®m£t 
 
LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. 
 

 ■;%V 
 
 „ ?U-ri~j > 4^*^~- 
 
LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON 
 
 BY 
 
 JAMES PARTON, 
 
 AUTHOR OF " LIFE AND TIMES OF AARON BURR," " LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN," ETC. 
 
 " Desperate Courage makes One a Majority. 
 
 IN THREE VOLUMES. 
 VOL. I. 
 
 BOSTON: 
 
 TICKNOR AND FIELDS. 
 
 1866. 
 
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year i 889, by 
 
 MASON BROTHERS, 
 
 In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Southern District of New York. 
 
 JP 
 
^1 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 " Oh, hang General Jackson !" exclaimed Fanny 
 Kemble one day, after dinner, in the cabin of the 
 ship that brought her to the United States, in the 
 summer of 1832 ; so wearied was the vivacious lady 
 with the din of politics, and the incessant repetition 
 of the name associated with all the topics of that 
 stormy period. And what a scene was that, when 
 the Old Man, victorious over Nullification, and about 
 to deal his finishing blow at the Bank, visited New 
 York, and was borne along Broadway on one roar- 
 ing wave of upturned faces and flashing eyes ; when 
 it seemed, said a spectator, as if he had but to speak 
 the word, and they would have proclaimed him on the 
 spot a king ! 
 
 To this hour, the fame of General Jackson is a cap- 
 ital item in the capital stock of a political party. It is 
 one of our standing jokes, founded on fact, that in some 
 of the remote rural districts, the ancient inhabitants 
 still go to the polls under the impression that they are 
 voting for old General Jackson. How many of the 
 last eight Presidents would ever have taken up their 
 residence in the White House, if they had not been 
 helped towards it through him ? Not one ! 
 
 975 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 Of this man, who made such a stir in the world, who 
 rendered to his country services which it will never 
 cease to value, whose name is still a power among us, 
 there has not yet appeared a biography which is both 
 complete and credible. There is none which its own 
 author thinks, or would claim, to be adequate to the 
 subject. Hence these volumes, which attempt to sup- 
 ply the deficiency. 
 
 The value of a work of this kind depends, of course, 
 wholly upon its credibility ; and this is particularly the 
 case with one which, besides containing much that is 
 new, contains also much that is unexpected. A brief 
 account of the author's labors will, perhaps, be the best 
 way of enabling the reader to judge how far he may 
 i abandon himself to the narrative before him. 
 
 To collect and examine all that has been previously 
 written on his subject, is obviously the first duty of 
 every author. After a few months' search among the li- 
 braries, bookstores, and bookstalls, there had risen round 
 me those mountains of lies and trash (with some gems 
 of truth and good sense shining from the midst there- 
 of,) which are described in other preliminary pages of 
 this volume. The greater part of these publications 
 are what we term " Campaign literature," a peculiar 
 product of the United States ; less discreditable to us, 
 perhaps, than the aids to an enlightened use of the 
 franchise employed elsewhere — beer, bribes, ribbons, 
 the honeyed talk of ladies, and such rougher arguments 
 as unclean missives and broken heads. Nevertheless, 
 campaign literature is dreadful stuff, particularly when 
 it is cold. It can not be trusted at all. These cam- 
 
PREFACE. Vii 
 
 paign Lives of General Jackson, for example, either 
 pervert or suppress every act and trait of his, the 
 frank statement of which could produce an unfav- 
 orable effect upon the mind of a single voter. Eat- 
 on's work, from which the rest are chiefly derived, does 
 not mention the name of Aaron Burr, says nothing of 
 the Benton affray, nor the Dickinson duel. Yet Eaton 
 was one of the most honest of all the Jacksonian writ- 
 ers ; for it was better to pass over these most influen- 
 tial affairs in silence, than to relate them with purposed 
 falsehood. 
 
