of your subjects, than it can be by any ascendancy which 
 you may have gained over your enemies. Speak the word, 
 my lord, and you will tind all Indostan renouncing their 
 ancient superstitions, and submitting to be guided by your 
 sentiments ; its people, through the veneration they enter- 
 tain towards you, will embrace them. Doubtless, it will 
 be for their interest, that one religion should ulone prevail 
 throughout your states. It is not possible that the Maho- 
 metan should become the prevailing religion ; the anti- 
 pathy, which the Indians have conceived for the Alcoran, 
 is hereditary. It is the religion of their conquerors, and 
 
112 HISTORY OP THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 their aversion to it may be dated from the moment of their 
 being compelled to wear our chains. Make an experiment, 
 whether Christianity may not be so fortunate as to succeed 
 in taking sole possession of the human mind, and effectually 
 banish from the Indies Mahometanism, and the ancient 
 superstitions." 
 
 Akebar, at this time, felt himself disposed to found his 
 own glory, and the happiness of his country, by obeying 
 the convictions of his mind. He declared to the mission- 
 aries, that he was prepared to give a striking proof of his 
 sincerity, and of the esteem in which he held the gospel. 
 Matters were in this state, when the budding faith of tlie 
 prince was tried by adversity. The Patans, a refractory 
 nation, broke out into revolt. The brother of the emperor 
 took up arms in their cause, and stirred up all Cabulestan 
 against Akebar. It was then^ that the doctors of the Maho- 
 metan law exerted themselves to recover their influence 
 over the mind of the emperor. '' Heaven," they said, 
 " has permitted a prince, whom it has so greatly favored, 
 to be afflicted by so many domestic dissentions, only since 
 he has become estranged from the religion of Mussulmen. 
 Let him return to us, and tranquillity will be restored." The 
 emperor had, besides, fears, lest his eldest son should take 
 advantage of a conjuncture favorable to his ambitious views, 
 and acquire an influence with a people already disposed to 
 revolt. Thus, whether influenced by a regard for the 
 religion of his ancestors, or the fear of causing fresh insur- 
 rections, or through an abandonment of the divine aid, 
 which resists the proud, Akebar experienced his ardour 
 in favor of the Christian religion much abated. He shunned 
 the conversation of the fathers, and spoke no longer to 
 them with his usual familiarity ; or, if he still at times 
 listened to them, it was with an appearance of distraction. 
 
AKEBAR. 113 
 
 which afflicted thern : in a public conference, he even 
 seemed, contrary to his usual custom, to take with some 
 vivacity the side of the Moulas. 
 
 The missionaries, it is true, might have employed, in 
 the conversion of the people, a zeal, which began to appear 
 fruitless at court. Akebar had removed every obstacle to 
 their preaching, by allowing his subjects to embrace the 
 gospel ; but, the fathers had experienced how difficult it is 
 to convert the Mahometans. It was hardly possible for 
 any thing less than the authority of the prince, or a revo- 
 lution in the state, to eradicate from their minds a religion, 
 which had been established only by violence. The function 
 of the missionaries was, therefore, restricted to a small 
 number of European Christians, whom the emperor had 
 taken into his service. The fathers became at last wearied 
 of the languishing state of their ministry at the court, and 
 in the city. The caprice of Akebar became insupportable ; 
 he seemed to have countenanced, for a season, the cause of 
 Christianity from a principle of curiosity only, or for the 
 amusement of hearing disputations on matters of religious 
 faith. They were on the verge of returning to Goa, when 
 they were prevented by Abdul Fasil. 
 
 " The emperor," he said, " beholds you with satis- 
 faction in his palace ; reasons of state only prevent him 
 from declaring himself openly in favor of a religion which 
 you have promulgated to him. I beheld him, yesterday^ 
 place the gospel on his head with reverence, a respect 
 which he never paid to the Alcoran when presented to him. 
 Continue to persevere," he said, " and sutler time to ripen 
 an enterprise, in which your cares have already made such 
 progress." It is probable, that Abdul Fasil had imparted 
 to the emperor the purpose which the missionaries enter- 
 tained of quitting the states of the Mogul. At least, it is 
 certain^ that in appearance, they seemed to have recovered 
 
 I 
 
114 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 the good graces of Akebar. He frequently visited them, 
 and he sometimes would converse with them on topics of 
 religion. At last, as a mark of his entire confidence, he 
 gave them directions to instruct likewise his eldest son in 
 the sciences of Europe. 
 
 Father Aquaviva did not allow himself to be so far 
 flattered by these appearances, as to consent to his evange- 
 lical fellow-labourers remaining inactive, whilst the rest of 
 the Indies was so ill supplied with missionaries. He had 
 written to his superiors, that a single missionary would 
 suffice to be present with the Mogul, to watch the moments 
 when the prince might be well disposed, and to attend to 
 the weal of the Christian strangers. In effect, the empe- 
 ror soon after frankly acknowledged, that the season, 
 which would be crowned by his conversion, was yet remote. 
 '^ I find myself," he said to the fathers, '' bound to Maho- 
 metanism by ties, which I am unable to break asunder. 
 The Moulas of the palace, and the sultaness my mother, 
 never cease to inveigh against the new religion which I 
 protect. I have an opposition still more difficult to sustain 
 with the women of my haram. From the apprehension of 
 being all discarded, as soon as Christianity shall have 
 reduced me to make choice of a single companion, they 
 spare no caresses, that they may tear from my heart the 
 religion of Jesus Christ. In a word," he added, " the 
 gospel is too pure, and my manners are too corrupt." 
 
 Father Aquaviva seized the opportunity, furnished 
 by the sincerity of this communication, to solicit from 
 Akebar permission to return to Goa. The emperor repented 
 quickly of his frankness. ^' Do you not perceive, my father," 
 he said, " how much your presence is necessary to me ? 
 The chain, by which I am bound, has so powerful a spell, 
 that I need the hand of a master to dissolve its enchantments. 
 Can you resolve to abandon me at a moment when I stand 
 
AKEBAR. 115 
 
 in the greatest need of your aid?" Father Rodolph was 
 unable to resist so affecting an appeal. He suffered the 
 two companions of his labours to take their departure. 
 Father Henric for Goa, and Father Manserrat for the city 
 of Agra, with the prince, his pupil. As for himself, he 
 continued to reside at Fetipour, that he might be near the 
 person of the Mogul. 
 
 It is not easy to decide, on which side the sufferings of 
 the father were greater ; whether those, which were the 
 consequence of the favor shewn him by the prince, or such 
 as arose from the distress, which the aberrations of Akebar 
 occasioned him in the sequel. The consideration in which 
 the missionary was held by the emperor excited the envy 
 of the court. His life was often in jeopardy. At last, the 
 hatred of his enemies had attained to such a heighth, that 
 the emperor was desirous he should accept of a guard for 
 the protection of his person. " No, my lord," the fatlier 
 replied, " an apostolic character is sufficiently defended 
 by the confidence which it is his duty to repose in God. 
 He ought rather to lay down his life, than reject that trust." 
 It was thus, that this zealous missionary already displayed 
 that courage, wiiich he manifested sometime afterwards, by 
 shedding his blood for the cause of the gospel in the island 
 of Salsette. 
 
 The life of Father Aquaviva was agreeable to his pro- 
 fessions. He was zealously occupied in his studies, whilst 
 the emperor remained at Fetipour, that he might be enabled 
 to refute the objections of the Moulas. The war, which 
 Akebar had to maintain against his brother on the banks 
 of the Indus, left Father Rodolph very solitary. It was 
 then, that the missionary profited, during an interval of 
 repose, by labouring more particularly for his own per- 
 fection. He employed almost the entire day, and the 
 greater part of the night, in prayer. The little repose, in 
 
 I 2 
 
116 HISTORY OP THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 which he indulged, was taken stretched on the bfire ground;, 
 or lying on a mat. His repast was rice, baked in water. 
 His visits were confined to the necessitous ; and his auste- 
 rities surpassed, apparently, what nature was capable of 
 enduring. He was often found engaged in prayer, at sun- 
 rise, in the exact situation he had assumed at the setting of 
 the sun. 
 
 Akebar, in the meanwhile, triumphed over his enemies, 
 and compelled the rebellious Patans to seek refuge in their 
 mountains. His brother, often vanquished, was obliged 
 to submit to his conqueror. Elated by success, the emperor 
 was tempted to despise the humility of the cross ; and the 
 tumult and distractions of war had in part obliterated the 
 recollection of the satisfaction, which he had formerly expe- 
 rienced in listening to the conversation of Father Aqua- 
 viva, and receiving instruction in our mysteries. Akebar, 
 on his return, no longer appeared the same person in the 
 eyes of the missionary. It was easy to perceive, that the 
 chief object which the prince had in view, by inviting to his 
 court Jesuits from Goa, was, by their means, to establish an 
 intercourse of commerce with the Portuguese, and to gra- 
 tify his eager desire to become acquainted with the sciences 
 of Europe. 
 
 It may be said, that curiosity and a thirst for know- 
 ledge were the ruling passions of Akebar. His indulgence 
 of these propensities prompted him to a very singular expe- 
 dient. He was desirous to ascertain the language in which 
 children would express themselves, who had been kept in 
 ignorance of the articulate sounds of any known language. 
 The emperor had been informed, that the Hebrew was the 
 original language of the human race, and the one, which all, 
 who had not been taught any other, would naturally speak. 
 In order to secure a conviction on this point, he ordered 
 twelve children to be taken from the breast, and to be 
 
AKEBAR J 17 
 
 closely confined in a castle, which was situated six leagues 
 from Agra. They had given to them, for nurses, twelve 
 women, who were dumb, with the addition of a man, who 
 was also dumb, to serve as porter. The porter was 
 forbidden, on pain of death, ever to open the gates of the 
 castle. When the children had attained the age of twelve 
 years, Akebar commanded that they should be brought 
 into his presence. He then assembled in his palace persons 
 skilled in various languages. A Jew, who was at Agra, 
 was appointed to the office of deciding, whether the lan- 
 guage to which they might give utterance, was Hebrew. 
 The capital furnished Arabians and Chaldeans in abundance. 
 The Indian philosophers, on their side, contended, that the 
 children would speak the Sanscrit, which is the dialect of 
 the learned of the country, and holds among them the same 
 place, as does the Latin among the learned iu Europe. 
 The ancient books of philosophy and the Indian theology 
 are written in this language. When these children appeared 
 before the emperor, to the surprise of every one, they 
 were found incapable of expressing themselves in any lan- 
 guage, or even of uttering any articulate sounds. They 
 had learnt, from the example of their nurses, to substitute 
 signs for articulate sounds. They used only certain ges- 
 tures to express their thoughts, and these were all the 
 means which they possessed of conveying their ideas, or a 
 sense of their wants. They were, indeed, so extremely shy, 
 and, at the same time, of an aspect and manners so uncouth 
 and uncultivated, that it required great labour and perse- 
 verance to bring them under any discipline, and to enable 
 them to acquire the proper use of their tongues, of which 
 they had previously almost entirely denied themselves the 
 exercise. 
 
 To ascertain the source of the Ganges was another 
 object of the curiosity of Akebar. This river, which has 
 
118 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY, 
 
 its course in the eastern parts of Indostan, flows from 
 north to souths and in those places near to where it dis- 
 charges its waters into the ocean, in the kingdom of Ben» 
 gal, produces nearly the same effects as does the Nile in 
 Egypto At certain times of the year it overflows, in some 
 places, its banks ; and the sediment which it deposits on 
 the lands, fertilizes the soil, and produces abundant crops. 
 This is not the only point of resemblance, which this river 
 bears to the Nile. The idolaters of India pay it worship^ 
 and consider its waters as able to absolve them of their 
 offences. Its source has always been a subject of dispute 
 among the Brahmins of the present day, as it was with 
 the Gymnosophists of former times. In the time of Akebar^ 
 the ignorance respecting its source was as great, as was 
 that of the source of the Nile a century since. The emperor 
 contributed all the expenses necessary for ascertaining, 
 with some precision, the origin of a river, which brought so 
 much wealth to his states. He commissioned several per- 
 sons, and gave them instructions to proceed in the direction 
 of the banks of the Ganges, and by persevering therein, to 
 ascend ultimately to its fountain head. They were fur- 
 nished with provisions, horses, and money ; and with 
 letters of recommendation, to enable them to pass, without 
 molestation, through the various countries washed by the 
 Ganges, which were independent of the power of the 
 Mogul. Their route lay principally to the north ; and the 
 nearer they approached towards its source, tlie more the 
 channel of the river was found to diminish in breadth. 
 Uninhabited tracts of forest were traversed, through which 
 they were compelled to penetrate, by hewing their way, 
 and forming new routes. At last, they came to a lofty 
 mountain, which seemed to have been formed, by labour 
 and art, into the shape of a cow's head. Thence flow a 
 great abundance of waters. The deputies conceived they 
 
AKEBAR. 119 
 
 had here found the original source of the Ganges, and 
 penetrated no further in quest of the object of their 
 researches. They returned, after encountering many, perils, 
 to make a report to the emperor of the result of their 
 labours. The relation of the deputies was inserted in the 
 Chronicle ; from which I have extracted it. It may be 
 said, that they added little to former discoveries. Long 
 before the time of Akebar, the persuasion was general in 
 the Indies, that the Ganges takes its source in a mountain, 
 whose shape bears a resemblance to a cow's head. It is 
 for this reason, they say, that these animals have been, for 
 so long a period, the object of the adoration of the Indians. 
 One of the principal grounds of hope, among them, of 
 happiness in a future life, consists in being able to yield up 
 their breath in the waters of the Ganges, in the act of 
 holding a cow by the tail. Since the time of Akebar, 
 further discoveries have been made ; and it has been ascer- 
 tained that the Ganges forms a cascade upon the mountain, 
 from which they supposed it to take its origin ; but that 
 its source is at a much greater distance, and far removed 
 thence into the interior parts of Great Tartary. 
 
 It is easy to conceive, that a prince, whose mind was 
 so eager for knowledge, should entertain novelties in matters 
 of religion. He had been brought up, by his father, in a 
 contempt of the laws of Mahomet; and had been con- 
 firmed in those sentiments by the missionaries. Outwardly, 
 he always made a profession of it. He called himself of 
 the sect of Ali, which the pretended true Mussulmen 
 regard as a heresy. He had not attached himself to this 
 sect, in preference to that of the Sonnis, who boast them- 
 selves to be the only orthodox sect, with the view of draw- 
 inir into his service a great number of Persians, a nation 
 which professes itself of the sect of Ali; but from the pride 
 of singularity, and a desire to be distinguished from the 
 
120 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 common herd of his Mussulmen subjects in matters of 
 Faith. The Christianity, afterwards preached at court by 
 the Jesuits, had for him all the attractions of novelty. If 
 he refused to embrace it, from motives of policy, and an 
 unconquerable attachment to his pleasures ; he trusted, that 
 he might, at least, be able to construct a religion founded 
 on the different professions of faith in his states, which 
 would easily be adopted throughout his empire. " Maho- 
 met," he said, " was but a man, as I am, and much less 
 powerful. He framed a religion compounded of Judaism, 
 Christianity, and the suggestions of his own mind and fancy. 
 By this means, the pretended prophet has immortalized his 
 name, and great sovereigns have professed themselves his 
 disciples. It is equally for my interest, and my glory, to 
 become the head and the author of a new religion. The 
 people of my states," he said, " are a singular medley of 
 Mahometans, idolaters, and Christians. I will reunite 
 them all in one belief. The baptism of one, and the cir- 
 cumcision of the other, shall be blended with the worship 
 of Brama. I will preserve the metempsychosis, the plurality 
 of wives, and the worship of Jesus Christ. Uniting thus 
 together the things which the professors of each of those 
 religions hold most sacred, I shall form one only flock, of 
 which I shall myself be the shepherd." 
 
 Akebar entered upon the execution of this great enter- 
 prise, and took the name of Cha Geladin, which signifies, 
 " the powerful prince of the sovereign law." 
 
 Labor, an imperial city, in which the Mogul had a 
 palace, appeared to him well situated for the first promul- 
 gation of his new religion. The vicinity of the army, 
 which he had assembled in its neighbourhood, for the con- 
 quest which he was meditating of the kingdom of Cache-r 
 mire, was a circumstance not to be neglected by an inno^ 
 vator in matters of religion. It was, then, at Labor, tha 
 
AKEBAR. 121 
 
 he announced himself first tlie enemy of Mahometanism. 
 The mosques were shut up, or changed into stables, for the 
 accommodation of the court. The use of those lofty 
 turrets, called Alcorans, whence the Moulas are accustomed 
 to call the Mussulmen to prayers, was forbidden them. 
 The people were all exhorted to conform to the religion of 
 the prince. Akebar instituted laws, practised himself the 
 ceremonies, and invited all the officers of his court to give 
 their sanction to his new modes of worship. He adopted, 
 from the Pagan worship, the adoration of the sun, which 
 he practised three times a day ; at the rising of that luminary, 
 when it was at its meridian, and at its setting. He, on 
 certain occasions, paid honors to Jesus and Mary. He 
 carried, suspended from his neck, a relic, which he had 
 received from Father Aquaviva — an Agnus Dei, and an 
 image of the Virgin Mary. This was all he had borrowed 
 from the Christian religion. He reserved, for further con- 
 sideration, the adoption of the sacrament of baptism. He 
 allowed the circumcision of the Mahometans to be pre- 
 served ; and he recited, agreeably to the manner of Mus- 
 sulmen, the praises of God upon a species of large rosary. 
 He filled up the measure of his impiety, by wishing to be 
 himself adored as a god. Every morning he presented 
 himself upon a balcony, to the view of his people, who 
 prostrated themselves on his appearance. He received 
 their petitions, he heard their prayers, and caused to be 
 reported, among a credulous populace, that the requests 
 which they had addressed to him were miraculously ful- 
 filled. 
 
 Father Aquaviva was no longer able to support, patiently, 
 the affliction, which this change caused him, in a prince, of 
 whose conversion he had entertained strong hopes. No 
 ciioice now remained, but that of quilting the territory of 
 the Mogul, and returning to Goa. With tears in his eyes. 
 
122 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 he appeared in the presence of the emperor, at Lahor. 
 " My lord/' he said to him, ^' the time for my departure is 
 arrived. It is no longer proper, that you should retain me 
 near your person ; neither is it allowable for me, to remain 
 at your court. You promised the missionaries, before 
 their departure from Goa, that you would suffer them to 
 return without opposition to the Portuguese territory, 
 whenever their labours could be no longer useful to your 
 states. It even seems, that they are become prejudicial to 
 them. You have made no other use, my lord, of our 
 instructions, and the knowledge of Christianity, which we 
 have been the means of imparting to you, than to profane 
 it, by blending with it idolatry and Mahometan impiety. 
 The scandal, of which you are the cause, recoils partly 
 upon me. It is to me, your people attribute the novelties, 
 which you have introduced into their worship. It becomes 
 me, by the most open disavowal, to acquit myself of a 
 conduct so censurable, and in which I have borne no part. 
 I cannot do this more effectually, than by abandoning the 
 Mogul territory, and impressing the whole empire, by my 
 voluntary departure, with a conviction, that the innovations, 
 which you have begun, have not resulted from my instruc- 
 tion or counsels. No, my lord, my eyes shall no longer 
 be offended by beholding you occupying the place of God, 
 and receiving an adoration, which belongs only to the 
 eternal. My prayers shall, nevertheless, be exerted, to 
 entreat that his judgments over you, may be suspended, 
 and that a season may be granted to your majesty, to 
 return to him." 
 
 Akebar was neither affected, nor offended, by the 
 language of Father Aquaviva. He was yet in that first 
 delirium of intoxication, which the incense of the people 
 was calculated to excite. He was well acquainted, besides, 
 with the zeal of the missionary, and accustomed to listen 
 
AKEBAR. 123 
 
 to bis exhortations without emotion. Akebar had a sincere 
 aflection for Father Aquaviva ; all imaginable inducements 
 were, therefore, tried to retain him in his states. Father 
 Rodolph persisted in his resolve, and at last the emperor 
 gave his consent to his departure. At their separation, 
 the Mogul gave the father an interesting proof of his 
 regard. A Polonese slave, and a Muscovite slave, to whom 
 she was married, were in the service of the sultaness, the 
 mother of Akebar. The Polonese possessed particularly 
 the confidence of the princess, and it seemed hardly possible, 
 that the sultaness could be induced to part with her. 
 Nevertheless, Akebar, at the solicitation of Father Aqua- 
 viva, succeeded in obtaining of his mother the liberty of 
 the husband and wife, and two of their children. This 
 was all tlie wealth, which the missionary carried away with 
 him from the most opulent of all the countries of the earth. 
 He took the road to Goa with the spoils he had snatched from 
 an infidel country ; which he soon after again quitted, to 
 engage in new missions. In these services, he sacrificed 
 his life, in the year 1583, a few months after his departure 
 from the dominions of the Mogul. 
 
 Prosperity, as regards things temporal, may be some- 
 times considered as a mark of the displeasure of heaven. 
 Certain it is, that Akebar never enjoyed a greater portion 
 of success, than at the time, when he subjected religion 
 and decorum to the worst violations. After having caused 
 himself, at the head of the army, to be honoured as a God, 
 he led it to Cachemire. This fine kingdom submitted to 
 its conqueror, almost without resistance. The Mogul 
 became master of it without the sheddino; of blood. This 
 circumstance might have furnished to any otiier man^ a new 
 occasion of being elated, and of exalting himself above 
 measure. It was not thus with Akebar; possessed of a 
 solidity of understanding, he reflected deeply on the extra- 
 
124 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 vagance of his aims. Remorse, besides^, agitated, and 
 would not suffer him to enjoy a moment's repose. He 
 opened his mind to Abdul-Fasil; not a single Jesuit had 
 remained in his states. He had been persuaded by Father 
 Manserrat, that it would be proper to send him, in the 
 character of his envoy, to the king of Spain, Don Philip, 
 who, in consequence of the death of the Cardinal Henry, 
 king of Portugal, was about to succeed to the entire 
 power and possessions of the Portuguese. Abdul-Fasil 
 was by nature supple and ambitious. He had acted agreeably 
 to the habits of courtiers, and in spite of his better under- 
 standing, he had paid adoration to the king, and declared 
 in favor of the new religion. He no sooner perceived, that 
 the emperor was disgusted with the impious project he had 
 formed, than he made an effort to bring him back to reason. 
 As the most efficacious remedy for the present distractions 
 of his mind, he counselled him to invite other missionaries, 
 in the place of the former. 
 
 An Armenian deacon, who happened at this time to be 
 at the court of the Mogul, was appointed to conduct a 
 negociation with the viceroy of Goa. He was charged as 
 bearer of a letter to the principal of the Jesuits ; of which 
 the contents are as follow : — " In the name of the Lord. 
 The most powerful and invincible emperor Akebar, salutes 
 the fathers of St. Paul, who have been admitted to the 
 grace of God ; who have tasted of the gift of the Holy 
 Spirit ; who are obedient to the laws of the Messiah ; and 
 who lead men to the knowledge of salvation. To you, 
 venerable fathers, who have separated yourselves from the 
 world, and who contemn riches and honors, I address 
 myself. I have examined with attention all the religions of 
 the earth. It, nevertheless, appears to me, that I am not 
 yet sufficiently instructed in the mysteries of the Christian 
 religion. It is by the aid of your fathers, whom I esteem. 
 
AKEBAR. 125 
 
 and in whose discourse I take pleasure, that I desire to 
 attain to a more perfect knowledge. The Armenian, 
 Grimon, who will deliver you this letter, has assured me, 
 that I shall find among you, wise and able men, capable of 
 satisfying all my doubts. Come then, and here refute the 
 doctors of the Mahometan law ; and be assured, that I 
 shall rejoice in your successes. If the missionaries, you 
 may send me, should feel disposed to fix their abode in my 
 capital, they shall be furnished with a mansion, and privi- 
 leges superior even to those, which were granted to their 
 predecessors. Should they, at any time, prefer returning 
 to Goa, they will be at full liberty so to do, and I will 
 send them back with testimonies of my favor. This letter, 
 written at the time of the new moon, of the month of June." 
 The emperor sent with the letter, a pretty considerable 
 sum, to be distributed by the hands of the Armenian, to 
 the poor at Goa. He had been taught by the missionaries, 
 that offences were to be redeemed, and the favors of 
 heaven obtained by works of charity. The conversion of 
 Akebar appeared certain, if the heart could be judged from 
 outward evidences. He had risen superior to the chief 
 difficulty interposed to his conversion ; the indulgence of 
 the passions. All the women of his haram had been 
 dismissed : they were given in marriage to the nobles of 
 the court : and the emperor reserved for his society, only 
 a single female. The piety of the prince towards the holy 
 virgin was become public. On the day of the assumption 
 of the Virgin Mary, he had caused a throne to be erected, 
 on which the image of the virgin was placed ; the Mogul 
 and his children prostrated themselves before it, and all 
 the persons of his court, who, on this occasion, followed 
 the example given by the princes, received presents from 
 the emperor. Such were the results of the remorse with 
 which Akebar was continually agitated. Perhaps the blood 
 
126 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 of Father Aquivava was heard in favor of the prince, and 
 obtained of heaven these gifts of grace, in aid of his 
 conversion. 
 
 Two missionaries took .their departure from Goa in the 
 year 1589, with that rejoicing of heart, which the prospect 
 of accomplishing a great enterprise for the glory of God, 
 is calculated to excite in men of Apostolic character. The 
 fathers were, Edward Leiton and Christophe Vega. Flat- 
 tered by the hope of finding a catechumen in Akebar, 
 disposed to receive the grace of regeneration ; they confi- 
 dently expected, that they should be v/itnesses to the 
 establishment of Christianity throughout the empire. The 
 emperor waited for them at Labor ; and received them in 
 the most honourable manner. He gave them permission, 
 immediately, to open a school for instructing the Indians 
 to read and write, in the Portuguese tongue. He often 
 visited the fathers, proposing to them the most specious 
 objections to our sacred mysteries, and appearing satisfied 
 with the answers he received. However, although he 
 apparently entertained no attachment to any particular 
 faith, which was opposed to the religion of Jesus CJirist ; a 
 secret pride, or rather, perhaps, reasons of policy, sus- 
 pended the effect of those dispositions, with which he had 
 been inspired from heaven. He admired our religion, yet 
 could not resolve to embrace it. The fathers had been too 
 sanguine in their expectation of the conversion of Akebar, 
 and now experienced a proportionate degree of discou- 
 ragement. Impatience is a fault, which too often attends 
 on disappointment, particularly when it is the result of an 
 overwrought and injudicious zeal. The two missionaries 
 had been instructed to withdraw from the Mogul states, 
 whenever they should be satisfied that their mission had 
 failed in its object. They relinquished, therefore, the 
 expectation of bringing the prince to a confession of the 
 
AKEBAR. 127 
 
 Christian faitli^, and returned to Goa; reaping no other 
 fruit from the field of their labours, than the merit of tlieir 
 good intentions. 
 
 At Rome, the precipitation of the two missionaries, in 
 quitting the 3Iogul states, met with censure. Tlie general 
 of the Jesuits gave orders, that two other missionaries 
 should be sent to the emperor, able, according to the 
 counsel of St. Paul, to advance the work of God by 
 doctrine, and by patience. Father Jerome Xavier, nephew 
 to the apostle of the Indies, and Father Emanuel Pinnerc 
 were set apart for so important a ministry. The first was 
 superior of a convent of professed monks at Goa. He 
 liad long sighed for the appointment to the Mogul mission, 
 wliich he sought with the greater earnestness, as with a 
 feeble prospect of a successful issue, it would require 
 superior labours. He, then, set out for his destination, 
 under the protection, and with a zeal, equal to that of his 
 uncle, St. Francis Xavier; and, after encountering great 
 fatigues, the two fathers arrived at Labor. The emperor, 
 who had felt much displeased at the departure of their 
 predecessors, manifested great satisfaction at their arrival. 
 A lodging near the palace was assigned to them in a com- 
 modious situation, on the banks of the river. It was in a 
 place, which enabled the emperor's guard to hinder the 
 people from approaching to the annoyance of the fathers. 
 At the first audience, Akebar produced before the fathers, 
 the images of Jesus Christ and the Virgin Mary. He pressed 
 them to his heart, and kissed them with afl'ection. The 
 fathers prostrated themselves before the image of the 
 Saviour. As children are naturally prone to imitate what 
 they see others do, a young Mogul, grandson of Akebar, 
 and the eldest son of the prince who was the presumptive 
 heir to the crown, bent his knees, and joined his hands, 
 after the example of the missionaries. The emperor. 
 
128 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 overjoyed to see his grandson, at so early an age, enter 
 into his sentiments ; " My son," he said to him, " these 
 European pastors will henceforward be to you as parents. 
 Follow their example, and profit by their instructions. 
 Render yourself worthy by their assistance, of one day 
 ruling the extensive kingdoms, which I have conquered for 
 you." 
 
 It was no longer possible to doubt, but that Akebar 
 was in spirit and in belief a Christian. There remained 
 only one further effort to make, which was, to declare his 
 profession publicly, and to receive the mark of regeneration 
 in Jesus Christ. To judge of his heart, by the esteem 
 which he appeared to entertain for the fathers, the pre- 
 ference which he gave to their religion was evident. The 
 missionaries never approached his throne, without being 
 saluted by him with an inclination of the head. They 
 were, also, allowed to be seated in the European manner ; 
 a distinction never conceded by him to ambassadors, nor, 
 even to kings, who, at times, frequented his court. These 
 were, perhaps, but superficial evidences ; the emperor 
 furnished others more solid of his attachment to the Faith. 
 He was often present at the services, which the fathers 
 celebrated in their chapel ; he assisted at their prayers, 
 repeating them in a kneeling posture ; he also fixed on a 
 spot for the building of a church, and promised to defray 
 all the charges attending its construction. Nevertheless, 
 some vestiges of his former superstition would escape him 
 at intervals. He was pleased to hear his subjects, possessed 
 with a notion of his sanctity, address to him prayers, 
 which are proper only to the divinity. He listened also to 
 their petitions, and received their gifts. Heaven punished 
 the pride and impiety of the prince in a remarkable manner. 
 
 On Easter Sunday in the year 1597, Akebar, with his 
 sons, celebrated a festival in honour of the sun, in the 
 
AKEBAR. ri<) 
 
 iniddle of a spacious plain, where he had caused pavilions 
 to be erected. The preparations were niagnilicent. Upon 
 an altar, raised in the form of a throne, was exposed a 
 representation of the day-star, fashioned of precious 
 stones, of a dazzling lustre. The day was serene, and on 
 every side was heard the tumult of the festal rejoicings, 
 when, suddenly, a thunderbolt fell from the skies. The 
 altar was overthrown ; the tent of the emperor was set on 
 fire ; and the conflagration communicated to the camp. 
 The damage sustained by the throne, alone, was estimated 
 at one hundred thousand ducats. The flames spread even 
 to the city, and reached the Imperial Palace, which was 
 almost wholly consumed. The immense treasures, which 
 had been collected by the Mogul, became a prey to the 
 flames. Melted gold and silver was seen flowing through the 
 streets of Labor. The emperor, subsequently, determined 
 on abandoning a place, where every thing tended to remind 
 liim of his impiety. He retired to the kingdom of Cache- 
 mire, and requested the Father Jerome Xavier to accom- 
 pany him. 
 
 In the meanwhile. Father Pinnero, who remained at 
 Labor, was usefully employed in the conversion of the 
 Mahometans, and the Idolaters. Akebar, wnth the view of 
 advancing his own reveries, had debased Mahometanism ; 
 and the missionary profited by the ancient religion's partial 
 degradation. The church of the Jesuits was frequented by 
 the deserters from the mosques! It was not judged proper, 
 however, at first, to administer baptism to any other than 
 the sick or the dying. The temper of the people of 
 Indostan was known to the Jesuits. A natural fickleness 
 of di.sposition is the sure concomitant of a native of the 
 Indies. It sometimes happened, that l)aptism, in giving 
 health to the soul, restored likewise to the sick the health 
 of the bod}^. Martyrs w»^re not wanting to this infant 
 
 K 
 
130 H [STORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 church, A Mahometan mother solicited^ with earnestness, 
 that her son, yet at the breast, might be baptised. She 
 became, in consequence, the object of the scorn, and the 
 persecution, of her neighbours. The mother was deterred 
 from embracing the gospel, and had not the courage to 
 confess Jesus Christ for her son. Regret, for having 
 causetl him to receive the external, marks of Christianity, 
 induced her to poison her milk ; and to convey, by this 
 means, the seeds of death into the bosom of the infant. 
 The intercession of the little martyr was not unprofitable to 
 this infant church. The number of catechumen increased ; 
 and the fathers entertained sufficient confidence in their 
 virtue, to administer baptism to them. 
 
 The day of Pentecost, in the year 1599, was chosen 
 for the ceremony. It may be said, to have been magni- 
 ficent, considering the country in which it took place. The 
 Catechumen walked in procession through the streets of 
 Labor, where, an awning, formed of the branches of trees, 
 defended the spectators from the sun's rays. Tambours, 
 trumpets, and other instruments, according to the custom 
 of the Indies, preceded the Catechumen. They were received 
 by the missionary at the entrance of the church. He 
 made them children of Jesus Christ, in the sight of a 
 numerous people, attracted by the novelty of the spectacle. 
 Whilst water was sprinkling upon the heads of the 
 new converts, a girl, sixteen years of age, declared 
 her faith, in a manner which surprised every one. She 
 demanded, with a loud voice, that the same grace should 
 be conferred upon her which was granted to others. 
 '^•'Baptise m.e, too," she exclaimed ; " suffer me, likewise, to 
 be baptised." She repeated, so long, her importunities, that 
 she was easily distinguished from among the crowd. The 
 missionary explained to the young woman, that no one was 
 admitted to the sacrament, of which the ceremony was 
 
AKEDAR. 131 
 
 tlien jyerforniing;, except persons well instructed in our 
 mysteries. ''I am instructed in them," she replied; '^I 
 have continually been present at your public ministerings, 
 though I have not openly declared myself." She was interro- 
 gated^ and found capable of being admitted into the number 
 of the faithful; regard was had to her fervour, and baptism 
 was administered to her. The grace, wliicli she received in 
 the sacrament, inspired her with courage. The young 
 Christian resisted the persecution of a Mahometan noble- 
 man, who desired to have her among the women of his 
 haram. He accused the missionary, before the judge, of 
 having baptised the Indian woman by force. The woman 
 gave a good account of her faith, and justified, satis- 
 factorily, the conduct of her spiritual father in Jesus Christ. 
 In fine, the same liberty to choose for herself a husband, 
 was left to the Indian woman, which slie had before exercised 
 in the choice of her religion. She was married to a 
 Christian, and her firmness was a triumph for the Ministers 
 of Jesus Christ. Such was the progress of Cliristianity at 
 Labor. Father Pinnero gatliered, with rejoicing, the har- 
 vest of the evangelical seed, which his predecessors had 
 sown, and watered with their tears. 
 
 In another quarter. Father Jerome Xavier profited, at 
 Cachemirc, from the reflexions and tlie inquietudes of the 
 the emperor. The mind of Akebar was still agitated at 
 times, by the recollection of the sudden, and almost mi- 
 raculous conflagration of his palace. He condemned his 
 own aberrations in matters of religion ; but could not 
 resolve on tlie absolute retraction of his first measures. 
 The emperor ap})cared to consider liimself engaged, in 
 honour, to support the sect, of wliicli he was tlie founder. 
 He blamed his own extravagance, in secret, and supported 
 it in public. God, by his afflictions, either took ven- 
 
132 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 geance on the guilty monarch, or furnished him anew with 
 opportunities for his conversion. 
 
 Mostafa, formerly conquered, and despoiled of the 
 share he possessed of the kingdom of the Decan ; after 
 having resided some time, tranquilly, at the court of the 
 Mogul, had returned to his ancient dominions, had taken 
 up arms, and re-assumed the name of Melee, or King. 
 Those, who were dissatisfied with the reign of Akebar, 
 and, especially, the zealous Mahometans, took part with 
 the rebel. The emperor opposed to the rising revolt his 
 son Pahari, and caused him to take the name of Morad- 
 The whole empire clearly saw, by his putting arms into the 
 V hands of the second of his sons, whilst he kept the eldest 
 in obscurity, that he purposed to declare Morad his suc- 
 cessor. A victory, gained by the young prince, would 
 have secured to him the throne of the Moguls. It pleased 
 Providence to frustrate the views of Akebar, and to visit 
 him with a severe infliction, in a quarter where he was 
 most sensible. The Imperial army, and the rebel army 
 joined battle near Cambaia. The army of the young 
 Mogul was much superior in numbers ; but Mostafa was a 
 great commander. Every thing gave way to his valour. 
 A frightful carnage was made of the vanquished ; and the 
 young Morad was found, after the battle, among the 
 number of the slain. 
 
 On receiving the news of the death of his son, the 
 emperor was struck to the heart, by the blow with which 
 it had pleased Heaven to visit him. He acknowledged the 
 hand of the Almighty, and felt that it was his duty to sub- 
 scribe to his decrees. He no longer adored the sun, or 
 arrogated to himself the worship, which was due only to 
 God. Father Xavier aided by his discourses the impres- 
 sions which grace had efl^ected on the heart of the prince. 
 
AKEBAR. 133 
 
 ^11 
 
 The court now quitted Cacheinire, and took the road to 
 Labor; and after some stay at that city, continued its pro- 
 gress southward, until it arrived in the capital. It was at 
 Agra, that the emperor prepared that formidable army, 
 which lie proposed to conduct in person against the rebels. 
 Akebar, during the progress of the preparations, partook 
 of no other amusement than that of the chace. It was in 
 the solitude of the forests, that he sought to forget the 
 death of his favorite son. Having become thoughtful, and 
 melancholy, and being iiarrassed incessantly by that internal 
 monitor, conscience, the chace was the only amu>sement, 
 which suited his state of mind ; but in following this diver- 
 sion, he met with an adventure, which was, eventually, 
 the cause of his death. 
 
 One day, when the Mogul was hunting, in the environs 
 of Agra, he lost sight of his attendants, and being much 
 fatigued, sat himself down at the foot of a tree, which 
 afforded a welcome shade. Whilst he was trying to com- 
 pose himself to sleep, he saw approaching him, one of those 
 long caterpillars, of a flame colour, which are to be found 
 only in the Indies. He pierced it through with an arrow, 
 which he drew from his quiver. A little time afterwards, 
 an antelope made its appearance, within bow-shot. The 
 emperor took aim at it, with the same arrow with wliich 
 he had pierced the caterpillar. Notwithstanding the ante- 
 lope received the shaft in apart of its body, which was not 
 suscejitible of a mortal wounds the animal instantaneously 
 expired. The hunters of the prince, who opened the beast, 
 found the flesh black and corrupted, and all the dogs who 
 eat of it died immediately. The emperor knew, from this 
 circumstance, the extreme venom of the poison of the cater- 
 pillar. He commanded one of the officers of his suite, to 
 get it conveyed to his palace. It was, on this occasion, 
 that the emperor created the office of poisoner, an office 
 
136 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 resembles him. Flesh was never served at his table. RicC;, 
 a preparation of milk, and some sweetmeats, comprised his 
 whole diet. He was fond of literature, and cultivated it. 
 His greatest pleasure was in conversing with strangers, and 
 informing himself of the manners, the customs, and the 
 religion of Europeans. With respect to the history of his 
 country, and, especially, that of his own reign, he caused 
 it to be written with care ; and had it read to him, agreeably 
 to the custom of Oriental sovereigns. 
 
 The buildings, which he caused to be constructed, and 
 the manner in which he adorned different parts of his 
 empire, will be never failing monuments of his glory. The 
 system, which he pursued, in making war, was to take 
 his enemy by surprise, whenever he had the opportunity ; 
 and when that failed, to contend with him valiantly. By 
 these means, lie succeeded in greatly extending his empire. 
 If the Portuguese, who were secretly the partisans of 
 Mostafa, had not arrested the progress of this Mogul, he 
 would probably ha<^e carried the glory of his arms asfa;- as 
 Cape Camorin. To conclude, he well merited the name of 
 Akebar, that is to say, peerless, which his people bestowed 
 upon him from the commencement of his reign. 
 
J 37 
 
 JEHAN GUIR, 
 
 EIGHTH EMPEROR. 
 
 Ills parliulilij for the Christian Jiiiii>io7i. His Dehauchenj. Marries Ntif" 
 mahal. The injlucnce of the Sultaness over her Ititsbaud. She causes lier 
 Daughter to vuirry into the Imperial Family. Blahohet-Cham makes himself 
 Master of the Person of the Emperor. The eldest Son of Jelinn Guir is 
 strani^led in Prison. The Emperor's familiar manners with his People. 
 Revolt of his third Son. Defeat of his Son. Peace being established, he 
 resigns himself to the enjoyment of repose. Dies. 
 
 J-T is still a subject of dispute in the Indies ; whether 
 Cha Selini, that is, the pacilic prince, who took in the 
 sequel, the name of Jehan Guir, which means, the Sovereign 
 of the Universe, was a legitimate king, or an usurper. 
 Some historians pretend, that his father, Akebar, a few 
 days previous to his death, had declared him his successor 
 to the empire ; that he had placed the royal turban upon 
 his head, and had girded him with the sword of Amayum. 
 On the contrary, others write, that Jehan Guir, (for it is 
 by this name that we shall always speak of the successor 
 of Akebar), had been disinherited by his father as a rebel ; 
 and that the deceased emperor had appointed by his will, 
 sultan Cosrou, eldest son of Jehan Guir, to succeed him. 
 Whatever may be the truth in this matter, it is certain, 
 that these public rumours ail'orded a pretext to Cosrou for 
 revolting against his father. 
 
 The emperor, whose life is now about to be recorded, 
 possessed none of the good qualities of Akebar, witli the 
 exception of his good-will towards the Christians. He 
 was, nevertheless, without any of the dispositions, which are 
 the essentials of Christianity. He was Ji voluptuous prince. 
 
138 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 who passed the greater part of his life in the pleasures of 
 the haram ; and who abandoned himself to a species of 
 sottishness, which was degrading to human nature. During 
 the lifetime of his father, Jehan Guir had the prudence 
 partly to conceal his vices ; but he no sooner found himself 
 in the possession of unlimited power, and at liberty to 
 indulge his propensities, than he set no bounds to his 
 irregularities. The religion of the Christians was agreeable 
 to him, chiefly, on account of the licence, which it affords, 
 for the use of wine, and the flesh of all kinds of animals. 
 This was the only view, which he took of it ; that spirit of 
 penitence, humility, charity, and temperance, which is the 
 soul of Christianity, was never a subject on which he 
 reflected. With prepossessions, founded on such impure 
 motives, did he declare himself openly in favor of the 
 Christians ; and violate, without scruple, the law of Maho- 
 met. He drank wine in the face of his whole court. The 
 fast, which the Mahometans observe, so scrupulously, for 
 an entire month, was the subject of his derision. He 
 invited to his table, the most conscientious observers of 
 the laws of their religion, and inveigled them into a com- 
 panionship in his excesses in wine, and in eating prohibited 
 meats. The Casi, and the Imans, who are the doctors of 
 Mahometan laAv, in vain admonished him, that the use of 
 certain meats was forbidden by the Alcoran. Fatigued 
 with their importunities, he enquired in what religion the 
 use of drinks and food of every species, without distinction, 
 was permitted. The reply was, in that of the Christian 
 religion alone. We must then, he rejoined, all turn Chris- 
 tians. Let there be taylors brought to us, to convert our 
 robes into close coats, and our turbans into hats. At these 
 words, the doctors trembled for their sect. Fear and 
 interest made them hold a less severe language. They all 
 declared, that the sovereign was not bound by the precepts 
 
JEHAN GUIR. 139 
 
 of the Alcoran ; and that the monarch might, without 
 scruple, use whatever meats and drinks were most agreeable 
 
 to him. 
 
 This accommodating spirit, of the doctors, only served 
 in a greater degree to invite the contempt, and the hostility 
 of the emperor. He considered, that he was justified in 
 availing himself of the weakness of these false pastors, to 
 insult their religion. With this view, he caused small 
 statues of gold to be cast, with which he ornamented his 
 apartments ; and to increase their mortification, he com- 
 manded the figures of wild boars, an animal detested above 
 all others by the Mahometans, to be made in every sort of 
 attitude. A governor of Labor, named Amanet-Chan, 
 well disposed to our religion, told some Europeans, tliat he 
 had been present, when the Mahometan doctors gave theii' 
 decision in favor of the prince ; and that he knew the spot 
 where the statues of the wild boars had been buried by 
 them. He added, that whoever might obtain permission to 
 disinter so considerable a treasure, would find there a rich 
 booty. 
 
 It was more particularly^ during the night, that the king 
 gave himself up to intoxication, in the society of his friends. 
 All the Franks in Agra, that is, all Europeans of whatsoever 
 nation, were allowed free access to the palace. He continued 
 drinking in their company, till the return of day, and he aban- 
 doned himself, especially, to these midnight debaucheries^ 
 at the season, which the Mahometans observe as a fast with 
 the most scrupulous exactness. When some of his nation 
 of rather rigid principles happened to be present at these 
 meetings, he compelled them to violate their fast, threatening 
 them in case of disobedience, with being abandoned to the 
 rage of two lions, who were kept always chained under the 
 windows of his apartment. One of his greatest pleasures, 
 was, putting to the test the constancy of the Persians newly 
 
140 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 arrived at his court. He commonly carried in his girdle^ 
 a stilC;, the point of which was particularly acute, with 
 which he pierced the ear of the new comer, at a moment 
 when he was quite unprepared for such a salutation. By 
 his outcries, or by his silence, that is to say, by the impa- 
 tience or the tranquil resolution which he manifested under 
 the infliction of pain, he formed his opinion of the courage 
 of the Persian ; and he measured his favors, by the result 
 of his experiment. In fact, the Mahometans were generally 
 obnoxious to Jehan Guir ; and it was his policy to induce 
 them to fly the court from disgust. In the disputes, which 
 the Jesuits had frequently with the Moulas, the prince, 
 consequently, always gave his voice in favor of the argu- 
 ments adduced by the former. 
 
 The historians of the Indies make mention of a singular 
 occurrence, which added much to the reputation of the 
 Christian religion, at the court of Jehan Guir. Our writers 
 of Europe attribute it to Father Rodolph Aquiviva, and 
 pretend that it took place in the reign of Akebar. The 
 circumstances attending this incident are related with some 
 trifling variations. In this place, the traditions of Asia 
 will be followed. Jehan Guir, one day, they say, assembled 
 in his palace the doctors of his own sect on one part, and 
 on the other Father Acosta. He commanded the missionary 
 to state to the 31ahometans his strongest objections to the 
 Alcoran. The Jesuit complied in a manner which gave 
 satisfaction to the emperor, and confounded the Moulas. 
 One among them, bolder than the rest, maintained, that the 
 bible was a spurious book, and that it carried no internal 
 evidence of truth. Father Joseph D'Acosta, then superior 
 of the company in Agra, made a singular proposal to this 
 celebrated Moula, who was esteemed in the Indies as the 
 head of the law. " Let a large Are be lighted," said the 
 father, *' and the chief of the Mahometan religion on one 
 
JEHAN GUIR. 141 
 
 side enter it, bearing the Alcoran, whilst ontlie other side, 
 I will cast myself into it, holding in my hand the gospel. 
 It will then be seen, in whose favor heaven will declare, 
 whether for Jesus Christ or Mahomet." At these words, 
 the emperor cast his eyes upon the Mahometan, who 
 exhibited great symptoms of terror, lest the challenge 
 should be accepted. He took pity on the Moula, and 
 refrained exacting from him so severe a trial. As for the 
 Jesuit, they caused him to change his name; and the 
 emperor no longer called him by any other than that of 
 Father Ataxe, which means, the Fire Father. 
 
 If Jehan Guir was not permitted to be the witness of a 
 miracle, which Providence refused, perhaps, to the hard- 
 ness of his heart, and the corruption of his manners; it 
 was permitted him, at least, to be the spectator of another 
 occurrence sufficiently extraordinary. I should not relate 
 it, but for the warrant of an author; who has never yet 
 been reputed either as over credulous, or a visionary. A 
 certain mountebank had, they say, a monkey, possessing 
 extraordhiary sagacity in discovering things secreted. 
 The emperor, who had ordered the monkey to be brought 
 into his presence, concealed his ring in the vest of one of 
 his pages. The monkey singled out the page in the crowd, 
 and forced the ring from him. The following incident 
 likewise occurred. Jehan Guir caused to be written, 
 upon twelve separate billets, the names of the twelve prin- 
 cipal legislators ; of Moses, of Jesus Christ, of Mahomet, 
 of Brama ; finally, of all those who are honored in the 
 Indies. The billets were mixed in a vase, and tiie monkey 
 was commanded to draw the billet, which contained the 
 name of the legislator, who was the founder of the true 
 religion. The monkey obeyed, and drew that which had 
 the name of Jesus Christ. The emperor was astonished, 
 but he was not convinced. The event was attributed to 
 
142 HISTORY OP THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 chance, or the address of the mountebank. Jehan Guir 
 then commanded, that the names of the legislators should 
 be written a second time, in that species of cipher, which 
 he used in giving instructions to his ambassadors. The 
 monkey selected again the name of Jesus Christ, drew it 
 from the vase, and kissed it. The astonishment Avas still 
 greater, after this second mark of sagacity ; but it was con- 
 verted into admiration, after the third prodigy. Tiie king 
 concealed the billet containing the name of Jesus Christ in the 
 hands of one of his courtiers, and mixed eleven only in the 
 vase. The monkey handled them all without drawing any 
 one of them. Advancing, then, towards the courtier, in 
 whose hands had been placed the billet containing the 
 name of Jesus Christ, he disentangled his fingers, and 
 seized upon the billet. We may think what we please on 
 the subject of this incident ; but that it actually took place, 
 says the Protestant author, from whom I have extracted 
 the relation, is a fact which will admit of no dispute. 
 
 Faith is the gift of heaven, and this was refused to 
 Jehan Guir. It was not, that this prince did not esteem 
 Christianity above all other religions ; but the knowledge, 
 which he had of it, served only to render him more criminal. 
 He suftered, indeed, two of his nephews to get instructed 
 in the Faith, and to embrace it. Some pretend, that his 
 motives, on this occasion, were of a political nature. He 
 purposed by this, they said, to secure a pretext for 
 destroying those young princes, at a convenient opportunity, 
 when he should have rendered them devotees to a religion, 
 different from his own. Others assert, that he was prompted 
 to it from licentious motives. He hoped, they say, to be 
 able to fill his haram with Portuguese women, as soon as 
 it should be believed at Goa, that he was well disposed to 
 Christianity. Whatever might be his motives, it is certain, 
 that Jehan Guir lived without religion, a great enemy to 
 
JEHAN GUIR. 143 
 
 the Maliometans, and always, apparently, entertaining a 
 partiality for the Christian faith. 
 
 The .2jreat heats of Indostan obliged the emperor to quit 
 the residence of Agra. He considered that capital as the 
 work of his father. Tlie desire to erect a monument to his 
 glory, in his turn, made him give the preference to Lahor. 
 This is a city in a more northern situation than Agra ; its 
 site is more healthy, and the climate is more temperate. 
 Some historians say, that the fine avenue of trees, which 
 extends from Agra to Lahor, had been planted by Akebar ; 
 and others maintain that it was done by Jehan Guir. It 
 seems most probable, that the father began the work, and 
 that the son continued and completed it. With respect to 
 Lahor, it became, under Jehan Guir, the ordinary residence 
 of the court. This emperor extended it, and caused a 
 palace to be built, which has indeed nothing of the magni- 
 ficence of that of Agra ; but taken altogether, is more con- 
 venient, and more healthy. One day, when the king was 
 walking upon the terrace, which commands a view of the 
 river, he perceived a boat, navigated by six rowers. A 
 female, whose beauty struck him with surprise, was being 
 conveyed in the bark, under a canopy in the form of a 
 palanquin. It is probable, that it was without design, that 
 Nur-Mahal (which was the name of the lady) presented 
 herself to the view of the emperor ; but it is certain, that 
 the sight of her, on this occasion, made an impression upon 
 the prince which lasted all the remainder of his days. 
 Jehan Guir made himself acquainted with her name, and 
 place of abode. Presents were soon followed by the most 
 splendid ofters. But Nur-Mahal possessed a virtue, which 
 was proof against seduction. She caused the emperor to 
 be informed, that she had a husband ; that he had the 
 honor to be in the service of his majesty ; that he com- 
 manded five hundred men in a city on the frontier next to 
 
144 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL JDYNASTY. 
 
 Bengal ; and that she trusted to preserve to her husband, 
 as long as he lived, the most inviolable fidelity. This reply 
 of the lady occasioned the emperor to adopt a cruel expe- 
 dient. He wrote to Chir-Afgam, (which was the name of 
 the husband) ordering him to go to the governor of the 
 province, and to take from him such orders as he had 
 transmitted him. He sent instructions, in the meantime, 
 to the governor, to put Chir-Afgam to death as soon as he 
 should present himself before him. The orders of the 
 prince were executed, but not without bloodshed. The 
 brave captain sold his life dear, and slew several of the 
 assassins, ere they were able to effect their sanguinary 
 purpose. Jelian Guir trusted, confidently, that after the 
 assassination of the husband, the widow would fall easily 
 into his toils. 
 
 He was astonished, when he found, in Nur-Mahal, all 
 the resistance which might be expected from an incensed 
 woman, prompted by the most lively resentment. Whether 
 this was artifice, or passion unfeigned, the widow spoke of 
 the emperor in terms only of contempt and hatred. From 
 the first year of her widowhood, she availed herself, never- 
 theless, of all the advantages of the freedom which she had 
 acquired by the death of her husband, to draw to her resi- 
 dence a large society. Jehan Guir, who was of a temper, 
 which disposed jiim to be familiar with his subjects, paid 
 his assiduities to her under a borrowed name : declaring, 
 in the sequel, his quality and his passion, he offered to 
 place her in his haram, and to adopt her as one of his wives. 
 The artful widow put on all the semblance of virtue, and 
 even marks of aversion, the more effectually to inflame the 
 passion of the emperor. At last, when she had succeeded 
 in placing him in the situation of not being able to deny her 
 any thing, she consented to enter his haram, on the follow- 
 ing conditions: First, that she should have ihe rank of 
 
ji:han guir. 145 
 
 first queen ; secondly, tliat her father shoultl have the post 
 of Etmadoulet, or first minister ; and, tiiirdl\;, that her 
 brothers, as well as her other relations, should fill the first 
 places at court. The emperor consented to all her demands ; 
 and celebrated the arrival of the new queen, at the palace, 
 by a feast, which lasted eight days. The name of Nur- 
 Mahal seemed too common for the favorite queen ; it was 
 changed to that of Nur-Jaham, which signifies the Light of 
 the World. 
 
 The emperor suffered himself to be so much under the 
 influence of this new passion, that all others were supplanted 
 by it. Nevertheless, Nur-Jaham was a woman of low 
 rank. Born in Persia, she had followed her husband, at 
 that time a conductor of camels in the service of some 
 Armenian merchants. She arrived in the Indies in low 
 condition, with Chir Afgam, who subsequently^ obtained 
 promotion, and made some fortune in the armies of the 
 Mogul. If her birth was ignoble, her beauty and her under- 
 standing were not of the common order. In fine, it may be 
 said, that she was worthy of the empire to which fortune 
 had elevated her. 
 
 When she found herself in the palace, secure in the 
 possession of the heart of her husband, it was her first care 
 to procure the banishment, or even, perhaps, to rid her- 
 self of her rivals by poison. This was the general per- 
 suasion, when five queens, the most affectionately beloved 
 by Jehan Guir, were known to expire within the space of 
 one year. It is even said, that this ambitious woman 
 exerted her influence to the extent of obtaininsr the 
 emperor's permission, to coin money in her own name. 
 The impression, which she caused to be struck upon them, 
 represented the twelve signs of the zodiac. These coins 
 are found even at the present day in the Indies ; and some 
 of them have been distributed in Europe. Tt is, however; 
 
 L 
 
146 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 certain, notwithstanding what maj^ be related by our tra- 
 vellers, that the famous gold and silver pieces, on which 
 the signs of the zodiac are seen, do not bear the name of 
 Nur-Jaham, but that of Jehan Guir. The sultaness may, 
 indeed, have caused them to be struck, but she had not 
 the temerity to cause her name to be engraved upon them. 
 There was nothing which excited more astonishment in 
 the Indies, than the empire which Nur-Jaham exercised 
 over the mind of Jehan Guir. She insensibly weaned the 
 emperor from his inordinate love of wine ; she put limits 
 to his excesses ; and obtained his promise, that he would 
 refrain from drinking more than nine goblets, at those 
 seasonS;, when he resigned himself to sociality and mirth. 
 This was often a subject of contest between the emperor 
 and the sultaness ; but the advantage always remained 
 with Nur-Jaham. Never woman exhibited more skill in 
 preserving her power over a heart of which she had once 
 taken possession. The indefatigable Persian found a 
 hundred modes of fixing her husband's attachment ; and 
 least he should break from her chain, she furnished him 
 incessantly with new pleasures, of which she partook. 
 The slight disputes, excited sometimes by subjects of little 
 importance, only served to re-animate their tenderness. 
 One day, that Jehan Guir happened to be recreating himself, 
 attended by the musicians and female dancers of his palace, 
 he exceeded the nine goblets, to which he had been 
 restricted by Nur-Jaham. The queen remonstrated, but 
 the emperor turned a deaf ear to her complaint, and carried 
 his indulgence to the extent of intoxication. The sultaness 
 availed herself, the next morning, of the condition to which 
 Jehan Guir had reduced himself the preceding evening. 
 She shut herself up in her apartment, and refused to make 
 her appearance as usual. Never was distress more lively, 
 than that of Jehan Guir. With the most anxious solicitude. 
 
JEHAN GUfR. 147 
 
 he sought the sultaness, atid coukl take no rest, till he had 
 succeeded in appeasing her. The queen exacted from liinr 
 a humiliation not a little difficult for the pride of a Mogul 
 to submit to. She rejected all accommodation, until she 
 should behold him on his knees, soliciting her forgiveness 
 for his want of complaisance. The emperor, between the 
 claims of his rank, and the unworthy passion which 
 enslaved him, was a long time held in suspense. He availed 
 himself, at last, of the following expedient, by the advice 
 of one of those ancient governantes of the haram, who act 
 the part of guardians to the queens. One day, that tlie 
 sultaness was walking in the gardens of the palace, 
 defended by a parasol from the sun's rays, the emperor 
 joined her side, and sought the benefit of its protecting 
 shade. The ancient dame made Jehan Guir comprehend, 
 that he might place himself at the feet of the queen, and 
 participate of the shade, which was afforded to herself. It 
 was in this state of humiliation, which the emperor seemed 
 to have sought for his own accommodation, that he recon- 
 ciled himself to Nur-Jaham. He made vows of a blind 
 obedience, and was received again into favor. 
 
 The queen beheld, with dehght, the submissions of the 
 emperor ; and to testify her satisfaction, she gave a fete to 
 her spouse, which lasted eight days. None of the diver- 
 sions were forgotten, which are accustomed to be practised, 
 in this the most delightful country of the universe. One 
 day it was a magnificent repast. Another day, a comedy, 
 intermixed with that species of dance, in which actions are 
 represented by figures and attitudes. In these the Indians 
 excel. Some other time it was a concert, agreeably to the 
 taste in music, which prevails in the country. The ears of 
 Europeans are accustomed to it with difficulty, but, in the 
 course of time, they discover in it a peculiar harmony, and 
 a something of sublime, which is not to be found in 
 
 L 2 
 
148 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 European concerts. Then, it was a display of fireworks, 
 in which they succeed better in tlie IndieS;, than with us. 
 One of the most remarkable spectacles appertained to a 
 small canal, the banks of which were ornamented with a 
 beautiful promenade. This canal Nur-Jaham had caused 
 to be entirely filled with rose water. The perfumed water 
 was used for a bath. Roses, which are extremely common 
 in the Indies, became, on this occasion, of an enormous 
 price. The magnificence of the sultaness occasioned a dis- 
 covery, which afforded great pleasure in a country, in which 
 perfumes are so highly esteemed. Whilst the emperor 
 was v/alking with Nur-Jaham, on the bank of the canal, 
 they perceived a crust, that had been formed, resembling- 
 moss, which floated on the surface of the water. In order 
 to take it off the water, and examine it, they waited till it 
 was near the brink. They, then, perceived, that it was a 
 substance derived from the roses, which had been baked, 
 and collected into a mass by the power of the sun's rays. 
 It appeared to the whole haram the most exquisite perfume, 
 which had ever been produced in the Indies. Attempts 
 were, afterwards, made to imitate by art, that which nature 
 alone had formed. 
 
 The influence of Nur-Jaham became more powerful 
 every day ; and, finally, attained such a heighth, that no 
 other was capable of competing with it. Relying securely 
 on her authority with her husband, her thoughts were now 
 entirely directed to the contracting of alliances, which 
 might mingle her blood with that of the emperors. The 
 sultaness had, by her first marriage, a daughter only ; by 
 Jehan Guir she had no children. It was the establishment 
 of this daughter, that brought dissention into the royal 
 family, and became the source of so many wars and revolts. 
 
 The emperor had four sons by different wives. The 
 eldest, born during the life-time of his grandfather, Akebar, 
 
JEHAN GUIR. 149 
 
 was the Sultan Cosrou. The second was the Sultan Perviz, 
 a virtuous and pacific prince, who was sent to take charge 
 of the government of the kingdom of Bengal, which he 
 ruled a long time in so much tranquillity, that several his- 
 torians are even ignorant that such a person has existed. 
 The third was the Sultan Chorrom, a prince of great pro- 
 mise ; and who was able, in the sequel, to place himself 
 upon the throne, to the exclusion of his two elder brothers. 
 The fourth, and last, was Sultan Scheriar, a prince of little 
 courage, and of slender capacity. The object of Nur- 
 Jaham was to i^rocure the marriage of her daughter with 
 Sultan Cosrou, the heir presumptive to the empire ; but 
 this prince, who was of a haughty spirit, and indignant at 
 the ascendancy, which an obscure stranger had assumed 
 over the mind of his father, refused to dishonor himself by 
 so unsuitable an alliance. He had, besides, for his wile, 
 the daughter of a Raja, a princess of an heroic spirit, and 
 for whom the young sultan had all possible attachment and 
 affection. The rejection of the daughter of Nur-Jaham, 
 by Cosrou, cost him dear : — the loss of his liberty, of the 
 crown, and of his life, quickly succeeded the contempt 
 with which he treated the sultaness, and her proffered 
 alliance. She then cast her eyes upon Prince Scheriar, 
 the youngest of the emperor's sons, as a husband for her 
 daughter. Prince Perviz was overlooked, for reasons, 
 which the history does not explain. Sultan Chorrom had 
 already for his wife the niece of Nur-Jaham, the daughter 
 of her brother, Asaph Cham. 
 
 As soon as the marriage of the daughter of Nur-Jaham 
 with the Sultan Scheriar had been concluded, tlie chief 
 favors were showered upon this youngest of the princes. 
 The three elder princes were sent to take charge of govern- 
 ments at a distance from the co^.irt, agreeably to the bod 
 policy of the Moguls. The viceroyalty of Bengal was 
 
150 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 given to Perviz, and that of the Decan fell to the lot of 
 Sultan Chorrom. The government of Guzurat was intended 
 for the elder of the princes, before he revolted against his 
 sovereign. Never a son had a more specious pretext for 
 making war upon his father, than Sultan Cosrou. It was 
 to him, they said, that the kingdom had been left by the 
 destination of Akebar ; and that the reigning emperor had 
 enjoyed the possession of it, entirely by the sufferance of 
 Cosrou, and through the respect, which this prince enter- 
 tained for him, to whom he was indebted for his birth. Yet 
 it was that very sceptre, which it was in his power to have 
 wielded, that was wrested from him, in order that it might 
 be bestowed upon the youngest of his brothers. What 
 particularly exasperated him, were the intrigues of an 
 ambitious woman, who, for the purpose of establishing her 
 blood upon the throne, violated the rights of nature, and 
 of nations. " I am banished," he said to his confidants, 
 " to a government, which is situated at the greatest distance 
 from the court, whilst Scheriar is retained near the emperor, 
 my father, in order that the people may be accustomed to 
 recognise in him the successor of Jehan Guir. "Let us 
 break silence," he said, " since we have no alternative ; 
 and let us not suffer them to deprive us of our rights 
 without complaining, and without contending for them. 
 I shall certainly not become more criminal by taking arms 
 against Jehan Guir, than he himself was in revolting against 
 Akebar. If I offend, it will only be by following the example 
 of my father ; besides, I have this argument in my favor, 
 that I reclaim a crown, which belongs to me at this moment, 
 without my being under any obligation to wait for the death 
 of him who wears it." These sentiments, so plausible, 
 occasioned Cosrou to resolve on making war against his 
 father. 
 
 Jehan Guir had for his chief ministers, two men, upon 
 
lEHAN GUIR. 151 
 
 whom devolved the management of the wliole affairs of the 
 empire. One was Asaph Cham, tlie queen's brother, and 
 the other Mahobet-Cham, an adventurer, but a person of 
 superior genius, and of a greatness of soul inaccessible to 
 corruption. That jealousy, so common between two rivals, 
 who divide the confidence of a prince, had embroiled the 
 two ministers. They had taken a part in opposite interests. 
 Asaph Cham was naturally of the same party with the 
 queen, his sister ; and Mahobet-Cham had declared in favor 
 of the Sultan Cosrou. The faction of the sultaness had 
 the ascendancy. The Sultan Cosrou received so many 
 provocations, that they forced him, as has been stated, to 
 take up arms, and to put himself at the head of the con- 
 spirators. The sultaness, prompted by the advice of Asaph 
 Cham, determined to get possession of the person of 
 Mahobet, at the moment of his leaving the palace. An 
 ambuscade was prepared in the first court of the Mahal, 
 at the entrance of the saloon, in which the king gives 
 audience to his ministers. Mahobet thus found himself on 
 a sudden beseiged, on his quitting the apartment. As he 
 had to contend, at first, with a troop of Indians only, who 
 as yet, respected in his person, the chief of the armies of 
 their master, he got rid of them without difficulty. In the 
 meanwhile, the multitude of the asasssins, which collected 
 around him, increased. He then proceeded to the private 
 entrance of the haram, forced the doors, and found some 
 eunuchs who were devoted to him. With this escort, he 
 entered into the apartment of the emperor, dispersed the 
 timid crowd of women, and eunuchs, by which he was sur- 
 rounded ; compelled the emperor against his inclination to 
 follow him ; caused him to be mounted on an elephant, and 
 went forth from the palace, seated by the side of Jehan 
 Guir, under the same canopy. Holding, then, in his hand^ 
 a poignard, he announced to the armed assemblage, which 
 
152 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 had been there planted by Nur-Jaham; that he would 
 plunge it into the heart of the prince, the moment he should 
 perceive any hostile movement to take place among them. 
 So extraordinary a resolution astonished the soldiers. 
 
 The emperor was conducted by Mahobet to his own 
 residence ; where, the troops^, of whom he was the chief, 
 ranged themselves around him. Jehan Guir was thus 
 detained by his minister, in a species of captivity. 
 
 The whole city was in a state of anxiety, in expectation 
 of what might be the result of this event to the emperor. The 
 greater part believed, that Mahobet would deliver up Jehan 
 Guir, and the crown, to Cosrou, whose declared friend he 
 was. But the generous Mahobet, knew how to preserve 
 for his master and benefactor, all the respect and consi- 
 deration, which were his due. He engaged in the most 
 profuse expences, in order to supply him every day with 
 new pleasures. In the meanwhile, Jehan Guir's detention 
 became insupportable to him, on account of his separation 
 from the queen. Mahobet gave his prisoner reason to 
 expect, that Nur-Jaham, provided she were willing to 
 confide in his honor, might come and bear him company. 
 " As for the rest," he said to the king, with an air of 
 submission and respect, which inspired him with confidence; 
 " do not imagine, my lord, that I have violated the sacred 
 asylum of your palace, for the purpose of delivering you 
 into the hands of a rebellious son. I was attached to the 
 cause of the Sultan Cosrou, whilst it was in my power to 
 assist him with my counsels, and with the credit which I 
 derived from your favor. I protected his rights, while 
 labouring under oppression, from the injustice of a woman. 
 Equity, then, required a counterpoise to the faction of the 
 ambitious Nur-Jaham ; and it was to labour for your glory, 
 to hinder it from being tarnished, by the unjust preference, 
 which you give to the youngest of your sons, to the 
 
JEHAN GUIR. 153 
 
 prejudice of the elder. But, since Cosrou lias been guilty 
 of the impiety of taking arms against his father, I am 
 ready to employ the power, which ^ou have given me over 
 your armies, to combat a rebel. Put my fidelity to the 
 test, and judge me by the conduct, which I maintain 
 towards my sovereign, whom I hold in my power. If I 
 have dared to carry you off from your palace ; be persuaded, 
 my lord, that it was with the intention, only, of preserving 
 my life, which was attempted by the ambushes of Asaph 
 Cham, and by the orders of your imperious Nur-Jaham. 
 Yes, my lord, it is this woman who lights up the torch of 
 discord in your family ; it is she, who banishes your children 
 from your presence ; who tears them from your bosom in 
 spite of yourself; who forces them to renounce the senti- 
 ments of nature, and to arm themselves against a father, 
 they love. Expel from your palace that fury, who is the 
 cause of all this dissention ; recall your childi'en to your 
 presence ; cause their arms to fall from their hands, and by 
 such conduct, you will release yourself from captivity, and 
 restore tranquillity to your kingdom." Jehan Guir, moved 
 by these arguments of his minister, and fearing least his 
 confinement might eventually have some fatal conclusion, 
 promised every thing which was required ; but his dispo- 
 sition was light and frivolous. The very day, which he 
 had appointed for dismissing the queen, Mahobet etiquired 
 what he could do to afford him pleasure. — '' Give me the 
 sultaness, and w ine," replied the emperor. The generous 
 minister refused him both. A^ine, on account of liis 
 attachment to the law of Mahomet ; and the sultaness, 
 least she should succeed in destroying that returning 
 reason, with which he had began to inspire the Mogul. 
 
 The heart, however, of this faitliful subject, suffered 
 itself to be moved by the entreaties of his master. He soon 
 restored Jehan Guir to his liberty. But, that he might 
 
154 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 escape the persecutions of Nur-Jaham, he immediately 
 took the field at the head of the Imperial army, for the 
 purpose of combatting the Sultan Cosrou, agreeably to his 
 promise. The war was not of long duration. After a 
 single battle, Mahobet returned victorious, bringing back 
 the son in chains to his father. So generous an action, and 
 one, so serviceable to the interests of the emperor, and the 
 sultaness, obliterated all recollection of the violation of that 
 respect, which was due from a subject to his sovereign. 
 The credit of this minister seemed to have increased at 
 court, and the suspicions which had been entertained of his 
 fidelity, to have been forgotten. It was, doubtless, through 
 his influential intercession, that the consent of Jehan Guir 
 was obtained, to the preservation of the life of Sultan 
 Cosrou. They were contented to shut him up in the citadel 
 of Guallier, along with his wife and children. 
 
 The captive sultan was passing a melancholy existence 
 in his prison, when the queen sultaness caused a proposition 
 to be made to him, capable of shaking a heart endued with 
 less constancy. He was exhorted to purchase his liberty, 
 by a criminal infidelity towards the princess his wife. They 
 offered to procure a divorce of the daughter of Nur-Jaham 
 from prince Scheriar, and to secure to Cosrou the suc- 
 cession to the crown, as soon as he should have accepted of 
 Scheriar's wife for his sultaness. The law of Mahomet, 
 resembling in this point the law of Moses, permits a 
 brother to contract marriage with the wife of a brother, 
 provided she has not born to him any children. They 
 little doubted, but, that a prince, fallen into a state of 
 captivity, would gladly obey the injunctions of his father, 
 by which he would again be acknowledged as heir pre- 
 sumptive to the crown, in partaking it with the daughter 
 of the sultaness. They were deceived. Sultan Cosrou 
 was not a prince to be easily moulded to their purpose. 
 
JEHAN GUIR. 155 
 
 and his attachment to his wife was an insurmountable 
 difficulty. 
 
 Asaph Cham, on the other hand, secretly conducted an 
 intrigue, opposed to the views of the sultaness, his sister. 
 It has been, already, said, that Chorrom, third son of 
 Jehan Guir, had taken for his wife one of the daughters of 
 Asaph Cham. All the views of this ambitious minister 
 were directed to the placing of his son-in-law upon the 
 throne ; and the death of Cosrou was considered by him, 
 as an infallible means of securing the success of his project. 
 Asaph Cham, therefore, made use of some of his creatures, 
 whom he had placed near the person of the captive sultan, 
 to encourage him in the resolution of contemning the 
 daughter of the sultaness. They represented to him, that 
 it was an alliance unworthy of his birth. They entreated 
 him to reflect on the injustice, which it would cause him to 
 commit towards the virtuous princess his Avife. They 
 added, that the new spouse would not fail, through the 
 credit of her mother, to procure the banishment of the 
 princess. They endeavoured to inspire him w ith religious 
 scruples. " The law allows," they said, " the marrying of 
 the widow of a brother, but it does not permit a person to 
 marry the wife of a brother, who is yet living." They often 
 gave him deceitful intelligence relative to the approaching 
 disgrace of Nur-Jaham, and, by such means, inspired him 
 with the hope of a speedy cessation to his captivity, 
 without the ignominy of having suffered his honor to have 
 been tarnished, by base compliances. Prepossesed with 
 these ideas, Cosrou refused to the emperor and the sul- 
 taness this instance of submission, which they exacted from 
 him. In the meanwhile, Asaph Cham, always attentive to 
 his projects for placing his daughter on the throne of the 
 Moguls, had engaged his son-in-law. Sultan Chorrom, to 
 quit the territory of the Decan, and to appear at court 
 
156 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 and shew himself to the people of the capital. This prince 
 was ambitious ; Sultan Cosrou (though a prisoner taken 
 with his arms in his hands against his king, and father) 
 appeared to him the only obstacle to his future greatness. 
 As for Sultan Scheriar, he regarded him as a prince 
 devoid of merit, despised by the people, and unworthy of 
 reigning. Perviz appeared content in his viceroyalty of 
 Bengal. Chorrom, therefore, conceived the barbarous 
 design, of securing the throne by a deed of fratricide. 
 Every one believed, at the time, that he had been insti- 
 gated to commit this crime by the counsels of Asaph Cham. 
 It was admitted, that Nur-Jaham had no concern in it. 
 
 At the time, that Sultan Cosrou was put to death in 
 his prison, he had began to give the sultaness some grounds 
 for expecting, that he would finally submit to her wishes, 
 and espouse her daughter. At least, the princess, the wife 
 of Cosrou, never ceased exhorting her husband, to be 
 swayed no longer by his tenderness for her ; but to embrace 
 such measures, as would best accord with his interest, 
 though they were in opposition to his inclinations. Fearing, 
 least, the heir presumptive to the crown should secure to him- 
 self the throne, by rendering obedience to the orders of the 
 court ; Sultan Chorrom made haste to accomplish his fratri- 
 cidal design. Asaph Cham had taken care to place, in the 
 service of the captive prince, persons entirely devoted to 
 his interests, and wretches ready to undertake any office, 
 however odious, for the advancement of their fortunes-. 
 Sultan Chorrom engaged these men to assist him in his 
 designs upon the life of his brother. They were instructed 
 to mix poison, in the meats, which were served up to him. 
 The sultan had suspicions, that treachery was at work, 
 and resolved to eat only of such things, as the princess, 
 his wife, prepared for him, with her own hands. As the 
 destruction of the prince lingered, much to the mortifica- 
 
JElfAN GUlll. 157 
 
 tion ot the ambitious Cliorroin, he sent orders to have him 
 dispatched, by the most expeditious means. The captain 
 of the fortress, in which the poor sultan was confined, 
 without the knowledge of the emperor, or the queen- 
 sultaness, executed the orders of Chorrom. He caused 
 him to be strangled with the bow-string. There are 
 historians, who represent the assassination of the sultan in 
 a different manner; but the relation, just given, is the 
 least suspicious, and the most conformable to the Chronicle. 
 
 The death of the heir presumptive of the crown secured, 
 to all appearance, the succession of the throne to the 
 murderer of Cosrou ; but the conspiracy, which Chorrom 
 imagined to have been enveloped in the profoundest secrecy, 
 was discovered by Jehan Guir, and by the sultaness. The 
 emperor changed the affection, which he had for this unna- 
 tural son, into the deepest disgust. Even Asaph Cham, 
 in spite of the protection of the queen, his sister, was near 
 losing his favour at court. The fratricide was sent back to 
 his government. 
 
 Cosrou left behind him a son, the heir of all the virtues 
 of his father; this was, the Sultan Bolaqui, a prince, at 
 that time, of the age of seventeen. In the character of his 
 countenance, there was blended the fire of the Mogul, 
 which he inherited from his father, with the mildness of the 
 Indian character, which he derived from his mother. As 
 he had been brought up in the society of an unhappy and 
 captive father, he had learnt from him those virtues, 
 which the great seldom fail to acquire in a season of 
 adversity. He was mild, affable, generous, a little mis- 
 trustful ; but, knowing how to correct, by consulting his 
 reason, the suspicions, which the miseries of his family 
 had accustomed him to entertain of the courtiers, who 
 approached him. With these happy dispositions, Bolaqui 
 soon became the favorite of the court. Even the sultaness 
 
158 HISTORY' OP THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 took him into favour ; and as he represented the person of 
 the eldest son of the emperor, whose grandson he was, 
 already he was regarded in the Indies as the successor of 
 Jehan Guir. Asaph Cham, alone, in conjunction with his 
 daughter, contemplated getting rid of the son, after having 
 caused the father to be strangled. Bolaqui, in the mean- 
 while, lived at court in a state of security, under the pro- 
 tection of the emperor, of the sultaness, and the guard of 
 Mahobet-Cham, who was always attached to his duties, 
 and never, during his ministry, took any other side than 
 that of equity. 
 
 Whilst Sultan Chorrom, banished to the Decan, was 
 employed in securing to himself partisans, and strength- 
 ening his interests, by secret treaties with the Rajas, his 
 neighbours ; the emperor thought, only, of enjoying the 
 apparent tranquillity, which now reigned in his empire. It 
 has been said, that he was fond of making himself familiar 
 with his people. Instances of this familiarity are related, 
 which would appear extravagant, even in the West, where 
 kings are more accessible, than in the East. He entered, 
 they say, one day, towards the evening, in disguise, into 
 a tavern. Wine houses, since the days of Akebar, had 
 been tolerated in the capital. The emperor took a seat near 
 an artisan, who was drinking with great gaiety, and, 
 inspired with the wine, was disposed to indulge his vocal 
 talents. Jehan Guir was delighted to find himself in such 
 pleasant society. A familiarity was soon established 
 between them, and the artisan was particularly charmed 
 with the liberality of the new guest, who paid the entire 
 score, and made him drink deep. In their conversation, 
 they treated of the affairs of government ; the emperor was 
 blamed for his weakness, in submitting to be governed by 
 a woman, and suffering one of his younger sons to assas- 
 sinate the elder. They took leave of the tavern most 
 
JEHAN OUJR. 159 
 
 excellent friends, promising to see each other often in the 
 same place. The emperor simplj^ enquired of the artisan 
 his trade, where he lodged, and his name. " I am called," 
 he said, " Secander; I am a weaver, and my home is in a 
 quarter of the city," which he indicated. " Comrade," 
 said the emperor, " I will come to-morrow and dine with 
 you ; we will renew our acquaintance, and we will swear a 
 lasting friendship." The two topers separated, highly 
 satisfied with each other; and each, on his part, impa- 
 tiently expected the ensuing morning. Some hours after sun- 
 rise, nearly about the same time the artisans are accustomed 
 to dine ; the emperor left his palace, attended by the most 
 magnificent escort, with which he had ever made his 
 appearance in Labor. He was surrounded by his whole 
 guard, and preceded by twenty war elephants, with their 
 splendid harness of crimson velvet, ornamented with large 
 gold plates. Jehan Guir was liimself seated on a throne, 
 burnished with precious stones, borne by an elephant of 
 state ; and, in this equipage, he gave orders to be conducted 
 to the weaver's quarters. The cavalry, and the elephants, 
 passed before the shop of Secander. But, he, occupied in 
 preparing the regale, which he was about to give his friend, 
 did not even give himself the trouble to take a peep at the 
 royal cavalcade. Whilst all the people were at the doors 
 of their houses, or dispersed in the streets, a soldier of the 
 king's suite enquired for the house of Secander. The 
 weaver, who heard himself named, came into his shop, 
 holding in his hand a pestle, with which he had just been 
 pounding some rice. " I am Secander," he said, " and 
 you will hardly find better cloth at any other shop in all 
 Labor." — '' You are, also, a jovial toper," said the 
 soldier ; " the emperor has, in consequence, come to dine 
 with you, in performance of the engagement he contracted 
 with you yesterday." Secander could not doubt, but that 
 
ItlO HISTORY QF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 it was the emperor himself, with whom he had been 
 drinking the preceding evening ; and, as he recollected the 
 seditious language, which he had held to Jehan Guir, 
 while they were carousing, the poor man gave himself up 
 for lost. In the meanwhile, the emperor approached, and, 
 as soon as Secander recognised him: " Might it please 
 heaven," he cried, " that all those, who put their trust in 
 drunkards, had this pestle thrown thrown at their heads." 
 The king, who heard the poor weaver's exclamation, 
 laughed most heartily. He tasted the good man's wine ; 
 and bestowed upon him employments at court, sufficiently 
 considerable, to enable him to dispense witli following any 
 longer his profession. 
 
 That he might enjoy with greater tranquillity the plea- 
 sures, in which peace permitted him to indulge,. Jehan Guir 
 often went to pass the summer in the kingdom of Cachemire. 
 This is the most northern province of the Mogul empire. 
 It is situated at the foot of Mount Caucasus. Cachemire, 
 in fact, is only a large valley, surrounded by mountains. 
 Some pretend, that the river Indus has here its source. 
 This is an error, and is not supported by any geographer. 
 It is true, that a great number of small rivers pass out of 
 Cachemire, and empty themselves into the Indus. This 
 river, enlarged by these tributary streams, becomes navi- 
 gable; and after having fertilised, and diffused abundance 
 throughout extensive regions, continues its course till its 
 junction with the ocean. 
 
 The kingdom of Cachemire passes for the terrestrial 
 paradise of the Indies. Neither is there, perhaps, any 
 country in the world, where the air is more temperate, the 
 climate more salubrious, and in which, whatsoever can 
 contribute to the enjoyment of life, is to be found in 
 greater abundance. When the mountains, which separate 
 Indostan from Cachemire have been passed, on a sudden 
 
JEHAN GL'IR. 161 
 
 we seem transported;, from the most burniiifj; climates of 
 Asia, into the most temperate zones of Europe. Tlie trees 
 and the fruits of India are no longer seen. They are pear, 
 apple, and apricot trees, and others which are common to 
 France. The inhabitants of tliis delightful country are 
 strangers to the effeminacy and indolence of the Indians. 
 They are vigorous and industrious cultivators of the soil, 
 and make brave soldiers. It is an ancient tradition, that 
 the Jews, who were carried away captive in the days of 
 Salmanazar, were settled as a colony in Cachemire ; and that 
 the Cachemirians are the descendants of these ancient 
 Jews. It is true, that no vestiges of the Jewish religion 
 subsist at present in Cachemire, all the inhabitants being- 
 Pagans or Mahometans ; yet, traces are to be found, of a 
 nation descended from the Israelites. The countenances of 
 these people possess much of that peculiar character, which 
 distinguishes the Jews, in whatever part of the earth they 
 may be found. The name of Moses is very common 
 amongst them, and ancient monuments are still to be seen, 
 indicating a people derived from Israel. The remains of 
 an edifice, built upon a lofty mountain, is called to this day 
 the throne of Solomon. 
 
 It was in this fine kingdom, that Jehan Guir seldom 
 failed to pass the season of the year, when the heats are the 
 most oppressive. He so much esteemed this province, that 
 he would rather, he said, lose all the rest of his states, than 
 this single one. The Mogul, and the sultaness Nur-Jaham, 
 have, in consequence, left behind them in Cachemire 
 evidences of their munificence. A palace was here built 
 by Jehan Guir, which is, perhaps, more commodious than 
 magnificent. The gardens, which are intersected with 
 canals, and embellished with fountains, have an agree- 
 ableness rarely to be found in any other spot. As for the 
 sultaness, her chief amusement consisted in stocking the 
 
 M 
 
162 HISTORY OP THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 canals with tame fish. Many are seen at this day, having 
 gold rings, which this queen had caused to be attached to 
 them. 
 
 The diversions of Jehan Guir were commonly confined 
 during the summer months, within the precincts of Cache- 
 mire ; but in the winter, which the continual rains render 
 a melancholy season in the Indies ; the emperor supplied 
 himself wdth domestic amusements, in his palace at Lahor. 
 One of the most agreeable was a species of fair, which 
 was held for eight successive days, in a gallery of the 
 haram. Shops were fitted up, and the wives of the 
 principal Omrhas, or great lords of the empire, acted the 
 part of merchant's wives. Seated at their counters, and 
 decked with all the art common to Asiatic women, some 
 sold rich gold brocades ; others, pearls and diamonds ; 
 others, again, European curiosities. The emperor, the 
 sultans his sons, the queens, and their daughters w^ere the 
 only purchasers. They went from shop to shop ; the 
 merchandise was exposed to their prying curiosity ; they 
 haggled about the price; a querulous tone was assumed; 
 jests were bandied ; and the remuneration on the part of 
 the king was more or less liberal, in proportion to the wit 
 and ingenuity displayed in this species of contests, and the 
 entertainment furnished thereby to the court. This fete, 
 of which the women were passionately fond, was not at all 
 pleasing to the Omrhas. The jealousy, so natural to 
 Mahometans, kept them in a state of restlessness all the 
 time the fete lasted at the palace. But it was necessary to 
 be patient. The emperor was obeyed in this, as in every 
 thing else. 
 
 The tranquillity enjoyed by Jehan Guir was sometimes 
 interrupted by foreign and domestic wars. Schah Abbas, 
 king of Persia, whose name and reputation will live for 
 ever in the memory of his people, demanded of the Mogul 
 
JEHAN GUIR. 163 
 
 the surrender of the city of Candaliar, which Amayum had 
 engaged to resign to the Persian monarch, wlien he aided 
 him in recovering possession of his throne. Amayum 
 refused to keep his promise. Akebar was able to maintain 
 possession of so fine a country ; but Jehan Guir was 
 obliged to acquit tlie debt incurred by liis grancifather. The 
 Persians ]aid siege to Candahar. The governor ol this 
 important and frontier city of the Mogul states, on the side 
 of Persia, gave the court intelligence of the irruption of 
 the Persians, and of the siege with which he was menaced. 
 Orders were sent to Siahan-Cham, viceroy of 3Iultan, to 
 march with the utmost dili«2:ence to the assistance of the 
 besieged ; but neither troops nor arms were to be found in 
 condition for immediate service. The pacific Jehan Guir 
 had neglected to place his frontiers in a state of defence. 
 In the meanwhile, the city and the citadel were battered 
 night and day. The siege had lasted six months, when 
 the emperor, despairing of saving the place, sent the 
 governor orders to deliver it up in the form of a restitution, 
 rather than as compelled to surrender by force of arms. 
 The governor, who received the letter of Jehan Guir, 
 would not believe it to be genuine, and surrendered only at 
 the last extremity, when a bastion had been destroyed by 
 mining. Schah Abbas would have pushed his conquests 
 further ; but the powerful army, which the Mogul sent 
 towards the frontiers of Persia, arrested the progiess of 
 the conqueror, and obliged him to return to Ispahan. 
 
 The state was in much greater danger from the revolt 
 of Sultan Chorrom. This ambitious prince, exiled to his 
 government of Guzurat, received intelligence from his 
 father-in-law, Asaph-Cham, that the emperor was about to 
 transfer the treasure of the empire, kept in the citadel of 
 Agra, to Labor. The charge of conducting this treasure 
 had been conmiitted to Asaph-Cham. He was in the 
 
 M 2 
 
J 64 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 disposition to deliver it up to the husband of his daughter, 
 provided the Sultan would use due diligence, and present 
 himself with an army upon the road which forms the 
 communication between the two capitals. The possession, 
 of this treasure, was a certain means of enabling the prince 
 to invade the throne, even in the lifetime of his father. 
 Chorrom, then, mustered without delay all the creatures 
 and partisans he had been able to secure to his interests, 
 throughout the vast countries, which the bad policy of 
 Jehan Guir had subjected to his rule. He had taken upon 
 himself to dispose of governments, and lands, without the 
 concurrence of the court. The prince had, in consequence, 
 no difficulty in assembling persons devoted to his service, 
 in sufficient numbers to compose a formidable army; He 
 then advanced at the head of sixty thousand men, and in a 
 few day arrived at Fetipour, about twenty leagues distant 
 from Agra. The eunuch, who had the guard of the trea- 
 sures of the king, wisely considered, that it would be 
 imprudent to deliver them to the father-in-law of Sultan 
 Chorrom, and expose them to be pillaged by a rebel prince. 
 He gave notice to the court of the march of Chorrom, and 
 sent back Asaph-Cham without the treasure. This news 
 obliged Jehan Guir to come himself to Agra, in order to 
 oppose the designs of his son. He found the city entirely 
 ravaged by the troops of the rebel, and the palaces of the 
 great lords pillaged ; but as the fortress was in faithful 
 keeping, the treasure of the empire was saved from a 
 similar fate. 
 
 The declaration of revolt, which Sultan Chorrom had 
 just made, was too open and avowed, not to be attended 
 with further consequences. Positive hostilities had become 
 now absolutely necessary ; and Chorrom was obliged to 
 prepare for encountering the formidable army, which Jehan 
 Guir had placed under the command of the gallant Maho- 
 
JEHAR GUIR. 165 
 
 bet-Chain. Even Sultan Perviz quitted the repose of his 
 government of Bengal, and came at the head of liis troops, 
 to combat for his father against a refractory brother. 
 There appeared to be no interested motives, at this time, in 
 the conduct of this good prince ; no vievrs towards raising 
 himself to the throne, on the ruin of his brother's fortunes. 
 Motives of duty alone seemed to regulate his motions. 
 
 In the meanwhile. Sultan Chorrom was encamped some 
 leagues below Delhi. The army of the king, strengthened 
 by that of Sultan Perviz, advanced against the rebels. It 
 was commanded in person by Jehan Guir. Asaph-Cham 
 conducted the right wing, and Mahobet-Cham the left. As 
 in civil broils, it almost always happens, that there are 
 many traitors on both sides, whom the chiefs have taken 
 care to corrupt before the action ; the emperor, suspecting 
 the fidelity of Abdul-Cham, one of the principal captains 
 of his army, sent to him before the battle, by one of his 
 officers, a quiver full of arrows, to give him notice that 
 fidelity was expected from him. The officer, who, on his 
 arrival, perceived that Abdul-Cham was just then making 
 a movement for the purpose of passing over to the side of 
 the enemy, took aim at the traitor with one of the arrows. 
 Abdul-Cham escaped unhurt, and retired to Sultan Chorrom, 
 whose minister and favorite he became. It was this 
 officer, who first commenced the attack, and who penetrated 
 even to the tent of Jehan Guir. After an obstinate conflict, 
 the rebels were put to the rout. Sultan Chorrom retired 
 into inaccessible mountains, and endeavoured to negociate 
 a peace with his father. 
 
 During the action, the young Sultan Bolaqui fought 
 under the direction of Mahobet-Cham, and in sight of the 
 emperor his grandfather. He displayed prodigies of valour. 
 Not content with having gained over the enemy an incom- 
 plete victory ; he penetrated at the head of some troops. 
 
166 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNAST V. 
 
 into the heart of the kingdom of Guzurat, and sat down 
 before Amadabat;, the capital of the government, of which 
 Sultan Chorromhad, in a measure, usurped the sovereignty. 
 He caused the gates to be broken down by the elephants, 
 and took possession of the city. The treasures of Sultan 
 Chorrom were pillaged, his golden throne broken in pieces, 
 and the diamonds with which it was adorned were distri- 
 buted to the officers. The Imperial army, after taking 
 some days repose, again entered the field, for the purpose 
 of opposing Abdul-Cham, who was conducting against 
 Bolaqui the remains of the army of Chorrom. The two 
 armies were already in each other's presence ; the signal 
 for the engagement had been given ; when a sudden panic 
 spread through the army of Abdul-Cham. The whole of 
 his infantry was cut in pieces by the soldiers of Bolaqui. 
 The peasants of the country massacred the greater part 
 of the cavalry, whom fear had scattered in disorder 
 throughout all the neighbouring hamlets. Abdul-Cham, being 
 aided by the rains, saved himself with great difficulty in 
 Surat, whence he quickly retired to Brampour, to Sultan 
 Chorrom. 
 