 For many months I was immersed in this unique, 
 bewildering collection, reading endless newspapers, 
 pamphlets, books, without arriving at any conclusion 
 whatever. If any one, at the end of a year even, had 
 asked what I had yet discovered respecting General 
 Jackson, I might have answered thus : " Andrew ' 
 .Jackson, I am given to understand, was a patriot 
 and a traitor. He was one of the greatest of gen- 
 erals, and wholly ignorant of the art of war. A 
 writer brilliant, elegant, eloquent, without being able 
 to compose a correct sentence, or spell words of four 
 syllables. The first of statesmen, he never devised, 
 he never framed a measure. He was the most can- 
 did of men, and was capable of the profoundest dis- 
 simulation. A most law-defying, law-obeying citizen, 
 A stickler for discipline, he never hesitated to dis- 
 obey his superior. A democratic autocrat. An ur- 
 bane savage. An atrocious saint." So difficult is it 
 to attain information respecting a man whom two 
 thirds of his fellow-citizens deified, and the other 
 
nil PREFACE. 
 
 third vilified, for the space of twelve years 01 
 more. 
 
 In this condition of doubt, I set out on a tour of the 
 southern and south-western States, in search of knowl- 
 edge. At Washington I conversed with politicians of 
 the last generation, who have now no longer an inter- 
 est in concealing the truth. I visited North Carolina, 
 where General Jackson was born, and where he stud- 
 ied law and was admitted to the bar ; South Carolina, 
 where he grew from infancy into manhood ; Tennessee, 
 where he lived so long and so happily ; Alabama, the 
 scene of his early exploits ; and other States, a third 
 of the Union in all ; receiving in each the recollections 
 of men and women, bond and free, who knew him well, 
 knew him at all periods of his life, lived near him, and 
 with him, served him and were served by him. One 
 woman still lingers in extreme old age, who thinks she 
 remembers him an infant in his mothers arms. With 
 her I conversed ; as also with the gentleman who 
 caught the hero's head when it fell forward in death. 
 I listened, also, to many who were always opposed to 
 the man, and still like him not. Manuscript letters of 
 the General's in great numbers were freely given me 
 to copy, and other manuscripts only less valuable than 
 these. Old files of Tennessee newspapers came to 
 light, that were full of Jackson and his early wild ca- 
 reer. It seemed sometimes in Nashville as if the city 
 had formed itself into a Committee of the Whole, for 
 the purpose of overwhelming the stranger with papers, 
 reminiscences, and hospitality. 
 
PREFACE . IX 
 
 And thus it was that contradictions were recon- 
 ciled, that mysteries were revealed, and that the 
 truth was made apparent. 
 
 It would be a pleasure to record here the names of 
 all those to whom the readers of these volumes are in- 
 debted for whatever renders them of any value. But 
 the list could not be complete. Ladies object to the 
 parade of their names in print. Some gentlemen think, 
 with the Duke of Wellington, that the truth is some- 
 thing dangerous to tell, and may involve in harm even 
 those who are remotely connected with the telling of 
 it. " I should like much to tell the truth," said the 
 Duke, when meditating the writing of his own me- 
 moirs, " but if I did, I should be torn in pieces." I 
 believe his Grace underrated the quality of his own 
 countrymen ; as those Americans do theirs, who 
 think that what the people of the United States 
 want is the dull, respectable, half-truth, instead of 
 the truth. Some do, perhaps. The majority want 
 the Life of General Jackson written, as he himself, 
 in one of the last sentences he ever penned, said he 
 wished it written — with simple fidelity. 
 
 Some years ago, a young English clergyman, fresh 
 from the ecclesiastical dainties of Oxford, was ap- 
 pointed to one of the most rural of parishes, in a 
 county that had as yet only heard of Dr. Pusey. The 
 parish church was a picture. A fine, solid, old struc- 
 ture of the middle ages ; with its ancient belfry, 
 and climbing ivy, and cawing rooks, and niche for holy 
 water, and venerable graveyard, and all the other an- 
 tiquities most dear in the eyes of a clerical Oxonian of 
 
X PREFACE. 
 
 that day. But the interior of the church was a sad 
 disappointment, and to the young priest a perpet- 
 ual sorrow. There were not wanting indications 
 that it had been originally finished in a costly and 
 superior manner. There were pillars, small and 
 large ; there was groining in the roof ; there were 
 tombs and monuments, and some dim remains of an- 
 cient carving. But the whole was covered with 
 what appeared to be the dust of centuries, hard- 
 ened into a dark and dismal crust. 
 
 How to restore the ancient edifice ! How to make 
 the interior correspond with the picturesque exterior ! 
 