 Jehan Guir purposed pursuing his rebel son, and forcing 
 him in the mountains, where he had taken refuge. Sultan 
 Perviz and Mahobet-Cham were ordered to give him 
 battle, and to bring him to his father, dead or alive. The 
 haughty Chorrom was not discouraged. Having assembled 
 an army, capable of opposing that of his brother, he again 
 presented himself in the field, to make head against his 
 adversaries. The rebels, at first, had the advantage in some 
 slight skirmishes ; and elevated by these trifling successes, 
 they hazarded a general action, which occasioned them to 
 meet with a great reverse. The forces of Chorrom were 
 vanquished. The unhappy prince, abandoned by his troops, 
 saw himself obliged to have recourse to flight, to place the 
 
JEIJAN GUIR. 167 
 
 river Nerbda between himself" and tiie coiiqueroi% and to 
 retire to Brauipour. The two principal officers of his 
 army, his chief" favorites, escaped with Chorrom. These 
 were, Cham-Canna, and Abdul-Cham. The first had always 
 been attached to the fortune of his master ; and had been 
 entrusted with the control of his affairs, and the conduct 
 of his armies, without dividing the administration with 
 another. The second had embraced the service of Sultan 
 Chorrom, since the commencement of the war; and began 
 now to take the ascendancy over the mind of the prince* 
 These competitors, whom the favor of Chorrom had ren- 
 dered rivals, were always of opposite sentiments in the 
 council. Cham-Canna leaned ordinarily on the side of 
 peace, and was of opinion, that the most eligible course to 
 pursue would be, to endeavour to soften the heart of Jchan 
 Guir, and lead him to be reconciled to his son. Abdul- 
 Cham^ who was apprehensive of meeting the just reward 
 of his treason, advised the continuance of the w ar, and the 
 incurring of all risks for securing the empire. This 
 dissention, between the two ministers, was injurious to 
 Sultan Chorrom. Cham-Canna resolved to betray a prince, 
 who began to neglect him. Under the pretext, therefore, 
 of bringing about a peace between the two brothers, he 
 retired to Sultan Perviz ; and discovered to the chief of 
 the Imperial army the destitute condition to which his 
 master was reduced. He even counselled Perviz [and 
 Mahobet-Cham to prepare a number of barks for passing 
 the river ; and further assured them, that they would find 
 the prince abandoned, destitute of an army, and without 
 provisions. On his side, Abdul-Cham, who suspected the 
 treason of his rival, persuaded Sultan Chorrum to quit 
 Brampour, and seek an asylum in the states of his ancient 
 friend, Melek-Ambar. The counsel of Abdul-Cham proved 
 salutary to Chorrom. A lew hours alter his departure 
 
168 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 from Brampour, Sultan Perviz made his appearance^ after 
 having crossed the river; but not finding his rivals, he 
 began, at the suggestion of Mahobet-Cham, to suspect 
 the good faith of Cham-Canna, and to cause him to 
 be observed. Such were the beginnings of that dissention 
 between Cham-Canna and Mahobet-Cham. which menaced 
 the greatest minister, and the greatest captain, which 
 the Mogul emperors ever possessed, with the loss of 
 his life. 
 
 The intelligence of the victory of Sultan Perviz and of 
 the flight of Chorrom was as agreeable to Jehan Guir, as that, 
 which he received from the northern countries, was calculated 
 to give him uneasiness. TheUsbec Tartars hadpassedjtheir 
 frontiers, and had dispersed themselves throughout Cabu- 
 lestan with thirty thousand horse. They had committed 
 great ravages, and entertained thoughts of besieging Cabul. 
 This capital of a fine kingdom would have become the prey 
 of the Tartars, had not Zaed Cham, son of Mahobet-Cham, 
 made the utmost haste to its succour, and compelled the 
 enemy, weakened by his losses, to confine himself within 
 his ancient bounds. The glory of Mahobet-Cham, thus 
 increased every day, by the services which himself and his 
 children rendered the empire. Jehan Guir availed himself 
 of this season of tranquillity, to go and pass the summer at 
 Cachemire. 
 
 The absence of the emperor, in a distant point of his 
 dominions, furnished Sultan Chorrom with a convenient 
 opportunity for putting himself again in motion, and 
 recommencing a war, which it was his interest to keep 
 alive till the death of his father. He entered, therefore, 
 with an army into the kingdom of Bengal. After having 
 ravaged the principal places of that rich country, passed 
 the Ganges, and defeated in a battle Ibrahim-Cham, 
 governor of the kingdom of Bengal under Sultan Perviz ; 
 
JEHAN GUIR. 169 
 
 he took the road to Patna^, in order to surprise liis brother. 
 But this prince was yet at Brampour ; whence he hastened 
 his departure, that he might return and defend his own 
 province. Chorrom had no sooner learnt the arrival of 
 Perviz at Bengal, than he mistrusted his ability to contend 
 with his brother. The valour of Mahobet-Cham, who 
 commanded the army under the Sultan Perviz, further 
 increased his apprehensions. He, therefore, resolved to 
 try what might be effected by artifice, and by sowing discord 
 in the army of his enemies. He wrote letters to Cham- 
 Canna, which he took care should be intercepted. These 
 implied an intelligence as subsisting between himself and 
 Cham-Canna ; which was not true. Mahobet-Cham fell 
 into the snare ; and judged, that it would be proper to send 
 the children of the traitor, as prisoners, to the citadel of 
 Agra. As to Cham-Canna, he caused him to be narrowly 
 watched. 
 
 In the meanwhile, the Imperial army was on its march 
 towards Patna, and had already passed the Ganges. Chor- 
 rom had entrenched himself behind the canal of Tlionez, 
 which is only a creek of the river, and waited for his 
 brother with confidence. Sultan Perviz at last appeared 
 on the banks of the canal, and there emcamped. During 
 the first days little was done, except keeping up a cannonade 
 with heavy artillery, disposed on both sides of the canal by 
 the respective armies. The army of the emperor suffered 
 much from the cannon of the rebels, which Sultan Chorrom 
 had found time to dispose very advantageously. The chief 
 difficulty was to pass the canal, and give battle to the 
 enemy entrenched on the other bank. The good fortune 
 of Mahobet-Chara enabled him to find a passage, and to 
 join battle with the rebels. Whilst he was making a 
 reconnoissance on the banks of the canal, he perceived a 
 peasant passing a ford, at some leagues from the camp of 
 
170 yiSTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 the enemy. He marked the spot, and during the night 
 caused the canal to be crossed without noise by all his 
 troops ; and as soon as the day broke, he found himself 
 near enough to engage the enemy. Never had there been 
 in the Indies, a more desperate or a more sanguinary 
 conflict, and never did the chiefs make a more brilliant 
 display of their valour and experience. The elephants, which 
 composed the vanguard of the army of Sultan Chorrom, 
 charged Avith fury the ranks of the Imperial army, and 
 threw them into confusion. But as the conductors of the 
 elephants were not supported, the troops of Perviz had 
 time to recover themselves. At last, after great carnage 
 on both sides. Sultan Chorrom was obliged to take to flight, 
 accompanied by only three thousand men. The defeat of 
 the prince was owing principally to the cowardice and the 
 treachery of Abdul-Cham, who left the elephants, in the 
 heat of the action, misupported. He was suspected, from 
 that time, of intelligence with Mahobet-Cham, Avho had 
 promised that he should be reinstated in the favor of the 
 emperor. Be this as it may, the battle of Alabassen, for 
 it is by this name that it is known, was one of the most 
 remarkable which was ever fought in the Indies. It was 
 the origin of all the mortifications, with which the old age 
 of tlje wise and gallant Mahobet-Cham was traversed. 
 
 Whilst the emperor was triumphing in Bengal, the 
 sultaness, Nur-Jaham, began to reflect, that the war 
 against Sultan Chorrom, carried on with so much vigour 
 by Sultan Perviz and Mahobet-Cham, was contrary to the 
 interests of her family. She considered, that the rebel 
 prince had married her niece ; that, to abandon Chorrom to 
 his evil destiny was to establish Perviz upon the throne ; 
 that the great obligations, which this prince had to Mahobet- 
 Cham, would render this minister all powerful in the empire, 
 and that she and her family would be lost, if the party of 
 
JEHAN GUIR. 171 
 
 Sultan Perviz should happen to prevail. Under these 
 impressions, she obtained of Jehan Guir, that Cham-Canna, 
 the declared enemy of Mahobet-Chain, should be allowed 
 to come to court, under the pretext of giving an account 
 of his conduct. The prisoner appeared, in the presence of 
 the emperor, with all that confidence, which he might be 
 supposed to derive from the protection of the sultaness. 
 He drew an exaggerated picture of the ambition, and of 
 the cruelty of Mahobet-Cham ; he laid great stress on the 
 services wdiich he had rendered the empire, in abandoning 
 the party of Chorrom, his ancient master. He added, 
 that the recompense of his fidelity towards the state was 
 to remain a captive in the camp of Perviz, and to behold 
 his children unjustly imprisoned in the citadel of Agra. 
 He insinuated, that the emperor himself had every thing 
 to fear from the victories of Perviz, and the ambition of 
 Mahobet-Cham ; that both the one and the other only 
 fought for their own interests, and that duty had a less 
 share in their victories, than a secret desire to reign. 
 " After all, Sultan Chorrom is your son, my lord," he 
 added, " and his past disobedience is less the effect of a 
 bad heart, than the indispensable necessity which he labours 
 under of defending his life from the rage of a jealous bro- 
 ther, and an ambitious minister." 
 
 This discourse, which w as not devoid of plausibility, 
 supported by the private arguments of Nur-Jaham, who 
 was incessantly irritating the mind of the emperor against 
 Mahobet-Cham, was the cause of that general being 
 recalled, and ordered to come to Labor w^ithout delay, 
 iand unattended. Perviz felt no repugnance at suffering 
 the departure of Mahobet-Cham. The artful Cham-Canna 
 had taken care to sow divisions between these two chiefs of 
 the imperial army. Perviz was jealous that Mahobet-Cham 
 vshared with him the glory of his victories. Thus, this 
 
172 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 great captain beheld himself, on a sudden, abandoned by 
 the emperor, and by Sultan Perviz, and delivered up to 
 the rage of his great enemy, Nur-Jaham, his competitor, 
 Asaph-Cham, and his accuser, Cham-Canna. In this 
 extremity, this great man took the wisest course, which 
 was that of submission. He proceeded, by slow journies, 
 to the court, and when he was at Brampour, received a 
 new order to hasten his progress. So much earnestness, 
 on the part of the emperor, gave the accused just sus- 
 picions that his life was in danger. Taking his route, 
 therefore, on the side of Ratampour, a city of which the 
 emperor had given him the lordship, he rested at that 
 place, under the pretext of finishing some affairs for the 
 advantage of the state. This delay of the general fur- 
 nished a pretext to the court to condemn him unheard, and 
 to send him into honorable exile. He received orders to 
 return to Bengal in the capacity of sub-governor under 
 Sultan Perviz, who was commanded to observe him 
 strictly. It was not without mortification, that Mahobet- 
 Cham learnt the news of his disgrace. He wrote to the 
 emperor letters, justifying his conduct ; but, as his remon- 
 strances received no attention, he, for the first time, forgot 
 his duty. He then wrote to the emperor, haughtily, that 
 he had found a way to compel him to listen to his defence ; 
 and that he would soon come in person to Labor, and con- 
 found his calumniators. The menaces of so great a cap- 
 tain made the court tremble. Nur-Jaham, alone, was not 
 intimidated. Instead of causing the emperor to remain at 
 Agra, where he would have been secure, she persuaded him 
 to take a journey to Cabul; a rash measure, which had 
 nearly proved the destruction of the imperial family. 
 
 Whilst the court was on its march, Mahobet-Cham had 
 collected around him some of those brave officers, who, 
 under his command, had for a long period been accustomed 
 
JEHAN GUIR. 173 
 
 to victory. Five thousand Rajepoots, of the very bravest 
 in all the Indies, joined themselves to a chief whom they 
 idolized. With this small body, composed of resolute and 
 warlike soldiers, Mahobet-Cham planned attacking the 
 emperor's escort, making himself once more master of his 
 person, and compelling him to listen to his defence. The 
 design of this great captain succeeded; if he did not 
 extract from it all the advantages which he might have 
 done, it was only through excess of generosity and respect 
 for his master. Mahobet-Cham surprised the emperor, 
 whilst his army was occupied in passing the river Tziunab. 
 The best part of the troops, which served for the emperor's 
 escort, had been conveyed to the other bank in barks before 
 sun-rise. The emperor was still reposing in the tent which 
 had been set up for him on the bank of the river, when 
 Mahobet-Cham arrived unexpectedly, and surrounded the 
 camp of the king. On the first news of his arrival, the 
 whole court was seized with consternation. The bravest 
 of the troops were on the other side of the river. The 
 soldiers of the guard were seized with terror, and took to 
 flight. Thus, almost without shedding blood, the Emperor, 
 the Sultaness, Sultan Bolaqui, Sultan Sceheriar, as well as 
 Asaph-Cham, and Cham-Canna fell into the hands of the 
 gallant Mahobet-Cham. 
 
 It is impossible to imagine what clianges might have 
 resulted to the empire, from the detention of the whole 
 court. Agra took openly the side of the new conqueror, 
 and delivered up its citadel to one of the friends of Mahobet- 
 Cham. Had this generous chief been ever so little inclined 
 to make a bad use of his success, and been disposed to 
 make an attempt upon the liberty of Jehan Guir, whom he 
 held in his power, he might have set up a new emperor, 
 and selected some one of the sons or grandsons of the 
 Mogul to fill the throne. The profound respect, which he 
 
174 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 had always felt for his master, caused him to act with 
 moderation. He contented himself with serving the 
 emperor, whom he held in a species of captivity, as his 
 escort; and he led him, in this manner, towards Cabul. 
 Leaving him as much at liberty as if he had been escorted 
 by officers of his own choice, he, nevertheless, did not use 
 the same forbearance towards the other princes and great 
 lords of the court. The Sultans Bolaqui and Sceheriar he 
 sent prisoners to the citadel of Agra. Asaph-Cham and 
 Cham-Canna were loaded with chains, and conducted, 
 under his own eye, by an escort of his brave Rajepoots. 
 He had the complaisance to allow the sultaness the same 
 liberty which w as enjoyed by the emperor. This moderation 
 had nearly cost him dear. Nur-Jaham (driven to despe- 
 ration, by finding herself in the hands of her enemy, and 
 always fearing lest Mahobet-Cham should obtain an ascen- 
 dancy over the mind of the emperor, to whom this great 
 man regularly paid his court) found an opportunity of sur- 
 prising him in her turn, by means of the troops which at first 
 attended upon the emperor, and had become dispersed on 
 the arrival of Mahobet-Cham. She caused the chiefs to 
 be informed that the army, before which they had fled, con- 
 sisted of no more than five thousand men ; that delivering 
 the emperor from the captivity in which he was held 
 would be attended with little difficulty; that Mahobet- 
 Cham might easily be surprised at the passage of a river ; 
 that on her part, she would take especial care of the 
 emperor during the attack, and so manage, that he should, 
 on the pretext of taking the diversion of the chase, be 
 placed at a distance from his escort. The project of the 
 sultaness was put into execution with great diligence. 
 More than fifty thousand men, collected from all the neigh- 
 bouring provinces, were placed in ambuscade upon the 
 banks of a river, and there expected the arrival of Mahobet- 
 
J EH AN Gl'IR. 175 
 
 Cham. This prudent general, informed of the snare which 
 was prepared for him, soon decided on the measures he 
 should pursue; and thought proper to abandon the sul- 
 taness and the emperor to their former guard, to retrace 
 his steps, and to carry away with him Asaph-Cham and 
 Cham-Canna. He resumed, therefore, the road to Agra, 
 and left the emperor to continue his journey to Cabul. In 
 the meanwhile, the sultaness, who, notwithstanding she 
 had recovered her liberty, was exasperated that her brother 
 should be carried oft' a prisoner, sent instructions to the 
 governors of the neighbouring provinces to stop Mahobet- 
 Cham on his march, and to wrest Asaph-Cham from his 
 hands. The generosity of Maliobet-Cham anticipated the 
 wishes of the queen. He sent back Asaph-Cham to the 
 sultaness, after having made him swear upon the Alcoran, 
 that he never would prove ungrateful for that life and liberty 
 which was now restored to him. Tjie imperious queen 
 could scarcely restrain her indignation at the sight of her 
 brother. " How could you be such a dastard," she said 
 to him, " as to enter into conditions with the most cruel of 
 my enemies ? You ought, at least, to have w aited until I 
 had either procured your liberation, or your death had 
 filled up the measure of the iniquities of the perfidious 
 man." 
 
 Whilst the emperor was proceeding on his journey to 
 Cabul, and Mahobet-Cham was on the road to Agra; 
 Sultan Chorrom, who had taken refuge, after his losses, 
 in the kingdom of the Decan, quitted his retreat, and made 
 his appearance in the field. His march caused a panic 
 among the troops of the emperor, who felt no longer the 
 confidence with which they were accustomed to be inspired 
 by the experience of Mahobet-Cham. It was reported, 
 that certain Rajas, accompanied by their Rajepoots, had 
 joined the rebels. In eftect, Sultan Chorrom advanced 
 
176 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 towards Tatta, for the purpose of undertaking the siege. 
 He was driven from the place by the sallies of the governor, 
 and compelled to retire to Backar. If Sultan Chorrom 
 was not fortunate in the wars, which he waged against his 
 brother, since the recal of Mahobet-Cham ; Sultan Perviz 
 enjoyed not, at least, the glory of uninterrupted success 
 against Sultan Chorrom. This prince experienced, that it 
 was better to divide the glory of victories with another, 
 than to cease acquiring them. 
 
 The emperor, in the meanwhile, had returned to Labor 
 from Cabul. The first object of the sultaness was to take 
 vengeance on Mahobet-Cham, from whom she had received 
 such unpardonable insults in the journey to Cabul. She 
 learnt, that a convoy of treasure was on its way from 
 Bengal to Mahobet-Cham. She caused it to be surprised, 
 and conducted to Labor. Nur-Jaham afterwards placed 
 Cam-Canna, whom Mahobet-Cham had the generosity to 
 restore to his liberty, at the head of an army ; of which 
 this dastard took the command, that he might destroy his 
 benefactor. It was then that Mahobet-Cham found himself 
 in a state of destitution greater than he had ever before 
 experienced. His son, who, till that time, had been faithful 
 to him, took the side of the court against his father. The 
 rest of the troops, which had so constantly adhered to him, 
 pillaged his treasures, ravaged his lands, and returned 
 under the obedience of the emperor. To complete his 
 misfortunes, Mahobet learnt that Sultan Perviz, who 
 had resumed for him his former friendship, had died of a 
 malady at Brampour. The Sultans Bolaqui and Sceheriar 
 (whom Mahobet-Cham had imprisoned in Agra, with the 
 view only of causing his own life to be respected, by 
 alarming the sultaness with the apprehension of seeing a 
 son and a grandson of the emperor perish along with him,) 
 had been liberated from their captivity, full of rage against 
 
J KHAN GUIK. 177 
 
 iiim who had been the author of it. In this universal 
 desertion, Mahobet found only one resource ; this was, to 
 retire to Rana, one of the principal Rajas of the empire, 
 and to negotiate from the place of his retreat with Sultan 
 Chorrom. He wrote, then, to tliis i)rince, that if he would 
 discontinue carrying arms against his father, his arm and 
 his services should be at his command. That Jehan Guir 
 was already old and infirm ; and that after the death of 
 the Emperor, Sultan Bolaqui would not fail to dispute tlie 
 crown with him; in which case, he Avould not, perhaps, 
 have cause to repent having engaged on his side an old 
 general, whom a long experience had given some reputation 
 among the troops. Tliat having consulted reason and 
 justice, it appeared to him that his pretensions to the 
 throne were legitimate ; but, that it w^as sacrilegious ia 
 enforce them, before the Emperor, his father, had been dis- 
 posed of by the common lot of mortality ; and that he 
 would willingly devote himself to his interests, provided, 
 that in siding with his cause, he should not be obliged to 
 carry arms against his sovereign. 
 
 The proposition of Mahobet-Chiam appeared reasonable 
 to Sultan Chorrom. He was weary of war and of ill 
 success ; and he hoped, that seconded by Mahobet, he 
 should easily bear away the crown from his competitors. 
 However, as he did nothing vvithout the advice of Asapli- 
 Cham, he consulted his father-in-law on the subject ot the 
 offers of Mahobet. The opinion of the minister was, tliat 
 it would be equally advantageous to Chorrom to make 
 peace with the Emperor, and to secure Mahobet-Chani in 
 his interests. Thus, by the wise conduct of the general, 
 faithful even in his disgrace, the whole empire was pre- 
 served in peace. The public tranquillity, the work of 
 Mahobet-Cham, was the only revenge which he took of the 
 sovereign who peisecuted him. 
 
 N 
 
178 HISTORY OP THE MOGUL pYNASTY. 
 
 The Emperor now only thought of enjoying repose. 
 As he was very infirni;, he caused himself to be transported 
 to Cachemire, where the air is much more salubrious than 
 in the Indies. The restlessness, so natural to old age and 
 sicknesS;, occasioned him soon to quit so agreeable a resi- 
 dence, and return to his palace of Labor. The fatigues of 
 the journey, having increased the indisposition of Jehan 
 Guir, he died at Bimber, in the year 1627. He was a 
 prince of an easy disposition, who always allowed the 
 sultaness and his ministers to exercise too great an ascend- 
 ancy over him. Thence originated the revolts of his 
 children, and his generals. It may be said, that he loved 
 pleasure more than glory ; but, it is certain, that he loved 
 justice still more than pleasure. He dispensed it to his 
 subjects with a care, and a disinterestedness, which had 
 never been known before in the Indies, not even in the 
 time of Akebar. He protected the arts, and had a taste 
 in painting. 
 
 In his time, there were found, in consequence, in the 
 Indies, native painters, who copied the finest of our 
 European pictures with a fidelity that might vie with the 
 originals. He was partial to the sciences of Europe, and 
 jt was this which attached him to the Jesuits. He caused a 
 church and a residence to be built ^for them at Labor. 
 This prince, who, towards the close of his days, was per- 
 suaded of the truth of our mysteries, found no other 
 obstacle to his conversion, than the fear of a revolution in 
 his empire. As for the plurality of wives, which so much 
 attaches the Mahometans to their sect, this would have 
 proved no obstacle to the salvation of Jehan Guir. For 
 a long time, he had confined himself solely to the Sultaness 
 Nur-Jaham. 
 
 After the death of the Emperor, the empire was found to 
 be divided into three distinct factions. The sultaness 
 
JEHAN GUIK. 17() 
 
 declared for Prince Sceheriar, the husband of her daughter. 
 Bolaqui had, in his favour, the imperial army, and the 
 whole guard of the palace ; but the two ministers, Asaph- 
 Cham and Mahobet-Chani were in the interest of Sultan 
 Chorrom. The influence of the sultaness was confined to 
 the haram. Bolaqui was proclaimed Emperor by the army. 
 The party of Sceheriar, which was confined to women and 
 eunuchs, soon became the weakest. Bolaqui secured the 
 persons of Nur-Jaham and her son-in-law. The first was 
 committed a close prisoner ; and the other was deprived of 
 liis sight by the application of a red-hot iron. 
 
 Bolaqui, who imagined that he was labouring for his 
 own interests, was paving the way by his cruelties, for 
 his uncle, Sultan Chorrom's attainment of the throne. An 
 intrigue, conducted by Mahobet-Cham, and sustained by 
 Asaph-Cham, put him in possession of the crown, without 
 the shedding of blood. As soon as Bolaqui had seated 
 himself upon the throne of his grandfather, by favor of 
 the army, he deputed one of the principal Omrhas of his 
 court to his uncle. The envoy had instructions to exact, 
 from Sultan Chorrom, the accustomed tribute, and to 
 engage him to acknowledge the sovereignty of Bolaqui. 
 He was directed to employ menaces, in the event of finding^ 
 a spirit of opposition and revolt in the prince. The 
 deputy had no occasion to assume a dictatorial language, 
 or employ, even, tlie means of negotiation, in order to 
 force from Chorrom the submission, which he affected to 
 require from him. Attacked, apparently, with prodigious 
 vomitings of blood, he found the sultan in a situation to 
 excite compassion. The deputy was affected at the sight, 
 and sent off, immediately, a courier to Bolaqui, to give 
 him intelligence of the extremity to which his uncle was 
 reduced. Sultan Chorrom's malady was nothing but a 
 feint ; and the blood, which he vomited, was goat's bloody 
 
 n2 
 
180 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 with which he had filled his mouth, on the arrival of tlie 
 Omrha. 
 
 The report of the sickness of the sultan was quickly 
 succeeded by another, still less true. It was published, 
 every where, that Chorrom was dead. He disappeared^ 
 indeed, all of a sudden; and Mahobet-Cham, only, with 
 some other officers, the most attached to the prince, were 
 acquainted with the secret of the intrigue. Every appear- 
 ance of the deepest mourning took place at the court of 
 the sultan. Mahobet-Cham, especially, appeared incon- 
 solable. The deputy of Bolaqui suffered himself to be 
 deceived. He sent certain intelligence of the death of 
 Chorrom. They even engaged him to solicit, of the new 
 Emperor, permission to convey the body of the deceased 
 sultan, to the sepulchre of his fathers. Bolaqui gave his 
 consent gladly, that all the honors of interment should be 
 paid to a prince of his blood, from whom death, as he 
 believed, had delivered him so opportunely. A con- 
 voy was, therefore, prepared, attended with all the 
 magniticence due to a prince of the Mogul blood. The 
 empty bier was conducted by more than a thousand men, 
 chosen from among the principal officers of the deceased. 
 Mahobet-Cham was at their head. Chorrom himself fol- 
 lowed, in disguise, his own funeral. Squadrons of Raje- 
 poots, seemingly to do it honor, had been disposed at 
 different stations upon the line of march, which continuing 
 to swell the funeral pomp, accompanied it to Agra. Asaph- 
 Cham, sustaining his part in the intrigue, persuaded the 
 young Emperor, that a just decorum required he should 
 proceed to meet the convoy of his uncle, and conduct to 
 the place of interment, the remains of a prince, from whom 
 he had now nothing to fear. The artifice succeeded. 
 Bolaqui went forth from the gates of Agra, habited in deep 
 mourning, accompanied by a weak escort, and in the 
 
JICIIAN CU'IR. 181 
 
 equipage ot a prince, who is about to pay the last duties 
 to a relative. He was astonished, when he beheld so large an 
 escort, in the suite of a deceased person. He suspected the 
 stratagem, and, retracing his steps, he stole away from the 
 cruelty of a rival, who would not have failed to take away 
 his life, if he had fallen into his power. The place of his 
 retreat was a long time a secret, but it was at last known 
 that he had taken refuge in Persia. In the meanwhile, 
 the trumpets sounded. Sultan Chorrom was proclaimed 
 Emperor, and the mourning chariot was changed into a car 
 of triumph. Chorrom entered the citadel of Agra, amidst 
 the acclamations of the people, and of the army, who trans- 
 ferred, instantaneously, all their affection to the new 
 monarch. It was, then, that this prince took the name oi 
 Cha-Jaham, which signifies, " Sovereign of the Universe ;" 
 a title which he retained ever afterwards. This was the 
 last exploit of Mahobet-Cham, who, after having placed 
 the crown upon the head of his master, retired to the lands 
 of his government, that he might there terminate, in repose, 
 a life so agitated and so glorious. As for Sultan Scheriar, 
 he had been shut up for three months in an apartment of 
 the palace, with two of his sons. Cha-Jaham caused the 
 door to be walled up, and left all three to perish of hunger. 
 This apartment has never been opened, even to the present 
 time. It is believed in the haram, that certain groans are 
 yet, at times, heard to proceed from it, which has, how- 
 ever, no other foundation, than in the imagination of the 
 women. 
 
182 
 
 CHA-JAHAM. 
 
 NINTH EMPEROR. 
 
 ^eats himself upon the Throne by Intrigue, Condition of the Empire at his 
 Accession. Blakes War on the Portuguese. Builds a new City. His 
 love of Justice, and able Administration of it. Becomes addicted to Avaiice. 
 Sends Three of his Sons, in quality of Viceroy, into the Provinces. Cha- 
 racter of the Princes and Princesses his Children. Confides to the Prince 
 Dara the exercise of his Authority. Aurengzebe, his third Son, governs 
 tcith Wisdom the Kingdom of the Decan. The Enterprise of Aurengzebe 
 against the Kingdom of Golconda. Cha-Jaham is attached with a Malady. 
 The second of his Sons takes up Arms to secure to himself Possession of the 
 Empire. Defeat of his Son Cha-Chuia. Aurengzebe ar,d Moradbax, the 
 two younger Sons of Cha-Jaham, confederate, in order to get Possession of 
 the Throne. Cha-Jaham proposes to advance in Person to encounter the 
 two Rebel Princes. Sends an Army, ivhich is defeated, upon the Banks of 
 the River Ugen. Dara takes the Field, to give Battle to his two Brothers. 
 Defeat of Dara. Cha-Jaham is kept in Captivity by his tico rebellious 
 Sons. Aurengzebe and Moradbax divide between them the Revenues of the 
 Empire. Atirengzebe causes himself to be proclaimed Emperor. Causes 
 his Elder Brother to be beheaded. Obliges the second of his Brothers to 
 seek an Asylum in the Kingdom of Arracan. Puts to Death the youngest 
 of his Brothers, and reigns in Tranquillity in the place of his Father. 
 
 -Wever had the empire been in a more flourishing con- 
 dition under the administration of the Mogul emperors, 
 than at the accession of Cha-Jaham. The number of pro- 
 vinces, which his predecessors had subjected to their domi- 
 nation, composed one of the greatest monarchies at that 
 time existing. From the frontiers of Candahar, (recently 
 re-conquered by the Persians), the whole country, which 
 extended to the Ganges, was obedient to the Mogul power. 
 The riches of the Emperor were immense. The relation of 
 them would appear a fiction, if a French traveller, of 
 
CHA-JAIIAM. 183 
 
 acknowledged integrity;, liad not rendered a most exact 
 account of them to one of our greatest ministers. Never- 
 thelesS;, it must be confessed^ that tiie government of the 
 Mogul emperors, however absolute, was subject to great 
 inconveniences. Even at the time, when Clia-Jaham bad 
 made himself master of the enjpire, it did not appear as 
 yet sufficiently rooted to be capable of making a long- 
 resistance, had external attacks and intestine broils con- 
 curred at the same moment. 
 
 As the Emperor has commonly a number of sons, the 
 issue of his numerous wives, they are almost constantly 
 opposed to one another ; and the strongest^, or the most 
 artful, seeks only to pave his way to the possession of the 
 throne, without waiting till his father shall have ceased to 
 reign by the decree of nature. Hence arise intrigues with 
 the great officers of the state : and the oppression of the 
 people, and the ravage of the provinces are the certain 
 result of these dissentious. The tyranny of the court is 
 another source whence these contests spring. As the 
 Moguls govern their states with the "hi ost perfect despotism, 
 the Rajas, who consider themselves as so many petty 
 sovereigns in their respective districts, submit with impa- 
 tience to that despotic authority, which they, notwith- 
 standing, inflict upon tlieir own subjects. Thus, almost 
 always dissatislied with the Emperor and his ministers, 
 they are easily led to make a common cause with the parties 
 in opposition to the court ; and when the torch of discord 
 has been lighted up in any point of the empire, it is difliculf 
 to be extinguished. The country of these Rajas, who con- 
 sider themselves only as tributaries of the empire, is almost 
 on every side defended by inaccessible mountains and 
 extensive forests ; all the native princes, whose states were 
 of more easy access, having been subjected by the Moguls. 
 These tributary Rajas, whose domains are thus locked 
 
184 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 within the lands belonging to the empire, gladly aliord a 
 retreat to the discontented, assist them with troops and 
 arms, and issue themselves from their forests, spreading 
 themselves over the countries subject to the Emperor, 
 where they exercise hostilit)^ upon his subjects, interrupt 
 commerce, and pijlage the caravans of the merchants. 
 
 Religious antipathies was another cause of dissention 
 among the subjects of the Mcgul. Akebar and Jehan 
 Guir entertained the design of bringing the different 
 sectaries in Indostan to confess one religion; but they 
 found, by experience, that it was less difficult to usurp a 
 power over men's lives and fortunes, than to subdue their 
 minds, and the prejudices of their early years. 
 
 ^uch v/a3 the condition of the empire of the Moguls, 
 when Cha,-Jaham commenced his reign, that it would pro- 
 bably have become the prey of its neigiibpurs, had it been 
 then assailed; but Persia, on the west, happened to be 
 governed by an imbecile jprince, who was content to pass a 
 voluptuous life in the shades of his haram. On the north, 
 the warlike nation of the Tartars was no longer in a con- 
 dition to make inroads, or conquests. Those immense 
 colonies, Avhich had issued from Tartary to establish the 
 four greatest empires in Asia, had exhausted that country 
 of men, formerly one of the most populous. The Moguls 
 had no reason to be more apprehensive oi" danger, from the 
 east. The Indians who inhabit bej^ond the Ganges, to 
 the frontiers of China, are in general a people destitute of 
 courage, contented with their own uncultivated soil, and 
 inadequate to any great enterprise. It is true, that the 
 Portuguese, and the other nations of Europe, who had 
 possessed themselves of the best sea ports throughout the 
 whole coast of Indostan, w ere dangerous enemies on the 
 south ; but the jealousies, engendered by the conflicting 
 interests of commerce^ between the Portuguese, the English, 
 
CllA-JAHAM. 185 
 
 ftfld the Dutcii, weukeued the force of the Christian 
 eolouies. 
 
 Cha-Jahaui conceived that he shouhl now he able to 
 attack the Portuguese with advantage, and perhaps succeed 
 in exterminating those merchants, i'ormerly so powerful 
 in the Indies, but at this time much fallen in consequence, 
 by the losses they had sustained in their conflicts with the 
 English and the Dutch, and by the rival establishments of 
 these two nations. The war with the Portuguese was the 
 first enterprise of the new Emperor. A zeal for religion, 
 it is asserted, w as one of the pretexts ; certain, however, 
 it is, that Cha-Jaham evinced as great an aversion to the 
 Christians, as the two kings, his predecessors, had shewn 
 them affection. The refusal of the Portuguese to assist 
 him, during his revolts in the life-time of his father, had 
 exasperated him to such a degree against Christianity, tliat 
 he made a vow to exterminate it. After the loss of a battle, 
 this prince had retired to a place strongly fortified, a few 
 leagues from Daca. The commander of the Portuguese 
 troops at Ougli, Michel Rodriguez, paid the young sultan 
 a visit, and endeavoured to console him under his mis- 
 fortune ; but the prince desired something more elficient 
 than visits of condolence, and caused it to be intimated to 
 the commander, that he expected the assistance of his 
 artillery and soldiers ; giving him assurances of his gra- 
 titude for the services of his nation, should he ever attain 
 the throne. The gallant Portuguese haughtily replied, 
 that it would disgrace him to serve the cause of a rebel ; 
 that to make war upon his father was fighting against 
 God himself. Rodriguez added deeds to words ; he joined 
 the party of Sultan Perviz, and the Portuguese infantry, 
 which fought under the orders of that prince, contributed 
 greatly to the many victories which he gained over hi.-; 
 brother. 
 
186 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DVNASTY. 
 
 The Sultaness Taig^-Mahal^ wife of Clia-Jaham^ k^ 
 also^ said to have been a principal instrument in exasperating 
 the mind of the Emperor against the Christians in general, 
 and particularly against the Portuguese. The sultaness 
 inherited her hatred to Christianity from her aunt Nur- 
 Jaham, which was further inflamed by an injury she attri- 
 buted to the Portuguese, who had given an asylum to two 
 of her daughters, converted to Christianity by the mission- 
 aries. The hatred of the sultaness, and the oath which 
 the Emperor had formerly sworn were two powerful sti- 
 mulants, inciting the Mogul to turn his arms against the 
 Portuguese. Orders were accordingly given to Cassani- 
 Cham, to commence the siege of Ougli. This general, in 
 the beginning, employed artifice. Having presented him- 
 self before the place with the principal forces of the empire, 
 he threatened to give it up to pillage, unless Rodriguez 
 paid down a certain sum of money, which he named. The 
 Portuguese, after some delay, very reluctantly complied 
 with the demand ; there being in the place but a weak 
 ' garrison, and a want of ammunition, and other necessaries, 
 to enable it to sustain a long siege. An experience of the 
 perfidiousness of the Mahometans was the only result of 
 his compliance. The siege was immediately formed, and a 
 formidable artillery, the principal arm of war used in 
 sieges in Indostan, was brought forward to batter the city. 
 The Christians made a feeble resistance. As soon as a 
 breach had been effected, fearing the consequences of a 
 storm, they surrendered at discretion. Cassam-Cham 
 making them all prisoners of war, sent five or six hundred 
 Portuguese to Agra, and amongst them several Jesuits 
 and monks of the Augustine order. The anger of heaven, 
 justly irritated, doubtless was the cause of the disasters of 
 the colony of Ougli. Unfortunately, the Ganges, which is 
 seldom dry, had at this time so little water, that the trans- 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 187 
 
 ports, vvliicli might have atibrded the means of escape to 
 the Christians, were unable to get out of the harbour. 
 The prisoners were, in consequence, conveyed to the 
 capitaJ. In order to preserve their wives, several embraced 
 Mahometanisin. Some of these Portuguese families are 
 still living at Agra, who are Mahometans in name only. 
 A few terminated their days by nobly suflering martyrdom 
 under severe torments. Not one would have escaped the 
 rage of Taige-Mahal, had she been living at the time of the 
 arrival of the prisoners at the court. The cruel sultaness 
 had vowed to Mahomet to have them cut in pieces ; bul 
 Providence delivered the Indies from tliis monster of 
 cruelty and ambition. She died regretted only by the 
 Emperor, who was indebted for his elevation to her arts 
 and influence. Cha-Jaham caused a magnificent mausoleum 
 to be erected for her, which is without its parallel hi India. 
 A description of it has passed into Europe, and it has been 
 admired as a monument worthy the greatness, the good 
 taste, and the prodigious wealth of the Mogul. All 
 attempts proved fruitless to persuade or compel the Por- 
 tuguese missionaries, taken at Ougli, to renounce the faith 
 of Jesus Christ. At last, through the intercession of an 
 Armenian, who possessed, at that time, some credit at 
 court, and of a Venetian much in the favor of the Emperor^ 
 they were set at liberty, and sent back to Goa. 
 
 The two former emperors had taken a particular plea- 
 sure in embellishing, each, his favorite city. The court 
 had been transferred from Delhi to Agra by Akebar ; and 
 from Agra to Labor by Jehan Guir. Cha-Jaham caused it 
 to return from Labor to Delhi, and re-established that 
 ancient capital in its pristine lustre. The ancient Delhi, 
 it is true, served only as a suburb to the new. The city, 
 which was now built, received the name of Cha-Jahanaba'^ 
 
\ 
 
 188 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 ^vliicli means, tiie city of CJia-Jaham. The expense incurred 
 by the Emperor in constructing and adorning the city is 
 scarcely credible. It is said;, that he celebrated the found- 
 ation of his new capital by cruelties till then unknown to 
 the Mahometans j and which he must have borrowed, 
 undoubtedly, from the superstitions of the country. He 
 caused several criminals to be slaughtered, and their blood 
 to be shed on the foundations of the city. The circuit was 
 marked out in a great plain, on the banks of the Gemna. 
 Eleven gates were constructed in the walls, v/hich were 
 strengthened with twelve towers ; an entrance being left in 
 the centre of each curtain. The largest, and the most 
 magnificent, formed the avenue to the citadel, which served 
 as a palace for the Emperor, and a haram for his wives. 
 The w alls are constructed of brick, with great veins of that 
 kind of red freestone, which has a resemblance to marble. 
 The bazars, or public market places of Delhi, are sur- 
 rounded with arcades, supporting a large terrace, and the 
 shops display an excellent assortment of the various manu- 
 factures of Indostan. Although the mansions of the nobles 
 are handsome, well constructed, and adorned with gardens, 
 the houses of the greater part of the citizens are covered 
 with thatch. The apartments, nevertheless, are pleasing 
 and convenient. Two gardens were planted, by the care 
 of Cha-Jaham, contiguous to his new palace at Delhi, of 
 uncommon magnificence. The design was the invention of 
 a Venetian, planned upon the principle of those magnificent 
 vineyards, which contribute so much to the ornament of 
 Italy. As it was difficult to introduce the waters of the 
 Gemna, for the formation of canals, the course of a river 
 was turned, whose bed was distant more than thirty leagues 
 from Delhi. A new channel was dug, which passed through 
 the gardens of the palace. These waters were filled with 
 
OHA-JAHAM. 189 
 
 fjsli of a prodig;ious size ; and it is said, that gold ring.^ 
 were attached to their nostrils, each of them ornamented 
 with a ruby and two diamonds. 
 
 In these delicious retreats, Cha-Jaham forj^ot the war- 
 like inclinations of his youth, and gave himself up to a 
 voluptuous life. Poetry, music, the dance, the theatre 
 had tljeir prescribed hours ; and the entire day was nearly 
 engrossed by these amusements. No one enjoyed greater 
 favor with the monarch, than a poet of the country, whose 
 fertile imagination was continually inventing new entertain- 
 ments for the haram, and gave a varied form to the plea- 
 sures of the Emperor. The grossest farces were the most 
 to his taste. He retained his inclination for the sanguinary 
 exhibitions of the gladiators, Avho were coiiipellcd to 
 combat in his presence, armed with poignards. 
 
 Certain days of the week were set apart for the plea- 
 sures of the chase. That of the tiger, notwithstanding 
 the peril attending it, was the most esteemed. A brief 
 description of it may not be found without its interest. 
 The evening preceding, the pioneers of the court convey 
 into a neighbouring forest, sheep, goats, and horses, which 
 have been slaughtered for the occasion ; the scent of whose 
 dead bodies attract the tigers to a particular spot. The 
 next morning, at break of day, the kmg, mounted on an 
 elephant, enters the grand routes, which had been formed 
 in the forest. Instead of dogs, wild bulls are led, taught 
 to act a part in this amusement. Rather large, and pointed 
 sword -blades are fastened to the part, where the horns unite 
 to the skull. These animals encircle, at a distance, a tiger, 
 who is discovered intent on devouring the prej^, which has 
 been deposited in the forest ; the circle contracting in 
 proportion as the bulls advance. As soon as the tiger 
 perceives their approach, he endeavours to fly ; the bulls 
 then presenting their horns, and the armed huntsmen 
 
190 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTV. 
 
 prevent the escape of tlie enfuriated beast ; they, at last^ 
 succeed in enclosing him in a circle, formed by the bulls 
 closely pressed together. It is then, that the tiger makes 
 tliose furious efforts to escape, by attempting to leap over 
 the heads of the bulls ; but the long swords affixed to their 
 horns, frighten the animal, and sometimes transfix him in 
 the air. If by chance, the beast attempts to make his 
 escape between the legs of the bulls, they drive him off by 
 presenting their horns. At last, the tiger weary of making 
 bounds, and turning so long round the circle, falls exhausted 
 in the midst of the wild bulls. The Emperor, who from 
 the height of his elephant, has enjoyed the pleasure of 
 beholding so animated a combat, finally destroys the tiger 
 by shooting him with his fowling piece. 
 
 Had the diversions of Cha-Jaham been confined to 
 sports of this description, they might at least have been 
 considered as harmless ; but the Emperor carried his 
 debaucheries, as they regard the sex, to an excess hitherto 
 unexampled among the Moguls, however prone they may 
 be to voluptuousness. Cha-Jaham not contented with the 
 multitude of queens, concubines, and slaves, (the three 
 different orders of women that inhabit the haram,) intrigued 
 with the wives of the principal officers of his court. Those 
 of Jafar-Cham and Calil-Cham gave great scandal to the 
 empire. They went every day to the palace, contrary to 
 the usage of the ladies of the country. As one had her 
 marked hour of assignation for the morning, and the other 
 for the evening, the Faquirs, who are seen always in great 
 numbers in the avenues to the palace, found, on this 
 occasion, a fertile subject for the indulgence of the most 
 malicious reports. 
 
 The passion of Cha-Jaham for women made him pro- 
 digal in all expences, which might contribute to their 
 amusement ; and, especially, in the construction and 
 
CHA-JAHAM. J 91 
 
 ornament i Jig of his apartments. It is said, tliat lie presented 
 the wife of Calil-Cham with a pair of slippers of inesti- 
 mable value. He rallied the hilsband upon it, at a public 
 audience, which eventually cost him dear, as will be seen 
 in the sequel. To indulge this passion, Cha-Jaham caused 
 that celebrated gallerj^ to be built* and adorned, of which 
 so much has been spoken in Europe ; and of which I now 
 give a description, from the report of those, avIio have 
 been eye-witnesses of its splendor. It is neither very 
 spacious, nor very lofty, but the riches, contained in it, 
 surpass whatever is to be seen in Europe. The light is 
 admitted only from one side, and the windows are neither 
 of great size, nor possessing much symmetry. The wall, 
 opposite to the windows, is covered with so great a number 
 of precious stones, of which some are of inestimable 
 value, that the detail would appear incredible. The wall 
 is covered with jasper ; and on this first coating, a vine is 
 seen to climb, entirely composed of precious stones, of 
 shades, analagous to this species of vegetation. The stem 
 is formed of those reddish agate stones, which express the 
 color of the wood. The leaves are emeralds, interlaced 
 with so much art, that the points where they unite cannot 
 be discerned. The grapes, which are pendant from the 
 branches, and seem to come out in relief, are composed, 
 partly of diamonds, and partly of grenats. Materials 
 could not be procured, adequate to the completion of the 
 whole design, and the work remains yet incomplete. The 
 side of the gallery, in which are the windows, is ornamented 
 with large mirrors, whose frames are thickly sown, at 
 intervals, with the largest pearls to be found in the east. 
 Thus, the vine, framed of ric,h jewels, being multiplied in 
 the mirrors, sheds a surprising lustre, which dazzles by its 
 splendor during the day, and at night has the effect of an 
 illumination. It was reported at the court, that Cha-Jaham 
 
192 HISTORY OF TRE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 destined this magnificent aj)artment for a female dancer 
 of the lowest rank^ and of little merit in her profession. 
 So extraordinary is the estrangement of the human heart i 
 that a prince^ who abandons himself to his unlawful appetites; 
 authorised too by his religion, seeks the foulest streams for 
 the indulgence of his thirst of incontinence. 
 
 However Cha-Jaham may have been abandoned to his 
 }lleasures, he did not cease to have a respect for equity. 
 This seems to have been a virtue, hereditary in the Moguls, 
 It may be said, nevertheless, that Cha-Jaham administered 
 justice, with an exactness, and a care, unequalled by his 
 predecessors. He may be cited as the very Solomon of 
 the Moguls ; and some of his decisions are related, which 
 manifest so great a portion of talent, and penetratioii, that 
 in the Indies, their memory will be indelible. A soldier 
 having stolen away the female slave of a writer, belonging 
 to that class, that copy and distribute the news of the 
 court through the provinces ; the complaint was carried 
 before the emperor. The cause had become much involved, 
 as the slave, tired of her first master, maintained that she 
 belonged to the soldier; and the writer produced pretty 
 clear evidence, of the slave being his property. The 
 Emperor, who, at first, affected to be embarrassed, and 
 undecided how to act in so perplexed a case, attended for 
 a time to other complaints ; when, on a sudden, calling for 
 ink, he caused the pen, (in the most unaffected manner,) 
 to be given to the slave, that she might assist him to it. 
 The slave gave it back replenished, with so much dexterity, 
 and with so good a grace, that the Emperor judged immedi- 
 ately, that she must have been used to the duty ; and said 
 to the slave, angrily : " You cannot belong to the soldier ; yoir 
 must certainly have been in the service of the writer, and in 
 his power you shall remain." The wisdom of the monarch 
 was the admiration of the whole empire. 
 
CHA-JAHA.\i. 193 
 
 Clia-Jaliam was inexorable towards the lower class of 
 jiulges, who had allowed themselves to be corrupted by 
 presents, or influenced by improper motives. The Cotwall 
 of Delhi 'had received from a merchant a sum of money of 
 no great amount, to engage him in his interests. The 
 Emperor was informed of it, and sent to the Cotwall, imme- 
 diately, by an officer of his court, one of those hood adders, 
 whose bite is mortal. The Cotwall sufi'ered himself to be 
 stung by it, and expired in a few hours. 
 
 The Emperor, especially, signalised his regard for justice, 
 in the destruction of robbers. Before his reign, they 
 infested all the roads, and obstructed commerce. He made 
 so fierce a war upon them, that they were exterminated. 
 The means he employed to deliver the kingdom from this 
 scourge, was ; to make the officers of justice responsible 
 for all the robberies in their respective districts. Thus, 
 the factory, belonging to the Dutch, having been pillaged 
 by night at Surat, Cha-Jaham compelled the governor to 
 pay the Dutch the sum, at which they estimated their loss. 
 
 The impartiality, with which Cha-Jaham caused justice 
 to be administered, without respect to persons, in some 
 measure suspended the contempt, ordinarily inspired by 
 princes of a voluptuous, and imbecile character ; though it 
 did not prevent his experiencing, at times, a failure of 
 respect. One of those Omrhas, who serve in the armies, 
 had the audacity, contrary to the custom of the empire, to 
 seat himself in his presence. Cha-Jaham deprived him of 
 all his posts, and took away his pensions. The disgraced 
 officer presented himself, the next morning, at the audience 
 of the Mogul, with the same confidence as the preceding 
 day; and seating himself as before with great insolence; 
 '• Now," he said, " my lord, that I am no longer in your 
 pay, I may exercise the privilege becoming an independant 
 man." The Emperor applauded this display of spirit, made 
 
 
 
194 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 additions to his former appointments, and attached him for 
 ever after to his service. The facility of the Emperor in 
 pardoning was often abused by the courtiers, who availed 
 themselves of it, to use a too great freedom of speech in 
 addressing him. An ambassador, of the king of Golconda, 
 followed, in this, the example given by the subjects of the 
 Mogul. Cha-Jaham amusing himself, one day, in questioning 
 the ambassador relative to the person and deportment of 
 his master, suddenly turned towards a slave of a disagree- 
 able figure, who was employed in keeping off the flies from 
 the throne; "Is his majesty of Golconda," he said to him, 
 '^ as tall as this slave ?" — " He must assuredly be wanting 
 considerably," replied the ambassador, ^' since my master 
 is only taller by the head than your majesty." The ambas- 
 sador was praised for his spirited reply, and at his departure 
 was loaded with presents. 
 
 The defects of the Emperor, so little accompanied by 
 those virtues which gain respect, drew upon him, at last, 
 the contempt of his subjects, and the revolt of his children. 
 The native Indians, especially, failed Avith impunity in the 
 duty of their stations. It is a custom in the Indies, that 
 the Rajas, in the vicinity of the city which happens to be 
 the residence of the Emperor, should, each, in their turn, 
 mount guard before the palace, and reside under tents with 
 their Rajepoots, to do honor to, and to guard the Mogul. 
 One of these princes, named Amarsin, failed to be present, 
 when his day arrived to attend to the duties of his post. 
 After receiving several notices from his friends, he, at last, 
 presented himself for the discharge of his office. Visir- 
 Cham, one of the secretaries of state, rej)roached him, in 
 the presence of the Emperor, with his little zeal for the 
 service. The Raja, who imagined himself insulted, drew a 
 poignard, stabbed the minister to the heart, and covered 
 with blood the habit of Cha-Jaham. So great an insolence 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 195 
 
 was instantly revenged. Amarsin was pierced with a 
 thousand wounds ; but his Rajepoots revenged the death 
 of their master. In their rage, they massacred whoever 
 they met in the vicinity of the palace, and in the city ; and 
 this enormity went unpunished. 
 
 So feeble a government gave occasion to the other 
 Rajas to shew their audacity. Champet, one of tlie 
 haughtiest and most powerful, refused to pay his accus- 
 tomed tribute. The astrologers, who beset the Emperor, 
 and by their false predictions regulated all his movements, 
 declared, that it was necessary, that Cha-Jaham should 
 appear in person at the head of his army, and combat the 
 rebel. They added, that the residence of Delhi would be 
 fatal, for the space of a month, to whoever should hold 
 there the highest rank. The Emperor marched out, there- 
 fore, at the head of his army, leaving the Cotwall, governor 
 of Delhi in his absence. Sadul-Chain commanded the 
 troops under the Mogul. They advanced towards the ter- 
 ritory of the Raja, who made his appearance in the field, 
 and marched to encounter his enemy. The general, ren- 
 dered timid by the presence of the emperor, deemed it 
 better to negotiate with Champet, than to attack him. He 
 was promised pardon for his revolt, and assured of an 
 increase to his territory and government, provided he 
 would retire to his own lands, without drawing his sword 
 against his sovereign. The object, of Sadul-Chani, was ; 
 to induce the Raja to abandon an advantageous post which 
 he occupied, and in which it would have been difficult to 
 force him. Champet believed the general's word, and 
 retired. He was pursued, notwithstanding, in violation of 
 the faith promised ; and his troops would have been cut to 
 pieces in their retreat, if, by good fortune, some inac- 
 cessible forests had not ofi'ered an asylum to his army, till 
 it was able to gain certain heighths, and there place itself 
 
 o 2 
 
196 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 in security from the perfidy of the Emperor. Cha-Jaham 
 returned to Delhi, covered with disgrace, for having use- 
 lessly broken his faith to an enemy ; who again, imme- 
 diately, took the field, and pillaged, without resistance, 
 the lands of the empire. On his return, the Emperor found 
 the Cotwall of Delhi dead. The Emperor's astrologers 
 had caused him to be poisoned, secretly, by his own 
 physician. Cha-Jaham, who believed that he was indebted 
 for his life to their science, became more than ever the 
 slave of astrology. 
 
 As the Emperor grew old, his passions changed with 
 his years. Avarice took the place of prodigality. It may 
 be said, that this passion equalled, or even surpassed, all 
 his other vices. He rewarded the principal officers of his 
 court, and of the armies, by permitting them to plunder the 
 people with impunity ; and as soon as the Omrhas had 
 become enriched by their extortions, the emperor seized on 
 their wealth, and appropriated to himself the spoil. In 
 order to preserve, with greater security, the immense 
 wealth, which tributes and extortions augmented every 
 year, he caused to be constructed, under his palace of 
 Delhi, two deep caves, supported by vast marble pillars. 
 Piles of gold were stored in the one, and of silver in the 
 other; and to render more difficult any attempt to convey 
 away his treasure, he caused, of both metals, pieces to be 
 made, of so prodigious a size, as to be rendered useless to 
 the purposes of commerce. In these caves, Cha-Jaham passed 
 a great part of the day, under the pretence of enjoying 
 their refreshing coolness ; but, in reality, for the purpose 
 of feasting his eyes on the prodigious wealth he had accu- 
 mulated. 
 
 A passion, so little worthy of a great king, caused him 
 to commit an error in policy, which, eventually, brought 
 ruin on him ; and caused the desolation of his dominions. 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 197 
 
 In order to avoid the expense, which the maintenance of 
 the young princes might have entailed upon his treasure ; 
 he sent them to a distance, charging them with tlie admi- 
 nistration of different governments ; and leaving them at 
 liberty to extort what they could from the people, for the 
 support of their dignity. Had he reflected upon the conse- 
 quences, which had resulted from the like policy of his 
 father, he might have escaped the danger attendant upon 
 it. Never would Jehan Guir have experienced so many 
 domestic wars, had he not sent his sons to a distance from 
 him, distributing to them, in his lifetime, provinces, which 
 the princes affected to govern independently. In vain was 
 he admonished by paternal example. 
 
 Cha-Jaham had only seven children by all his wives ; 
 for the Moguls make no scruple of placing limits, by the 
 most culpable practices, to the fecundity of their women. 
 Thus the Emperor's progeny was confined to four princes, 
 and three princesses. The eldest of the children of Cha- 
 Jaham was Begom-Saeb, and the Sultan Dara was the 
 eldest of the sons. The Prince Cha-Chuia was the third, 
 and Aurengzebe, the reigning emperor was the fourth. 
 The fifth, was the Princess Roxanara Begom. Moradbax 
 was the sLxth, and the Princess Merniza-Begom was the 
 youngest. As the intrigues of the haram, and the domestic 
 wars, which distracted the reign of Cha-Jaham, relate, 
 chiefly, to these princes and princesses, it will be proper, 
 here, to give some idea of these personages, which may 
 serve to throw a light upon the history of a revolution, 
 that terminated the reign of Cha-Jaham, and placed 
 Aurengzebe upon the throne. 
 
 To a great share of beauty, Begom-Saeb united a mind 
 endued with much artifice. The attachment she always 
 had for her father, and the profusion of the avaricious Cha- 
 Jaham towards his daughter, caused a suspicion, that 
 
198 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 crime might be blended with their mutual aftection. This 
 was a popular rumour, which never had any other found- 
 ation than in the malice of the courtiers. If there was a 
 guilty passion, on the part of Cha-Jaham^, towards Begom- 
 Saeb, they ought certainly to have admitted, that it was 
 not one accompanied with much delicacy. He permitted 
 to his daughter, whom the policy of the empire would not 
 suffer to form a matrimonial alliance, a liberty, in which 
 her father, doubtless, never would have acquiesced, if he 
 had taken an interest of an irregular nature in her conduct. 
 He permitted a musician of the palace to enjoy her favor ; 
 and was not ignorant of the assignations given him by the 
 princess. This musician was, nevertheless, highly in the 
 favor of the Emperor. It may easily be imagined, that 
 the influence which Begom-Saeb had over the mind of 
 her father, might be procured by her complaisance, and by 
 the charms of her mind. This princess was always attached 
 to the party of Dara. The hope, which her brother gave 
 her, of marrying her, if he should succeed to the empire, 
 fixed her for ever in his interests. 
 
 Joined to a fine person, and regular features, Dara 
 possessed sincerity of mind, and noble inclinations. Never 
 prince, perhaps, of his rank, had a greater share of under- 
 standing, or took more pains to cultivate it. He had ac- 
 quired a knowledge of all our sciences,and almost of all the 
 languages of Europe. So great was his attachment to 
 Europeans, that it gave umbrage to the great lords of his 
 court. They faresaw, that under his reign, the Franks 
 would enjoy the greatest share of favor. His study of 
 philosophy, and of the different religions of the universe, 
 made him contemn that of Mahomet. Had he reigned, the 
 Christian religion would, doubtless, have found in him, a 
 bolder, and more efficient protector, than it had expe- 
 rienced in Jehan Guir, his grandfather. His liberahty had 
 
CilA-JAHAiM. 199 
 
 drawn into his service the most skilful engineers, and the 
 most expert cannoneers, belonging to all the nations of 
 Europe. So many fine qualities, which might have pro- 
 cured him the favor of the people, rendered him haughty, 
 and full of confidence in his own merit. To give him 
 advice was to offend him mortally, and to have seen further 
 into an affair than himself, was insulting his penetration. 
 Hence sprung the contempt which he had for his ministers, 
 and the Httle confidence, that his ministers reposed in him. 
 As he never communicated his sentiments to his council ; 
 his council, on their part, never dared to give him salutary 
 advice. He imagined himself, in the meanwhile, beloved 
 by all who approached him, and the conceit he had of his 
 own merit, made him accept flattery as the voice of truth. 
 In a word, he was too sensible to his own merit, to be 
 able to make all the advantageous use of it, which he, other- 
 wise, might have done. This prince had two sons, the 
 eldest of whom was called Sultan Soliman-ChacU;, and the 
 second Sultan Super-Chacu. 
 
 Cha-Chuia was the third of the children of Cha-Jaham. 
 He was not deficient in courage, or in capacity for great 
 enterprises ; but art marked his character still stronger, 
 than these qualities. He maintained emissaries at the 
 court of his father, for the purpose of disc6vering all his 
 secrets. He kept spies about his brother Dara, who gave 
 him intelligence of all his movements ; and who debauched 
 his best officers, and the most expert cannoneers of his 
 army. Cha-Chuia had a secret understanding with the prin- 
 cipal Rajas of the empire ; and Jacont-Sing, the most 
 formidable of them, was his declared friend. It is said, 
 that this prince had a correspondence even with the king of 
 Persia; it is, at least, certain,, that in order to attract a 
 greater number of Persians into his service, he had embraced 
 the sect of Ali ; and that he contemned the species of Maho- 
 
200 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 metanisiii;, which is professed in the Indies, and in Turkey^ 
 to attach himself to the heresy of Persia. 
 
 The fourth of the children of Cha-Jaham was Aureng- 
 zebe. Nature seemed to have taken a pleasure to combine, 
 in the person of this prince, the perfections of mind and 
 body. His figure was good, and he had a turn of counte- 
 nance naturally mild. A spare habit gave him an air of 
 penitence, which he knew how to accompany with pious 
 discourses. He was always seen, pale, of a livid com- 
 plexion, and with eyes sunk in his head. He appeared 
 thoughtful, and taciturn, seldom speaking, unless it was 
 with zeal for the religion of Mahomet, and the observation 
 of his law. He almost always carried the Alcoran under 
 his arm. His prayers were frequent, and in public. He 
 recited every day a certain string of the praises of God, 
 in a most impressive manner. It was, also, said/ that he 
 had caused himself to be inscribed in the number of the 
 Faquirs ; and, that as soon as he might be enabled to 
 escape from the cares of the world, he proposed passing 
 his days in penitence, near the tomb of Mahomet. The 
 better to deceive the multitude, he never appeared in public 
 in any other than a white habit, very plain, and almost 
 entirely miadorned with those rich jewels, which glitter so 
 resplendently, upon the habits of the Mogul princes^ His 
 nourishment was conformable to the simplicity of his vest- 
 ments. A little rice and some roots composed all the 
 provisions, which were served upon his table. He was a 
 stranger to the use of wine, and his abstinence from so 
 essential an article of enjoyment, was constant. From his 
 tenderest years, he was observed to have a turn for policy 
 and dissimulation. Though affecting in his discourse the 
 most retired sentiments, Aurengzebe concealed an ambi- 
 tious mind ; he took, at least, by this method, a certain 
 means of preserving his life, in the event of any sudden 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 201 
 
 revolution. He was convinced, that after the death of his 
 father, Cha-Jaham, there would be no alternative but to 
 reign, or to perish. With this view, he took the resolution, 
 either to mount the throne, in case a fair opportunity 
 should present itself, or to place his life in security, by 
 an appearance of renouncing the world, and sacrificing 
 all his pretentions to it, in consecrating himself to peni- 
 tence. Slander, in the meanwhile, was busy in publishing, 
 that the prince in private plunged into the most unauthorised 
 debaucheries ; the Faquirs, they said, with whom Aureng- 
 zebe often associated, were the confidants of, and the mi- 
 nisters to his pleasures. 
 
 Roxanara-Begom, the fifth of the children of Cha- 
 Jaham, was inferior in beauty to her elder sister ; but she 
 possessed more suppleness and artifice. Begom-Saeb, in 
 regard to disposition and understanding, most resembled 
 Dara, and Roxanara had more of the character of her 
 brother Aurengzebe. She possessed the same dissimu- 
 lation and artifice. She was joined in interest with this 
 prince, and served him for a spy in the haram, to give 
 him intelligence of whatsoever occurred, of an important 
 nature. 
 
 The youngest of the sons of Cha-Jaliam was named 
 Moradbax. This prince was brave, but possessed of little 
 prudence. The chase and shooting with the bow were 
 almost his sole amusements. He hunted lions and wild 
 boars, and prided himself more on a fierce and rash 
 courage, than on an exact and circumspect policy. He 
 despised the uses of negociation, and placed no confidence 
 except in his strength, and courage. He was, however, a 
 true Mahometan, and the piety which he manifested in the 
 mosques was sincere. 
 
 Mernisa-Begoin, the youngest of the daughters of Cha- 
 Jaham, was a princess of a weak mind, and moderate 
 
202 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 beauty. Childish amusements were her sole occupation. 
 A jewels a dresS;, bounded all her desires; and she never 
 took the least interest in the different factions^ which 
 distracted the haram, and the empire. 
 
 Cha-Jaham entertained, then, the purpose, of sending 
 his sons to a distance from the capital ; and confined his 
 daughters, within the bounds of the haram. The viceroyalty 
 of Bengal was given to Cha-Chuia. Aurengzebe was sent 
 to the Decan in quality of viceroy, and the viceroyalty of 
 Guzurat fell to the lot of Moradbax. Dara, only, was 
 retained near the person of the Emperor. As he was 
 destined by the order of his birth, and by the inclination 
 of Cha-Jaham, to succeed him in the empire of Indostan ; 
 he remained under the eyes of his father, and became the 
 soul of his councils. Happy would it have been for him, 
 if he had not, so early, allowed the people to perceive, what 
 they were to expect from his administration. 
 
 No sooner had Dara began to possess authority, than 
 he became disdainful, and inaccessible. A small number of 
 Europeans, alone shared his confidence. The Jesuits, 
 especially, were in the highest consideration with him. 
 These, were the Fathers Stanislaus Malpica, a Neapolitan, 
 Pedro Juzarte, a Portuguese, and Henry Busee, a Fleming. 
 This last had much influence over the mind of the prince^ 
 and had his counsels been followed, it is probable that 
 Christianity would have mounted the throne with Dara. 
 However, whatever influence this father might have over 
 him, he was unable to banish the astrologers from his 
 court. They had so infatuated the prince, that he could 
 not extricate himself from their toils. One of them, 
 having ventured to predict, at the peril of his head, that 
 Dara would be emperor ; and being interrogated by one 
 of his friends, to account for the confidence, with which, with 
 so much peril to himself, he could make himself responsible 
 
CHA-JAIIAM. 203 
 
 for an event invelopped in obscurity. '* I risk less than 
 you may imagine/' replied the astrologer, *' if the prince 
 attains the throne, I shall have guessed right, and my 
 fortune is made ; if he fails, his death is infallible. In that 
 case, I shall have nothing to apprehend from his resentment." 
 
 The influence of Dara grew to an astonishing height, 
 during the absence of his brothers. Cha-Jaham, who was 
 advanced in years, was king only of his treasures. His 
 eldest son ruled the empire with absolute power. A sopha 
 had been prepared for him, lower, indeed, than the throne 
 of his father ; but he is the only instance of a prince of the 
 Mogul race being allowed to be seated in the presence of 
 the Emperor. He had the power to command a combat of 
 elephants, whenever he pleased ; a distinction reserved 
 only for the sovereign. In fine, with the exception of the 
 control of the revenues of the empire, of which Cha-Jaham 
 was always jealous; Dara possessed all the advantages, 
 and all the authority of royalty. 
 
 So much power increased the pride of a prince, natu- 
 rally haughty. His discourse was arrogant, and his air 
 was disdainful. An officer of Mahobet-Cham, who still 
 lived in a retired manner in his government, had insulted a 
 soldier of the prince. Dara gave orders that Mahobet- 
 Cham should be forcibly conveyed to the citadel of Delhi. 
 This old general had still suflicient influence among the 
 troops, to create employment for Dara ; and courage 
 capable of making resistance, if he was attacked. Cha- 
 Jaham counselled his son to push the afl'air no further. 
 
 All the ministers of the Emperor, and all the generals 
 of the army were objects of jealousy to theprince^, and the 
 sport of his caprices. He was accused of having caused 
 Sadul-Cham to be poisoned, whom the Emperor had raised 
 to the dignity of first minister. Jasing, the famous Raja, 
 whose power and valour were formidable to the Mogul 
 
204 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 was insulted by the prince. ^ He called him musician ; a 
 term of contempt in the Indies. The Raja dissembled his 
 mortification, and delayed his revenge till a convenient 
 opportunity. Mirza Mula, who was sent to command in 
 a war against the king of Golconda, was despoiled by 
 Dara of his best European cannoneers. " I shall know 
 how to spoil him in his turn/' said the general, in taking his 
 departure ; and this prediction was but too truly verified in 
 the sequel. All those, whom the prince suspected of not 
 being sufficiently attached to his interests, were imprisoned 
 or condemned to exile. One of the secretaries of state 
 was found strangled in his bed. Suspicion did not fail to 
 fall upon Dara. What aggravated more particularly the 
 noblemen of the court, was ; the odious comparison, which 
 the prince made, incessantly, between them and a wretched 
 slave, whom he employed in the most degrading services. 
 A minister of state, or a general of the army, was never 
 praised in the presence of Dara, that he did not enlarge, 
 immediately, upon the merits of Abercan, which was the 
 name of the favorite slave. 
 
 So many faults, tending to excite hatred, caused the 
 prince to lose all the fruit of the advantages he possessed 
 on the side of capacity, person, and birth, over the other 
 sons of Cha-Jaham. 
 
 Whilst Dara was making himself enemies in the empire 
 by a haughty and imperious carriage, Cha-Chuia led a 
 tranquil life in Bengal. Moradbax, in his government of 
 Guzurat, divided his time between the exercise of arms, 
 the chase, and the pleasures of the haram. Aurengzebe, 
 alone, was deeply employed, in meditating upon the surest 
 means, of snatching the empire from the designs of his 
 two elder brothers; or, at least, of placing in security his^ 
 life, against the persecution of the prince, whom providence 
 should place upon the throne. Never was justice more 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 205 
 
 vigilantly administered^ than in the government of the 
 Decan. He judged, that it was necessary to establish his 
 fortunes, upon a just reputation for probity and disinterest- 
 edness. Religion, which served, they say, as a mask for 
 his ambition, seemed to employ all his cares. He built 
 mosques, he mingled with the Faquirs, that he might appear 
 to despise the world, agreeably to their example. It must 
 be acknowledged, however, that through all this dissimu- 
 lation, there was still to be discerned a certain malignity, 
 even in his actions of piety. He one day collected together 
 all the Faquirs of the country, that he might bestow upon 
 them a considerable benefaction, and have the consolation 
 of eating rice and salt with them ; it was, in this manner, 
 that he expressed himself. The place of meeting was a 
 large plain. Aurengzebe caused this vast multitude of 
 poor penitents to partake of a repast conformable to their 
 condition. As soon as they had eaten, the viceroy declared, 
 that he wished to give them all new clothing, and make 
 them change the ragged garments, with which they were 
 so ill accommodated. Aurengzebe was not ignorant, that 
 the greater part of these beggars commonly secrete in their 
 vestments gold rupees, the harvest of their mendicity. In 
 effect, many opposed resigning their old habits, on pretext 
 of the vow of poverty, which is the essential feature of 
 their profession. Their remonstrances were not listened to; 
 the prince was resolute that his charitable intentions should 
 admit of no exception. The Faquirs were despoiled of their old 
 habits ; and they were compelled to put on the new, which 
 were distributed to them. A pile was then made of the 
 spoils of the Faquirs, to which fire was applied, and in the 
 cinders so considerable a sum was found, that if some 
 writers of the country may be believed, it became one of 
 the principal aids, of which Aurengzebe availed himself, 
 for making war upon his brothers. 
 
:206 HISTORY OP THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 The devotion, of which he made a pubhc profession, did 
 not suppress his warlike inclinations. It is true, that he 
 gave, to all his projects, a colour of piety and zeal. It was 
 under this pretext, that he undertook to dethrone the king 
 of Golconda, a Mahometan by religion ; but attached to 
 the sect of the Persians. The occasion, which engaged 
 Aurengzebe to enter upon so great an enterprise, was, as 
 follows : Mirza Mula, (otherwise, Mergi Mola,) by birth a 
 Persian, who had come to the Indies in the capacity only 
 of an attendant upon a merchant of his own nation ; after 
 having served for some time in the troops of the Mogul, 
 and arrived by degrees to the first posts in the armies ; 
 disgusted, at last, with the contempt of prince Dara, had 
 entered into the service of the king of Golconda. He 
 was, at first, placed as a superintendant over the customs, 
 and the traffic of the king. Mirza Mula profited by so 
 advantageous a post, and trading for his own account, he 
 soon amassed immense wealth. He, at first, made use of 
 it to gain the good graces of his master. Mirza Mula 
 procured rarities from Europe, cabinets from China, 
 elephants from Ceylon, and never ceased making presents 
 to the king. His magnificence caused him to be taken 
 notice of at court, and as soon as he became known, he 
 attained to the first distinctions. What brought him into 
 chief notice was an intrigue of gallantry, which he carried 
 on in private with the mother of the king. She was a 
 princess, who still preserved her beauty, at a rather 
 advanced period of life. 
 
 The king's acquaintance with the irregular conduct of 
 his mother served only to advance the fortunes of Mirza 
 Mula. He was sent to a distance from the court, that the 
 queen-mother might be prevented from giving occasion to 
 scandal; and the government of the province of the Car- 
 natic was bestowed upon him. The artful Persian knew 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 207 
 
 how to turn liis disgrace to his advantage. Tlie diamond 
 mine, which adds so much to the wealth of the kingdom 
 of Golconda, was within the limits of his government. 
 He, consequently, determined to make the best use of his 
 time. He retained for his own use the largest and the 
 most perfect of the diamonds. One, which he gave, in the 
 sequel, to the Mogul emperor, was unparalleled in its kind. 
 It is still the admiration of all connoisseurs. The governor 
 engaged openly in a commerce of diamonds, and sent 
 little besides the refuse to the king. Don Philip Masca- 
 renhas, viceroy of the Indies for the Portuguese at Goa, 
 was his principal correspondent. The object, of Mirza 
 Mula, was ; to secure to himself the protection of the Por- 
 tuguese, in the event of a change of fortune. The Persian, 
 who found himself supported, no longer placed any limits 
 to his peculations. He plundered the temples of their 
 idols ; he seized upon all the precious stones with which 
 the statues were ornamented ; he compelled the inhabitants 
 of the Carnatic to surrender to him whatever they pos- 
 sessed of gold and jewels ; and he caused those, who, 
 according to the custom of the country, had buried their 
 treasures, to expire under the severity of the lash. So 
 many cruelties rendered him hateful in Iiis province ; and 
 such great wealth created him envy at court. 
 
 The king, who was informed of the conduct of the 
 governor, contemplated recalling him, and confiscating his 
 property. The purpose of the prince could not be kept 
 so secret, as to escape the knowledge of the queen-mother. 
 She gave her favorite information of the danger which 
 menaced him, and proposed herself a plan of revolt, for the 
 dethronement of her son. The enterprise was concerted in 
 the following manner. Mirza Mula wrote to Aurengzebe, 
 that the time had arrived for conquering the richest king- 
 dom in Indostan ; that after having served the Moguls, 
 
:208 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 he had not entered into the service of the King of Gol- 
 conda, but with the view of facilitating the acquisition of 
 so fine a country to his first masters ; that he had, in con- 
 sequence, maintained a correspondence with certain per- 
 sons in the haram of the king, and that he was in the pos- 
 session of all the forces of the kingdom. That Mahamed 
 Amicam, his son, was at the head of the armies of Gol- 
 conda; and that, in his province of the Carnatic, he him- 
 self had a certain number of troops, composed partly of 
 Portuguese devoted to his interests. That if Aurengzebe 
 entered into the kingdom of Golconda with an army, how- 
 ever small in number, all the kingdom would rise in his 
 favor. 
 
 Aurengzebe was, at this time, at Orangabad, a city 
 which he had founded in his viceroyalty of the Decan, and 
 to which he had given his name. It is difficult to imagine, 
 how great was his satisfaction, at the moment of receiving 
 such agreeable news. He was sensible, that the conquest 
 of a kingdom would pave the way for the invasion of the 
 empire. In order to ensure success to the project of 
 Mirza-Mula, he judged it inexpedient to begin-by attacking 
 the frontiers of Golconda. He resolved to proceed himself, 
 in the character of the ambassador of Aurengzebe, to the 
 court of the king ; and to attempt the revolution in person, 
 in the capital. He, in consequence, prepared for himself 
 a suite, composed of the bravest officers of his army, and 
 an escort rather large for an ambassador. Without loss 
 of time, he advanced, by rapid journies, towards Baganagar, 
 the capital of Golconda, spreading a report in his progress, 
 that he was an ambassador sent by Aurengzebe to the 
 king, for the negotiation of aff"airs of importance. The 
 stratagem succeeded, and the pretended ambassador entered 
 Baganagar without being known. 
 
 Upon his arrival. Aurengzebe immediately conferred 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 209 
 
 with the son of Mirza Mula, general of the troops, and 
 arranged with him, that at the first audience, which he 
 should have of the king, the person of the monarch should 
 be secured at the moment of Iiis presenting his credentials. 
 The treason could not be conducted with so much secresj', 
 as to escape coming to the king's knowledge. This prince 
 learnt, that Aurengzebe was himself in his capital ; that his 
 design was to invade his kingdom, and to seize upon Jiis 
 person ; in fine, that his own army had conspired against 
 his life. The King of Golconda took the safest measure. 
 He abandoned his capital, Baganagar, and retired into the 
 fortress of Golconda, situated about a league from it, and 
 which gives its name to the kingdom. Aurengzebe could 
 not behold, without mortification, the escape of his prey. 
 He vented his disappointment upon the capital, which he 
 plundered ; and uj^on the palace of the king, from which 
 he carried off the treasure and jewels. 
 
 As soon as intelligence was received of the arrival of 
 Aurengzebe, the army of Mirza Mula quitted the Carnatic, 
 and joined itself to that of Mahamed Amicam. It was 
 then resolved to form the siege of Golconda, in which the 
 king had taken refuge. This fortress, which is esteemed 
 in India as impregnable, was already invested by the two 
 armies, of which Aurengzebe took the command; when 
 that prince thought proper to give advice to Cha-Jahani, 
 his father, of the condition of the kingdom of Golconda, 
 and of the conquest he was about to make of it. Machines 
 were raised to commence the siege, and the canals had 
 been cut, which convey water into the citadel. The 
 danger, with which the poor king was menaced, had now 
 obliged him to resolve on making terms with his enemy, 
 and surrendering himself into his hands, upon condition 
 of his life being respected, and the rank of Raja conceded 
 to him at the court of the Mogul. Whilst he was delibe- 
 
210 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 rating upon these measures^ orders from the Emperor 
 came to Aurengzebe, to raise the siege^ and return to the 
 Dec an. Cha-Jaham, who mistrusted his son, and was, 
 besides, dissatisfied with an enterprise undertaken without 
 his acquiescence, listened to the representations of Dara, 
 and the suspicions of Begom-Saeb. They insinuated to 
 the Emperor, that the usurpation of the kingdom of Gol- 
 conda Avas a step towards ascending the throne of the 
 Moguls ; that the artful viceroy of the Decan laboured 
 less for the glory of his father, than for his own interests ; 
 that it was better to sacrifice to the public safety a new 
 acquisition, than to suffer Aurengzebe to aggrandize him- 
 self, to the great peril of the royal family. Such were the 
 motives which induced Cha-Jaham to force his son to 
 abandon an enterprise already so far advanced. Aureng- 
 zebe obeyed ; but to conceal the reasons which impelled 
 him to the resolution, he was seen suddenly to take, of 
 abandoning the enterprise against Golconda, false pretexts 
 were put into circulation. He counterfeited the man 
 inspired from above ; and caused it to be believed by his 
 soldiers, that scruples of conscience, against oppressing 
 a Mahometan prince, occasioned him to relinquish a war, 
 which he was just upon the point of terminating success- 
 fully. He made, therefore, an honorable accommodation 
 with the King of Golconda, and reinstated him in the 
 possession of his states, on the following conditions: 
 First, that the Mogul should be reimbursed all the expenses 
 of the war: Secondly, that the daughter of the king 
 should be given in marriage to Mahamud, the eldest son 
 of Aurengzebe : Thirdly, that the princess should have 
 for her dowry all the revenues of the province of Ranguir : 
 Fourthly, that after the death of the King of Golconda, 
 Mahamud should be his successor in virtue of the rights of 
 his wife : Fifthly, that the coin of Golconda should bear 
 
CHA-.IAI1AM. 211 
 
 on one side the impress of Clia-Jahaiii : Sixthly, and 
 lastly, that Mirza Mula, and all his family, should be per- 
 mitted to quit the territories of Golconda with all their 
 
 wealth. 
 
 It was thus, that Aurengzebe extracted all possible 
 advantages from an enterprise, whicli he abandoned with 
 regret. After having failed in the conquest of Golconda, 
 he meditated, by secret practices, to pave his way to the 
 possession of the empire. Mirza Mula appeared to him to 
 be a man upon whom he might rely. The enterprise, 
 which they had attempted in concert, as well as the ancient 
 animosity of the general against Dara, rendered him pro- 
 pitious to his designs. Aurengzebe, in order to retain so 
 great a captain in the neighbourhood of his government, 
 solicited of the court, that Mirza Mula might be appointed 
 to command the army destined for the conquest of Visapour. 
 This request was granted to Aurengzebe, upon condition 
 that Mirza Mula should send to the court his wives and 
 children, to serve as hostages for his fidelity. Tiie viceroy, 
 who had thus secured to himself, by his good offices, the 
 gratitude of Mirza Mula, opened himself to him without 
 reserve. He complained of the tyranny of Dara. He 
 added, that the jealousy alone of his brother had prevented 
 him from joining the kingdom of Golconda to the provinces 
 of the empire ; that the Emperor himself was a slave to 
 the will of Dara ; that Cha-Jaham no longer merited the 
 character of a father, since he had renounced all the 
 paternal tenderness, which he owed to his three younger 
 sons, that his whole care and affection might be lavished 
 upon Dara alone ; that in the place of Cha-Jaham, he hoped 
 to find in Mirza Mula, a father, a friend, a protector, and 
 the universal confidant of his secrets. Mirza Mula received 
 with gladness the overtures of friendship from so great a 
 prince, and promised to exert all his power and ability to 
 
 P 2 
 
212: HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 establish him on the throne. This conversation was kept 
 a profound secret between them. It broke out, however, 
 a little time afterwards into action^, as we shall find in 
 the sequel. 
 
 Aurengzebe continued, at his city of Orangabad, to 
 make a public display of extraordinary piety, whilst 
 Mirza Mula was capturing to\^ns in the kingdom of 
 Visapour. The famous citadel of Beder resisted him only 
 a few months. No intelligence appeared to subsist between 
 the general and the viceroy of the Decan. All was calm, 
 apparently, in the empire, and every thing bowed to the 
 authority of Dara, when a malady of Cha-Jaham gave rise 
 to a strange revolution. 
 
 It was reported, that the Emperor, given up still, at an 
 advanced age, to his debaucheries, was seized with a 
 retention of urine, by which his life was brought into 
 danger, in consequence of the use of a heating medicine, 
 which his incontinence had occasioned him to take. The 
 illness of the king was quickly made known in Delhi with 
 much officiousness by the enemies of Dara, and a report of 
 the death of Cha-Jaham almost immediately followed that 
 of his malady. From the capital it became in a little while 
 current through all the provinces. The three brothers of 
 Dara were informed of it, by the emissaries whom they 
 maintained at the court. It is true, that the danger of the 
 Emperor had been great ; but the strength of his consti- 
 tution saved him. The princes, on the first intelligence of 
 the death of their father, adopted, each, the measures 
 which were most conformable to his genius. Cha-Chuia, 
 the most impetuous of the three, was the first to take the 
 field ; and with an army, which he kept prepared for any 
 event which might require its services, commenced his 
 march to Delhi. He had already forty thousand horse in 
 his train. As the wealthiest government had fallen to his 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 213 
 
 lot, he had taken care to furnish himself with camels 
 loaded with f^old rupees, to pay his troops, and to purchase 
 the aid of fresh levies. It is said, that as he was upon the 
 point of mounting on horseback, holding in his hand his 
 cimetar, he exclaimed, ^' Death or the throne !" He took 
 his route by the great road of Agra, at the head of his 
 army, causing a report to be spread during his march, 
 that the Emperor had died of poison, w hicli the perfidious 
 Dara had compelled him to take ; and that he hastened to 
 revenge the best of fathers. 
 
 Cha-Jaham, who began to find himself recovering, learnt 
 with indignation the news of the step which his son had 
 taken. He trusted, however, that he should be able to 
 keep him at a distance from the capital, by the blandishments 
 of flattery. He WTote to him, therefore, with his own 
 hand, that his indisposition had been followed by no bad 
 consequences ; that the ambition of Dara had not been the 
 occasion of it ; as for the rest, that he felt obliged for his 
 son's sensibility and fears for his health. Further, he 
 counselled him to return to his government of Bengal, and 
 by an exact obedience, make atonement for the measures 
 into which his too eager afl'ection had precipitated him. 
 Cha-Chuia received the letter of his father, while on his 
 route ; but it was accompanied by other letters from some 
 of the emissaries, w horn he emploj^ed at the court. They 
 gave him assurances, that the malady of the king was 
 mortal ; and that his fortune depended upon the prompti- 
 tude with which he should appear before Delhi. Cha-Chuia 
 communicated, in consequence, to no one, his having 
 received a packet from his father ; and hastened his march, 
 that he might not leave Dara time to make preparations. 
 The approach of the rebel obliged Cha-Jaham, notwith- 
 standing his indisposition, to change his abode, and to 
 take refuge in Agra, at a distance of more than twenty-five 
 
214 HISTORY OP THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 leagues from Delhi. Dara followed his father, not being 
 willina: to be absent from him in circumstances of such 
 extreme peril. In the mean while, he neglected no measures 
 calculated to put a stop to the progress of Cha-Chuia. 
 
 Soliman Chacu, the eldest son of Dara, was a prince 
 of great promise. Well made, liberal, conducting himself 
 with moderation, and wise above his years, he possessed 
 all the good qualities of his father, without his detects. It 
 was a prince so accomplished, that the court opposed to the 
 rebel. Two generals were appointed to command under 
 him ; the Raja Jasing, esteemed at that time the greatest 
 captain in Indostan, and Dalil Cham, a Patan by birth, 
 who had signalized himself by more than one victory. 
 Secret instructions had been given to Jasing, to moderate 
 the too impetuous courage of the young prince, and to 
 prevent him from engaging in battle before the means of 
 negotiation had been tried. 
 
 The two armies Avere no sooner in the presence of each 
 other, than Soliman Chacu proposed to give battle to his 
 uncle. Jasing, who, till then, had endeavoured to avoid 
 an action, by keeping at a distance from the enemy, wrote 
 to Cha-Chuia nearly in the following terms : — " Your 
 affection for your father, and the marks of valour which 
 you give to all the empire, cannot, my lord, be sufficiently 
 commended. Through tenderness for Cha-Jaham, you 
 come to punish the authors of his death ; and your courage 
 has been made manifest by the celerity with which you have 
 come into the presence of an army, more powerful, and 
 more warlike, than the one of which you are the leader. 
 But your father still lives ; and it would be dishonorable 
 for you, to attack the most faithful subjects of him, whom 
 from motives of piety you come to avenge. Return \o 
 Bengal; and do not imagine that courage is to be 
 esteemed, when it is accompanied by crime." 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 215 
 
 This letter made some impression on the mind of Cha- 
 Chuia. He deliberated for some time on the measures 
 which it became him to take. At last, the least salutary 
 counsel prevailed. He threw off the mask, and decided 
 upon an open revolt. The apprehensions, however, which 
 he entertained from the experience of Jasing, and the 
 valour of Dalil Cham, induced him to resort to artifice, in 
 order to put these two generals oft' their guard. He 
 replied to Jasing in these terms : — " The whole empire 
 bears witness-, that I have quitted Bengal with no other 
 view, than to seek satisfaction for tiie poisoning of my 
 father. He lives, and my tenderness is satisfied. I limit 
 my ambition, to continue submissive to his orders, in the 
 territory which he has assigned me. Take your dejDarture, 
 therefore, as soon as possible ; and render an account 
 to my father of my unlimited obedience. All which I 
 expect, (in order that I may not appear to fly from you) 
 is, that you will be the first to retire : a compliance with 
 this request I exact as a mark of respect on your own 
 part, as well as on that of my nephew, Soliman Chacu. 
 Save my honor, and you shall find me obedient." 
 
 Jasing was sufficiently sensible, that the letter of the 
 prince was only a feint, that he might have an opportunity 
 of surprising the imperial army, and defeating it in its 
 retreat. Nevertheless, that he might not leave the rebel 
 any pretext, he pretended to acquiesce in the conditions 
 of Cha-Chuia ; and gave orders that as soon as morning 
 appeared, the retreat should be began. The baggage, in 
 consequence, commenced its march at day-break. 
 
 In the meanwhile, the Imperial troops were placed in 
 order of battle ; and a few useless foot soldiers, of that 
 class, which follow the Indian armies solely in the hope of 
 sharing in the pillage, were all which were ordered to 
 take the road to Delhi. The spies of Clia-Clmia persuaded 
 
216 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 themselves, that the cavalry of the Emperor had, in fact^ 
 departed. They gave intelligence, to this effect, to the 
 prince. The rash Cha-Chuia commenced, immediately, a 
 hurried attack upon some squadrons, that he thought to be 
 a rear guard, which he should easily dispose of. He was 
 deceived. The whole Imperial cavalry made head against 
 him, and charged that of Cha-Chuia with so much fury, 
 that it was presently thrown into disorder. In spite of all 
 the efforts of Cha-Chuia, he was unable to rally them. His 
 artillery was taken, together with forty elephants, and a 
 number of prisoners, which were sent to Delhi, as a token 
 of victory, Jasing, who might easily have pursued <^ha- 
 Chuia and made himself master of his person, preferred 
 allowing him to escape. He judged wisely, that if he 
 brought him a prisoner to the Emperor, the affectionate 
 father would not take away the life of his son, and that he 
 should have at the court an additional enemy. Besides, he 
 felt little inclined to exert himself for the pleasure of Prince 
 Dara. He remembered the contempt with which he had 
 been treated, and the opprobious term of musician, of 
 which the prince had made use, to insult him. Under 
 these impressions, he aftbrded Cha-Chuia an opportunity 
 of collecting the wreck of his army, and retiring to 
 Bengal. 
 
 Whilst the second son of Cha-Jaham had declared open 
 revolt against his father, the two others, each in his govern- 
 ment, assembled troops, and deliberated upon taking the 
 field. With respect to Aurengzebe, he thought it best not 
 to avow himself, till he had taken such measures, as might 
 promise him success in the great design he was meditating. 
 He waited till Moradbax, the youngest of his brothers, 
 had taken the road to Delhi. Profiting, then, by the 
 rebellious movements, which the other princes had made 
 before liim ; he resolved to exalt himself by their means. 
 
CiiA-JAHAM. 217 
 
 and, perhaps, at their expense. He wrote, therefore, a 
 letter to Moradbax, replete with dissimulation ; in whi^h 
 he expressed himself as follows : — " You are not ignorant, 
 my dear brother, of the resolution which I have taken, to 
 pass tiie remainder of my days in retirement, and penitence. 
 The splendors of this world have not the power to tempt 
 me. The only anxiety which I have, is, to establish the 
 worship of the true God, and the law of his prophet, in 
 their utmost purity ; I consider, that of all the sons of Cha- 
 Jaham (whose death is but too certain), you, alone, pre- 
 serve a zeal for the Alcoran. Dara is an impious man, 
 who is attached only to the religions of Europe. Cha- 
 Chuia is a heretic, who has abandoned himself to the sect 
 of Ali ; and maintains a correspondence with the schis- 
 matics of Persia. God and his prophet be praised ! I 
 will not suffer that impiety or heresy shall be seated on the 
 throne. You, alone, my dear brother, whom I honor 
 henceforward as my sovereign ; and whom I now salute as 
 my master, merit to wear the crown. You are a true 
 Mussulman, and the only defender of the faithful. Suffer 
 me then to join my troops with yours, and to defend with 
 you the righteous cause, in combating for our religion. 
 As for myself, I ask but one only recompense, for all the 
 services which I propose to render you ; that you will 
 permit me, after the victory, to go, and pass the remainder 
 of my life near the tomb of Mahomet, in prayer, and in 
 penitence.'* 
 
 So artful a letter was received with joy by Moradbax. 
 In vain, his faithful eunuch, Cha Abbas, w^ho served him 
 in the place of chief minister, counselled him to enter with 
 great caution into any engagements with Aurengzebe. 
 The overtures of a brother, who flattered his ambition, 
 infatuated him to such a degree, as to render him deaf to 
 advice. He made him the following reply : — ** It is but 
 
218 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 reasonable^ my dear brother, that two hearts, whom friend- 
 ship has always united, should find themselves drawn 
 together still closer by their zeal for the Alcoran. Let us 
 march in concert to defend a religion attacked by two 
 impious men. I swear by the great prophet, that I shall 
 always entertain for you the same respect as for mj father ; 
 and that if I should ever be seated upon a throne, which 
 you, in the piety and greatness of your soul contemn, I shall 
 preserve for your children all the affection of a parent ; 
 and for yourself, all the deference which I owe to an elder 
 brother, and the defender of our religion." 
 