 The church-wardens, the parish-clerk, the sexton, 
 all concurred in opinion on the subject ; and that opin- 
 ion was — whitewash ! With horror the fastidious pas- 
 tor rejected the suggestion. But it led him to reflec- 
 tion, and reflection to inspection, and inspection to 
 experiment, and experiment to discovery. The old 
 church, he found, had been for centuries subject 
 periodically to the sacrilege of whitewashing. The 
 dismal crust with which the interior was covered 
 was nothing more than the whitewash of ages. The 
 proper way, then, to restore the edifice to its orig- 
 inal character, was to remove with careful hand 
 this odious accumulation from every part of the sur- 
 face, and let out its character to the light. 
 
 It was a labor of years. With his own hands 
 the zealous clergyman wrought. With his own reve- 
 nues he kept the work in progress. At length, on 
 an Easter morn, he saw his task complete, and the 
 church was as fresh, and clean, and characteristic, as 
 
PREFACE. XI 
 
 when, six hundred years before, a Catholic bishop had 
 chanted its consecration. What marvels were re- 
 vealed ! Marble pillars, tombs elaborately wrought 
 and brilliantly colored, oaken carvings, and finely 
 finished walls of yellow stone. 
 
 But yet the church was not a perfect church. The 
 whitewash which had imprisoned many beauties, had 
 concealed some flaws — some serious, nay, repulsive and 
 shocking flaws. It was still an old church, a very old 
 church, which the modern eye had to learn to allow 
 for, and to like; and some there were in the parish 
 who, after all, would have preferred the glare and 
 monotonous perfection of a new and thick coat of 
 whitewash. But the greater number saw with pleas- 
 ure that now their old church, whatever its defects 
 and faults, was honest, curious, interesting, real. Not 
 a model to copy, but a specimen to study. 
 
IIST OF PUBLICATIONS 
 
 CONTAINING INFORMATION RESPECTING ANDREW JACKSON, HIS 
 TIMES AND CONTEMPORARIES. 
 
 The Life of Andrew Jackson, Major General 
 in the service of the United States : compris- 
 ing a history of the "War in the South, from 
 the commencement of the Creek Campaign 
 to the termination of hostilities before New 
 Orleans. By John Henry Eaton, Senator of 
 the United States. Philadelphia, 1824. 8vo. 
 468 pp. 
 
 [Published originally about 1818. The basis 
 of all the popular lives of Jackson ; valuable 
 for its full details of the Creek "War. Not de- 
 signedly false, but necessarily so, because 
 written on the principle of omitting to men- 
 tion every act and trait of its subject not cal- 
 culated to win general approval. The author 
 was a neighbor and friend of General Jackson, 
 afterwards a member of his cabinet.] 
 
 Memoirs of General Andrew Jackson, to- 
 
 f;ether with the Letter of Mr. Secretary Adams, 
 n vindication of the execution of Arbuthnot 
 and Ambrister, and the other public acts of 
 General Jackson, in Florida. Bridgeton, N. J., 
 1824. 8vo. 40 pp. 
 
 [A pamphlet of the presidential campaign 
 of 1824.] 
 
 The Life of Major General Andrew Jackson : 
 comprising a history of the "War in the South, 
 from the commencement of the Creek Cam- 
 paign to the termination of hostilities before 
 New Orleans. Addenda : containing a brief 
 history of the Seminole War and Cession and 
 Government of Florida. By John Henry 
 Eaton, Senator of the United States Congress. 
 Philadelphia, 1828. 12mo. 335 pp. 
 
 [The original work of Major Eaton, with 
 some additional pages, narrating such of the 
 incidents of the Seminole "War as the author 
 thought proper.] 
 
 Civil and Military History of Andrew Jack- 
 son, late Major General in the Army of the 
 United States, and Commander-in-Chief of 
 the Southern Division. By an American 
 Officer. New York, 1825. 12mo. 859. 
 
 [Contains a nearly complete set of General 
 Jackson's military dispatches.] 
 
 A concise Narrative of General Jackson's 
 First Invasion of Florida, and of his immortal 
 Defense of New Orleans; with Bemarks. 
 Second edition, with Additions, by Aristides. 
 New York, 1827. 12mo. 24 pp. 
 
 [A campaign pamphlet of the presidential 
 election of 1828.] 
 
 Memoirs of Andrew Jackson, late Major- 
 General and Commander-in-Chief of the 
 Southern Division of the Army of the United 
 States. Compiled by a Citizen of Massa- 
 chusetts. Boston, 1828. 12mo. 270 pp. 
 