 When Moradbax consented to join his troops to those 
 of Aurengzebe, he did not calculate upon those of his 
 brother being superior in number to his own. The govern- 
 ment of the Decan, which Aurengzebe had for some time 
 possessed, was much less extensive than his ; and, conse- 
 quently, the forces which it was capable of furnishing could 
 not be so considerable* He flattered himself, besides, that 
 Aurengzebe would be deficient in treasure, and that the 
 troops of his brother, paid by himself, would be devoted to 
 him alone. With this view, he obtained large supplies 
 of money from the merchants of Surat. Moradbax deceived 
 himself. Aurengzebe had been amassing treasure, ever 
 since he had been viceroy of the Decan, to which the spoil 
 of Golconda had added considerably. His frugality, besides, 
 supplied the want of a large revenue, and furnished him 
 with a considerable fund for useful expenses. Aurengzebe 
 made use of the following artifice to augment the force of 
 his army. — Mirza Mula, who made war for the Emperor 
 in Visapour, was attached by interest to the Viceroy of the 
 Decan. Aurengzebe sent to him his son. Prince Mahamud, 
 to propose to him the fulfilment of the engagements, to 
 which they had pledged themselves, after the expedition to 
 Golconda. " The time is arrived/' said Mahamud to him. 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 219 
 
 *' for placing Aurengzebe upon the throne. You have it 
 in your power, and you have engaged yourself to effect it. 
 By joining your troops to his, you render him superior in 
 strength to his brothers, and you put him in possession of 
 a crown, for which he must acknowledge himself to be 
 indebted to you only." Mirza-Mula was disposed to diO 
 all in his power for Aurengzebe ; his vows had laid him 
 under an obligation so to do ; but he was restrained by his 
 tenderness for his wives and children. Dara had caused 
 them to be conducted to the capital, that they might 
 become guarantees for his fidelity. Aurengzebe, who fore- 
 saw the just apprehensions of Mirza Mula, proposed an 
 expedient to him, to which the general agreed. This was, 
 to suffer his troops to be excited to revolt against him ; 
 to allow Mahamud to convey him as a prisoner into the 
 citadel of Orangabad ; and thus, to abandon the whole of 
 his army to the control of the Viceroy of the Decan. By 
 this means, the subtle Mirza Mula secured the compassion 
 of the court for himself and family, at the very time he 
 betrayed it ; as well as both his life and fortune, in the 
 event of the success of Aurengzebe. 
 
 The strength of the army of Aurengzebe was thus 
 increased, by the addition of the whole of the troops of 
 Mirza Mula. With this reinforcement, he believed himself 
 in a condition to take tlie field, and to join Moradbax, who 
 was advancing towards Delhi. With his habitual art, 
 Aurengzebe deemed it necessary, at his departure, to 
 redouble his professions of piety. In order the more 
 effectually to retain in his service the army of Mirza Mula, 
 he called Heaven to witness, that he did not enter upon a 
 war, to which he had the greatest repugnance, but from a 
 zeal for rehgion. He took the Alcoran in his hand, and 
 aiid pressed it devoutly to his breast, in view of all the 
 soldiers. Transported, then, with enthusiasm, which he 
 
220 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 knew so well how to effect ; " It is/' he cried, " to defend 
 you, sacred law of the great prophet, it is to revenge you 
 of the contempt of the infidel Dara, that I interrupt the 
 peace, which ought to reign among brothers." Aurengzebe 
 did not fail, likewise, to disseminate through his army, the 
 report of the death of the Emperor his father. He pro- 
 cured every day feigned letters from Delhi. All those 
 which might have undeceived the public, were intercepted 
 on the frontiers. In fine, the death of Cha-Jaham was 
 generally credited, before Aurengzebe quitted the Decan. 
 
 One of his cares, also, was to prevent Moradbax from 
 entertaining any suspicions. He wrote to him, frequently, 
 during his march, letters couched in the most respectful 
 terms. " If the army of Mirza Mula," he said, " has 
 united itself to mine, it is the sanction of your name alone 
 which has decided it to do so. The conviction, that their 
 services were to be devoted to the purpose of placing you 
 upon the throne, has alone induced them to follow me. 
 They are animated with the same zeal by which we are 
 both governed. They are true Mussulmen, who desire 
 only the triumph of religion^ and to fix it with you upon 
 the throne of the Moguls." Ambition so blinded Moradbax, 
 that he did not suspect a snare. He arranged with 
 Aurengzebe the place where the two armies might form a 
 junction ; and offered to take the advance, and meet his 
 brother. " It is not proper," answered Aurengzebe, 
 " that the sovereign should anticipate his slave. I will 
 conform myself," he added, " to the direction of your 
 march, and I shall know how to proceed, to the end that 
 an interview, which I passionately desire, may not be 
 delayed." It was near the mountains of Manddo, that 
 Aurengzebe came up with his brother's army. 
 
 Never union appeared more affectionate, than that of 
 Moradbax and Aurengzebe. The latter no sooner descryed 
 
CHA-JEHAM. 221 
 
 at a distance his brother, than he descended from his 
 elephant, and hastening on foot to meet the prince, he 
 prostrated himself before him, and honored him as his 
 sovereign. The intoxication of the younger was beyond 
 all bounds, when he beheld the submission of his elder 
 brother. He no longer doubted the sincerity of his protes- 
 tations. Aurengzebe knew how to accompany them with 
 an air of simplicity, capable of deceiving the most clear- 
 sighted. From that time, he caused Moradbax to take the 
 title of emperor, and treated him both in public and in 
 private, as his superior. He always gave him the prece- 
 dence; and in the command of the armies, he took his 
 brother's orders, whom he knew how to lead into the 
 adoption of his own measures, Thus, the troops of the 
 two confederate brothers advanced at the same moment 
 towards Delhi. 
 
 The defile of Manddo, environed with forests and 
 mountains, would have been a difficult, pass for the rebel 
 army to have forced ; by good fortune they found nothing 
 to oppose them. A spirit of infatuation seemed to have 
 taken possession of the council of Cha-Jaliam. At the 
 news of the two brothers having united their forces, the 
 fortifying of the capital engrossed its whole attention ; 
 and the propriety of occupying the posts, which might have 
 hindered the enemy from approaching, was never considered. 
 Prince Dara, valiant as he was, and proud of the victory 
 which the government had atchieved over Cha-Chuia, 
 appeared alarmed at the march of the two brothers. He 
 knew the valour of Moradbax, and he mistrusted the 
 artifice and the intrigues of Aurengzebe. He called to 
 mind, besides, some prediction, which promised the throne 
 to the viceroy of the Decan. In this state of alarm, he 
 attempted to sow division between the two brothers, and by 
 that means, to disperse their forces before they could 
 
222 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 appear before Delhi. He at first wrote to the two chiefs^ 
 that Cha-Jaham was yet alive, and that to come to disturb 
 his repose, would be forfeiting the respect due to a father^ 
 and a sovereign. 
 
 Moradbax, whose heart was sincere, and who had 
 naturally virtuous inclinations, was startled when he beheld 
 himself upon the brink of a crime. Until then, his ambition 
 had stifled his remorse, and had prevented him from inves- 
 tigating the public rumours of the death of his father ; but 
 he hesitated, when the approaching hazards, and scandal of 
 his revolt, began to inspire him with doubts of the truth of 
 Cha-Jaham having been poisoned, and of the guilt of Dara. 
 Aurengzebe, who perceived his uneasiness, soon relieved 
 his scruples. " The report which they are so eager to 
 spread, of the Emperor being still living, is,*' he said, *' an 
 artifice of the very person who has taken away his life. 
 Dara, not content with having caused his father's death, is 
 also desirous to spread snares for his brothers. No, my 
 lord, there is no longer any security for us, except in our 
 union. We have to revenge a father ; but we have also to 
 preserve our lives, and those of our wives and children. 
 When, through vain fears, we shall have retired to our 
 governments, and left the parricide to establish himself on 
 the throne ; we shall experience the effects of his cruelty, 
 and of our imprudence. It will be, then, too late for us, 
 to repent of having relinquished a just enterprise, easy of 
 accomplishment. As for you, my dear brother, your loss 
 will be greater than mine. We shall have the common 
 mortification, it is true, to see impiety reign, and false 
 religions tolerated; but how great for you the despair, 
 when you shall behold a sceptre, which it has depended only 
 upon yourself to bear, in the hands of a brother loaded with 
 crimes. Let us proceed ; hesitate no longer, my lord ; and 
 since we must perish if we refuse to combat, let us endea- 
 
CHA-JEHAM. "" 223 
 
 Vour to conquer, and by conquering to reign. If Cha-Jaliam 
 should still be living, which is hardly credible, we will, after 
 our victory, submit ourselves to so good a father; and 
 make him sensible of our affection, by tiie signal proofs 
 we had given, of the impatience we were under to revenge 
 him." 
 
 The ambition of reigning rendered Moradbax once 
 more credulous. He abandoned himself to his destiny, and 
 followed the counsels of Aurengzebe. It is true, that the 
 uncertainty in which they were^ in the armies of the two 
 brothers, whether the Emperor was dead or living, was 
 not without foundation. It was doubted even in Delhi. 
 Cha-Jaham, who had retired to Agra, in vain shewed 
 himself to the people upon the great balcony of the palace. 
 " It is nothing," they said, " but a phantom, some mock 
 representation of the king." In the meanwhile, the emis- 
 saries of Aurengzebe took care to entertain Indostan with 
 the false notion of his death. 
 
 The rebel army kept still advancing towards DeUii. 
 Aurengzebe considered that no time should be lost. He 
 was apprehensive, that Sultan Chacu, occupied in the 
 pursuit of Cha-Chuia, upon the territory of Bengal, would 
 return with his victorious troops, and augment the strength 
 of the Emperor's forces. It was dangerous, besides, to 
 allow time to his own troops, to be undeceiyed on the 
 subject of the Emperor's death. With these views, he 
 hastened his march. In the meanwhile, Cha-Jaham, indig- 
 nant at the conduct of his sons, whose daring he had not 
 been able to repress by his letters, proposed in his council, 
 to take himself the field, show himself at the head of his 
 troops, and disarm his childi'en by his presence. This, 
 doubtless, was the expedient which ought to have been 
 tried. It is probable, that Moradbax would not have 
 persisted in his revolt, if he had seen his father. The 
 
224 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 partisans, whom Aurengzebe had in the council, diverted 
 the Emperor from so prudent a resolution. They repre- 
 sented to him, that it would be exposing to too great 
 danger, the life and the authority of the sovereign. They 
 added, that if their natural daring prompted the rebels to 
 fail in respect to him, he would be without resource ; that 
 in case of their disobedience, his army was too weak to 
 make head against the two princes ; that his health, besides, 
 was not sufficiently re-established ; and that the fatigues 
 of war might produce the most fatal consequences. It 
 was thus, that Calil-Cham, secretly a friend to Aurengzebe, 
 delivered his sentiments. Without doubt, he contemplated, 
 at this very time, the treason, which he afterwards executed ; 
 and which proved so fatal to the Emperor. They even say, 
 that he employed the charms of his wife, and the tears of 
 Begom-Saeb, to retain Cha-Jaham in the haram. 
 
 Dara, who was unable to resolve to leave his father, 
 neglected to take the field, and to lead in person the army, 
 which was about to face that of the two brothers. Jacont- 
 Sing and Cassam-Cham were the two generals selected to 
 command in his place. Presents and promises were not 
 wanting to attach them to his service. But, Cassam-Cham 
 had brooded a long time over an injury, which had exaspe- 
 rated him against Dara. Under these captains, the Imperial 
 army marched to encounter the forces of the two rebels. 
 
 Upon the banks of the river Ugen, a hill rises in the 
 form of an amphitheatre. It was here, that the Imperial 
 army encamped, to dispute the passage of the confederate 
 troops. The army quitted Agra towards the end of the 
 month of April, when the heats are the most felt in the 
 Indies. The waters of the river were at a low ebb, and 
 fordable in more than one place. Aurengzebe, who led 
 the advanced guard of the rebel troops, was the first to 
 appear in the presence of the enemy ; but as the rest of 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 225 
 
 the army was not coine up, his chief care was to prevent 
 the Imperialists from passing the river, and beginning the 
 action. He disposed some aitillery upon the banks of the 
 river, at the spots where it appeared the shallowest, and 
 made a terrible fire upon the enemy, drawn up on the 
 opposite bank. By this means, this able captain gave time 
 for the remainder of the troops to arrive, and to take some 
 repose after the fatigues they had suffered from the heat, 
 and their long marches. If Jacont-Sing had engaged in 
 action on the first appearance of Aurengzebe, his success 
 would have been certain; but he had received orders to 
 remain upon the banks of the river, and to prevent the 
 rebels from passing it. 
 
 As soon as his troops had been refreshed, Moradbax, 
 who conducted the rear guard of the two armies, caused 
 his soldiers to approach the shores. His natural courage 
 and impetuosity would not allow him long to deliberate. 
 He threw himself into the river with an intrepidity inspiring 
 to his followers. The cannon, in the meantime, of Aureng- 
 zebe protected the soldier, plunged to his middle in the 
 stream, and compelled the enemy to abandon the opposite 
 bank. The bottom of the river Ugen is stonj^, and the 
 Indian soldiers wounded their feet, which were naked, in 
 treading upon the sharp rocks. Cassam-Cham, who main- 
 tained a secret intelligence with Aurengzebe, might have 
 hindered the passage of the two brothers, but he had 
 neglected to secure the aid of his artillery. It is even said, 
 that the jn*eceding night, he had caused the pow^ler and the 
 bullets to be concealed. Jacont-Sing alone performed his 
 duty. He disputed the passage of the river with extraor- 
 dinary valor ; but nothing could resist the impetuosity of 
 Moradbax. The efforts of that prince were further increased, 
 when he beheld Cassam-Cham give ground. He then 
 conceived, tliat lie should have little (rouble, in contendina; 
 
 Q 
 
226 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 only with the troops of tlie Raja. In effect^ this Indian 
 general, who saw himself abandoned by his- Mahometan 
 colleague^ made his retreat as a brave man^, accompanied 
 only by five hundred horse. The gallant prince, after his 
 defeat^ retired to his own territories, not daring to appear 
 at court. The loss which he experienced of so many 
 Rajepoots weakened his state. Aurengzebe drew great 
 advantages from so complete a victory. He made himself 
 master of all the baggage, and of the whole artillery of 
 the enemy. There is still to be seen on the banks of the 
 river, where the battle was fought, a mosque and a cara- 
 vansary erected by Aurengzebe. This Mogul desired, that 
 one should be considered as a monument of his glory, and 
 the other an evidence of his piety. 
 
 The news of so deplorable a defeat diffused terror, 
 alike, through the states of Jacont-Sing, and at the court 
 of Cha-Jaham. The wife of the Raja, a princess of the 
 blood of Rana, who called himself a descendant from 
 Porus, was m the greatest despair, when she learnt the 
 defeat of her husband. On his presenting himself at the 
 gates of the citadel, which served him for a haram ; the 
 princess caused them to be closed. '' It is not possible," 
 she said, "■ either that Jacont-Sing is vanquished, or that he 
 should present himself again to my sight, after his defeat. 
 If not victorious," she added, "he must be dead; assuredly, 
 he could never have been so dastardly, as to survive his 
 dishonor. If, then, he has lost his life, either in the combat, 
 or by his own hands, what remains for me, but to follow 
 him to the grave." This princess, in a state of desolation, 
 had the funeral pile prepared, on which she purposed to 
 terminate her life, agreeably to the custom of Rajepoot 
 women. Her mother had much difficulty in diverting her 
 from so horrible a resolution. It was not possible to 
 persuade her., even at last, to open the gates of the palace 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 227 
 
 to her husband, till she had been assured^, that Jacont-Sing 
 had fought cburageously, and that he would not have lost 
 the victory, but through the cowardice of Cassam-Cham. 
 
 On hearing of the defeat of the Imperial army, there 
 reigned a still greater desolation in the capital. As soon 
 as Cha-Jaham received the tidings, raising his eyes to 
 Heaven, he cried : — " Thanks be rendered to the Eternal, 
 vi^ho disposes me by little and little, and as it were by 
 gentle steps, to the loss of my crown." Then falling into* a 
 sort of swoon, ^' O Lord, thy will be done," he said, '" it 
 is for my sins that you afflict me ! I have merited much 
 greater punishment, than the losses with which I am visited." 
 Daru had very different sentiments, when he learnt that his 
 two brothers had passed the river Ugen, and that the army 
 of his father had been tlefeated. Never did passion express 
 itself with more vehemence. He struck his hands together 
 in agony ; he stamped with his feet ; he broke out into 
 invectives against Cassam-Cham. Turning, afterwards, all 
 his rage against Mirza Mula, " It is that traitor,*' he said 
 to the Emperor, " whom we ought to regard as the cause 
 of our misfortunes. If he had not delivered up the troops, 
 of which he v/as the commander, to Aurengzebe, this 
 rebellious son would never have been found to come and 
 insult his father. Let all his wives," he added, '^ be 
 beheaded, and let the absent father be punished by the 
 death of his children, whom we hold as hostages." The 
 command of the prince would have been obeyed, if it had 
 not been opposed by Cha-Jaham. The Emperor appeased 
 the rage of his son, and changed his purpose of revenging 
 himself, into a salutary determination to defend his 
 rights. 
 
 Aurengzebe and Moradbax, elevated by their success, 
 believed themselves invincible. Nothing was heard among 
 the soldiers but discourses full of rash expectations. 
 
 Q 2 
 
228 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DVNASTV. 
 
 *' Aurengzebe," they exclaimed, " will lead us into Persia 
 after the conquest of the Mogul empire, and from Persia 
 we shall pass into Turkey." It was by such reports, which 
 the emissaries of this prince disseminated among the troops, 
 that they animated their courage. They even assured the 
 soldiers, that they were sure of a second victory over the 
 parricide Dara ; and that Aurengzebe had in the Imperial 
 army more than thirty thousand Musselmen attached to his 
 interests. The propagation of these reports through the 
 two camps, to the advantage of Aurengzebe ; and the 
 affectation of giving to him alone all the glory of the 
 victory, occasioned suspicions to arise in the mind of Cha- 
 Abbas, the faithful eunuch of Moradbax. He was persuaded, 
 that the elder of the two brothers laboured only for his 
 own interests, and that he imposed upon the credulity of 
 his master. He came to a resolution, in consequence, 
 without communicating it to Moradbax. He formed the 
 design of assassinating Aurengzebe, when he should come 
 according to custom to pay his court to his brother, for 
 the purpose of saluting him as king. It is not known by 
 what arts, Aurengzebe penetrated the intentions of the 
 eunuch ; it is only known, that he did not come according 
 to custom into the tent of his brother ; and that he contented 
 himself with sending his son Sultan Mahamud. It was 
 a maxim with Aurengzebe, that it was equally necessary 
 to take precautions against the snares of his enemies, and 
 to dissemble his distrust of them. Without, therefore, 
 appearing to have discovered the conspiracy of Cha-Abbas, 
 he arranged with his brother, that it was necessary the two 
 armies should advance without loss of time to Agra. 
 During their march, those, who were discontented with the 
 court, and almost all the friends of Aurengzebe, came to 
 join the confederate princes. Such as remained with the 
 Emperor only staid behind, to give Aurengzebe intelligence 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 229 
 
 of all the proceedings of liis father. Thus Cha-Jahani, on 
 all sides betrayed ; abandoned by his bravest generals, just 
 ready to fall a victim to the persecutions of two of his 
 children, took an extraordinary resolution, which, doubtless, 
 must have been suggested to him by some friend of Aureng- 
 zebe. He transferred the whole of his authority to Dara. 
 He even commanded his people not to acknowledge, at 
 least for a time, any other sovereign than his son. This 
 step caused the ruin of the father, and eventually deprived 
 the prince of the sceptre. Many of the nobles, that from 
 duty and affection, where yet attached to Cha-Jaham, 
 refused to obey Dara; and the people, discharged by this 
 measure from the fidelity which they had sw orn to the old 
 Emperor, appeared to entertain great indifference for the 
 cause of the new. Some historians report, that Dara caused 
 his father to be arrested, as soon as he had entrusted himself 
 to his hands ; but M. Manouchy, who held at that time an 
 employment in the palace of the prince, declares, that he 
 always behaved to Cha-Jaham with that respect and sub- 
 mission, to which he was entitled. 
 
 This almost universal desertion of the nobles, and 
 lukewarmness of the people to the party of the court, did 
 not prevent Dara from assembling one hundred tliousand 
 horse, and fifty thousand foot. One hundred pieces of 
 artillery were taken from the arsenals of Agra, the smallest 
 of which carried balls of twelve pounds weight. All the 
 officers who served the artillery were Europeans. Sixty 
 elephants were equipped for war, with towers on their 
 backs, each carrying a small piece of field artillery. Five 
 hundred camels were charged with the prince's baggage. 
 With this considerable army, Dara quitted the capital, to 
 take the field. It was on the 14th of May, in the year 1656*. 
 In beholding this prodigious number of troops, extending 
 themselves as far as the sight could reach, in the great 
 
230 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 plains which environ Agra^, it might have been imagined^ 
 that the prince would inevitably have forced victory 
 to declare in his favor. The more sensible persons did not 
 so judge. In the principal members of this great body, 
 they perceived a certain leaven of hatred against the chief. 
 Dara was the only person who was unsuspicious of his 
 dan2:er. The conceit he entertained of his own merit 
 would not suffer him to imagine, that any one could fail in 
 fidelity to him. However, the time had arrived, when the 
 great men of the empire had it in their power, to take 
 vengeance for the dishonor, with which Cha-Jaham had 
 covered them, in debauching their wives ; and for the bitter 
 railleries, with which they had been taunted by the prince. 
 To increase his misfortune, the son of Dara, Sultan Chacu, 
 deceived by the counsels of Jasing, had obstinately conti- 
 nued to pursue Cha-Chuia into Bengal, and was unable to 
 form a timely junction with his father. The young prince 
 had with him the choicest troops of the empire. The army 
 of Dara was, in consequence, almost entirely composed of 
 new raised troops, and of officers of suspicious fidelity. 
 
 The feelings of Cha-Jaham, when he embraced his dear 
 son for the last time, are not easily to be described. " I 
 was in hopes," he said, " to have left you, after my death, 
 a kingdom in the full enjoyment of peace. Heaven has not 
 permitted it. Go, my son ; go, and crown yourself with 
 your own hands. If the Eternal is favorable to my 
 petitions, he will cause to fall upon rebellious children the 
 maledictions of their father, and he will shower upon an 
 affectionate son all the blessings which he merits." Begom- 
 Saeb accompanied with tears her adieus to her brother. 
 The prince then quitted the fortress of Agra, and pro- 
 ceeded to take the command of his army. Never had 
 warlike preparations appeared on a more magnificent scale 
 in India. The camp, formed on the plan of a great city. 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 231 
 
 had its streets and its bazars. The imperial tents, entirely 
 covered with gold brocade, placed in the centre of the 
 camp, and the magnificent pavilions of the officers and 
 nobles, dispersed by intervals throughout a vast circuit, 
 elevated themselves above the huts of the simple soldier, 
 and presented a picturesque appearance. Dara would 
 have preferred waiting, in this post^ for the junction of the 
 troops of his son ; but he learnt that the enemy was 
 advancing with a celerity, which would oblige him to 
 break up his camp, and advance to the encounter. Nothing 
 could be more splendid than the march of so formidable an 
 army. As the army advanced simultaneously, one part 
 taking the route of the hills, and the other of the vallies, 
 the steel of the javelins, which shone resplendently in the 
 mid-day's lustre, and were variously agitated, according to 
 the movements of the squadrons, caused it to resemble the 
 waves of the sea, when reflecting the sun's rays. The 
 army marched, for four days, in this fine order ; and at 
 last arrived upon the banks of the river Chambal. It was 
 here, that the prince deemed it advisable to wait either for 
 the arrival of his son, or that of the enemy. He fortified 
 the banks of the river with all his artillery, and so strongly 
 entrenched himself, that he could not be attacked with any 
 probability of success. The rebels soon appeared on the 
 opposite bank. Dara did not think proper to pass the 
 river for the purpose of engaging the enemy. The ground, 
 on the opposite side of the Chambal, was observed to be 
 unequal, and mountainous ; consequently, his elepliants 
 would have been useless, and his numerous army would 
 not have been able to extend itself. 
 
 On his side, Aurengzebe (not imagining it would be 
 possible to force the passage of the river, in the presence 
 of an army, more numerous than his own, and intrenched 
 on the opposite bank) considered that it would be better to 
 
232 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTV. 
 
 employ some ingenuity. He^ in consequence^ assembled 
 his principal officers, and represented to them the danger 
 which might attend delaying the battle. He added, that 
 if Soliman Chacu should join his father, the only course 
 left them would be a retreat. He conjured them, therefore, 
 to be constantly in readiness to follow him to battle ; and 
 gave them to understand, that it would be necessary, at 
 every hour of the day, to be in a condition to pass the river, 
 and fall upon the enemy. This intelligence, which was 
 reported in the camp of Dara, kept him constantly upon the 
 alert. In the mean while, the indefatigable Aurengzebe 
 negotiated in secret with the Raja Champet, an ancient 
 enemy of the court, for obtaining a passage through his 
 territory, that he might proceed to cross the river twelve 
 leagues higher up than the camp of his brother, in a spot 
 where it was fordable. The Raja complied with the 
 request of Aurengzebe, who sent a detachment of eight 
 thousand only of his troops, which he caused to take their 
 route through an unfrequented tract of country, in the 
 midst of mountains and forests. As soon as these troops 
 had taken possession of the passage, the whole army of 
 the two brothers decamped during the night, and took its 
 way to the ford, through the states of the Raja. The news 
 of the sudden departure of the enemy astonished Prince 
 Dara. There was still, however, time to have remedied 
 the evil. If due celerity had been employed, they would 
 have found the army of the two brothers upon the banks of 
 the river, fatigued with a long march; and they would 
 easily have defeated half-drowned soldiers, in a state of 
 general confusion. This was the measure, which Dara 
 proposed to take ; but Cahl-Cham found means to persuade 
 him, to bestov/ upon him the command of the force, which 
 was to proceed to encounter the two brothers at the place 
 of their passage. 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 233 
 
 Dara, who, with the liighest courage, had no experience 
 iu war, and possessed of the best understanding, was too 
 sincere to entertain suspicion, abandoned himself to the 
 pernicious counsels of his most cruel enemy. Calil-Cham 
 acted in all things in concert with Aurengzebe. The traitor 
 gave him time to pass the river, and intrench himself among 
 mountains, till the arrival of Moradbax. It is even said, 
 that Aurengzebe and Calil-Cham had a private conversa- 
 tion in a neighbouring forest, and agreed upon the measures 
 which they had to take, to ruin the party of Dara. At least, 
 it is certain, that there appeared always, afterwards, 
 between the head of the rebels, and the first general of the 
 troops of the Emperor, an intelligence, which could 
 scarcely have been contrived, but by means of an inter- 
 view. 
 
 Ram-Sing, second general in the army of Dara, and 
 chief of those brave Indian Rajepoots, who obey only a 
 Raja of their own nation, was of opinion, that a battle 
 ought to be fought without delay, and that Aurengzebe 
 should be forced in his intrenchments, before he could com- 
 plete his means of defence. Calil-Cham exaggerated, in 
 a council of war, the difficulties of so hazardous an enter- 
 prise. " I have examined," he said, " the enemy's camp, 
 and have found the approaches to it impracticable. Let 
 us wait," he added, " till famine, or imprudence, shall 
 have drawn our enemies from their post ; Ave shall then 
 engage them with advantage." The traitor was believed, 
 and the advice of the faithful Ram-Sing was neglected. 
 
 The troops of the two brothers, at length, quitted their 
 defiles, and appeared in tlie open field ; Dara, then, again 
 proposed to attack them immediately. The ardour of this 
 gallant prince was once more restrained, and the vivacity 
 of his soldiers was suffered to abate. He was even advised, 
 to range all his artillery at the head of his army, upon a 
 
234 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 single line. Calil-Cliam had assumed an authority over 
 the chief of the cannoneers, and had prohibited him from 
 obeying any orders that did not emanate from him. 
 Aurengzebe and Moradbax, in the mean time, advanced 
 with a resolute countenance. Before they were within 
 reach of the cannon, Calil-Cham caused his artillery to 
 make a terrible fire, without a single discharge being 
 capable of annoying the enemy. Dara, who was mounted 
 upon his elephant, was unable to perceive, by reason of the 
 smoke and dust, the treason of the general, who had placed 
 himself in the advanced guard, that he might, he said, sustain 
 the first shock of the enemy. After a useless firing, on 
 the side of the imperial troops, there was heard, for the 
 first time, three discharges, which proceeded from the 
 artillery of Aurengzebe. This was the signal agreed upon, 
 for the purpose of conveying intelligence to Calil-Cham, 
 that the rebel army was prepared to enter upon the action. 
 In effect, the traitor, hastening to Dara, who commanded in 
 the centre of the army ; " It is now the time, my lord," he 
 said, " to go and destroy an enemy, already nearly put to 
 the rout by the fire of your artillery. The foe is very 
 deficient in cannon," he added ; " they have only as yet 
 replied to ours by three discharges. Shew yourself only, 
 my lord, and the victory is yours." 
 
 The manner of drawing up armies in India is very 
 different from that practised in Europe. It is not a 
 number of small squadrons, commanded by a great number 
 of officers, or battalions, which may easily be made to 
 change their positions ; it is large corps of troops, com- 
 manded by a single officer, which remains united in one 
 body, and which can with difficulty be separated or divided 
 during a battle, for the purpose of aff*ording aid, where 
 danger is most pressing. The two armies were placed in 
 array in the following manner. Dara was in the centre of 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 235 
 
 the army, and his division was opposed to that of Aureng- 
 zebe, posted in the centre of the rebel army. Ram-Sing, 
 with his Rajepoots, made head against Moradbax, who 
 was posted in the right wing of the confederate army ; and 
 Calil-Cham opposed the hirge force wliich fought under his 
 orders, to the Sultan Mahamud, to whom his father had 
 given the command of the left wing of the rebel armies. 
 In this order it was that the troops of Dara were the first 
 to give ground. Calil-Cham prohibited the artillery from 
 firing, whilst the Imperialists were advancing to engage 
 the enemy. The corps, in which Dara commanded, was 
 the most active. It presented itself before Aurengzebe 
 with horrible shouts. The soldiers of the Emperor let fly 
 their arrows, upon an enemy, whom they thought already 
 thrown into disorder by their cannon. Aurengzebe suffered 
 them to approach, and without precipitating his discharge;, 
 he caused his cannon, his musquetry, and his archers to 
 take aim at so just a distance, and so opportunely, that 
 there were seen to fall around Dara a prodigious number 
 of dead. This carnage did not intimidate the prince. He 
 advanced with fury into the midst of the squadrons of 
 Aurengzebe. He penetrated even to the spot, on which 
 the enemy had planted the batteries, which occasioned the 
 greatest loss to his followers. He put the Portuguese 
 cannoneers to flight, and then directed all his eff*orts against 
 the great body of troops which surrounded Aurengzebe. 
 Never was greater intrepidity seen on one side, or greater 
 bravery on the other. Dara, by his voice and gestures, 
 recalled to their duty such of his followers, as the pursuit 
 of plunder was carrying away from the action ; and Aureng- 
 zebe, keeping his battalion always in compact order, 
 waited his brother's attack with the greatest presence of 
 mind^ purposing to take advantage of the least fault into 
 which his ardour might betray him. It is even said, that 
 
236 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 Aurengzebe^ resolved to perish or conquer, on the spot on 
 which he was attacked, caused those sort of chains to be 
 attached to the feet of his elephant, which are used to be 
 affixed when it is necessary to constrain them to proceed 
 only at a short pace. Having thus deprived himself of the 
 means of flight, he directed his petitions to Heaven with 
 that air of piety, which he never relinquished amidst even 
 the greatest dangers. He exhorted the chiefs of his troop, ^ 
 to give up their lives for the interests of their religion. The 
 historians of the country say, that by a miracle evidencing 
 the protection of heaven, Dara changed his purpose, and 
 quitted his attack on his brother, to direct his rage in 
 another quarter. Had the prince persevered in his attack, 
 it is more than probable, that Aurengzebe would have been 
 taken prisoner, and the war terminated. 
 
 Calil-Cham, who only made a feint to engage Mahamud, 
 but who caused himself to be informed, every moment, of 
 what was passing between the two brothers, learnt the 
 peril of Aurengzebe. To relieve him from it, he caused 
 Dara to be informed, that his best officers had been killed ; 
 that the son of Aurengzebe, lighting like a lion, had 
 destroyed the bravest chiefs of the Imperial army ; and 
 that in order to deliver his father from the danger which 
 menaced him, he was about to make an attack on the troops 
 of Dara, with a victorious force. On receiving this false 
 intelligence, Dara let go his hold, suffered Aurengzebe to 
 escape, and hastened to encounter Mahamud, whose 
 soldiers were yet fresh, having only been feebly attacked 
 by Calil-Cham. 
 
 Moradbax had not been assailed with less vigour by 
 the gallant Ram-Sing. This Raja, followed by his Raje- 
 poots, had forced the advanced guard of the Mogul prince, 
 and, at last, had arrived sufficiently near to Moradbax, to 
 be able to engage hand to hand witli his enemy. Moradbax 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 237 
 
 was mounted upon a war elephant, and seated on a kind of 
 throne, open on all sides, that he might be enabled to issue 
 his orders in every quarter. Already, the Indian who 
 guided the elephant of the prince had been slain by an 
 arrow. Moradbax took his place, and while with one hand 
 he guided his elephant, with the other he threw darts at 
 Ram-Sing, who had attacked him with the greatest reso- 
 lution. The Mogul prince received no less than three 
 arrows in his face, which, however, raised only the skin. 
 The Raja, whose quiver was empty, and who could not 
 reach his enemy, dismounted from his horse, with the 
 intention of piercing the elephant of the prince under the 
 belly. This rash attempt cost Ram-Sing his life. Moradbax 
 struck him with his javelin, and overthrew him in the dust. 
 The elephant of the Mogul prince crushed the Indian prince 
 with his trunk, dashed his head against the ground, 
 trampled upon him, and ended with depriving him of life. 
 The Rajepoots, who were discouraged, on witnessing the 
 death of their chief, were soon put to flight, and by their 
 desertion contributed to the loss of the battle. Dara 
 endeavoured in vain to rally them. The Indian soldiers 
 never obey any other voice than that of their Rajas. These 
 fugitives spread through the empire a report of the entire 
 defeat of the Imperial army. 
 
 There remained to Dara a sufficient number of troops 
 for securing the victory, even after the desertion of the 
 Rajepoots. He continued, therefore, the action, and 
 directed his efforts against Mahamud with success. Calil- 
 Cham, who fought under the eyes of the prince, made at 
 this period some efforts, the better to conceal his treason. 
 The squadron of Mahamud had been penetrated, when 
 Aurengzebe and Moradbax, who had dispersed the troops 
 which had made head against them, having formed a junction, 
 came to make a charge upon Dara. Tlie combined troops 
 
238 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 of the two brothers were not found sufficiently strong to 
 contend with him ; they often lost ground, and were unable 
 to recover it. Moradbax, at last, was put to flight. 
 Aurengzebe himself maintained his ground with difficulty. 
 It was at this moment, the perfidious Calil-Cham succeeded, 
 by a bad counsel, to blast the hopes of Dara, and to render 
 useless all the fruits of his valour. " You are, my lord," 
 said the traitor, humbling himself in the presence of the 
 prince, " victorious ; and the first of your campaigns 
 effaces the glory of all the Moguls. In order to complete 
 the work which you have begun, it only remains, that you 
 pursue the two fugitive brothers, and make them serve for 
 your triumph. Dismount from the elephant which bears 
 you. You are too much exposed to the arrows, to be able 
 long to sustain, without danger, the fierceness of the 
 encounter. Mount on horseback, and let us pursue the 
 enemy." The unthinking Dara followed a counsel, the 
 consequences of which he did not foresee. Mounted on one 
 of those Persian horses, which are so much esteemed for 
 their fleetness, he rushed upon, and forced a passage 
 through his enemies. Aurengzebe felt alarmed at a reso- 
 lution, which menaced him with the destruction of his hopes 
 of empire ; but the troops of Dara, who no longer beheld 
 their prince seated on his elephant, in the view of his army, 
 thought him dead ; and panic struck with apprehensions of 
 the loss of their chief, there was no longer any thing but 
 disorder in the Imperial army. Like to the clouds, when 
 they are propelled by a strong wind, the soldiers took to 
 flight with a rapidity which astonished the general. The 
 prince then perceived, when it was too late, the treachery 
 of Calil-Cham. ^' Let him be pursued," he exclaimed, 
 " and cut to pieces !" The traitor had already taken 
 measures for his own security. Followed by a large 
 squadron, devoted to his party, he had passed over to the 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 239 
 
 army of Aurengzebe. The unl'ortunate Dara, who beheld 
 one of his generals slain, and the other a deserter to the 
 enemy ; his two brothers become superior by the desertion 
 of his troops ; and the best part of his army routed ; no 
 longer thought but of effecting his retreat. He accom- 
 plished it in better order than might have been expected, 
 from his slight experience in war. The fight terminated 
 at his departure, after having continued ten hours. It had 
 commenced at seven o'clock in the morning, and was not 
 ended until five in the afternoon. 
 
 Aurengzebe, who saw himself no longer with an enemy 
 to oppose, took possession of the tents and baggage of the 
 imperial army. The dissimulation, and deep policy, of this 
 prince, was never more conspicuous, than in the moderation 
 he disjDlayed, after his victory. He reserved the tent of 
 Dara, and the imperial quarter, for his brother Moradbax. 
 As for himself, having retired privately to a hut, he 
 remained a long time in prayer. Afterwards, with the air 
 of a man inspired, holding in his hand the Alcoran, he 
 entered the apartment of his brother, and presented to 
 him Calil-Cham. '' It is to Heaven," he said to him, " it 
 is to you, my lord, and to this faithful friend, that we are 
 indebted for the victory. I have returned thanks to the 
 Eternal, who has appeared for the preservation of the law 
 of his prophet, by the defeat of his enemies. I now pros- 
 trate myself before my master. It is you, my lord, who, 
 by a valor without example, with troops exhausted from 
 fatigue, have dispersed the numerous army, which was 
 opposed to you by Dara. There only now remains for me 
 to solicit your favor for the gallant and faithful Calil-Cham. 
 It is he, who, by great services, has rendered fortunate the 
 commencement of your reign ; it is he, who merits to 
 sustain, under you, the weight of that empire, of which 
 you are about to. become the master. As for me, my lord. 
 
240 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 my destiny is about to be accomplished. As soon as a 
 third victory shall have fixed you on a throne, you so 
 much merit, I shall go and reign over my passions in soli- 
 tude, whilst you will cause to reign in Jndostan the true 
 religion." 
 
 It was, in this manner, that Aurengzebe discoursed in 
 public, but, secretly, he exerted himself to procure friends 
 on every side. His design, in bestowing Calil-Cham upon 
 Moradbax, as his minister and confidant, was to get intel- 
 ligence of the secrets of his brother, and to secure his 
 ascendancy over him. Night and day he was employed in 
 sending off dispatches to his correspondents at the court of 
 his father, to the Viceroys of Indostan, and the governors 
 of the strong places. 
 
 The first care of Aurengzebe was to wri1;e to the two 
 generals, who commanded under Soliman Chacu, to acquaint 
 them with the victory of Moradbax (it was thus that he 
 expressed himself), and to let them knov/ the defeat of the 
 Imperial army, and the flight of Dara. He commanded 
 them to put their chief to death, or to bring him in chains 
 to his camp. Jasing and Dalil-Cham were the two generals, 
 who, under the son of Dara, had pursued the fugitive 
 Cha-Chuia into his government of Bengal. Jasing was the 
 Raja, whom Dara had formerly insulted, by applying to 
 him the opprobious term of musician. As for Dalil-Cham, 
 he was a man of a venal mind, always inclined to range 
 himself on the side of the strongest. However, neither 
 the one nor the other were so cruel as to dip their hands 
 in the blood of a Mogul prince, or to deliver him up to 
 his enemy. They adopted a more moderate course. They 
 persuaded the unfortunate Chacu to retire to the mountains, 
 if he desired to preserve his life. The prince was compelled 
 to follow the advice of these two cowardly deserters of the 
 royal cause. With a small escort, he took his route 
 
CHA-.IAHAM. 241 
 
 towards the territory of the Raja of Sirinagar, a prmce 
 always steady in his loyalty to the Emperor. It is even 
 said, that tiie two generals, through avarice, had the cow- 
 ardice to cause him to be pillaged in his march. The 
 young sultan, arrived, at last, almost without attendants, 
 in the kingdom of the mountains ; and the two generals 
 proposed proceeding to augment the strength of the 
 brothers. 
 
 In the mean while, Dara, who had escaped with difficulty 
 from the pursuit of the rebels, appeared at nine o'clock in 
 the evening, at the gates of Agra. He did not dare to 
 remain in this capital, least the conqueror should arrive to 
 form the siege, and endanger his falling into his hands. 
 The shame, besides, of coming into the presence of his 
 father, vanquished, and as a fugitive, overpowered his 
 affection, and prevented him from entering the palace. 
 As he was naturally eloquent, the picture he drew of his 
 misfortune was affecting in the extreme. Sometimes the 
 violence of his grief, too strong for his reason, caused him 
 to say the most extravagant things. He was heard to 
 break out into invectives unworthy of so great a prince. 
 Dara was, therefore, contented with writing to Cha-Jaham, 
 and his affectionate sister Begom-Saeb, two letters, which 
 he meditated at leisure, and which drew tears from the 
 Emperor and the princess. Cha-Jaham was not less affected 
 with the misfortunes of his son, than with the calamity of 
 the empire. He sent to the prince one of his most faithful 
 eunuchs to console him. He was flattered with tlie hope, 
 which still remained to the empire, in the troops of Chacu ; 
 for, as yet, they were ignorant at the court of his mis- 
 fortune. 
 
 The Empfror committed violence upon himself, in 
 favor of his son. In spite of avarice, which was then his 
 ruling passion, he sent to his disconsolate son ten camels 
 
 il 
 
242 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 loaded with gold and silver rupees, for the purpose of 
 levying fresh troops. He advised him to take the road to 
 Delhi, to remain there till the arrival of Sultan Chacu, and 
 to assemble fresh soldiers. He added, that he would find, 
 in the stables of the fortress, a sufficient number of ele- 
 phants and horses, for the equipment of a new army. 
 Thus, Dara fled from the court, without having seen his 
 father ; and found himself obUged to go a begging to the 
 people for protection ; and to endeavour to move the nobles 
 to compassion by his misery ; he, who had been accustomed 
 to exasperate them by his contempt, in the days of his 
 prosperity. 
 
 The prince perceived, but too plainly, on his arrival at 
 Delhi, how much the change in his fortunes had wrought 
 indifference towards him in all hearts. The governor of 
 the citadel, gained, it is said, by the promises of Aureng- 
 zebe, refused him admittance. The rage, and the menaces 
 of Dara only served to render the governor more obstinate. 
 He was in doubt, how far he should be justified in shewing 
 the least deference, tov/ards an enraged and vindictive, 
 though unfortunate prince. The fugitive sultan was, there- 
 fore, obliged to seek at Labor, a retreat, which was denied 
 him at Delhi. It was in that city, that at a distance from 
 the enemy, he collected the wreck of his army. The people, 
 who had more affection for him than the nobles, were 
 sufficiently disposed to volunteer their services ; but he 
 was in want of officers. Dara, indeed, might, in his own 
 person, have been equal to the conduct of his armies. The 
 battle, which he had lost, had instructed him in the science 
 of war ; and his valor and capacity would have been able 
 to supply what he wanted in experience. In fine, if to 
 conquer in battle had been required only, Dara would have 
 reigned ; but it was necessary to contend also against the 
 artifices of Aurengzebe. The prince disdained the employ- 
 
CH A -J A HAM. 243 
 
 ment of intrigue ; he was naturally too little suspicious to 
 discern liis brother's snares ; or had he discerned them, 
 was wanting in the adroitness which might have enabled 
 him to escape his trammels. 
 
 On the 8th of June 1056, a i'ew days after the battle, 
 Aureugzebe and Moradbax caused their victorious troops 
 to advance to the environs of Agra ; and they pitched their 
 camp within two miles of this capital, near the imperial 
 garden. 
 
 The first care of Aurengzebe was to send one of his most 
 faithful eunuchs, to his father Cha-Jaham, to make profes- 
 sions of obedience. The ambassador had special instruc- 
 tions to cast the blame of the measures adopted by the two 
 brothers, upon the bad conduct of Dara, and the abuse he 
 had made, to their prejudice, of the power, which the 
 Emperor had conferred upon him. " Your sons, my lord," said 
 the eunuch to the Emperor, " have not made war through 
 ambition, or a refractory spirit. They know hov/ to respect, in 
 you, their father and their sovereign. The cause of their arm- 
 ing is, that they have found, in their elder brother, a tyrant 
 rather than a brother. This, my lord, is the sole reason 
 wdiy they have taken up arms, on the uncertain rumours of 
 your death. You live, and Heaven, which has restored 
 you to health, subjects to your commands your two sons. 
 They have selected me for their envoy, to give you 
 assurances of their submission, and the acknowledgment 
 of your supremacy, as their lord and Emperor. It was to 
 revenge you that they have conquered ; it is at your feet 
 that they come to lay their laurels. Judge, my lord, of 
 the distinction, Avhich justice requires should be made, 
 between two sons worthy of your esteem by their valor 
 and their victories ; and a son generally hated by all tlie 
 nobles, whom Heaven is about to punish for his pride." 
 Cha-Jaham replied to the eunuch with the dignity of a 
 
 ii2 
 
:^44 HISTORV OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 sovereign, but with the moderation of a prince^ who finds 
 himself upon the point of being invested by a formidable 
 army, whose chiefs it might be dangerous to irritate. 
 " Assure my children/' he said to the eunuch, " of my 
 affection for them. Their past disobedi^see. has not entirely 
 extinguished it. I shall always rsfimn it, provided they 
 render themselves worthy of it. Let them dismiss their 
 armies, and let them come and implore, in my presence, the 
 forgiveness, which I am willing to bestow upon them. They 
 sfiall experience the clemency of a father, who has a just 
 right to punish them." 
 
 The Emperor, in the meanwhile (who knew Aurengzebe 
 too well, he said, to confide in his professions), thought of 
 retiring from Agra. The rebels had an interest in not 
 suffering their prey to escape them. Troops were posted 
 in eveiy direction, and prevented any person from leaving 
 the city. If the people of the Indies had resembled the 
 people of Europe, Agra would have been able to sustain a 
 siege for a sufficient length of time, to afford Dara an 
 opportunity of raising a new army, and hastening to the 
 succour of his father. But the Indians, accustomed to 
 servitude, care little about a change of masters. They 
 are contented with blindly obeying, without feeling any 
 interest, concerning the individual to whom they are to 
 render obedience. The only resource left Cha-Jaham, for 
 extinguishing the rebellion, was to inveigle his two sons, on 
 the pretext of a friendly conference, to enter the citadel with- 
 out escort, and then to take away their lives. Aurengzebe 
 was too prudent to fall into so gross a snare. He never 
 ceased disseminating, throughout Agra, a report, that he 
 was about to visit his father, to be reconciled to him, and 
 to submit himself to his commands. By this means, the 
 citizens were cajoled, and neglected making: any effort to 
 obstruct his designs. In the meanwhile, he deferred, from 
 
CHA-JAIIAM. 245 
 
 J 
 
 from day to day, his visit to the Emperor, and secretly 
 negotiated with the officers ot the court;, who still preserved 
 .some remains of affection for his father. As soon as he 
 had secured his interests in that quarter, he caused his son 
 Mahamud to enter the city of Agra, in order to blockade 
 on that side the citadel, whilst Moradbax surrounded it on 
 the side of the country. The surrender of Agra restored 
 to liberty the wives and children of Mirza-JMula, who had 
 been retained as hostages. 
 