 [A reproduction of Eaton, with some errors 
 of Eaton much exaggerated.] 
 
 A History of the Life and Public Services 
 of Major General Andrew Jackson. Impar- 
 tially compiled from the most authentic 
 sources. 1828. 8vo. 37 pp. 
 
 [An Adams' pamphlet of the presidential 
 campaign of 1828. An ingenious perversion.] 
 
 An Impartial and True History of the Life 
 and Services of Major General Andrew Jack 
 son. 1828. 12mo. 82 pp. 
 
 [Adverse to General Jackson. Ingeniously 
 and laboriously done.] 
 
 Reminiscences ; or an Extract from tho 
 Catalogue of General Jackson's "Juvenile 
 Indiscretions," between the ages of Twenty- 
 three and Sixty. Nashville and New York, 
 1828. 8vo. 8 pp. 
 
 [A list of General Jackson's alleged quar- 
 rels, fights, affrays, and duels, numbered from 
 one to fourteen.] 
 
 The Jackson "Wreath, or National Souvenir; 
 containing a Biographical Sketch of General 
 Jackson until 1819. By Kobert "Walsh, Jr., 
 Esq. ; with a continuation until the present 
 day, embracing a view of the recent political 
 struggle. By Doctor James M 'Henry. Phila- 
 delphia, 1829. 8vo. 88 pp. 
 
 [A sort of Jacksonian Gift-Book— a catch 
 penny enterprise.] 
 
 Biography of Andrew Jackson, President 
 of the United States, formerly Major General 
 in the Army of the United States. By Philo 
 A. Goodwin, Esq. Hartford, 1832. 12mo. 
 421 pp. 
 
 [A "Campaign" Life, done as well as a 
 thing of the kind can be.] 
 
 Life of Andrew Jackson, President of the 
 United States of America. By "William Cob- 
 bett, M. P. for Oldham. New York, 1834. 
 18mo. 196 pp. 
 
 [Taken verbatim from Eaton ; with the ad- 
 dition of a few pages of matter designed for 
 political effect in England. This is the work, 
 in the dedication of which to the people of 
 Ireland, Mr. Cobbett styles General Jackson 
 " the bravest and greatest man now living in 
 this world, or that has ever lived in this 
 world, as far as my knowledge extends."] 
 
 Life of Andrew Jackson, Private, Military, 
 and Civil, with Illustrations. By Amos Ken- 
 dall. New York, 1844. 8vo. To be com- 
 pleted in fifteen numbers. 
 
 [Of this work seven numbers appeared, 
 bringing the life down nearly to the end of 
 the Creek War. Discontinued on account it 
 
XIV 
 
 LIST OF PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 the expansion of the telegraphic business with 
 which the author became connected at an 
 early day.] 
 
 A Sketch of the Life of General Andrew 
 Jackson, and of the Battle of New Orleans, 
 with an engraving of the Battle-ground, writ- 
 ten for the Knickerbocker Magazine. New 
 York, 1845. 8vo. 16 pp. 
 
 [Written on the occasion of General Jack- 
 Bon's death.] 
 
 Memoirs of General Andrew Jackson, 
 Seventh President of the United States : con- 
 taining a full account of his Indian campaigns 
 and defense of New Orleans ; and numerous 
 anecdotes illustrative of his character ; to- 
 gether with his Veto of the Bank Bill, Proc- 
 lamation to the Nullifiers, Farewell Address, 
 etc., etc. To which is added the Eulogy of 
 Hon. George Bancroft, delivered at Washing- 
 ton, D. C. Compiled by a Citizen of West- 
 ern New York. Auburn, 1845. 12mo. 
 
 [A brief outline, founded on Eaton.] 
 
 Monument to the memory of General An- 
 drew Jackson: containing Twenty-five Eu- 
 logies and Sermons delivered on the occasion 
 of his Death. To which is added an Appen- 
 dix, containing General Jackson's Procla- 
 mation, his Farewell Address, and a certified 
 copy of his Last Will. The whole preceded 
 by a short sketch of his life. Compiled by B. 
 M. Dusenbery. Philadelphia, 1846. 
 
 [A volume of indiscriminate eulogies, most- 
 ly Dy interested politicians, valueless, except 
 as showing the popular idea of Jackson's life 
 and character.] 
 
 Pictorial Life of Andrew Jackson. By John 
 Frost, LL. D. Philadelphia, 1847. 8vo. 
 560 pp. 
 