 Cha-Jaham, from the loftiest tower of his palace, easily 
 perceived that his citadel was invested. Necessity, as 
 well as a feeling of indignation, roused in him a portion of 
 that warlike disposition, which he had possessed in his 
 youth. He caused his artillery to be planted on the ram- 
 part, and fired upon the rebels. The cannon of the haram 
 produced little effect on the side of the country, and 
 destroyed only a few houses in the town. The army of 
 Moradbax, therefore, advanced, almost without loss, to 
 the foot of the wall. A great firing of the artillery lasted 
 for three days, and as many nights. At last, Aurengzebe, 
 who remained in the camp two miles distant from Agra, 
 where he counterfeited sickness, sent the eunuch, whom 
 he had before employed on a similar embassy, to visit his 
 father in his name. He entreated, that the Emperor would 
 pardon the audacity of his troops. It was, he said, against 
 his orders, that they had approached so near the citadel. 
 He begged his father to consent, that the Sultan Mahamud 
 should in his name visit him, and make his submissions to 
 him. He added, that an improved state of health would 
 soon allow him to pay his respects to him in person. 
 Mahamud, in the meanwhile, did not neglect to plant a 
 battery, for the purpose of making a breach in tlie imperial 
 palace. It was about to be reduced to dust. Cha-Jaham. 
 
246 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 therefore, consented to the proposal of Aurengzebe, and 
 suffered his grandson to enter the fortress. 
 
 The Emperor had prepared the presents, which he 
 destined for Mahamud. It is said, they were of inestimable 
 value. This was a bait to draw Aurengzebe himself into a 
 snare. The young prince, by the instructions of his father, 
 entered the fortress ; and as he had gained the soldiers of 
 the first watch, he made himself master of it without 
 difficulty. He caused himself to be followed into the 
 interior of the palace by a considerable troop ; and with 
 this escort, he penetrated to the Imperial apartment. 
 Soldiers, women, slaves, and eunuchs ; every one without 
 distinction, whom he encountered in his progress, were put 
 to death. Mahanmd having, at last, reached the presence 
 of Cha-Jaham ; " Your great age, my lord," said Mahamud 
 to him, " has rendered you incapable of reigning. Termi- 
 nate in tranquillity the remainder of your days ; and retire 
 with your wives to those delicious gardens, which you have 
 caused to be adorned at so great cost. We do not envy 
 you the light of day ; but it is necessary you should resign 
 to your children, a place, which you dishonor." At these 
 words, a great shout was heard from all the Tartar w omen, 
 who wait upon the prince in his apartment ; and who are 
 instructed like men in the use of arms. Their menaces 
 were vain. It became necessary to yield to force; and to 
 pass into the apartment of the gardens, w ithout the circuit 
 of the fortress. 
 
 The unfortunate Cha-Jaham, betrayed by his children,^ 
 kept in a species of captivity by his grandson, reduced ta 
 a country palace, where he was surrounded only by 
 women; l)etliought himself of a stratagem, which might 
 have cost Aurengzebe the empire. He caused Mahamud 
 to be invited to pay him a second visit. As soon as he saw 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 247 
 
 the young prince approach, be threw himseli" at his feet, 
 and spoke to liim in this manner : — " Jf I am so unhappy 
 as to be detlironed by rebellious children, assume courage, 
 my son, and suft'er not these guilty princes to enjoy the 
 fruits of their crime. I place my crown in your hands, a 
 crown which you appear worthy of wearing. The city of 
 Agra is subject to your orders ; your troops have rendered 
 you master of it. Profit by so favorable an opportunity ; and 
 revenge me, by withdrawing yourself from servitude under 
 an ungrateful parent, who after having dethroned his father, 
 will not spare his own son." Mahamud was startled at the 
 oflers of Cha-Jaliam. He considered for a moment ; 
 wavering between a passion for empire, and the danger 
 which might attend the attempt to acquire it. As he had 
 good sense, he did not allow himself to be dazzled by 
 illusory hopes. All the officers of his army were attached 
 to Aurengzebe ; consequently, had the prince shewn the 
 slightest disposition to be guilty of infidelity to his father, 
 he would have found himself abandoned by his followers. 
 Mahamud contemned, therefore, so brilliant a temptation ; 
 and contented himself with obliging the Emperor to deliver 
 up to him the keys of the apartments, and of the treasures 
 of the palace. 
 
 The people, in the meanwhile, touched with compassion 
 for the misery of Clia-Jaham, began to complain of the 
 inhumanity of the two brothers, and especially of the 
 proceedings of Aurengzebe; They were unable to reconcile 
 the piety, of which he made profession, with the condition 
 to which he had reduced his father. This able politician 
 put an end to all these nuirmurs, by a stratagem of wliich he 
 availed himself, to give some colour to his conduct. He 
 caused, it is said, the hand-writing of Cha-Jaham to be 
 counterfeited ; by w liich means, a letter was supposed to 
 haxe been written by the Emperor to Dara. He was made 
 
248 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 to announce to his dear son, that it would be proper he 
 should draw near to Agra with a body of troops ; that 
 Aurengzebe and Moradbax v/ould soon be entrapped in a 
 snare, which he had laid for them ; that by pretending 
 affection, he had engaged the two rebels to pay him a 
 visit ; and that he had men prepared to put to death his 
 two sons, as soon as they should come into his presence. 
 This counterfeited letter was delivered to Aurengzebe in a 
 circle of the principal officers of his army, as if it had been 
 intercepted by his vigilance. All were astonished at the 
 cruelty of the father towards his children. The prudence 
 of Aurengzebe was extolled, who till then had deferred 
 paying a visit to Cha-Jaham ; and the indignation, which 
 they had began to feel towards the sons, was turned against 
 the father. 
 
 It was at this period, that the two princes disposed of 
 the public employments. All orders were given conjointly 
 by the two- brothers. The treasures of Cha-Jaham, and 
 the revenues of the empire, were divided equally between 
 them. The liberality of Aurengzebe became then unlimited. 
 He rewarded his former friends, and procured for himself 
 new partisans. Cha-Stecam, the uncle of the two princes, 
 was made governor of Agra. Everything was tranquil in 
 the capital; without, therefore, further delay, the two 
 armies began their march in pursuit of Dara. The friends 
 of Moradbax were of opinion, that he had better not 
 accompany Aurengzebe, in the expedition he was entering 
 upon. " Your presence," they said, " is necessary in the 
 neighbourhood of Agra. You will, by this means, be at 
 hand to prevent a rising of the people. Remain here, and 
 do not engage yourself in a hazardous enterprise." This 
 credulous prince listened only to the promises of his 
 brother, and sufi'ered himself to be carried away by his 
 natural impetuosity, and his love of glory. The two 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 249 
 
 armies, in consequence, took the road to Dellii, following 
 always the course of the river. After some days march, 
 they encamped near a town named Matura. - 
 
 Here, upon a hill, stands a magnificent mosque, an 
 ancient monument of the jjiety of the first Mogul sovereigns. 
 Aurengzebe had the art to make Moradbax believe, that 
 in a few days, he would be crowned Emperor on this spot. 
 They stopped, therefore, at Matura, one of the most fertile 
 and agreeable situations in Indostan. Never did the 
 caresses of Aurengzebe, and his deference for his brother, 
 appear more unaftected. As the two camps, though sepa- 
 rated by the river, communicated with each other by several 
 bridges, Aurengzebe every morning and evening passed 
 into the tent of his brother, and conversed with him upon 
 no other subject, than the magnificence of his approaching 
 coronation. He deferred it, in the meanwhile, from one 
 day to another, upon various pretexts. At one time, the 
 magnificent tents, which were i^reparing, were not finished ; 
 at another, the presents destined for him were not ready ; 
 sometimes, it was the dilatoriness in providing the new 
 dresses, with which the whole army was to be clothed ; 
 then, the harness for the horses and the elephants had not 
 been completed at the appointed time. Moradbax waited 
 without impatience for a ceremony, which he thought 
 •secure. The discipline, in the meanwhile, of the two camps, 
 was very different. On the side of Moradbax, the chief 
 and the soldiers abandoned themselves to pleasure. In the 
 tent of the prince nothing was heard, except concerts and 
 dramatic exhibitions ; feasting and dancing were their sole 
 occupation. Notwithstanding the law of Mahomet, wine 
 was not spared on these occasions, but was indulged in to 
 excess. On the side of Aurengzebe, the greatest silence 
 prevailed. Discipline was strictly observed. Prayers were 
 said in the evening, in the morning, and at mid-day, with 
 
250 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 the same punctuality as in the cities. Councils were 
 frequently held. The principal officers, instructed in the 
 plans of Aurengzebe, discoursed only with their soldiers, 
 on the happiness they would possess ; in having for their 
 sovereign, a prince, whose manners were so pure, and 
 whose disposition was so pious, as were those of their chief. 
 At last, the day for the coronation of Moradbax was fixed 
 for the 15th of June of the year 1656._ Y 
 
 The spot, chosen for the ceremony, was a plain, which 
 served as a place of exercise, in front of the mosque of 
 Matura. Tents were set up around this place framed of 
 the richest gold brocade. The whole circuit was covered 
 with magnificent painted cloths, forming a sort of canopy, 
 supported by silken cords, which defended the assemblage 
 from the sun's rays. A theatre was prepared, opposite the 
 mosque. It was there, that Moradbax was to receive the 
 turban, and the Imperial sabre, from the hand of the Cazi, 
 or chief of the Mahometan religion. Moradbax was pre- 
 vented from suspecting the designs of his brother, by all 
 these preparations. The evening that was to precede the 
 ceremony, Aurengzebe feigned a slight indisposition ; and 
 caused Moradbax to be invited to his tent, for the purpose 
 of consulting with the astrologers, whether the day fixed 
 for the coronation would be a fortunate one. In vain his 
 faithful eunuch, Cha-Abbas, endeavoured to persuade his 
 master, that every thing was to be apprehended from a 
 brother of so artful a character. The unfortunate prince 
 suffered himself to be led by his evil destiny, and obeyed 
 only his prepossessions. He entered the camp of his 
 brother, followed only by Cha-Abbas, and some officers of 
 his army. He had scarcely crossed the river, when 
 Ebrahim-Cham, touched with the calamity in which this 
 good prince was about to precipitate himself, ventured to 
 seize the reigns of his horse, and said to him : — " Whither 
 
CHA-JAIIAM. 251 
 
 are you going, my lord, and what evil star leads you to 
 Aurengzebe?" — "I go to fetch the crown," replied Mo- 
 radbax, *' it is from his hands I sliall receive it." At these 
 words, the good Ebrahim let go the head of the prince's 
 horse, and retired, weeping. The daring of the officer 
 offended Moradbax, and intoxicated by ambition, he conti- 
 nued his march towards the quarter occupied by his brother. 
 The Cazi received Moradbax on his arrival in the tent of 
 Aurengzebe^ and made him a compliment, calculated to 
 warn him of his danger. " Your entrance is fortunate^ 
 my lord," he said to him ; " may it please the Almighty that 
 your departure may be equally so." He had scarcely said 
 these words, when Aurengzebe made his appearance, 
 followed by the principal chiefs of his army. Never were 
 his caresses more afl'ectionate, and the respect shewn to 
 Moradbax more marked. Aurengzebe caused his brother 
 to be seated in the place of honor. He chased away himself 
 the flies which molested him ; with a piece of linen he wiped 
 off the perspiration w^hich ran down his face. During the 
 conversation, which was long, he repeatedly called Morad- 
 beix, his master, his lord, and his sovereign. A bath of 
 rose water was prepared for him, and a grand repast was 
 afterwards served up. This is the first time, they said, that 
 Aurengzebe has permitted the use of wine at his table. 
 The two brothers eat by themselves, whilst the officers of 
 Moradbax were entertained by the generals of Aurengzebe, 
 in tents at some distance. Cha-Abbas, alone, remained 
 near his master, and never quitted him. The joy of the two 
 princes was animated by music and dancing. Aurengzebe, 
 who never put off the air of piet} , of which he made a 
 profession, drank nothing but water. As for Moradbax, 
 who was not so scrupulous, he drrink wine to excess. A 
 deep sleep succeeded to his intoxication. Cha-Abbas caused 
 the prince to retire to a neighbouring tent, that he might 
 
252 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYiNASTY. 
 
 take some repose. The eunuch was seated at the feet of 
 the bed^ on which his master was sleeping. Inquietude, 
 through presentiments of danger, occasioned some time to 
 elapse before sleep overtook him. Weariness, at length 
 began to overpower his senses, when he was awoke by 
 Aurengzebe, who appeared suddenly before him. The 
 eunuch was alarmed, and his exclamations were nearly 
 awaking Moradbax ; but he recovered himself, when he 
 perceived that Aurengzebe was followed only by a child. 
 This was the young Azam, son of Mahamud, only six years 
 of age. Then, Aurengzebe, as if he intended his brother 
 only a piece of pleasantry while sleeping, promised his 
 grandson a jewel, if he could take away from the prince his 
 sabre and his poignard without awaking him. The child 
 acquitted himself very dexterously of the office, and 
 conveyed the arms of Moradbax into the adjoining tent. 
 At the same instant, six soldiers belonging to the guard 
 of Aurengzebe, holding in their hands chains, which they 
 destined for the prince and his eunuch, by the noise they 
 made around his bed, awoke Moradbax. The gallant Mogul, 
 who, on awaking, beheld himself surrounded by unknown 
 persons, made an effort to sieze his sabre, which he no 
 longer found lying beside him. He uttered, then, a loud 
 shriek, but his voice was stopped by their placing their 
 hands upon his mouth. Aurengzebe, who blended sentiments 
 of piety with every occasion, exclaimed, in raising his hands 
 to heaven : — " Let the law of Mahomet be revenged of the 
 contempt of an intemperate prince ; and let a man, who 
 has rendered himself unworthy of a throne by his impiety, 
 be secured." Aurengzebe was obeyed. The prince suffered 
 himself to be loaded with the same chains of silver, which 
 his brother had for a long time caused to be made ; and 
 which he often shewed to his son Mahamud, to keep him 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 253 
 
 to liis duty. As for tlie euimcli, he was secured without 
 difficulty, and loaded with irons. 
 
 Two elephants were provided, and waited for the two 
 captives. Each was made to occupy one of those litters, 
 which are borne on the back of elepliants. It is known that 
 the prince, in departing, made use only of these short 
 words to his brother: — '^ Are these then tjie oaths, which 
 you have sworn to me on the Alcoran ?" One was now 
 made to take the road to Delhi, and the other that to Agra, 
 under a like escort. 
 
 All this was dispatched with so little noise, and with so 
 much secrecy, that nothing of it w as known in the camp of 
 Moradbax, or in the tents where the officers, who had 
 accompanied iiim, were entertained. The music still conti- 
 nued. All the ni^^ht it was heard in the tent of Aurengzebe, 
 as if the two brothers were still passing their time in it in 
 rejoicing. At break of day, the soldiers of the two armies 
 assembled in the vast circuit which had been adorned for 
 the coronation of Moradbax. An order had been issued, 
 that they should attend without arms, as a measure of 
 precaution, in the event of those broils, to which these sort 
 of spectacles sometimes givebirth. Every one expected, soon, 
 to see arrive the brother of Aurengzebe, to seat himself 
 upon the throne, which had been prepared for him. Their 
 expectation was frustrated. Some squadrons of the troops 
 of Aurengzebe, well armed, surrounded the enclosure on 
 all sides. Certain persons, then, posted for the purpose, 
 cried out with a loud voice, "^ Long life to the Emperor 
 Aurengzebe.'' At these cries, the soldiers of the two 
 camps became united in one mass ; and as if they had been 
 governed by one sentiment, they repeated in concert, 
 *' Long life to the Emperor Aurengzebe." In efl'ect, this 
 prince appeared soon afterwards upon the platform, which 
 had been prepared for his brother ; seated himself for a 
 
254 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 moment upon the throne, and then retired. What is most 
 surprising, is, that so sudden a change did not cause the 
 slightest movement, or the least alteration in the minds of 
 the people. Besides, that the naturally passive disposition 
 of the Indians easily acquiesces in these sort of revolutions, 
 the prudence of Aurengzebe had provided against every 
 contingence. He had attached to himself the greater part 
 of his brother's dependants, and had taken care to prevent 
 those, whom he had not been able to corrupt, from throwing 
 any impediments in his way. The empire became, in 
 consequence, the fruit of an intrigue, the best sustained* 
 and the most ably conducted, of any recorded in history. 
 
 When it was time to reign, Aurengzebe threw olf the 
 the mask. That Faquir, who a little time before, only 
 aspired to lead a private life near the tomb of Mahomet ; 
 after depriving of their liberty an imbecile parent, and an 
 imjirudent brother, now proclaimed himself Emperor. 
 
 Whilst Moradbax was being conveyed a prisoner to the 
 citadel of Delhi, Aurengzebe prepared for pursuing Dara 
 to his retreat at Labor. Of the army of Moradbax, and 
 of his own, he composed but one force, in which he caused 
 a uniform discipline to be observed. Dara, on his side, 
 had already assembled more than tliirty thousand men, 
 composed of Patans, Persians, and Indians. The Raja 
 Surup-Sing, whose states are at a short distance from 
 Cachemire, brought him the further aid of four thousand 
 Raje^Doots. This was a small force for so powerful 
 a Raja. Dara, therefore, in the hope that Surup-Sing 
 would, in due time, reinforce him with all his troops, had 
 placed the daughter of that prince among the number of 
 his wives. Dara's preparations were well known to 
 Aurengzebe. He made it his whole application to thwart 
 the alliances of his brother, and to corrupt his partisans. 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 255 
 
 Daut-Cliam was the most faithful of all the oilicers, 
 whom Dara had in his service. He commanded a pretty 
 considerable body of cavalry, posted at the passage of the 
 river Bear ; which Aurengzebe was necessarily obliged to 
 cross, in order to arrive at Labor. This was the only 
 obstacle that the new Emperor had to encomiter on his 
 march. Aurengzebe despairing of being able to force the 
 post, had recourse to artihce, and endeavoured to gain 
 Daut-Cham by negociation. But this chief was more a man 
 of honor, than Persians are commonly found, when trans- 
 planted to the Indies. He resisted the solicitations of 
 Aurengzebe. The Emperor then tried to render the officer 
 suspected, in the hope, that, by such jneans, a man, he had 
 been unable to corrupt, w ould be superseded in the connnand 
 of an impregnable post. He caused a letter to become 
 current in Labor, by means of his emissaries, as if written 
 by Daut-Cham, wherein a correspondence was implied as 
 subsisting between that general and Aurengzebe. It is 
 the fatality of princes, who have suffered calamity by an 
 overweening confidence, to become afterwards suspicious 
 to a high degree of injustice. Dara, who had ruined his 
 fortunes in the last engagement, by placing too great 
 confidence in Calil-Cham, lost himself a second time, by 
 falsely suspecting a faithful servant. Daut-Cham was 
 withdrawn from his post. The prince with difficulty sufiered 
 him to continue in any duty about his person ; and at last 
 banished him entirely his presence ; after having given him 
 permission under his own hand, to embrace the interests of 
 whichever party he pleased. The passage of the Bear 
 became, in consequence, free, through the cowardice, or 
 the treason of the officer who was appointed in the place of 
 Daut-Cham. 
 
 The formidable army, which Aurengzebe marched by 
 hasty journies across the plains which extend from the 
 
256 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTV. 
 
 river Bear to Lalior, terrified the troops of Dara. The 
 prince found himself on a sudden abandoned, both by his 
 Mahometan troops, and by the hope he entertained of 
 being soon assisted by the Indians of Surup-Sing. There 
 appeared to him no alternative, but to seek an asylum in 
 Persia, and to traverse, as a fugitive, the great kingdoms 
 which extend beyond the Indus, as far as Candahar. This 
 was his safest course ; but misfortune, which never ceased 
 to persecute Dara, would not permit him to execute his 
 project. The governors of Multan and of Cabul were 
 devoted to Aurengzebe. To pass through their jurisdictions 
 would have been attended with the danger of exposing him- 
 self to be surprised, and delivered up to his rival. 
 
 In the almost universal desertion, in which the eldest 
 son of Cha-Jaham found himself, there yet remained to him 
 one faithful friend, and a fortress, at his devotion. This 
 friend was a eunuch ; his real name history has not pre- 
 served, but it has furnished us with that which the friend- 
 ship of princes in the Indies sometimes confers on their 
 favorites. He was called ** The Flower of the Spring." 
 The fortress which remained to the prince is known in the 
 Mogul states by the name of Bakar. It is situated on a 
 spot where the river Sindy, augmented by the junction of 
 five rivers, spreads itself into a wide and deep bed, and 
 forms a species of lake. It was here, that the faithful 
 eunuch placed in security the best troops of his master. 
 He caused to be transported thither, from the arsenals of 
 Labor, cannon, powder, and provisions ; and shutting 
 himself up in it, determined to arrest, by his resistance, all 
 the forces of Aurengzebe, while his master was engaged in 
 making his escape into Persia. The resolution of this 
 faithful servant gave fresh courage to Dara. Followed 
 only by some domestics, he descended the Indus, and, after 
 suffering incredible fatigues, arrived in the kingdom of 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 257 
 
 Guzurat, where lie sought a temporary asylum. It was 
 here that the prince found an interval of repose, and 
 received some assistance, whilst waiting for a favorable 
 opportunity of passing by sea to Ormus. Aurengzebe 
 continued to follow the track of the fugitive, and after some 
 long marches, he arrived at last in the kingdom of Multan. 
 Here it was that unexpected intelligence occasioned him to 
 relinquish his march, and obliged him to abandon the enter- 
 prise of Bakar, and return to Agra. 
 
 Cha-Chuia, the first of the sons of Cha-Jaham, who 
 left the province of which he was viceroy, (that of Bengal) 
 to make an attempt to possess himself of the throne of his 
 father ; having recovered from the fears which his con- 
 queror, Soliman Chacu, had spread througliout his govern- 
 ment, had a second time advanced towards Agra, with a 
 considerable force. As the pretext for his first expedition 
 had been to revenge the pretended death of Cha-Jaham ; 
 the pretence for his second enterprise, was, to deliver the 
 Emperor, and his brother Moradbax, from the captivity in 
 which they were held by the usurper. Cha-Chuia, who 
 experienced no opposition to his march, advanced with a 
 surprising celerity towards the capital. It was equally 
 important to Aurengzebe, to pursue the track of an enemy 
 who fled before him, and to advance to encounter a new 
 enemy, who was in a condition to act upon the offensive. 
 There was reason to apprehend the assembling of fresh 
 forces on the part of Dara, and that Cha-Chuia might 
 avail himself of a favorable interval to acquire a superiority, 
 and get possession of the capital. In this two-fold difficulty, 
 Aurengzebe hastened where the danger was most pressing. 
 After having confided to Bader-Cham the conduct of the 
 army which was to undertake the siege of Bakar, and after- 
 wards to pursue Dara to his very last place of retreat ; 
 he flew towards Agra, attended by a small escort. The 
 
 s 
 
258 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 peril, in which he found himself upon his route, was the 
 most critical and unexpected of any which he had ever 
 encountered. The Raja Jasing, who, more through the 
 fear of Aurengzebe than any aftection he had for him, had 
 abandoned the cause of Sultan Chacu, was advancing 
 towards Multan, at the head of ten thousand Rajepoots. 
 He gave out, that he was about to join his troops to those 
 of the conqueror. But he was much surprised, when he 
 beheld Aurengzebe retracing his steps to Agra, accompa- 
 nied only by a small number of guards. He felt persuaded, 
 that the new Emperor had been defeated ; and that having 
 been put to flight by Dara, he was seeking an asylum in the 
 capital. The sight of a prince, whom he believed van- 
 quished, and a fugitive, caused a sudden revolution in the 
 mind of the Indian. With these impressions, he formed 
 the design of sacrificing Aurengzebe, and of liberating 
 from captivity Cha-Jaham, to whom he had been always 
 much attached. Aurengzebe was sensible of his perilous 
 situation ; but it was not by flight that he sought to divert 
 the danger. With an air of intrepidity, which attracted 
 respect, he passed through the midst of the troops of the 
 Raja. Afterwards, addressing himself to their chief: 
 " Our common enemy," he said to him, " is entirely 
 routed. Wandering through the provinces of Indostan, 
 Dara is gone to find, in Guzurat, the death which he seeks 
 to avoid, but which he cannot escape. I have ceased pur- 
 suing a wretched man who is no longer worthy of my care ; 
 and I hasten to confront another rebel. Vanquished before 
 by your arms, Cha-Chuia is come to make trial of his 
 strength with ours. Follow me, noble Jasing, and the same 
 aid which you have brought for the contest with Dara, lead 
 against your ancient enemy." These words, pronounced 
 with an authoritative air, occasioned Aurengzebe to be 
 treated with respect by the Raja. He reflected, that the 
 
CHA-JAHAM, 259 
 
 death of Aurengzebe would serve the cause of Dara^ to 
 whom he was a personal enemy. He came to the resolution, 
 therefore, of obeying ; and as an instance, illustrative of 
 the levity of the Indian character, Jasing was then seen to 
 place his Rajepoots in the train of the very prince, whose 
 assassination he was but a few moments before meditating. 
 The new antajjonist of Aureno:zebe called forth all his 
 energies. Cha-Chuia possessed, alike, bravery rnd prudence. 
 He displayed both, in an eminent degree, in his conduct of 
 the war against Aurengzebe. He learnt that his brother, 
 followed by Jasing, whose valour he had but too well expe- 
 rienced, was advancing to meet him, at the head of that 
 formidable army, which the Sultan Mahamud commanded 
 in the neighbourhood of Agra, during the absence of his 
 father. Cha-Chuia determined to intrench himself, and 
 wait for the enemy. The position which he fixed upon was 
 convenient, and naturally fortified. It was a large hamlet 
 called Caiva, environed with mountains and forests. His 
 army was encamped upon the banks of a small lake, which 
 was the only spot where water was to be found within a 
 circuit of four leagues. The whole plain on the side of 
 Agra was covered with a sterile sand, where neither 
 fountains, trees, nor meadows were to be seen. Cha-Chuia 
 waited in this situation for the army of Aurengzebe. He 
 flattered himself that his brother would arrive, and waste 
 his troops to no purpose before a camp he would find to be 
 unassailable. His expectation was realised. Aurengzebe 
 appeared before Caiva, at the season, when the summer 
 heats are the most oppressive. The excessive fatigues, 
 which his army experienced, by the precipitation of their 
 march, and the great privations in which it found itself, 
 when it came into the presence of the enemy, are incredible. 
 Forage and provisions were equally wanting. The greatest 
 suffering to which they were exposed was the want of water, 
 
 s 2 
 
260 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 in a soil parched by the devouring heat of the climate. It 
 was found necessary to bring it from the Ganges, upon the 
 backs of camels, and to seek it at a distance of more than 
 six leagues. This was a labour, which it would have been 
 impossible long to sustain, if the propitious stars of Aureng- 
 zebe had not favored him on this pressing occasion. 
 
 Mirza-Mula, having left his confinement at Orangabad, 
 after the liberation of his wives and children, conducted to 
 Aurengzebe, in his camp at Caiva, the fresh levies which he 
 had madein the Decan. The sight of so great a captain, 
 and so faithful a friend, reanimated the hopes of the new 
 Emperor, at a season, when his embarrassments were at 
 their height. Mirza-Mula gave the prince a counsel 
 worthy of his long experience. He proposed that a report 
 should be spread among the soldiers, that it would no 
 longer be possible to subsist before Caiva ; and that it 
 would be necessary to decamp the next morning at the 
 latest. This rumour passed from the camp of Aurengzebe 
 into that of Cha-Chuia. He believed it too hastily, and, 
 without sufficiently investigating it, made preparations to 
 assault the troops of his brother in their retreat. A great 
 silence was maintained at day-break in the intrenchments 
 of Aurengzebe. Orders had been given, that no fires should 
 be lighted, and the tents were commanded to be furled, as if 
 the camp had been abandoned. Finally, troops ; camels, 
 and elephants bearing burdens, which commonly compose 
 the rear guard of the armies in the Indies, were made to 
 appear taking the road to Agra. The feint succeeded 
 agreeably to the expectation of Mirza-Mula. Some sol- 
 diers of Cha-Chuia quitted their mountains and forests, to 
 pursue, as they imagined, the fugitive Aurengzebe. The 
 rear guard, which was attacked, faced about to the enemy, 
 and repulsed his first squadrons. Assistance was diligently 
 dispatched, on the part of both armies, in support of the 
 
CHA-JAUAiM. 261 
 
 attacked, and of the assailants. At last, the whole of both 
 the armies appeared in open field. Aurengzebe came out 
 of his camp, which was supposed to have been abandoned. 
 Cha-Chuia now perceived that he had, at last, imprudently 
 connnitted himself to a combat, which, till then, he had 
 wisely avoided. However, he did not lose courage. The 
 two brothers fought the most sanguinary battle, India had 
 ever witnessed. Intrigue had no share in the victory, 
 valour alone decided it. It is remarkable, that the followers 
 of Cha-Chuia should have maintained a uniform fidelity 
 towards him ; Aurengzebe not having been able to corrupt 
 a single partisan, or officer. The brothers, in consequence, 
 sought to decide their pretensions by a personal conflict. 
 The eldest was mounted upon an elephant, unparalleled for 
 strength. This furious animal overthrew, with his trunk, 
 every thing which was opposed to his passage. Preceded 
 by the squadrons of the prince's guard, an opening was 
 made for him to advance to the spot vt^here Aurengzebe was 
 fighting. It is impossible to describe the fury with which 
 the soldiers of Cha-Chuia joined battle with those who 
 defended the new Emperor. At last, the two princes drew 
 sufficiently near to each other, to be able to combat hand to 
 hand. Each, mounted on his elephant, shot arrows at the 
 other, and emptied his quiver ; but, an accident, which 
 occurred, seemed to menace the life of Aurengzebe. It 
 does not appear whether it was by chance, or design, that 
 the girths of his elephant gave way, and that the seat upon 
 which he was placed leaned on one side, and threatened 
 the Emperor with a fall. It is at least certain, that Aureng- 
 zebe gave ground, and caused his elephant to retire. The 
 impetuous Cha-Chuia followed his brother with vigour, 
 not being aware of a snare. A wide trench had been pur- 
 posely excavated, and a surface formed, composed of 
 branches of trees intertwined, and some sand well levelled. 
 
262 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 The elephant of the prince plunged, with his enormous 
 weight, into the trench, and was incapable of extricating 
 himself out of it. Cha-Chuia was, therefore, compelled, by 
 necessity, to adopt the same course, which bad counsel 
 had occasioned Prince Dara to follow, in another action. 
 He quitted his elephant, to mount on horseback. Thence 
 followed the disorder of his troops. As soon as the prince 
 was no longer beheld combatting from the tower of his 
 elephant, fear took possession of all hearts. Every one 
 took to flight. Cha-Chuia himself, borne along by the 
 press of the fugitives, fled in his turn, and retired to the 
 city of Eleabas. 
 
 A rumour, however, of the defeat of Aurengzebe, was 
 spread throughout Agra. Some deserters from his army, 
 who had seen him in that perilous situation, when on the 
 point of falling from his elephant, hastened to carry the 
 news of his death to the capital. This report, which con- 
 tinued prevalent some days, caused Raja Jacont-Sing to 
 hasten to the deliverance of his master, Cha-Jaham ; that he 
 might eff*ace the shame of his former flight, and re-establish 
 himself in the good opinion of the princess, his wife. He 
 made, therefore, all possible diligence, in order to present 
 himself before the citadel of Agra, and release the old 
 Emperor from his captivity. All was fruitless. Aureng- 
 zebe, after his victory, gave in charge to Mirza-Mula the 
 care of continuing the pursuit of the vanquished ; and took 
 himself the road to Agra. The arrival of Aurengzebe 
 extinguished every project of rebellion. Jacont-Sing then 
 found himself under the necessity of flying a second time, 
 and returning to his own territory, again to endure the 
 reproaches of an imperious woman. 
 
 Aurengzebe placed the capital in a state of security, 
 whilst Mirza-Mula, who commanded in chief the victorious 
 troops, compelled Cha-Chuia to fly from one city to 
 
CFIA-JAHAM. 263 
 
 another, along the course of the Ganges, and to seek on 
 every side an asylum, which was in every place denied 
 him. At last, after a number of marches, he intrenched 
 himself in an inaccessible position, where he collected what 
 he was able of his former army ; and caused himself to be 
 joined by the new levies, which he had procured to be 
 raised in Bengal. It was here, that he practised against 
 Aurengzebe those arts of seduction, of which Aurengzebe 
 had so often availed himself against his brothers. He 
 tried to detach the Sultan Mahamud from his father's 
 interests, and to induce him to favor his own. He was 
 not ignorant of the mortifications to which Aurengzebe 
 had subjected this young prince. Independent of the species 
 of servitude, in which the Emperor had till then kept him ; 
 by giving the command of his army to Mirza-Mula, Maha- 
 mud was reduced to the rank of a subaltern, and obliged 
 to obey the orders of an inferior. The prince, who, on 
 account of his great merit had become an object of jea- 
 lousy to his father, suffered some expressions of dissatis- 
 faction to escape him, which came to the knowledge of 
 Cha-Chuia. He availed himself of so favorable a circum- 
 stance, tempted the fidelity of his nephew, and gained him 
 to his side. Mahamud quitted the camp of his father, to 
 go and combat under the orders of his uncle. Never did 
 he give greater proofs of bravery than during the period of 
 his revolt. In its consequences it was very injurious to 
 the cause of Aurengzebe. Many of the officers ranged 
 themselves on the side of the nearest heir, whose virtues 
 and whose valour rendered him worthy of the throne. The 
 disobedience of the son would have proved fatal to the 
 father, had not Mirza-Mula taken measures to bring it to a 
 period. He sowed so many jealousies between the uncle 
 and the nephew, that Mahamud growing disgusted, quitted 
 the cause he liad inconsiderately embraced. The repent- 
 
264 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 ance of Mahamud was not followed by an equal return on 
 the part of his father. Aurengzebe was sufficiently sen- 
 sible^ from the conduct which he had himself observed, how 
 dangerous it is for a sovereign to trust a son of an enter- 
 prising disposition, and capable of throwing off the yoke 
 of subjection. He deliberated, whether he should rid him- 
 self of a prince, who might find the means of struggling 
 against him with a success equal to that, which had resulted 
 from his own enterprises undertaken against his father, 
 Cha-Jaham. He recalled him to his presence by writing 
 to him letters of the most soothing and affectionate nature ; 
 while, at the same time, by others written to Mirza-Mula, 
 he commanded him to take care that the prince took his 
 departure under a stirong escort. The young prince was 
 sensible of his situation, when the opportunity for escape 
 was lost. After some fruitless attempts to deceive the 
 vigilance of his guards, and to reach the kingdom of 
 Sirinagar, the ordinary place of refuge for guilty or unfor- 
 tunate princes, he was shut up in a close litter, placed upon 
 the back of an elephant, and conveyed to the citadel of 
 Guallier; to which fortress they were about, also, to 
 transfer the unfortunate Moradbax. The detention of so 
 great a number of princes, whom Aurengzebe had sacrificed 
 to his ambition ; and the defeat of his two most formidable 
 enemies, gave him time to respire. In this interval of 
 tranquillity, he meditated taking the reins of empire in 
 good earnest, and causing himself to be acknowledged 
 Emperor by the people, as he had already been by the 
 armies. He transported himself therefore to Delhi, which 
 he entered in triumph, in the midst of the acclamations of 
 the inhabitants. He here established his court, in the 
 magnificent palace, which had been built by his ancestors. 
 Money was coined in his name, with the following inscrip- 
 tion : '' I, the King Aurengzebe, conqueror of the world. 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 265 
 
 have caused this money to be struck, resplendent as the 
 sun." 
 
 The repose, which the Emperor enjoyed, was not of 
 long duration. Prince Dara had collected new forces in 
 Guzurat. There was reason to apprehend, that his claims 
 to the empire, assisted by the aversion which was beginning 
 to manifest itself towards the new sovereign ; and by the 
 compassion which the people ordinarily feel for unfortunate 
 princes ; might eventually prevail against the artifices and 
 the good fortune of Aurengzebe. The Raja, Jacont-Sing, 
 always so well affected towards the loyal cause, had pro- 
 mised to lead against the usurper ten thousand Rajepoot 
 soldiers, as soon as Dara should appear in the field, with 
 a force capable of making head against his brother. The 
 designs of the prince, and of the Raja, did not escape the 
 vigilance of Aurengzebe. He gained over Jacont-Sing by 
 negotiation, whilst he proceeded to finish the war against 
 Dara, by a final conflict. The surprise of this unfortunate 
 prince was extreme, when he learnt at the same time, 
 the infidelity of Jacont-Sing, and the approach of Aureng- 
 zebe. There was no longer any opportmiity for retreat. 
 It was in the hottest season, when it is difficult in the 
 Indies to undertake long marches. He was not certain, 
 besides, of being able to engage with any chance of success, 
 in the open country, an enemy nmch more numerous, and 
 hitherto victorious. 'There remained, therefore, no choice, 
 but that of intrenching himself in a fertile country, where 
 he might subsist his troops, and wait for favorable circum- 
 stances. The intention was good, but the new Emperor 
 and his followers did not allow the prince time to put 
 it into execution. The army, which Aurengzebe had con- 
 tided to Bader-Cham, after the first defeat of Dara, 
 quitted the siege of Bakar, and came to attack the prince 
 in the rear, whilst Aurengzebe assailed him in front. It 
 
266 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 was not possible for Dara, who saw himself placed between 
 two fires, to make head against two armies, the least of 
 which was more numerous than his own. He fled, and 
 with difficulty found refuge for his wives and children, under 
 the walls of Amadabad. 
 
 The defeat of Dara spread terror among the governors 
 the best disposed towards him. The gates of all the cities, 
 and of all the fortresses, were closed against him. Bader- 
 Cham continued the pursuit with indefatigable activity. 
 He had orders to bring him, dead or alive, to Aurengzebe. 
 The prince, followed scarcely by two thousand soldiers, 
 traversed the plains of Sindy, marching night and day, 
 and suffering incredible hardships. Abandoned, at last, 
 by his followers ; without aid, without an asj/lum ; desti- 
 tute of provisions, or resource ; having been disappointed 
 in his hopes of reaching the Persian territory by sea ; he 
 directed his way thither by land. He flattered himself 
 with experiencing facilities in his flight. The governor 
 of the province of the Mogul States, which confines upon 
 Persia, was named Given-Cham. This nobleman was 
 indebted both for his fortune and his life to Dara. He 
 would have been trampled to death under the feet of ele- 
 phants, by the order of Cha-Jaham, for an atrocious 
 offence of which he was accused, if Prince Dara had not 
 solicited his pardon. This wretch received his benefactor 
 with every demonstration of the sincerest gratitude. He 
 solicited him to accept a hospitable welcome for some 
 days. He gave up the apartment of his women to Nor- 
 mahal, the favorite wife of Dara. The traitor, notwith- 
 standing, gave intelligence to Bader-Cham, that he had 
 Dara in his power ; and that he kept a strict watch upon 
 his motions. The prince soon perceived, that under the 
 mask of paying him honor, he was, in fact, retained a 
 prisoner. When he complained^ Given-Cham either 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 267 
 
 treated liis apprehensions with ridicule, or endeavoured to 
 tranquiUize him by futile excuses. Normahal, on her side^, 
 sensible that the career of" her husband was approachinoj its 
 termination, sought an opportunity of taking poison. When 
 on the point of swallowing it, (the princesses of the East 
 carrying ordinarily about them poison concealed in their 
 rings, that they may have the power, at any time, of ter- 
 minating their misfortunes by a voluntary death) Normahal 
 was diverted from her purpose by her chief eunuch, who 
 gave her a ray of hope, by offering to assassinate Given- 
 Cham. In effect, he enclosed in a brocaded sack a pocket 
 pistol, resolved to discharge it at the heart of the traitor. 
 He approached him carrying the sack in his hand, as if it 
 had been a present, which he brought from the princess. 
 The governor received him without suspicion. When the 
 eunuch was sufficiently near, he drew the trigger of the 
 pistol, which missed fire. There are calamities so inveterate 
 in their nature, that nothing, apparently, is able to arrest 
 their course. Of the truth of this. Prince Dara had proof. 
 Every thing conspired to accelerate his fate. After the 
 ineffectual attempt of the eunuch, the governor kept no 
 longer any measures with his prisoners. He prohibited the 
 princess leaving her apartment. The unfortunate Nor- 
 mahal, overwhelmed with grief, deprived of the consolation 
 and counsels which she had been accustomed to receive 
 from her faithful eunuch, who was massacred by Given- 
 Cham, listened only now to her despair. After embracing 
 her children — '" I will never," she said, " consent to sur- 
 vive my husband. Never shall the cruel Aurengzebe have 
 the gratification of dealing to me the severest blow which 
 yet awaits me, in exposing to my view the head of Dara. 
 O Heaven, that I should be so dastardly, as to suffer 
 myself to endure a wretched widowhood, shut up in the 
 haram of my enemy ! Or rather, what is even more horrible 
 
268 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 to my imagination ; if I should be so miserable as to be 
 placed among the number of his wives !" Having uttered 
 these words, she swallowed the poison, which passing 
 into her veins, put a speedy end to all her suiferings. The 
 cries of her women drew the prince into the apartment of < 
 the sultaness. He beheld her expiring, and no longer 
 thought but of following her. Two days after Bader Cham 
 arrived ; invested the governor's house, and made himself 
 master of the apartment of the prince. He saluted him 
 with the most profound respect ; but these first marks of 
 deference were succeeded by the rudest treatment. Some 
 soldiers seized upon the person of Dara, threw him to the 
 earth, loaded him with chains, and confined him in a litter, 
 preparatory to his being conveyed away upon the back of 
 an elephant. Bader-Cham, conducting his prisoner, re- 
 sumed the road to Bakar, that he might prosecute the 
 siege. 
 
 The remains of the partisans of Dara still maintained 
 in that place the cause of their master. That generous 
 eunuch, named, the Flower of the Spring, when first 
 besieged by Bader-Cham, had displayed greater valor, and 
 more fidelity, than might have been expected from a person 
 of that class. He was still disposed to weary out, by a 
 long resistance, the army of his enemies ; but it became 
 necessary to yield. He received an express order from 
 Dara himself, a captive in the besiegers' camp, to deliver 
 up the place to the troops of Aurengzebe. The grief of 
 this faithful adherent cannot easily be expressed, when he 
 learnt the captivity of the prince, and received a command 
 to surrender the only asylum which remained to him. He 
 quitted Bakar, after making an honorable capitulation; 
 and received permission to retire to the kingdom of 
 Cachemire. 
 
 Bader-Cham carried in person to the Emperor the news 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 269 
 
 of his success, and conducted Dara to Delhi, where the 
 court was residing. He entered the city as it were in 
 triumph, exposing to the view of the people the captive 
 prince, mounted on an elephant, his feet in chains, on an 
 open seat, upon which was placed by his side the youngest 
 of his children. All the people regretted a prince, rather 
 indeed of an imperious temper, but yet possessing many 
 amiable qualities. They drew a comparison between the 
 former government, as administered by Dara, with that of 
 which they had present experience. Aurengzebe was 
 averse to an interview with his brother. He gave orders, 
 that he should be conveyed to a fortress without the walls 
 of the city, and secured there under a strong guard. 
 
 The policy of Aurengzebe was not restricted to the 
 retaining of Dara in a state of captivity, similar to the 
 other princes of the blood. The aversion, he had to this 
 prince, was more a personal antipathy, than the result of 
 ambition. However; in order to give to his conduct a 
 colour of justice, he caused a general council to be as- 
 sembled, composed of all the nobles of his court, and of 
 the principal commanders of his armies. He proposed to 
 them, with great apparent indifference, the question ; whether 
 it would be better to retain Dara in a state of perpetual 
 captivity, or to take away his life. The object of Aureng- 
 zebe was to detect, by this means, those who secretly 
 favored the prince ; having resolved not to spare one, who, 
 from any remains of attachment to him, should give his 
 voice for the preservation of his life. The council guessed 
 the motive of the Emperor. Every one voted for putting 
 him to death. One person only, who had been his particular 
 enemy, was bold enough to advocate the cause of the 
 unfortunate prince. Whether it was through a refinement 
 in policy, or by an effort of probity, it is difficult to decide ; 
 but, it is certain, that this conduct appeared to Aureng- 
 
270 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 zebe himself so truly generous, that he placed him among 
 the number of his friends. 
 
 Dara was waiting in his prison the decision of his fate, 
 when his son was taken from his arms, to be conveyed to 
 the citadel of Guallier, the ordinary place of confinement 
 for unfortunate princes. When the father found himself 
 deprived of his son, he rightly judged, that it was time to 
 think of preparing for death. The Christian sentiments, 
 with which the missionaries had endeavoured to inspire 
 him, were revived in the closing hour of his life. He 
 requested to be allowed a conversation with Father Busee, 
 a Flemish Jesuit, who had formerly instructed him in our 
 sacred mysteries. All communication with the Europeans 
 was denied him. In this universal desolation, the prince 
 sought for consolation in God. He was heard to say, more 
 than once : — " Mahomet has destroyed me ; Jesus Christ, 
 the son of the Eternal, will save me." A few hours before 
 he was put to death, Aurengzebe caused a captious 
 question to be put to his brother: — " What would you 
 have done to the Emperor," they said to him, " had he 
 fallen into your hands, as you have fallen into his?" — "He 
 is a rebel, and a parricide," said Dara; " let him judge of 
 the treatment he has merited, by reflecting upon his crimes ; 
 and such deserts he would have received with the utmost 
 rigour at my hands." This answer exasperated Aurengzebe. 
 He only now sought a minion, who would have the barbarity 
 to execute his orders. Nazar, one of the slaves of Cha-Jaham, 
 whose occupation was that of a writer to the Emperors, 
 offered himself for this cruel service. He proceeded to the 
 spot, where Dara was expecting the moment, which was 
 to terminate his miseries. He found the prince in his 
 apartment, raising his eyes to Heaven, and repeating these 
 words : — '' Mahamet mara micuchet, e ben alia Mariam mi 
 bacchet ;" which is, " Mahomet gives me death, and the 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 271 
 
 Son of God will give me life." He had scarcely finished 
 these words, when the executioner threw him to the earth, 
 and cut off his head. Such was the termination of the life 
 of a prince, in whose character was blended such a mixture 
 of virtues and defects, as to render him more capable of 
 reigning over the Mogul states, than adapted for main- 
 taining himself in the possession of them. He died on 
 the 22d of October, in the year 1657, lamented by the 
 people ; and regretted even by those who had abandoned, 
 and betrayed him. 
 
 The hatred, which Aurengzebe had conceived against 
 his brother, did not end with the life of that unfortunate 
 prince. He caused the head of Dara to be brought to 
 him; he examined it with an air of satisfaction ; he touched 
 it with the point of his sword ; he opened his closed eyes 
 to observe a speck, that he might be convinced that another 
 head had not been substituted in the place of the one he 
 had ordered to be struck off. He added, at last, insult to 
 cruelty. " Here are then," he exclaimed, " the remains of 
 that imbecile man, who would have deprived me of a crown, 
 which he was incapable himself of wearing." He followed 
 afterwards the counsel of Roxanara Begom, an ancient 
 enemy of her brother Dara, and always attached to the 
 cause of her brother Aurengzebe. He caused the head of 
 the prince to be embalmed, and conveyed to Cha-Jaham, 
 enclosed in a box. The poor Emperor, at that time a 
 prisoner in the citadel of Agra, was at table, when he 
 received the present, which they came to offer him in the 
 name of Aurengzebe. Before the box was opened ; " It is 
 at [least a consolation," he said, '' for an unhappy father, 
 to find that the usurper has not wholly forgotten me." 
 But, when, on opening the packet, he beheld the head of 
 Dara, that son so tenderly beloved, the good old man fell 
 into a swoon. The Princess Begom-Saeb, always faithful 
 
272 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 to the cause of Dara^ made the air resound with her cries. 
 Nothing, indeed, could be more affecting, than the me- 
 lancholy and despair, excited by so tragical a spectacle^ 
 in the prison of Agra. 
 
 All which now remained to Aurengzebe, in order to secure 
 to himself the permanent possession of the empire of the 
 Moguls, was to compel Cha-Chuia to desist from carrying 
 arms against him ; and to get into his power Sultan Chacu, 
 the eldest son of Dara. It has been already stated, that 
 this prince had retired to the kingdom of the moun- 
 tains, the territory of the Raja of Sirinagar. The 
 Emperor succeeded in both enterprises, partly by force, 
 and partly by artifice. Disembarrassed from the long war, 
 which he had been obliged to wage against Dara, he caused 
 all his troops to march on the side of Bengal. Mirza- 
 Mula kept the Prince Cha-Chuia in a state of blockade in 
 that country. This prince, w^ith the utmost difficulty, pre- 
 served alive the remains of his almost expiring faction. As 
 soon as he received the news of the reinforcements, which 
 had arrived from all quarters to the assistance of Mirza- 
 Mula, he found that he had no other resource but to take 
 to flight. The kingdom of Arracan, till then impenetrable 
 to the arms of the Moguls, offered him an asylum. This 
 country is on every side surrounded by m.ountains and 
 forests. Its situation, in consequence, shelters it from 
 insult. As it borders upon the territory of Bengal, it was 
 easy for the prince to retire to it. He, therefore, wrote to 
 the king of this region, the most uncultivated in all the 
 Indies, to entreat that he would grant him a temporary 
 asylum in his dominions. He promised, that 'ere long, he 
 would leave Arracan, and embark for Moca ; from which 
 place, he should take his departure, to implore the assist- 
 ance of the King of Persia. The perfidious monarch 
 meditated profiting, on this occasion, by the spoils of the 
 
OP THE COURT. 273 
 
 fugitive prince. He oflered Cha-Chuia a retreat in his 
 states, and promised to defend him against all the perse- 
 cutions of Aurengzebe. The retreat of Cha-Chuia had all 
 the appearance of a precipitate flight. The Portuguese, 
 who at that time inhabited Chitagong, a maritime city of 
 the kingdom of Arracan, and the nearest to the states of 
 Bengal, took upon themselves the charge of conveying the 
 prince, his wives, his treasures, and some officers of his 
 household, in some small barks, which they were accustomed 
 to use in carrying on a trade of piracy. It is said, tliat 
 the Portuguese caused the brigantine, freighted with the 
 money and the jewels of the prince, to founder, and then 
 plundered it. Cha-Chuia arrived with great difficulty in 
 the kingdom of Arracan, where he found in the monarch of 
 the country, as dangerous an enemy, as the one from whom 
 he fled. After some shew of affection and respect, sub- 
 missions were exacted, derogatory to a prince of his rank. 
 They wished to compel him, to attend, and pay his court 
 regularly to this petty sovereign. His daughter was 
 demanded, that she might be numbered among the wives of 
 the prince of Arracan, the eldest son of the king. They 
 were displeased at his complaining of the repasts, which 
 were served up to him, in the Indian fashion. Lastly, they 
 imputed to him as a crime, the Mahometan sect to which he 
 belonged. These mortifications, occasioned the prince, at 
 first, some discontent, which broke out afterwards into 
 murmurs. It is even said, that Cha-Chuia had formed 
 designs upon the life of the king. Whether this be true 
 or not, the imprudence of Cha-Chuia cost him his life. 
 The subjects of the king of Arracan invested on all sides 
 the palace in which the Mogul was residing. The unfor- 
 tunate Cha-Chuia, found no longer any security, but by 
 flying to the forests. He saved himself in their sequestered 
 haunts ; ])ut these tigers pursued him ; and after having 
 
 T 
 
274 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 massacred, without pity, his wives and his children, they 
 deprived him of life on the 7th of February, in the year 
 1658. Cha-Chuia was the second of the three brothers of 
 Aurengzebe, who fell a sacrifice to his ambition. It may 
 be said, that this poor prince merited the punishment 
 inflicted upon him by Providence. It was he, who, by his 
 rashness, and his revolt, originated that cruel war; the 
 result of which was, to arm the sons against the father, 
 and brothers against brothers. It is even probable, that 
 his bad example paved the way for the invasion of Aureng- 
 zebe. Cha-Chuia dearly paid for the first shock which 
 was given by him to the authority of the Emperor his 
 father. Always vanquished, he found his death in a foreign 
 land; and massacred by the hands of barbarians, he spared 
 Aurengzebe the obnoxious measure of staining his hands 
 anew with the blood of a brother. 
 
 Sultan Chacu, the eldest son of Dara, was not safe in 
 the kingdom of Sirinagar, from the artifices of Aurengzebe. 
 This prince had too much merit, to hope to escape the 
 enmity of the usurper. His first essay in arms had been 
 distinguished by the defeat of Cha-Chuia. Aurengzebe 
 was interested in preventing a shoot of the royal family 
 from taking root in the neighbourhood of his states. The 
 difficulty was, to wrest him out of the hands of the king of 
 Sirinagar, who loved him tenderly, and guarded him from 
 the dangers that menaced him with the greatest vigilance. 
 Independentlyof the natural mildness and compassionate tem- 
 per of theRaja, the levity and perfidy so common to thelndians 
 was corrected by his attachment to the principles of Christi- 
 anity. He was^ therefore, far from having any inclination to 
 deliver up the prince Chacu to Aurengzebe ; regarding him as 
 a precious deposit, that Providence had entrusted to his care. 
 The difficulty was still greater to wrest him out of his hands 
 by force. The Moguls had formerly made some attempts 
 
CHA-JAHAM. 275 
 
 upon this kingdom; but their armies, unable to obtain 
 subsistence in an uncultivated country, had either perished 
 from hunger, or the soldiers had returned with the loss of 
 their ears and noses, through the severity of the climate. 
 Aurengzebe, unable to succeed in obtaining the co-operation 
 of the father, endeavoured to carry off the Mogul prince 
 through the assistance of the son of the king of Sirinagar. He 
 engaged him by presents, and by still greater promises, to 
 betray Chacu into his hands. A hunting party was proposed ; 
 the two young princes separated from each other among 
 the mountains, in the pursuit of their prey ; soldiers, placed 
 in ambuscade, seized upon Sultan Chacu, and conducted 
 him to Aurengzebe. The fortress of Guallier became 
 finally the place of his imprisonment; where a prince of 
 the greatest merit, and who had given the highest hopes to 
 the empire, was destined to be buried alive for ever. 
 
 Of the three brothers of Aurengzebe, Moradbax alone 
 now remained alive. Although in a state of the strictest 
 captivity, he was, notwithstanding, regarded as a subject 
 for suspicion and uneasiness to the new Emperor. It was 
 necessary, that he should be delivered from this state of 
 inquietude. His death, therefore, was resolved upon, and 
 the pretext, made use of for the commission of this crime, 
 shall be related : — 
 
 The mask of justice was borrowed, in order to give a 
 color to this iniquitous proceeding. It is a law with the 
 Mahometans, that a new sovereign cannot make use of his 
 right of life and death over his subjects, until he has 
 received from the Cazi, or chief of the law, a species of 
 consecration, which is regarded among the Moguls as 
 sealing the Imperial jurisdiction. The good old man, who 
 was, at that time, at the head of the religion, and the chief 
 interpreter of the Alcoran, regarded with indignation the 
 usurpation of Aurengzebe. He, therefore, obstinately 
 
 T 2 
 
276 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 refused to administer, during the life of Cha-Jaham, to the 
 ceremony, which was necessary in order to put the 
 Emperor in possession of absolute authority. Aurengzebe 
 caused the old judge to be deposed, and a Cazi less scru- 
 pulous, and perfectly disposed to favor the inclinations of 
 the court, to be elected in his room. It was from his 
 hands, that Aurengzebe received, by a consecration, the 
 power of disposing at his pleasure of the lives of his 
 subjects. 
 
 The first use the Emperor made of his new authority, 
 was to take away the life of his brother Moradbax. Two 
 false witnesses were suborned, to give evidence against him. 
 They deposed, that when the prince was acting as viceroy 
 of Guzerat, he had caused a secretary of Cha-Jaham, who 
 had been sent into his government for the express purpose 
 of investigating his conduct, to be put to death. Aurengzebe 
 heard the accusation with an air of great indignation against 
 the witnesses ; but, which he afterwards directed against 
 the accused. " It is, however," he exclaimed, '^ my brother. 
 Must I be compelled to shed the blood of all my race ?" 
 Whilst he was in this apparent affliction, his astrologers, 
 accustomed to consider the language of the passions of 
 princes as proceeding from Heaven, spoke to him after 
 this manner : — " Be assured, my lord, that your reign 
 cannot but be unfortunate, if a criminal compassion hinders 
 you from revenging the very first crime, w^hich has been 
 deferred to your tribunal." Aurengzebe, at last, sighing, 
 appeared reluctantly to yield to the unhappy necessity. 
 Some tears were seen to flow down his cheeks, when he 
 gave orders to some soldiers of his guard, to transport 
 themselves to Guallier, and caus e his brother to be stung 
 by one of those adders, whose poison is quick, and mortal. 
 The death of the unfortunate Moradbax placed Aurengzebe^ 
 at last, in quiet possession of the throne, Cha-Jaham Avas 
 
OF THE COURT. 277 
 
 suffered to live out the reuiaiiider of his days, in a state of 
 captivity. He was an imbecile old man, whose incapacity 
 for holding the reins of government was known to the 
 whole empire. Become, thus, tranquil possessor of the 
 richest monarchy in the world, by the means of intrigue ; 
 Aurengzebe rules it at the present day, and sustains by 
 his ability, a sceptre, of which he obtained possession by 
 his policy and valour. 
 . The first care of the Emperor, when he found himself 
 at peace, and without competitors to the throne^, was to 
 build his glory on solid foundations. He assembled the 
 historians of the palace, whose office it is to write the 
 Chronicles of the empire. These have been my guides 
 throughout the whole of tliis work. " Deliver down," he 
 said to them, " to posterity, the history of my conquests ; 
 and let my attainment of the crown serve as an example to 
 my successors." The chief of the historians took the 
 liberty of asking the sultan, what complexion he should 
 give to the imprisonment of his own father, and the mas- 
 sacre of his three brothers. " Know," he said to him, 
 •' that my conduct was authorised by the condition of the 
 state ; and by the support which it was necessary to give 
 to our religion, then in a declining state. An imbecile 
 parent, and brothers the enemies of Mahomet, efface the 
 guilt of my offences. The whole glory of my reign is 
 derived from the protection of the Eternal. It is he, who 
 has conducted by his hand, a poor Faquir, to the possession 
 of the throne ; to instruct posterity, that he humbles the 
 proud, and exalts the lowly." 
 
278 
 
 DESCFJPTION 
 
 OF THK 
 
 Court, of the Military Force, of the Revenue, 
 AND OF the Government 
 
 OF THE 
 
 MOGUL EMPERORS. 
 
 It was not possible to write a general history of the 
 Mogul Empire, without giving some idea of the court, of 
 the forces, of the resources, and of the government of the 
 Emperors. The elements of what it is now purposed to 
 enlarge upon will, doubtless, have been found dispersed 
 throughout the body of the work. It must, however, be 
 confessed, that the little, which has been inserted, was 
 rather calculated to excite the curiosity of the reader, and 
 to awaken a desire of learning in detail, what it was, then, 
 only possible to touch upon cursorily. The laws of narration 
 do not allow of long digressions for the purpose of entering 
 into detailed descriptions. It was determined, therefore, 
 rather than interrupt the narrative, by distracting the 
 attention of the reader, during its perusal, to reserve any 
 enlargement on these topics, till the conclusion of the 
 
 history. 
 
 There appeared, also, a propriety, in representing 
 under one aspect, the plan of the court ; the magnificence, 
 the interests, and the government of the Emperors, whose 
 lives have been just recorded. An ambassador, or the 
 envoy of a company at the court of the Mogul will find 
 
OF THE COURT. 279 
 
 in these pages, competent information respecting the 
 manners of the country, to whicli they may be delegated. 
 Even the simple traveller in Delhi, or at Agra, the merchant, 
 or the missionary, will experience a satisfaction, in kno\\ing 
 the usages of a court, with which it is but too probable 
 they may be compelled to have an intercourse. It is with 
 a view to such usefulness, that M. Manouchi has written, 
 separately, a description of the state of the haram, of the 
 armies, the revenues, and the government of the Mogul, 
 without blending these things with the Chronicle. The 
 ensuing pages will furnish, in an abridged state, without 
 however omitting any of the topics, the substance of 
 whatever the Venetian has described at large. That the 
 public may not be deceived on a subject, in which error 
 might be more pernicious, than it would be in a point of 
 history, he declares, that he relates nothing on the authority 
 of another. All which he relates, he says, is derived 
 from personal observation, and experience. ^^lien he 
 wrote his memoirs in the year 1697, he had already resided 
 forty-eight years in the Mogul states. He had travelled 
 through nearly all the provinces of this great empire. He 
 had occupied an honorable post, which had enabled him, 
 with a greater facility than could fall to the lot of the 
 ordinary class of European travellers, to obtain an acquain- 
 tance with the interior of the haram ; a place most carefully 
 secluded from the notice of the vulgar. It ought, then, not 
 to excite surprise, that a more circumstantial detail should 
 be traced in these pages, of the condition of the Mogul 
 empire, than is to be found in the works of any other writer. 
 It is proposed, in the first place, to give some idea of the 
 court of the Emperors ; to which will succeed, a description 
 of their forces, and their armies ; a detail of their revenues 
 will then follow; and lastly, an account of their police; 
 and the character of their government. 
 
280 historv of the mogul dynasty. 
 
 The Court of the Mogul. 
 
 It is not in Europe only, that splendor and magnificence 
 reign at the court of sovereigns. Respect being had to 
 the difference of manners, the court of the great princes of 
 the east is not inferior to that of the monarchs of Europe. 
 That of the Mogul has an air of splendor and magnificence, 
 which dazzles the stranger, and truly astonishes a native of 
 
 Italy. 
 
 The palaces of the Emperor at Delhi and in Agra have, 
 indeed, nothing of the regularity and symmetry vrhich are 
 so much admired in the structure of the great edifices of 
 Rome and Venice. It may be said, nevertheless, that 
 those of the Mogul have their correct proportions, and 
 peculiar beauties, according to the taste in architecture, 
 which prevails in India. This style is not to be viewed 
 contemptuously. In the construction of their edifices, no 
 regard has been had to the Greek style of architecture, 
 with which they are unacquainted throughout the regions 
 of the east ; a method has been pursued, that has nothing 
 repulsive to the eye, and which, if respect be had to the 
 usages and climate of the country, has, doubtless, a greater 
 air of convenience than numerous stories, which can never 
 be ascended without fatigue. 
 
 The palace of Agra, called in the language of the 
 country, Mahal, serves also for a fortress to the capital. It 
 is built on the banks of the Gemna, in the form of a cross. 
 Viewing it on the side of the city, its form is circular. The 
 walls are lofty, and of a breadth capable of supporting 
 pieces of ordnance of a moderate size, which are planted 
 at intervals throughout the whole length. A fortress of 
 this description is sufficient in India to keep the people 
 in awe. The Mahal may be seen from a great distance ; 
 and as the stones have a reddish tinge, and a resemblance 
 
OF THE COURT. 281 
 
 to jasper, and are, besides, soft, and easily exfoliate, the 
 whole palace is splendidly illuminated by the sun's rays. 
 It is easily distinguished from the rest of the city. The 
 trench filled with water surrounding it, and the terraced 
 garden, which serves as a rampart round the palace, form, 
 at a moderate distance, a mixed view of running water, 
 verdure, and edifices, which might have a pleasing effect 
 even in Europe. 
 
 A wide space of ground, the whole length of that side 
 of the palace which fronts the capital, separates in some 
 measure the Mahal from the city of Agra. It is on this 
 spot, that the Rajas exercise their troops. These Indian 
 princes, (each in his turn,) have their week of attendance 
 as commanders of the guard, which is stationed at the 
 outer gates of the palace. There are two, which open 
 upon the place of exercise, and w here the two principal 
 streets of the capital terminate. After crossing the bridges, 
 which are ra ised over the fosse, the Mahal is approached 
 by these gates. A large canal, replenished with water 
 from springs, and clear as crystal, is the first object which 
 is presented to view, on entering the precinct of the jDalace. 
 Its banks, coated with stone, serve as dykes raised to 
 confine the water, and prevent its overflowing. It is upon 
 these causeways, which are, on both sides, of a sufficient 
 breadth, to allow a free passage for the elephants and 
 troops, both cavalry and infantry, that a long suit of guard 
 houses, habitations, and shops are seen disposed at 
 intervals. Here are the apartments and the offices of the 
 inferior officers of the court. There are also to be seen 
 long galleries, in which those who manufacture for the 
 Impei'ial family are employed. Every day, artisans of all 
 descriptions come to labor in the palace for the Mogul. 
 In one ward, are found painters and embroiderers ; in 
 another, goldsmiths and enamellers ; there is one for silk 
 
282 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTT. 
 
 weavers ; in others, weavers of all descriptions, and such 
 as are employed in the meanest trades. These wards, or 
 galleries, have each their superintendant, who directs the 
 labors, and watches over the conduct of the workmen. 
 The silence which prevails, while each person is diligently 
 occupied, is truly surprising. All the phlegm of a Hindoo 
 would be requisite, to pass whole days in a single occupation ; 
 to labor in company, without uttering scarcely a syllable ; 
 and with no other exercise, than the movements required 
 by the peculiar art which he is practising. 
 
 At the termination of the canal, a large parade extends 
 itself in a circular form. It is here, that the Mahometan 
 soldiery every day mount guard. The War-Omrhas, who 
 are the principal officers of the armies, bring hither every 
 day their troops, and take their turn to command. The 
 entire circuit of the place is in consequence occupied by 
 tents set up for the inferior Omrhas, and by huts for the 
 private soldiers. This warlike display, which is seen 
 continually, both within and without the palace^ has an 
 air of majesty, inspiring respect for the great monarch 
 who inhabits it. 
 
 It is thus necessary to pass through a large encampment, 
 to enter the Am-Kas ; the first court of the Mahal being 
 so named. It is spacious ; the form is a square. As it is 
 surrounded on every side by an arcade^ it furnishes 
 at all hours, at least on one of its sides, a place of shade. 
 Here, from an elevated situation, at certain hours, a concert 
 is heard of musical instruments, agreeably to the taste of 
 the country. Perhaps the harmony would not find many 
 admirers in Europe. But in the Indies, strangers even 
 who are accustomed to it, become at last sensible of an 
 indescribable majesty in this species of concert, which is 
 pleasing to them. There is certainly an air of grandeur, 
 in reminding the people of their sovereign by the aid of 
 
OF THE COURT. 283 
 
 music, with which the palace is made to resound at different 
 liours of the day. 
 
 Tiie Am-Kas, which may be compared to the Place 
 Royale of Paris, seems intended only to serve for an 
 avenue to the magnificent hall of audience, where all the 
 subjects of the Emperor have a right to attend, and claim 
 redress of their grievances. This apartment is large and 
 splendid. As it is entirely open on the side of the court, 
 there is, in effect, no door of entrance, but you pass inmie- 
 diately between the double row of columns by wliich it is 
 supported. The ceiling is painted, and the gilding, wliich 
 is often renewed, has not been spared. At the further end 
 of the hall of audience is seen the resplendent throne of the 
 Emperor, which may be discovered at a considerable dis- 
 tance from the entrance of the Am-Kas. At a fixed hour, 
 which is commonly about noon, all the Omrhas, who are 
 then in the capital, make their appearance in the hall of 
 audience. They are separated from the people, whom 
 curiosity, or their particular interests, bring thither in 
 crowds, by a ballustrade, or rather a lattice work of silver, 
 of very delicate workmanship. A platform, which is 
 ascended by several steps, approaches them more or less 
 near to the person of the Emperor, according to their 
 rank and dignity. The coming of the Mogul is expected 
 in deep silence. At last, when it has been announced by 
 the sound of instruments, a curtain is withdrawn. The 
 Emperor then appears, seated upon his throne, after the 
 fashion of the East, in a species of recess. The sultans, 
 his sons, are at his feet, squatted on cushions of gold bro- 
 cade ; and a small number of eunuchs chace away the flies 
 from around the throne, and promote a circulation of the 
 air with their fans. 
 
 The beauty of the throne excels all the other objects in 
 the apartment ; upon wliich the Mogul shews himself 
 
284 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY, 
 
 every day, seated, to his people. The precious stones 
 with which it is ornamented dazzle the sight of the beholder. 
 It is said to have been the work of a French artisan, who 
 lived in the Indies under the reign of the preceding 
 Emperor. It is much to be desired, that the art displayed 
 Iiad been equal to the materials employed. The most inge- 
 nious part of the design consists in the figures of two 
 peacocks, which serve for the crowning ornament to the 
 throne. It is entirely covered with precious stones, inlaid ; 
 and on the presumption that no false have been substi- 
 tuted by the workman in the place of the genuine ones 
 with which he was furnished, nothing can possibly exceed 
 the splendor of this costly monument. It was Cha-Jaham 
 who caused it to be made ; but the first who seated himself 
 upon it was Aurengzebe, on the day when he took public 
 possession of the empire. 
 
 It is in this style of splendor and magnificence;, that the 
 Mogul dispenses justice to his people. The Omrhas, in few 
 words, explain to him the causes, the offences, and the dif- 
 ferent subjects of dispute ; and the Emperor gives his 
 decision. Criminals are executed on the spot. Some are 
 trampled to death under the feet of elephants ; others are 
 beheaded ; or stung by adders, whose poison is mortal. 
 
 If his attention does not happen to be engrossed by 
 the affairs passing, the Mogul takes a pleasure, during the 
 time of audience, in seeing his horses and elephants pass in 
 the court of the Am-Kas. His attention is indeed some- 
 times taken off by it, at a time when business of the most 
 serious kind is going forward. However, generally 
 speaking, all the Emperors have prided themselves on their 
 love of equity, and their discernment in unravelling the 
 merits of complicated causes. It may be asserted, that 
 they have even attached less glory to the subjugation of 
 new kingdoms, than to an exact administration of justice. 
 
OF THE COURT. 285 
 
 111 subjecting themselves every day to the hours of 
 audience, they have undoubtedly imposed upon themselves 
 a severe duty. It is an institution with which no Emperor 
 has ventured to dispense, except in cases of extreme 
 illness. The Mogul sovereigns have often, indeed, been 
 known to cause themselves to be carried and placed by 
 their attendants upon the throne, at a time when their 
 health appeared in the most languishing state. 
 
 From the hall of audience, the Emperor always passes 
 to the apartments appropriated for his bath. Some Omrhas 
 of the first rank are allowed to follow him. Here are dis- 
 cussed the interests of the empire, the extension or defence 
 of the frontiers, the conduct of the young sultans, and the 
 plans for their establislnnent ; the dispatches of the 
 viceroys are read, and the reports of the spies (a class of 
 agents which is dispersed by the Emperor throughout the 
 whole of his states, even into the meanest villages and 
 towns) are examined. Such is the occupation of the secret 
 council, which is held daily in the Imperial bathing apart- 
 ments. 
 
 When the Emperor has taken his usual afternoon's 
 repose, he returns again to these ajjartments, and then the 
 attendance of all the Omrhas is required. This is a regu- 
 lation which admits of no excuse. During the discussion 
 of business, or their remaining in conference with the 
 Mogul, the inferior officers of the soldiery, called Man- 
 sebdars, make the troops pass in review. A company of 
 the guards, especially, which is always in attendance upon 
 the Emperor, never fails on this occasion to be present. 
 It makes its appearance with torches, and the arms by 
 which it is distinguished ; these are long clubs, or rather 
 large staffs covered with silver. The usage must, doubt- 
 less, have been introduced into the palace by one of the 
 Mogul monarchs not over scrupulous in the observance of 
 the laws of Mahomet. These staffs are seen surmounted 
 
286 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 with figures of animals or constellations, serving them for 
 ornaments. This description of officers appear always in 
 the presence of the sovereign, holding in their hands their 
 staff, in sign of being prepared to proceed in any 
 direction for the execution of his orders. It is from this 
 body, that the ambassadors for foreign courts, and the 
 envoys to the Rajas of Indostan are chosen. 
 
 None of the nobles of the empire are permitted to 
 follow in the suite of the Emperor beyond the saloon in 
 which are his baths. The interior of the Mahal is a 
 mysterious abode, which the eunuchs only are permitted to 
 enter. It may with truth be asserted, that a faithful 
 description of this place has never yet been given by any 
 traveller who has visited India. A profession such as that 
 of M. Manouchi, and the confidence reposed by the court 
 in an aged physician, would be required to obtain access to 
 the haram. It shall be described in his own words. It 
 is, he says, inhabited by more than two thousand females, 
 of which the different classes are as follow : In the first 
 class are the queens, or the Emperor's wives of the first 
 rank. In the second place, the concubines, or the wives 
 of the second rank. Thirdly, the princes and the prin- 
 cesses. Fourthly, the ladies of the palace, who are the 
 duennas of the queens, and the governesses of the prin- 
 cesses. Fifthly, the musicians of the court. Sixthly, the 
 female slaves and the eunuchs. 
 
 With respect to the queens, or the wives of the first 
 rank, the Mogul has sometimes as many as six. The 
 marriage takes place accompanied by ceremonies instituted 
 for the occasion. They are commonly the daughters of 
 Rajas, who, from considerations of birth, or the interests 
 of the state, are raised immediately to the first rank, with- 
 out having passed through the second. Sometimes they 
 are favorite concubines, female musicians or dancers, whom 
 the Emperor advances to the rank of queens from choice. 
 
OF THE COURT. 287 
 
 The children of these women only are looked upon in the 
 empire as legitimate, bear the title of sultans, and have the 
 right to succeed their father. It is remarkable, that of so 
 many queens, no more than four sons have appeared to be 
 born to any of the JMogul emperors ; and tliat no mention 
 has ever been made of a son born of so great a number of 
 concubines. Doubtless, a law must have been instituted in 
 the haram, that no more than four princes should be 
 allowed to survive, and that all the male children of the 
 wives of the second rank should be destroyed. The names, 
 by which the queens are designated, (which are invariably 
 changed on being advanced to the first rank) are bestowed 
 by the Emperor himself. The name of the wife of Jehan- 
 Guir was Nur-Jaham ; and that of the wife of Cha-Jaham 
 was Taige-Mahal. The first means. The Light of the 
 World, and the second. The Crown of the Haram. The 
 apartments of the queens are magnificent ; and whatever 
 can contribute either to convenience or pleasure has been 
 consulted in their arrangement. It may be said, that the 
 ardour of a burning climate is never experienced in these 
 abodes. Here are to be seen running streams, shadowy 
 groves, fountains, and subterraneous grottos for securing 
 the enjoyment of a delicious coolness. 
 
 The women of the second rank differ little from those 
 of the first rank, with the exception of the inferior distinc- 
 tion which they hold in the haram. Their apartments are 
 less adorned, their pensions less considerable, their ward- 
 robe not so magnificent, and they have fewer slaves to 
 attend them. These, indeed, defray themselves the 
 expenses attending their subsistence. The queens and 
 the princesses of 3Iogul blood only are served from the 
 Imperial kitchen. They are called, for this reason, 
 *' Begoni ;" which means Free from Care or Solicitude. 
 The Emperor gives names, likewise, to his wives of the 
 
288 HISTORY OP THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 second rank. One^ for instance, has the name of Ranadel, 
 which signifies. The Faithful ; another, Matlub, which is^ 
 Given by destiny. 
 
 The princes and the princesses of the blood are treated 
 with the same magnificence as the queens. The young 
 $ultans inhabit the haram till the time of their marriage 
 only. They pass the most tender years of their youth 
 only near the Mogul. As soon as they have attained the 
 age of thirteen or fourteen years, they are provided with 
 a separate haram ; and their court is not at all inferior to 
 that of the Emperors. Those who are not destined, by the 
 preference of the sovereign, to succeed him in the empire, 
 are sent in the quality of viceroys into the most 
 distant provinces. These sultans are rich from the 
 moment of their leaving the palace. The occasion 
 of their sudden opulence arises from the custom of 
 assigning to them a revenue, which commences from 
 the very day of their birth, and is always more con- 
 siderable than the allowances to the first officers of the 
 empire. This revenue of the young prince is kept apart 
 in a treasury by itself; and he is put in possession of the 
 whole of this accumulated wealth, on the day of his mar- 
 riage. The eldest son of the Emperor now reigning pos- 
 sesses a revenue of twenty millions of rupees, which is 
 nearly equal to thirty millions of our money of France. 
 This is a conduct very inconsiderate on the part of the 
 Mogul Emperors, who, by their liberality in making pro- 
 vision for their children, put into their hands the instru- 
 ments of rebellion. The Emjierors too often experience 
 the fatal effects of their liberality. Whilst the princes 
 remain in the haram under the eye of their father, a eunuch 
 is charged with their education. They are taught to read ; 
 and sometimes to write in Arabic and Persian. Their 
 bodies are formed to military exercises, and they are in- 
 
OP THE COURT. 289 
 
 strutted in the principles of equity. They are tauglit to 
 decide rationally upon subjects of dispute which occur, or 
 on supposititious suits at law. Finally, they are instructed 
 in the 3Ialioinetan religion, and in the interests of the 
 nation, which they may be called one day to govern. 
 
 With respect to the young sultanesses, their sisters, 
 they are brought up in the greatest indolence. As they 
 become usually the chief amusement of their father the 
 Emperor, they make it their whole study to please him. 
 It is by such means, that they obtain sometimes a greater 
 degree of liberty than is usual for persons of their rank ; 
 and to oblige them, they relax greatly from ihe. severity of 
 their confinement. The indulgence of the Moguls has been 
 known to extend even to a connivance at their irregularities ; 
 a conduct, which, commonly, entails upon it a dissolution of 
 manners, throughout the haram. It is easy to conceive, 
 that indolence, joined to a life passed in the softest and 
 most voluptuous enjoyments, and exposed to conversation 
 not the most pure, should be the source of vices among 
 persons so secluded ; and whose minds are uninfluenced by 
 the principles of the true religion. However, it must be 
 acknowledged, that there is more courtesy, and general 
 amicability, than might be supposed to exist where so great 
 a number of women are congregated, all of whom must be 
 more or less subjected to envy and jealousy. Avowed and 
 serious hostilities are rare ; even trivial disputes occur 
 among them but seldom. The governantes exercise an 
 authority over all animosities ; and the fear of punishment 
 operates as a salutary check to passions which may exist, 
 but which are constrained at least from exhibiting them- 
 selves outrageously, and violating the laws of decorum. 
 
 The same mode of adornino- themselves is common to 
 the queens, the wives of the second rank, and the princesses 
 of the blood. The hair is formed in tresses, and perfumed 
 
 V 
 
290 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 with essences. With the permission of the Emperor, some 
 ornament their heads with a turban, which is surmounted 
 by a tuft of feathers, with a contour of pearls and precious 
 stones. Others fasten on the top of the head, on the 
 tresses of their hair raised in the fashion of a pyramid, 
 flying scarfs of cloth of gold, which float on their shoulders 
 and descend to the ground. Their hair is thickly sown 
 with pearls, which also form a species of royal fillet upon 
 their foreheads. In the centre is seen suspended a rich 
 jewel, which has been formed to represent the sun, the 
 crescent, a star, or some flower. It is a species of head- 
 dress which is very graceful. Their necklaces are com- 
 posed of the finest pearls of the east, sown at intervals 
 with diamonds, rubies, and sapphires. 
 
 As the climate obliges the ladies of the haram to wear 
 only very light dresses, there are some manufactured of 
 silk, of so fine a texture, that the whole dress does not 
 weigh more than an ounce. They repose in these dresses, 
 which they change in the morning, casting aside entirely 
 the former, as of no further use. Every day they assume 
 a dress of a different colour. They are adorned, besides, 
 with an immense quantity of jewels. The collar of their 
 robe is bordered with two bands of diamonds, enchased in 
 the centre of two rows of pearls, crossing upon the stomach. 
 Their ear-rings and bracelets are of surprising beauty. 
 Their fingers, and also their toes, which are bare (the feet 
 being covered with sandals only), are ornamented, equally, 
 with the most beautiful rings. All the wives of the Mogul, 
 and all the princesses his daughters, carry on the thumb of 
 the right hand, in the form of a ring, a small looking-glass, 
 bordered with pearls. They cast their eyes incessantly 
 upon this mirror ; it is with them the occupation of every 
 moment. 
 
 Their most becoming ornament is a golden girdle, of 
 
OF THE COUKT. 1291 
 
 ihe breadth of two fingers, enriched with jewels. Mantels 
 of the same metal are suspended to it, sown with diamonds, 
 whose points are terminated by knots of pearls. What is 
 very surprising, is, that each of these ladies has a cliange 
 of six or eight sets of these jewels. The reader may pos- 
 sibly here imagine, that it is intended to transport him into 
 fairy land, where nothing is seen besides pearls and 
 diamonds ; but the description which is now given is still 
 far below the truth. The court of the Moguls is richer in 
 jewels than can possibly be imagined in Europe. Tamer- 
 lane, the founder of the empire, plundered the palaces of 
 all the principal sovereigns of Asia. It is well known, that 
 the great care of the princes of the east, was, and still is, 
 to accumulate a great quantity of precious stones. Babar 
 transported with him to the Indies, from Samarcand, e»ll 
 the treasure of Tamerlane ; that is, the spoil of all the 
 east. The Emperors, who have reigned since Babar, have 
 been continually augmenting the treasure of their fathers. 
 Aurengzebe, especially, who, by the conquest of the king- 
 dom of Golconda, has made himself master of the diamond 
 mines. Every year, the Mogul, besides the tribute he exacts 
 from Golconda in jewels, purchases the finest, and the 
 most perfect, for the adornment of his wives and his 
 daughters. These jewels never leave the palace, not even 
 on the decease of the queens, or the princesses. The Em- 
 peror is their sole heir. It may be added further, that the 
 jewels of the haram have been placed in a condition, ren- 
 dering them incapable of being brought to market. They 
 are almost all perforated. Akebar having, on a time, occa- 
 sion for a supply of money, to enable him to undertake the 
 conquest of the kingdom of Guzurat, sent, it is said, to 
 Goa, some rubies for sale. Their beauty appeared extraor- 
 dinary, but having been pierced, no purchasers could be 
 found for them. With respect to the jewels, which serve 
 
 u2 
 
292 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 for the Emperor's particular use, they are the masterpiece!? 
 of nature. A particular name has been assigned to each of 
 them. One is called the sun, another the moon, some other 
 the bull's-eye, or the constellation of the bear^ It is always 
 by appellations such as these, that they are designated by 
 the Mogul. 
 
 The expense of the Emperor in perfumes, for the use of 
 his wives and the princesses of the blood, would appear 
 incredible in France. All the day and all the night long 
 perfuming pans are kept burning in all the apartments. 
 These, besides, are not perfumes of an ordinary kind, but 
 in general the most exquisite that India produces. The 
 pleasure to be derived from the sense of smelling may be 
 said to have been carried in the haram of the Mogul to a 
 degree of refinement which cannot be exceeded. 
 
 The ladies of the palace, who act as governesses to the 
 young princesses, and as duennas to the queens, participate 
 in a less degree of the luxuries, and of the magnificence of 
 the haram ; but they have a much greater share in the 
 government of the empire. It is by their instrumentality, 
 that intrigues of state are managed, that peace or war is 
 declared, that viceroyalties and governments are bestowed ; 
 they are, indeed, the true dispensers of fortune's gifts. 
 These ladies, venerable by their years, and respected for 
 their discretion, have each an ofiice, and a name, corre- 
 sponding with the post and title of the chief ministers of 
 the crown. Thus, one among them will perform in 
 the interior of the haram, the function of first minister ; 
 another that of secretary of state; some other that of 
 viceroy. The lady, for example, who is charged with the 
 principal administration, is in correspondence with the 
 chief minister. She has eunuchs at her command, who 
 convey continually her letters to this principal Omrha, and 
 bring back those of the minister to his correspondent. 
 
OF THE COURT. 293 
 
 It is by tlie means of the ladies of the palace, that the 
 subjects, which have been slightly treated in the hall of 
 audience, and the bathing apartment, are more particularly 
 introduced to the notice of the Emperor. They are, pro- 
 perly speaking, the privy council of the Mogul. By the 
 means of those, whose title corresponds with that of 
 viceroy, the Emperor learns all the news from the frontiers. 
 They are entitled to dispatch couriers for the places per- 
 taining to their department. It may be easily conceived, 
 that the chief officers of the crown pay the greatest attention 
 to cultivate, each, his lady of the palace. The least vari- 
 ance with her entails upon him, sooner or later, some 
 serious injury, or reverse of fortune. Happy the minister, 
 whose good fortune it may be to escape being dependant on 
 a correspondent of a capricious disposition. The Emperor 
 bestows upon them all names descriptive of their character. 
 That of Faima Banu is one of the most honorable, which 
 signifies, the Philosophic Lady. 
 
 The musicians and dancers are separated into distinct 
 bands. Each troop has its directress for singing, and 
 dancing. She acts as the governess, and the directress of 
 those young females, who are cht)sen indifferently from the 
 Maliomctan, or the Pagan families, for the purpose of 
 being ti-ansplanted to the haram. The salary of the intend- 
 ants of music is equal to that of the ladies of the palace , 
 but the former are never admitted to the councils of the 
 Emperor; their whole employment consists in regulating 
 the concerts, teaching their pupils how to perform on a 
 species of lute, the sound of which is harmonious, and 
 furnishing new airs for the pleasures of the queen and the 
 princesses. All the wives, indeed, of the Mogul, and all 
 the princesses of the blood, have each a troop of musicians 
 appointed for their particular service, which is obedient to 
 their command only. It is from these, that they select their 
 
294 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 confidants. All these musical corps reunite on certain 
 days of festival^ either to sing hymns to the Eternal, or to 
 celebrate the praises of the Emperor. There is no oeconomy 
 of flattery in these compositions in honor of the Mogul. 
 When he walks, they say, the four elephants, who are the 
 supporters of the earth, tremble. The sun serves him for 
 a cushion on which to repose his head ; when he mounts 
 his horse, the moon is his stirrup. The names of these 
 female musicians are always of the invention of the 
 Emperor. One is called, Saroc Bay, the melodious voice ; 
 another, Gian-Bay, the inventive mind. The principal 
 merit, indeed, of these females, is, in inventing diversions 
 for their mistresses, and especially, comic spectacles, in 
 which they excel. The Emperor is present on these 
 occasions ; and a pleasant drama, well represented, inter- 
 mixed with music and dancing, has often been known to 
 procure some one of the actresses, a place among the 
 women of the first, or of the second rank. 
 
 The female slaves of the haram perform the meanest 
 offices to the queens, the concubines, the princesses, and 
 the ladies of the palace. It is the Emperor who names 
 them. One is called Golal, the rose; another, Narguis, 
 the tulip; some other, Chambeli, the jessamine. They are 
 separated into troops, composed each of ten or twelve 
 females, under the control of a mistress. The Emperor 
 disposes according to his pleasure of these attendants, 
 assigning a greater or a less number to any of his wives, or 
 daughters. He is himself attended upon by women only ; 
 and what may appear not a little extraordinary, he is guarded 
 always in the interior of the haram by a company composed 
 of one hundred Tartar women, armed with the bow, a 
 poignard, and a cimetar. Their leader has the same rank, 
 and the same pay, as a War-Omrha. This guard is 
 necessary to the Moguls, as a precaution against the rage 
 
OF THE COURT. 295 
 
 and the treason of so many rivals, of which his court is 
 constituted. 
 
 With respect to the eunuchs, they are very numerous 
 in the interior of the palace. Some of them exercise the 
 function of porters, which is a diliicult service, and exposes 
 them to great peril. It is equally dangerous to be wanting 
 in fidelity in guarding the entrances of the haram, or to be 
 too strict in the performance of their duty. By a too great 
 severity, they draw upon themselves the aversion of the 
 queens, and the princesses ; and by too much complaisance, 
 they are in danger of forfeiting their lives. Other eunuchs 
 are superintendants of the haram. He, especially, who is 
 called Nader, that is, the chief of the Mahal, is one of the 
 first officers of the crown. His duty consists in preserving 
 order in the haram ; he establislies its discipline, and 
 maintains it by severity ; he regulates the expenses of the 
 wives of the Emperor, and of the princesses ; he is the 
 guardian of the Imperial treasure, and grand master of the 
 wardrobe. He prescribes the fashion of the dresses, and 
 is responsible for all the jewels and precious stones of the 
 empire. In fine, the expence of the haram ; the provisions, 
 the dresses, the linen, and the perfumes, are all entrusted 
 to his attentions. The inferior eunuchs have all, under the 
 Nader, some particular duty. Some have the charge of 
 the essences, and the perfumed oils ; others of the stufis, 
 and again, others ^of the furniture. Those, who are in 
 the highest consideration with the princesses, have the 
 composition and distribution of the liquors, which are 
 drank in the haram. They procure, sometimes, through 
 their means, wine and other beverages, of an intoxicating 
 quality, which are a source of enjoyment, in proportion to 
 the difficulty of obtaining, and the mystery which is 
 required in the use of them. The remainder of the eunuchs 
 of the lowest class are employed simply in executing the 
 
296 HISTORY OP THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 commissions of the ladies of the court. The number who 
 are seen passing in the capital, on the business of the 
 liaram^, is incredible. Whatever, therefore, is passing in 
 the city, is certain of coming to the knowledge of the 
 court ; and it may be said, that none are better informed of 
 the news, and especially of the intrigues which are passing 
 in public, than these secluded females. The expence of the 
 interior of the palace, defrayed every year by the Nader, 
 scarcely exceeds fifteen millions. 
 
 Of the Armies of the Mogul. 
 
 The prodigious number of troops, which the Emperor 
 always has in pay, renders him the most powerful sovereign 
 in the Indies. It is commonly reported in Europe, that his 
 armies are more formidable from their numbers, than their 
 valour. But the truth is, that the Mogul soldiery are less 
 deficient in courage, than in the science of war, and that 
 skill which is so necessary to make the best use of one's 
 weapons. In comparing the armies of Indostan with 
 those of Europe, it may be said, that in an engagement 
 they would prove much inferior to ours. Still, not any of 
 the nations beyond the Indus, can be compared with the 
 subjects of the Mogul Emperors for bravery. War, as a 
 science, is even better understood among them, than it is 
 among their neighbours. It is by the greater discipline 
 of their armies, that Akebar and Aurengzebe have so much 
 extended the limits of their empire, and that the latter, at 
 this very time, fills the whole east with the terror of his name. 
 
 The soldiery, of this great empire, may be said to 
 be composed of three descriptions of troops. The first, 
 is that army which the Mogul always maintains in his 
 capital, and which every day mounts gnard before the 
 
OF THE MILITARY FORCE. 297 
 
 palace. The second, are those soldiers who are dispersed 
 throughout the different provinces of the empire. The 
 third, are the auxiliary Indian troops, whom the Rajas, the 
 vassals of the Emperor, are obliged to furnish to the Mogul. 
 
 The army, which is encamped every day at the gates 
 of the palace, whether the court reside at Delhi or Agra, 
 is composed at least of fifty thousand Iiorse ; there are 
 also a prodigious number of foot soldiers, that throng the 
 two capitals. Whenever the Emperor takes the field, the 
 two cities have the appearance of two deserted camps, 
 from which a great army has broken up. The multitude 
 follow the court; and with the exception of the quarter 
 inhabited by the Banians, who are the rich traders, the 
 rest of the city appears depopulated. A prodigious 
 number of sutlers, bearers of burdens, slaves, and small 
 merchants of every descri^ition, follow in the rear of the 
 armies, with a view of rendering them the same services, 
 which they are accustomed to do in the cities. This 
 soldiery of the royal guard are not all on the same esta- 
 blishment. The four thousand, who are distinguished by 
 the appellation of the Emperor's slaves, a term to express 
 their devotedness to his person, compose the most im- 
 portant corps among the troops of the Mogul. Their 
 chief, who is called Daroga, is an officer of high rank, to 
 whom the command of armies is often entrusted. All the 
 soldiers, who are selected for admission into so distinguished 
 a corps, are marked in the forehead. It is from this body, 
 that the Mansebdars, or subaltern officers are chosen, 
 preparatory to their being advanced by gradation to the 
 dignity of War-Omrhas : this is a rank in the army, that 
 nearly corresponds with that of a general officer in the 
 European armies. 
 
 The guards of tlie Golden Mace, of the Silver Mace, 
 and of the Iron Mace compose also three diiferent com- 
 
298 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 panics, the soldiers belonging to which are diversely marked 
 in the forehead. The estimation in which they are held, as 
 well as their pay, is governed by the value of the metal 
 with which their maces are ornamented. All these corps 
 are filled with picked soldiers, selected from such as have 
 distinguished themselves by their valour. It is necessary 
 to have served, and to have distinguished himself in some 
 one of these corps, in order to arrive at the high dignities 
 of the state. Birth does not confer rank in the armies of 
 the Mogul ; pre-eminence is the reward of merit alone. 
 The son of an Omrha of the first rank, often finds himself 
 confounded with the lowest grades of the soldiery. Among 
 the Mahometans of India, certain descendants of Mahomet, 
 who are esteemed in every place where the Alcoran is 
 confessed, are the only persons in whom an inherent 
 nobility is acknowledged. 
 
 In order to ascertain the number of the troops maintained 
 by the Emperor, at a distance from the court, it will be 
 necessary to enumerate the kingdoms which compose tlie 
 extensive empire of the Mogul. If the historians of the 
 country are to be credited ; in the vast extent of lands, 
 which at the present day are subject to the power of the 
 Emperor, there are no less than fifty-four. In this place, 
 a less detailed distribution of the soil will be given. The 
 numerous kingdoms, included within the circuit of the 
 Mogul territory, will be reduced to twenty ; for the others 
 are little more, in fact, than large provinces dependant 
 on some one of the kingdoms which will be enumerated. 
 
 Tlte kingdom of Delhi, situated in the centre of the 
 empire, has for its capital a city of the same name, 
 and is often the residence of the Mogul Emperors. When- 
 ever the court resides there, it may be asserted, that the 
 Emperor keeps in pay in that kingdom, even in time of 
 peace, nearly two hundred thousand men. When the city 
 
OF THE MILITARY FORCE. 299 
 
 of Agra, ill its turn, is inliabited by tlie Emperor, the 
 kingdom of that name may be said to contain the same 
 number of soldiers. But when the court is absent, the 
 garrison consists commonly of fifteen thousand horse, and 
 double the number of infantry. It is here necessary to 
 remark, in the enumeration of the troops of the Mogul, 
 that the foot soldiers, reckoning all descriptions, are gene- 
 rally twice the number of the cavalry. Mention will, 
 therefore, be made of the number of the cavalry only, as 
 the memory of the reader will then be able to supply the 
 number of infantry. Two reasons oblige the Moguls to 
 keep, always, on foot in Agra a small army. The first is, 
 that the treasure of the empire is kept and guarded in that 
 capital; the second is the war which they are almost con- 
 stantly obliged to wage with the peasants of the country ; 
 an intractible and warlike race of people, which has never 
 been brought completely under their yoke, since the 
 conquest of Indostan. 
 
 The court sometimes takes up its residence in Labor. 
 
 When it is absent, the Emperor maintains, at all times, 
 
 in that kingdom, twelve thousand cavalry and infantry in 
 
 proportion. The kingdom of Asmir is garrisoned by six 
 
 thousand horse, and that of Guzurat by ten thousand. 
 
 Seven thousand horse are maintained in that of Mallua; 
 
 and as many in the kingdom of Patna. Six thousand 
 
 defend the kingdom of Multan. With regard to the 
 
 kingdom of Cabul ; the army which protects it is always 
 
 very considerable. The most formidable enemy, which the 
 
 Mogul has, is, doubtless, the Persian. In order, therefore, 
 
 to prevent him from extending his conquests beyond 
 
 Candahar; as well as, with the object of bridling the 
 
 incursions of the Tartars, and containing the Patans in 
 
 their duty, the Moguls maintain in this kingdom, (otherwise 
 
 sterile, and of a very moderate revenue,) an army of sixty 
 
300 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 thousand horse. The kingdoms of Tata, Bacar, Urecha^ 
 and Cachemire have to garrison them, each, four thousand 
 horse. Eight thousand horse are reckoned for the kingdom 
 of the Decan ; seven thousand for that of Barar; six 
 thousand for Brampour ; four thousand for the protection 
 of Ragemul, and six thousand for the defence of the 
 kingdom of Nande. 
 
 The kingdoms of Bengal, Ugen, Visapour, and Gol- 
 conda have stronger garrisons. Bengal, which is bordered 
 on one side by that part of India which is situated beyond 
 the Ganges, and on the other by the kingdom of Arracan, 
 and the city of Chitagong, as well as by some Portuguese 
 colonies, has occasion for a greater number of soldiers for 
 its protection. An army of forty thousand horse is there- 
 fore maintained constantly for its defence. Although the 
 situation of Ugen, in respect to the Mogul territories;, is 
 rather centrical ; yet is it locked within the lands of the 
 most powerful Rajas. A moderate army, capable of making 
 head against the enterprises of the Indian princes, is always 
 maintained for the security of this kingdom. The strength 
 of the protecting force is never less than fifteen thousand 
 horse. As Visapour, at the time of writing these Memoirs, 
 was the theatre of the war against the Sevagi, Aurengzebe 
 had transported into that province his court and his armies. 
 Lastly, the kingdom of Golconda, a new conquest atchieved 
 by the reigning Emperor, is preserved to the empire by a 
 garrison of twenty thousand horse. 
 
 Certain it is, that this multitude of soldiers and officers, 
 which are maintained by the sovereign ; although it protects^, 
 in some measure, the tranquillity of the state, is, nevertheless, 
 often the bane of its peace. Whilst the viceroys are kept 
 to their allegiance, and the troops remain faithful, there is 
 no danger of the people revolting ; but, when the princes 
 of the Mogul blood conspire against their legitimate sovc- 
 
OF THE MILITARY FORCE. 301 
 
 reign, and enter upon hostilities, tliey find frequently in the 
 military an instrument prepared to second their designs. 
 It was by their assistance, that Aurengzebe raised himself 
 to the throne ; having gained the affection of the principal 
 ofificers of the empire, and the governors of the provinces, 
 all the forces, which his father maintained for his defence, 
 declared in favor of the son. It seems, nevertheless, that 
 the Moguls have, by a particular providence, given the 
 preference to this species of government. Being the pro- 
 prietors of all the lands of the empire, it was, doubtless, but 
 just, that they should maintain a considerable portion of 
 their subjects out of their own revenues. 
 
 The auxiliary troops, which the Rajas, who are vassals 
 of the empire, are obliged to furnish to the Mogul, augment 
 still further the strength of his forces. It is true, that tlie 
 use made of them in their wars is not unfrequently more 
 through ostentation, than from necessity. It is a tribute, 
 which it is always honorable to exact ; and the retention of 
 these troops in their service secures the fidelity of the tri- 
 butary prince. There are calculated to be, in all Indostan, 
 as many as twenty-four of these Indian princes, who still 
 preserve a species of sovereignty in their native country. 
 It may, however, be said, that the greater number of tliem 
 are distinguished at the court of the Mogul from the other 
 Omrhas, by the contempt only in which they are held by 
 the prince, and the bad treatment which they receive from 
 the great officers of the palace. The Rajas, it is true, 
 possess lands in their own right, and their posterity inherit 
 their territory, which is almost the only advantage that 
 their character as sovereigns gives them over the Maho- 
 metan Omrhas ; a class which makes its way to power by 
 courting fortune, and whose children often relapse into that 
 obscuritv% from which merit or favor had raised their 
 fathers. Some of these idolatrous Rajas still maintain, in 
 
302 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 the presence of the Mogul, a shadow of greatness. Three, 
 especially, whose states are equally populous, wealthy, and 
 impregnable, pay their court to the Emperor with dignity. 
 The first, who pretends to derive his origin from Porus, 
 and who styles himself the son of him who escaped from the 
 deluge, (as if this were a title of nobility distinguishing him 
 from other men) is sovereign of the kingdom of Sedussia. 
 His capital is Usepour. All the princes of this large 
 territory, from father to son, take the name of Rana, whicli 
 signifies. The Handsome Man. He maintains, at all times, 
 fifty thousand horse, and two hundred thousand infantry. 
 He is the only Indian prince, who has been able to retain 
 the privilege of walking under the shade of the parasol ; an 
 honor reserved only for the sovereign of Indostan. 
 
 In wealth and in power the Raja of Rator is equal to the 
 Raja of Sedussia. He governs in sovereignty nine pro- 
 vinces. His name, when Aurengzebe mounted the throne, 
 was Jacont-Sing ; which means, The King Lion. As he is 
 able to bring into the field an army, in strength equal to 
 that of Rana, he is as highly esteemed at the court of the 
 Mogul as the descendant of Porus. One day that Cha- 
 Jaham threatened Jacont-Sing with a visit to his states, 
 the Indian, it is said, fiercely answered, that he would pre- 
 sent to him the next morning a sight, which might, probably, 
 prevail upon him to spare himself the trouble of the 
 journey. It was the turn of the Raja to mount guard at 
 the palace gates. He drew up twenty thousand of his 
 cavalry upon the banks of the river, and begged the Emperor 
 to view from a balcony the appearance of the troops of his 
 states. Cha-Jaham was astonished at the sight of the 
 shining arms, and the warlike bearing of these brave Raje- 
 poots. " My lord," said the Raja to the Mogul, " you 
 have seen fearlessly from the windows of your palace the 
 bold countenance of my Indians ; you would not, perhaps. 
 
OF THE MILITARY EOPX'E. 303 
 
 behold it without peril, should you attempt any violation of 
 their liberties." The Raja was applauded, and had a pre- 
 sent made to him. 
 
 The third Raja, who is held in high respect at the court 
 of the Mogul, is able to bring into the field forty thousand 
 cavalry. His state is called Chague, and his capital. 
 Amber. At the time of the wars of Aurengzebe, the prince 
 who reigned there was the famous Ja-Sing, of whom so 
 much has been spoken. Besides these principal Rajas, 
 more than thirty others may be reckoned, whose forces are 
 by no means contemptible. There are four, in particular, 
 who keep each in pay twenty-five thousand cavalry. All 
 these princes, on the urgent occasions of the state, unite 
 their troops to those of the Mogul, command them in ))erson, 
 give their Rajepoots the same pay as is received by tlie 
 troops of the empire, and enjoy themselves appointments 
 equal to those of the first Mahometan generals. 
 
 So great a number of auxiliary troops, and such formi- 
 dable armies dispersed throughout Indostan, maintain, in 
 general, the frontiers in security, and tend especially to 
 preserve peace in the centre of the empire. The smallest 
 hamlet has not less than two horsemen and four foot soldiers 
 stationed in it. These act likewise as spies of the court, 
 and are obliged to furnish an account of w hat passes. On 
 the faith of their informations, orders are dispatched into 
 the provinces. 
 
 The stables of the Emperor are suitable to the number 
 of his cavalry, and are filled with a prodigious multitude of 
 horses and elephants. His horses, it is said, are in number 
 nearly twelve thousand. For the personal accommodation 
 of the prince, there may not be more than twenty or thirty ; 
 the rest are for pomp, or destined to serve for presents. 
 It is the custom of the Emperor to make a present of a 
 dress and a horse to every one from whom he has received 
 
304 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 the slightest service. All these horses are brought from 
 Persia, Arabia, and especially from Tartary. The horses, 
 which are bred in India, besides being very stubborn and 
 very shy, are weak and sluggish. Every year more than 
 one hundred thousand are introduced from Balk, Bochara, 
 and Cabul. This forms a considerable source of revenue to 
 the customs of the empire.^ They are made to pay twenty- 
 five per cent, on their value, on passing the Indus. The 
 best are set apart for the service of the prince, and the 
 remainder are sold to those persons whose office it is to 
 keep up a supply for the cavalry. Horses are fed very 
 differently in India from the mode followed in Europe. In 
 a soil that is dry, and parched by the intense heat of the 
 sun, very little forage is to be obtained, except on the banks 
 of rivers : the want of it is supplied by a sort of seasoned 
 paste. In the morning bread is prepared, compounded of 
 sugar and butter, which is given to them by way of break- 
 fast. In the evening rice milk is made, mixed with pepper 
 and aniseed ; this is for their supper. All the horses of 
 the Emperor retain the name which he has bestowed upon 
 them. One is called Rad-baftar, signifying, ^' fleet as the 
 wind ;" another Cha-Passand, meaning, '" the prince's 
 favorite.'* 
 
 The elephants of the Emperor form also a considerable 
 accession of strength to his army, and an ornament to his 
 palace. As many as five hundred are fed and lodged under 
 large porches, built expressly for them. The Mogul 
 bestows upon them very majestic appellations, and such 
 as are appropriate to such prodigious animals. Memum- 
 Babarecq is the name of one elephant, signifying, " he 
 that marches with dignity ;" Dul-Singer, is that of another, 
 which is, " the terror of armies." The harness for these 
 elephants is of astonishing magnificence. The one, espe- 
 cially, on which the Emperor is mounted, has upon its back 
 
OV IIIC MILITARY 1 OliCK . 305 
 
 a throne, shining' with gold and precious stones. The 
 others are covered with plates of gold and silver, housings 
 with gold embroidery, tuffs and fringes of gold. The 
 Mogul appears to have taken a pleasure in displaying the 
 greatest possible magnificence in adorning these superb 
 animals, which constitute, ordinarily, the means of his con- 
 veyance when he goes abroad. The elephant of the throne, 
 that is called Orang-Gas, meaning, " the captain of the 
 elephants," has always a large train in his suite, and a 
 number of officers to attend on him. Whenever he 
 marches, he is preceded by the sound of timbals and 
 trumpets, and baimers displayed. His pay is treble that 
 of any other elephant. The nourishment for eacli elepiiant 
 is estimated at twenty-five rupees each day ; tliat is, of 
 about thirty -three livres of French monej^ Ten valets are 
 appointed to take charge of each elephant, and to attend to 
 all his necessities. Two of them^ w ho are callerl Cornaques^ 
 perform the duty of exercising, leading, and directing 
 him. Two others bind on his chains ; two help him to the 
 water, and to the wine which is allowed for his drinking; 
 two carry before him lances, with which they disperse the 
 populace ; two let off fireworks before his eyes, to accustom 
 him to support the sight without terror ; one is i)nid for 
 furnishing him continually with fresh litter; and another 
 for driving away the insects that molest him, and refreshing 
 him at intervals by pouring water upon his body. These 
 elephants are trained eciually for hunting, and for war. 
 They will attack lions, and tigers ; and it is by such exer- 
 cises that tliey are familiarised to carnage. The maua?uvres, 
 especially, by which they are taught to force the gates of 
 cities, has something in it extremely military. 
 
 There are no arsenals in India. Every leader of a troop 
 is obliged to provide his soldiers w^ith arms. In their 
 armies are seen a medley of musquets, bows, swords, 
 
 X 
 
306 HISTORY Ul IHE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 ciiiietars^ and lances. Different arms are often used, 
 indeed, in the same troop. One, armed with the bow, will 
 combat by the side of his comrade carrying a musquet or a 
 lance. Aurengzebe has begun to reform this species of 
 disorder; The Emperor's private arsenal is superb. His 
 javelins, bows, quivers, and, especially, his sabres are 
 ranged in the greatest order ; the whole shining resplend- 
 ently with precious stones. He gives names to his arms, 
 as he does to every thing else. One of his cimetars is called 
 Alanguir, which is, " the subduer of the earth ;" another, 
 Fate-Alam, " the conqueror of the world." Every Friday, 
 in the morning, the Mogul says his prayers in the arsenal. 
 He supplicates, that with his sabres, God will give him 
 victory, and enable him to make his enemies fear the name 
 of the Eternal. 
 
 The artillery of the Empeior is very numerous ; and 
 the pieces of ordnance, with which his armies are supplied, 
 are for the most part more ancient than any which are in 
 use in Europe. Cannon and powder were certainly known 
 in India a long time prior to its conquest by Tamerlane. 
 It is pretended that the Chinese, to whom they attribute 
 the discovery, had cast pieces of ordnance at Delhi, during 
 the time they were in possession of that city. Such is the 
 tradition of the country. Names have been bestowed, 
 according to the custom of the empire, on each piece of 
 artillery. One is called, Orang-Var, that is, " the strength 
 of the throne ;" another, Bargisican, signifying, " he that 
 breaks down bulwarks." The cannoneers of the empire, 
 under the Emperors, the predecessors of Aurengzebe, 
 were almost all Europeans. The zeal of the reigning sove- 
 reign for the Alcoran has prompted him to reject the 
 services of all who are not Mahometans. Few Franguis 
 are now seen at the court, with the exception of physicians, 
 and jewellers. The rest hav6 abandoned a country, in 
 
OF Tin: REVENLES. 307 
 
 wliicli their religion was no longer tolerated, as formerly. 
 The Emperor has learnt with success, to dispense with the 
 aid of the cannoneers, and with that in general of European 
 artificers. 
 
 The description, which I have given of the forces, and 
 of the armies of the Mogul, must, doubtless, instil a high 
 opinion of the power of this great monarch. It is in his 
 journies, and in his hunting parties, especially, that he 
 makes the most magnificent display of his riches and 
 splendour. On tliese occasions, he is attended by his 
 armies. A palace is conveyed, in his train, not inferior in 
 size to those which he inhabits in his capitals. This is 
 every day erected in the centre of a camp, composed of the 
 magnificent pavilions provided by the nobles of the court 
 for their own accommodation. The bordering nations are 
 appalled at this display ; and he is almost certain of victory, 
 when he takes arms against an Indian people. 
 
 Of the Revenues of the Mogul. 
 
 It may easily be conceived, that so magnificent a court, 
 and such large armies, cannot be supported without innnense 
 revenues. Generally speaking, the people of Europe are 
 sufliciently sensible of the great wealth of the Mogul ; and, 
 perhaps, the distance of the country, and the many fabulous 
 relations, which have been given, may have too much exalted 
 it in their imagination. In order to give a just idea of it, 
 three things will be especially noticed; and first, the fer- 
 tility of Indostan, and the abundant crops which its soil 
 produces : secondly, the wealth which is introduced into 
 it from Europe, Africa, and Asia, by the instrumentality 
 of commerce : thirdly, the tributes exacted by the Emperor 
 from his subjects. 
 
 X 2 
 
308 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 It is well known^ that the extent of the imperial domain.^ 
 is equivalent to that of the whole lands of the empire.. 
 The Mogul is the sole proprietor of the entire soil, and the 
 only heir of his people. To form an idea, therefore, of 
 his revenue, it will be necessary to estimate the produce 
 extracted from the soil. The wealth of the sovereign may 
 then be judged as nearly as possible, from the abundance 
 of Indostan. With this view, a glance will be taken at the 
 principal kingdoms of this great empire, explaining their 
 situation, their produce, and the commerce carried on by 
 them. 
 
 The kingdom of Delhi holds the first rank in India. Its 
 capital is situated in the 31st degree 45 minutes of latitude, 
 and in the 123rd degree of longitude. The soil is fertile 
 in grain, and seems better cultivated than that of the more 
 distant provinces. 
 
 The kingdom of Agra, whose capital of the same name 
 is placed in the 29th degree 20 minutes of latitude, and in 
 the 123rd degree of longitude, is less abundant than that 
 of Delhi in wheat and rice. This is compensated by its 
 producing indigo, and by the great commerce which it 
 carries on from the produce of its manufactures. The 
 muslins, silk stuffs, silver and gold cloths, which are 
 especially in request for turbans ; as well as the lace which 
 is made there, render Agra one of the most opulent pro- 
 vinces of all India. 
 
 The kingdom of Pangiab has for its capital the city of 
 Labor. It is situated in the 33rd degree of latitude, and 
 in the 119th degree 40 minutes of longitude. Fine cloths 
 are here manufactured, pieces of silk of every colour, 
 embroidery work, carpets of different patterns, and thick 
 woollen stuffs. It is from thence that the rock salt is 
 extracted^ which is sent to every part of the empire, 
 
 The city of Asmir gives its name to a kingdom. It is 
 
OF THE REVENl'E.S. 309 
 
 in ilie 30tli degree of latitude, and in the 121st degree of 
 longitude. This country abounds in grain and in pasturage. 
 
 The kingdom of Guzurat does not yield in riches to any 
 other in the empire. Its capital, called Amadubat, is in 
 the 23rd degree of latitude, and in the 117th degree 30 
 minutes of longitude. The great abundance of grain 
 which is raised here, and the precious merchandise which 
 it manufactures, give a great reputation to this kingdom. 
 Gold and silver cloths, and silk stuffs, are exported. 
 Jewellery work of all sorts is here carried on. 
 
 Mallua is the capital of a kingdom which bears the 
 same name. It is in the 26th degree of latitude, and in the 
 r03rd degree 50 minutes of longitude. The country is 
 fruitful in grain, and abundant in plain and coloured 
 cloths. 
 
 The kingdom of Bear has the city of Patna for its 
 -capital. This city is situated in the 25th degree of latitude, 
 and in the 132d degree of longitude. Saltpetre is found 
 here, with which vessels are freighted for Europe ; and a 
 species of pottery with an agreeable smell is made, almost 
 as fine as paper. It is in use in the haram of the Mogul, 
 and in the palaces of the princes. 
 
 Multan, whose principal city is in the 33rd degree 40 
 minutes of latitude, and in the 115th degree 20 minutes of 
 longitude, furnishes scarcely any articles of commerce, 
 except a few horses, and some camels without hair. 
 
 Cabulestan, abounding in pasturages, produces good 
 horses, and haired camels. Its capital, Cabul, is in lati- 
 tude 36 degrees 20 minutes, and longitude 113 degrees 50 
 minutes. 
 
 The kingdoms of Tata and of Bacar are equally rich in 
 excellent corn, and in cattle. The capital of the last of 
 these kingdoms is in latitude 28 degrees 30 minutes, an^i 
 longitude 112 degrees 25 minutes. 
 
310 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 Urecha is the name of a kingdom, and of a pretty con- 
 siderable city, situated in latitude 20 degrees 25 minutes, 
 and in longitude 125 degrees 20 minutes. The soil is fertile 
 
 in rice. 
 
 In the city of Benares, situated in the kingdom oflllavas, 
 latitude 29 degrees 25 minutes, and longitude 129 degrees 15 
 minutes, vegetables and most sorts of grain are produced in 
 abundance. The silk stuffs, gold and silver cloths, magni- 
 ficent turbans, beautiful girdles, and light dresses for the 
 ladies of the haram, which are here made, render the 
 country one of the richest in all India. 
 
 Orangabad is the capital of the kingdom of the 
 Decan. It Avas built by the reigning Emperor, and is in 
 latitude 19 degrees 25 minutes, and in longitude 120 degrees 
 25 minutes. Silk stuffs and fine cloths are made here. 
 
 One of the most productive kingdoms of Indostan is 
 that of Barar. Corn and rice are raised, and it is planted 
 with vegetables. It is here, that the poppy, from which 
 opium is extracted, abounds. Sugar canes are produced, 
 almost without the trouble of cultivation. The capital of 
 this fertile kingdom is in latitude 23 degrees, and in longi- 
 tude 129 degrees 40 minutes. 
 
 The kingdom of Brampour is fertile in grain ; its 
 capital, of the same name, is in latitude 23 degrees, and in 
 longitude 123 degrees 30 minutes. 
 
 Baglana and Nande, two kingdoms, celebrated for the 
 plain and coloured cloths which are manufactured in them, 
 bear the same name as their capitals. The first is in latitude 
 19 degrees, and in longitude 118 degrees ; the second in 27 
 degrees latitude, and 124 degrees 20 minutes of longitude. 
 
 Bengal, of all the kingdoms of the Mogul empire, is the 
 best known in France. The prodigious riclies,which are trans- 
 ported from that country every year into Europe, are a proof 
 of its frnitfulness. It may be said to be nothing inferior in 
 
OF THE REVENIES. 311 
 
 fertility to Egypt, and even to surpass it in the production 
 of silks, cottons, sugar and indigo. Every thing is most 
 abundant; fruits, vegetables, grain, fine cloths, and gold 
 silk stuffs. Its capital, Daca, is in latitude 23 degrees 
 20 minutes, and in longitude 123 degrees 40 minutes. 
 
 The kingdom of Ugen produces salt and grain only. 
 Its capital, of the same name, a very ancient city, is in lati- 
 tude 28 degrees 25 minutes, and in longitude 122 degrees 
 30 minutes. 
 
 The fine cloths of the kingdom of Ragemal are highly 
 esteemed, and rice is produced in abundance. Its capital is 
 in latitude 24 degrees 20 minutes, and longitude 132 degrees. 
 
 The kingdoms of Visapour and Golconda are newly 
 acquired territories, added by Aurengzebe to the Mogul 
 empire. The diamond mine is a dependancy of the latter 
 kingdom, and is a source of great wealth to the conqueror. 
 The plain and coloured cloths which are manufactured 
 there ; iron, in which it abounds ; the bezoar stones which 
 are found there; augment the value of so fine a conquest. 
 The capital of Visapour is in latitude 17 degrees 2.5 minutes, 
 and in longitude 118 degrees 50 minutes. Baganagar, the 
 principal city of Golconda, is commonly placed in latitude 19 
 degrees 40 minutes, and in longitude 124 degrees 40 minutes. 
 
 This short review of so many kingdoms, all the lands 
 of which are the property of the sovereign, has, doubtless, 
 furnished some idea of his opulence. The revenues, which 
 are drawn from the territory of Indostan, cannot, however,, 
 be estimated on the same principle as that of land to the 
 same extent in France. In India, large tracts of country 
 are met with, which are not susceptible of cultivation. 
 Others are found,, possessing great fertihty, but unpro- 
 ductive, through the neglect of the inhabitants. The 
 people of Indostan cannot be expected to give the same 
 application to the cultivation of the patrimony of the 
 
312 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 Emperoi% as would be employed by an individual in Europe^, 
 to render productive a soil of which he is himself the 
 rightful possessor. This is a vice naturally resulting from 
 that species of despotism established by the Moguls on 
 the theatre of their conquests. Akebar, who introduced 
 reforms into the finances of his empire^ for the purpose of 
 remedying this evil;, no longer paid his viceroys and gover- 
 nors in money. He relinquished to them some of the lands 
 of their departments;, to be cultivated on their own account^ 
 and exacted for the remainder a fixed sum. The conditions 
 were regulated on the principle of the greater or less fer- 
 tility of their province. These governors^ who arC;, properly 
 speaking, only the farmers of the empire, let out in their 
 turn these lands- The great difficulty is, to find labourers 
 in the country, who are willing to engage in the cultivation 
 of the lands, for the sole advantage of obtaining a mere 
 subsistence. Violence, in consequence, is obliged to be 
 resorted to ; and the peasants are compelled to labour upon 
 them. Hence their revolts, and frequent emigrations to 
 the countries of the Indian Rajas, who are accustomed to 
 treat them with rather more humanity. Thus the population 
 of the territory of the Mogul insensibly diminishes, and the 
 lands lie fallow and uncultivated. 
 
 The gold and silver, which is introduced into Indostan 
 by the instrumentality of commerce, supply abundantly the 
 defect of cultivation, and augment, infinitely, the riches of 
 the sovereign. If, upon this subject, M. Bernier may be 
 believed, who is not prone to a vice common to travellers, 
 and is thought not to exaggerate the advantages of this 
 empire ; Indostan is an abyss that engulphs all the trea- 
 sures which are transported to the rest of the world, from 
 the American continent. All the silver of Mexico, and all 
 the gold of Peru, he says, after having circulated for a 
 time in Europe and in Asia^ find their way to the domi- 
 
OF THE REVENUES. 313 
 
 ftions of the Mo^ul, and never afterwards leave tlie country. 
 It is well known, he says, that a part of these treasures 
 are transported to Turkey, in payment for the merchandise 
 which is received from that country. Thence, by the way 
 of Smyrna, they pass into Persia in payment for its silks. 
 They then enter Indostan, by the intercourse of commerce 
 carried on with Moka, Babelmandel, Bassora, and Bender 
 Abassi. Much treasure is, besides, conveyed direct from Eu- 
 rope to the Indies, especially through the commerce carried 
 on by the Dutch, and the Portuguese. Almost all the money 
 drawn by the former from Japan remains on the territory 
 of the Mogul. They find their advantage in taking the pro- 
 duce of the country, and leaving gold and silver in its 
 stead. Indostan, it is true, notwithstanding its fertility, 
 receives certain commodities from the countries of Europe, 
 and Asia. Copper is introduced from Japan ; lead from 
 England ; cinnamon, nutmeg, and elephants, from Ceylon : 
 horses from Arabia, Persia, and Tartarj'. The traders, 
 however, commonly take the produce of the country in 
 exchange, with which they relade the same vessels that 
 have carried out to India the commodities of their respective 
 countries. Thus, the greater part of the gold and silver 
 of the universe finds innumerable channels by which it 
 may enter Indostan, and scarcely a single one for escaping 
 from it. 
 
 The following reflection of M. Bernier merits attention : 
 — Notwithstanding the astonishing quantity of gold and 
 silver which finds its way to the Mogul states, and never 
 afterwards leaves them ; it is wonderful, he says, that a 
 larger treasure should not be found in the hoards of indi- 
 viduals, than is common in other countries. It must, indeed, 
 be admitted, that the cloths, and gold and silver brocades, 
 which are manufactured in such abundance, the jewellery 
 work; and especially the gildings^ must consume a pretty 
 
314 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 considerable quantity of these metals ; but it will still be 
 necessary to recur to other causes. The Indians are known 
 to entertain a superstitious notion, which prompts them to 
 bury their treasures ; this may account^, partially, for the 
 disappearance of the money they may have amassed. They 
 imagine that their souls after death will animate the body 
 of some other Indian, and that they may thus find in a 
 time of adversity, a resource in this concealed wealth.^ 
 It is acknowledged, that by these practices, a part of the 
 precious metals, which have been extracted from the bowels 
 of the earth in America, returns into its bosom in Indostan. 
 But what chiefly contributes to the scarcity of specie, in 
 the empire of the Mogul, is to be found in the conduct of 
 the court. The Emperors amass great treasures, and 
 although no one of them, with the exception of Cha-Jaham, 
 has been accused of being violently addicted to avarice, 
 they all like to secure gold and silver in subterraneous 
 vaults, considering a too great abundance of them in the 
 hands of the public as pernicious. The fact then is, that 
 the precious metals, which are introduced into India by 
 the operations of commerce, are all finally swallowed up 
 by the coffers of the prince. All that remains, after 
 defraying the expenses of the government, is carefully 
 reserved, and used only when required by the very pressing 
 exigencies of the state. 
 
 All which has hitherto been advanced, on the subject of 
 the finances of the Mogul, will have prepared the reader 
 for giving credence to what is about to be related. The 
 immense revenues which the Mogul collects from his states 
 will, doubtless, no longer excite surprise. The list here 
 recorded is extracted from the archives of the empire. 
 The actual produce of the domains in the entire extent of 
 his sovereignty, and of which the Emperor was sole pro- 
 prietor, was exactly such in the >year 1697, as is about to 
 
OF THR RF. VENUES. 315 
 
 be described. For a proper uiiderstaiidinp:, it is necessary 
 lo premise two tilings. First, that all tlie kingdoms of 
 the empire are divided into Circars, or Provinces ; that the 
 Circars are again divided into Parganas, or Governments 
 within the circuit of a province. These latter are, properly 
 speaking, the lands let out by the Emperor. Secondly, it 
 is necessary to be understood, that according to the 
 manner of reckoning in Indostan^, a Carol is equal to one 
 hundred Lacks, or ten millions ; that a Lack is equivalent 
 to one hundred thousand Rupees ; lastly, that a Rupee is 
 equal to thirty sols, money of France. 
 
 The kingdom of Delhi has, within its circuit, eight 
 Circars, and 220 Parganas, which furnish one carol, 25 
 lacks, and 50,000 rupees. 
 
 In the kingdom of Agra are 14 Circars, and 278 Par- 
 ganas, which pay to the Emperor, two carols, 22 lacks, 
 and 3,550 rupees. 
 
 Within the extent of the kingdom of Labor are five 
 Circars, and 314 Parganas, paying two carols, 33 lacks, 
 and 5,000 rupees. 
 
 The Circars and Parganas of the kingdom of Asmir 
 pay two carols, 19 lacks, and two rupees. 
 
 The kingdom of Guzurat, which has nine Circars and 
 19 Parganas, pays the Emperor two carols, 33 lacks, and 
 95,000 rupees. 
 
 Mallua contains 11 Circars, and 250 small Parganas, 
 ^nd pays only 99 lacks, and 6,250 rupees. 
 
 Bear, eight Circars, 245 small Parganas, pa5's one 
 carol, 21 lacks, and 50,000 rupees. 
 
 Multan, fourteen Circars, 96 Parganas, 50 lacks, 25,000 
 rupees. 
 
 Cabul, thirty-five Parganas. 32 lacks, 7,250 rupees. 
 
 Tata paj/s 60 lacks, 2,000 rupees. 
 
 Bacar pays 24 lacks. 
 
316 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 Urecha has eleven Circars, and a great number of 
 Parganas, and pays 57 lacks, 7,500 rupees. 
 
 Cachemire, 46 Parganas, pays only 35 lacks, and 5,000 
 
 rupees. 
 
 Illavas, with its dependancies, pays 77 lacks, and 38,000 
 
 rupees. 
 
 The kingdom of the Decan has eight Circars, and 79 
 Parganas, and pays one carol, 62 lacks, 4,750 rupees. 
 
 Barar, ten Circars, 191 small Parganas, one carol, 58 
 lacks, 7,500 rupees. 
 
 Candis, a great province, pays one carol, 11 lacks, 
 5,000 rupees. 
 
 Baglana, 43 Parganas, 68 lacks, 85,000 rupees. 
 
 Nande, pays 72 lacks. 
 
 Bengal pays four carols. 
 
 Ugen, two carols. 
 
 Ragemal, one carol, 50,000 rupees. 
 
 Visapour, and a moiety of the province of the Carnatic 
 pays five carols. 
 
 Lastly, Golconda and the other moiety of the Carnatic 
 pays five carols. 
 
 The sum total, makes, 387 millions, 194 thousand rupees. 
 Estimating the rupee at 30 French sols, the domain of the 
 Mogul Emperor furnishes yearly a revenue of 580 millions 
 791,000 livres. 
 
 The casualities of the empire are another source of 
 revenue, in addition to the beforementioned, derived solely 
 from the produce of the soil. In the first place, a pole tax 
 is levied upon every Indian idolater. As the accidents of 
 death, travelling, and emigration cause much confusion in 
 the collection, fraudulent returns are very liable to be made ; 
 the governors of the provinces often availing themselves of 
 such circumstances to disguise, and diminish the actual 
 receipt. Secondly, all the merchandise, exported by the 
 
OF THE REVENUES. 317 
 
 idolatrous traders, pays to the customs five per cent, on its 
 value. The Mahometans have been exempted from this 
 species of impost by Aurengzebe. Thirdlj', the bleaching 
 of that infinite quantity of linen clotlis, which are manu- 
 factured in the Indies, is another source of taxation. 
 Fourtldy, the diamond mine pays a heavy duty to the 
 Emperor. He exacts for his own use, the finest and the 
 most perfect, that is to say, all those which are in size 
 more than three eighths. Fifthly, the sea ports, and parti- 
 cularly those of Sintli, Barocha, Surat, and Cambaye are 
 heavily taxed. Surat, alone, pays in general thirty lacks 
 for port entries, and eleven lacks on account of the profit 
 arising from coinage. Sixthly, the whole coast of Coro- 
 mandel, and the ports situated on the banks of the Ganges, 
 produce a considerable revenue. Seventldy, the monarch's 
 universal heirship to the property of all his INIahometan 
 subjects, who are in his pay, augments greatly his revenue. 
 The furniture, the money, and all the effects of the deceased 
 belong of right to the Emperor. The wives of governors of 
 provinces, and of the commanders of armies, are in conse- 
 quence often reduced to subsist on a small pension ; and their 
 children, if destitute of talent, fall into povertj^ Eighthlj-, 
 the tributes of the Rajas are of sufficient consequence to be 
 classed among the principal sources of revenue to the IMoguI. 
 • All these adventitious sources of revenue, nearly equal, 
 or even exceed the wealth derived by the Emperor from 
 the soil of his domains. A wealth, so prodigious, is, 
 doubtless, a matter of astonishment ; but, it must be 
 recollected, that a great part of these riches flow only into 
 the treasury of the Mogul, again every year to leave it, 
 and circulate anew upon the lands. One half of the 
 population are supported by the liberalities of the prince, 
 or^ at least, are in his pay. Independently of the great 
 number of officers and soldiers who live on their pav, all 
 
318 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 the peasants who labour on the lands on account of tlie 
 sovereign, are nourished at his charge ; and nearly all the 
 artisans in the cities, who are obliged to labour for the 
 royal family, are paid out of the Imperial treasury. This 
 will give a sufficient idea of the state of dependance in 
 which his subjects are held, and of the depth of their 
 subjection to their Sovereign Imperial Lord. 
 
 Of the Government, and of the Police of the 
 
 Mogul Empire. 
 
 There remains little to be added on the subject of the 
 species of government, and of the police established by the 
 Moguls in India. Nothing certainly can be more simple 
 than the springs which move this great empire. The 
 Emperor is the soul of the whole. As his rule is as 
 absolute, as his right over the soil, the whole authority is 
 concentrated in his person alone ; and, properly speaking, 
 there is but one master in Indostan. All the rest are more 
 entitled to be regarded as slaves, than subjects. 
 
 The affairs of the state are entirely confided to three 
 or four Omrhas of the first rank at court, who administer 
 them under the direction of the prince. The Etmadoulet 
 has the rank of first minister to the Emperor, and occupies 
 in India, in the service of the Mogul, the same place, which 
 the chief vizier holds in Turkey, in the service of the 
 Grand Seignour. 
 
 This is often, however, a title without employment, and 
 a dignity without office. A man without experience is 
 sometimes selected for Etmadoulet; and who has no further 
 concern with the post, than to receive its emoluments. 
 Sometimes it is a prince of the Mogul blood, who has been 
 suffered quietly to attain to an advanced age; sometimes 
 
OF TFIE GOVERNMENT AND POLICE. 319 
 
 it is the father of a favorite queen, taken perhaps from tlie 
 lowest rank of the sokliery, or from the meanest of the 
 populace. In these cases, the whole weight of the govern- 
 ment devolves upon the two secretaries of state. One 
 collects the treasures of the empire ; the other disburses 
 them. This pays the officers of the crown, the troops, and 
 the labourers ; the other receives the tributes, collects the 
 revenue from the lands, and that arising from the imposts. 
 A third minister of finance, but of inferior rank to the 
 secretaries of state, has the duty of collecting the inheri- 
 tances of all those who die in the service of tlie jirince. 
 This is a profitable, yet an odious service. These eminent 
 offices of the empire are only attained by a course of 
 military service. The ministers who rule the state, and 
 the generals who command the troops, are all equally 
 chosen from among the officers of the army. Whenever 
 their interest with the monarch is solicited, they are never 
 approached without a present. This is rather reputed a 
 mark of respect on the part of the petitioner, than charged 
 to a base passion of avarice on the side of the Omrhas. 
 The value of the present is little regarded, the chief matter 
 is, not to appear empty-handed in the presence of the great 
 officers of the court. 
 
 The command of the armies, when the Emperor is not 
 himself at the head of his troops, is often confided to a 
 prince of the blood. In the absence of a Sultan of the 
 Imperial family, two generals are chosen by the sovereign ; 
 one from the Mahometan Omrhas, the other from the Indian 
 Rajas. The troops of the empire are commanded by the 
 Omrha ; and the Rajepoot auxiliaries obey oiily a Raja of 
 their own nation. It was the Emperor Akebar who insti- 
 tuted the discipline of their armies, and who established in 
 them the order about to be described. He directed that all 
 the officers of his troops should be paid under tliree 
 
320 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 different heads. The first, under the head of twelvemonths 5 
 the second under that of six months ; and the third under 
 that of four months. Thus, when the Emperor directs to 
 be paid to a Mansebdar, (which is the name given to the 
 inferior officers) twenty rupees a month under the first 
 head, his pay for the year amounts to seven hundred and 
 fifty rupees ; ten rupees being added over and above. He, 
 to whom the twenty rupees a month are assigned, under the 
 second head, receives yearly three hundred and seventy-five 
 rupees ; and he, whose pay is under the third head, has 
 yearly only two hundred and fifty rupees. This is a capri- 
 cious arrangement ; for the services of those, who are paid 
 only on the footing of four months, are equally severe 
 throughout the year with that of the officers of the same 
 rank, who receive pay upon the footing of twelve months. 
 The Emperors have proposed by this means, to give them- 
 selves an air of dignity, and of regard to justice, which is 
 suitable to the genius of the Orientals. They would have 
 it to be supposed, that if they gave less to some of their 
 officers than to others, it is because they receive from them 
 less constant services. The Mogul, besides, when he orders 
 the pension of a Mansebdar, never uses the term of rupees. 
 He always makes use of the word Dams, which is the term 
 for a small coin but little used in commerce. Forty of 
 them make a rupee. Thus, when the Emperor orders an 
 officer a pension of a thousand rupees ; " I assign him," he 
 says, " fifty thousand dams for his pay," an emphatic style 
 of expression, which does not augment the value of the 
 gift 
 
 When the pension of an officer of the army, or of the 
 court, amounts monthly to a thousand rupees under the 
 first head ; that is, according to the manner of reckoning 
 in the Mogul states, to an Azari Omarhao, he is no longer 
 rated in the class of Mansebdars ; he has the quality of 
 
OP THK (GOVERNMENT AND POLICE. 321 
 
 Omrlia. This dignity is thus attaclied to the amount of 
 pay received. He is then obliged to maintain an elephant, 
 and two hundred and fifty horsemen for the service of the 
 prince. These fifty thousand rupees of yearly pension, 
 would, doubtless, be insufficient, even in the Indies, to 
 support the charge of so considerable a corps ; for the 
 Oinrha is obliged to provide at least two horses for each of 
 his soldiers. The Emperor furnishes the means from other 
 sources. He assigns to the officer some lands from his 
 domains. The expence of each horseman is calculated 
 on the principle of ten rupees a day ; but the property in 
 land, which is relinquished for the Onn'has to cultivate on 
 their own account, produces much beyond what would be 
 required to defray the expences of their horsemen. 
 
 The Omrhas, moreover, do not always receive the 
 same pay. There are some, whose pay amounts to two 
 azaris; others, to three azaris ; some to four; others again 
 to five. Lastly, those of the first rank receive as nuich 
 as six. That is to say, all advantages included, the pension 
 of these last may amount to three millions of rupees yearly. 
 Their suit is, therefore, very magnificent, and the cavalry 
 in their pay is equal to a small arm) . Certain Omrhas 
 have sometimes proved formidable to the sovereign by the 
 means of such an auxiliary. The example of Mahobet-Cham 
 ought, doubtless, to have corrected so dangerous a libe- 
 rality, which elevates the subject too near the throne. But, 
 the institution was introduced by Akebar, and no Emperor 
 has ventured its innovation. There are, generally speaking, 
 six Omrhas, who enjoy the largest pension. The etma- 
 doulet, the two secretaries of state, and the viceroys of 
 Cabul, Bengal, and Ugen. The pay of the horsemen, and 
 of the rest of the soldiery, is at the discretion of the Omrhas, 
 who levy and who maintain them. The law requires that 
 they should be paid every day ; but it is ill observed. 
 
 Y 
 
322 HISTORV OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 Some money is^ indeed, distributed to them every month ; 
 but they are often obliged to accept in payment the antique 
 furniture of the palaces, and the dresses which the wives of 
 the Omrhas have cast aside. It is by such impositions, 
 that the first officers of the empire accumulate great wealth, 
 which passes at their death into the coffers of the sove- 
 reign. 
 
 Nothing can possibly be more uniform than the admi- 
 nistration of justice in the States of the Mogul. The 
 viceroys, the governors of provinces, the chiefs of the cities, 
 and of the smallest towns, perform precisely in the place of 
 their department, (subject always to the Emperor) the part 
 acted by the Mogul in Agra or in Delhi. They alone 
 administer justice, and decide causes which concern the 
 property and the life of the subject. It is true, that in all 
 the cities of the empire, a Cot'.vall and a Cazi have been 
 established for judging certain causes. Nevertheless, 
 nothing is decided at their tribunals, but such causes as it 
 lias pleased the parties to carry before them. Every one 
 has the right to carry his cause at once, either before the 
 Emperor himself, in whatever place he may reside, or 
 before the viceroys, in the capital of their viceroyalty, or 
 before the governors, in the place of their superintendance. 
 
 The Cotwall fills, at the same time, the office of police 
 magistrate, and of grand provost. At the present day, 
 under Aurengzebe, a zealous observer of the laws of the 
 Alcoran, the principal duty of the judge of police is to 
 prevent drunkenness, to exterminate the wine shops, and 
 all places of debauchery, and to punish those who distil 
 arrack, a species of brandy extracted from sugar. It is 
 his duty to make a report to the Emperor of all the 
 domestic disorders which occur in families ; of disputes, of 
 seditions, and of nocturnal assemblages. With this view he 
 maintains, in every quarter of the city, a prodigious number 
 
OF THE GOVERNMENT. 323 
 
 of spies. Those, of whose services he chiefly avails him- 
 self, are a class of persons called Alarcors, whose employ- 
 ment consists in cleansing the houses, and putting the 
 furniture in order. Every morning, they enter the resi- 
 dences of the citizens, inform themselves of the secrets of 
 the families, interrogate the slaves, and make their report 
 to the Cotwall. This chief officer of justice, in his capacity 
 of grand provost, is responsible, on the strength of the 
 gratuities of his post, for all the robberies which occur in 
 his district, both in the city and in the country. His zeal 
 and his vigilance may, therefore, be easily imagined. He 
 has always soldiers dispersed throughout the country, and 
 persons in disguise in the cities, whose care it is to keep 
 watch, and preserve good order. The jurisdiction of the 
 Cari seldom extends beyond matters of religion, and the 
 dissolution of marriages, ft is not permitted to either of 
 these inferior judges to pronounce sentences of death, 
 without having first made a report to the Emperor, The 
 sovereign must himself have given his assent to the decree 
 of condemnation, three times, on three different days, 
 before they are suffered to put it into execution. The 
 same law prevails in the provinces, and the power of life 
 and death is reserved to the viceroys, and governors alone. 
 Justice is administered in the Mogul States with 
 promptitude. Without having recourse to a number of 
 formalities, each person gives an exposition of his own 
 case, or causes it to be explained by the Omrhas. Wit- 
 nesses are heard, and a decision is given on the spot, which 
 is almost always as just as it is prompt. Corruption in the 
 judges, and the perjury of witnesses, it nmst be acknow- 
 ledged, have place in Indostan as well as in other countries ; 
 but, false evidence, and the taking of bribes by the judges, 
 subject the parties to the penalty of death, if detected. 
 All which can be done to remedy these evils, is eifected bv 
 
324 HISTORY OF THE MOGUL DYNASTY. 
 
 the severity of this law. Unjust decisions are, it seems, a 
 universal grievance, which the tediousness of processes 
 does not always correct. Besides, this small number of 
 judicial officers, which, in the largest, as well as in the 
 smallest cities, is limited to three, have not even so much 
 employment as the least of our judges ; a class which is so 
 numerous in Europe. 
 
 Such are the institutions of the great empire, whose 
 history has been recorded. They have not been repre- 
 sented as free from defect ; but as exhibiting rather a state, 
 in which barbarism was so qualified by the equity which 
 pervaded the administration of justice, as to render the 
 government of the Mogul empire little inferior to that of 
 any other nation. The Emperor, who now rules the realms 
 of Indostan, sustains by his ability, and is extending 
 daily by his valour, an empire, which has never suffered 
 any diminution of its prosperity since his accession. 
 
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