 [Compiled chiefly from Eaton and other 
 easily accessible sources. Highly eulogistic] 
 
 Jackson and the Generals of the War of 
 1812. By John S. Jenkins, A. M. Philadel- 
 phia, 1854. 12mo. 407 pp. 
 
 [Short Lives of Jackson, Brown, Gaines, 
 Harrison, Macomb, Pike, and Scott.] 
 
 Addresses on the Presentation of the Sword 
 of General Andrew Jackson to the Congress 
 of the United States, delivered in the Senate 
 and House of Representatives February 26, 
 1855. Washington, 1855. 8vo. 40 pp. 
 
 [Contains Colonel Thomas H. Benton's nar- 
 rative of the events that called General Jack- 
 pon to the field. Also the correspondence 
 accompanying the presentation of the Sword 
 to the nation.] 
 
 Life and Public Services of General Andrew 
 Jackson, Seventh President of the United 
 States; including the most important of his 
 State Papers. Edited by John S. Jenkins, 
 A. M. ; with the Eulogy delivered at Wash- 
 ington City, June 21st, 1845, by Hon. George 
 Bancroft. New York, 1857. 12mo. 391 pp. 
 
 [A short, popular Life ; repeats all the old 
 errors ; adds a few new incidents.] 
 
 Harpers' New Monthly Magazine for Janu- 
 ary, 1 .855. New York. 
 
 [Article I. is a glowing narrative (beauti- 
 fully illustrated) of the life of General Jack- 
 
 son, by Mr. B. J. Lossing, author of th« 
 Field-Book of the Revolution.] 
 
 The History and Antiquities of tbe County 
 of the Town of. Carrickfergus, from the earli- 
 est records to the present time ; also a Statis- 
 tical Survey of said County. By Samuel 
 M'Skimin. Belfast, 1829. 8vo. 405 pp. 
 
 [The history of a county in which the an- 
 cestors of General Jackson lived for many 
 generations.] 
 
 New and Popular History of Ireland, from 
 the beginning of the Christian Era to the pres- 
 ent time. London, 1851. 8 vols, in 1. 12mo. 
 
 [Notices of Carrickfergus and its early 
 sieges.] 
 
 The Irish Sketch-Book. William M. Thack- 
 eray. New York, 1847. 8vo. 
 
 [Narrative of a tour in Ireland. The most 
 enlightening book of its class. Gives many 
 particulars of the contrast between the North 
 of Ireland and the other Irish provinces.] 
 
 Historical Sketches of North Carolina, from 
 1584 to 1851. Compiled from Original Rec- 
 ords, Official Documents, and Traditional 
 Statements ; with Biographical Sketches of 
 her distinguished Statesmen, Jurists, Law- 
 yers, Soldiers, Divines, etc. By John H. 
 Wheeler, late Treasurer of the State. Phila 
 delphia, 1851. 8vo. 
 
 [No mention of young Jackson, nor of his 
 family, but details some of the events in 
 which he and his brothers took part.] 
 
 Interesting Revolutionary Incidents, and 
 Sketches of Character, chiefly in the "Old 
 North State." By the Rev. E. W. Caruthers, 
 D. D. First and Second Series. Philadel- 
 phia, 1856. 12mo. 
 
 [Abounds in revolutionary anecdotes, illus- 
 trative of the fierce partisan warfare that 
 raged in North Carolina during the latter 
 years of the Revolution, in the midst of which 
 the boy, Andrew Jackson, grew to manhood.] 
 
 The annals of Tennessee to the end of the 
 Eighteenth Century; comprising its settle- 
 ment, as The Watauga Association, from 1769 
 to 1777 ; a part of North Carolina, from 1777 
 to 1784 ; the State of Franklin, 1784 to 1788 ; 
 a part of North Carolina, 1788 to 1790; the 
 Territory of the United States, South of the 
 Ohio, from 1790 to 1796; the State of Ten- 
 nessee from 1796 to 1S00. By J. G. M. Ram- 
 sey, A. M., M. D., etc., etc. Philadelphia, 1853. 
 8vo. 
 
 [Gives very full details of the early history 
 of Tennessee. Not much of Jackson.] 
 
 History of Middle Tennessee ; or Life and 
 Times of General James Robertson. By A. 
 W. Putnam, Esq., President of the Tennessee 
 Historical Society. Nashville, 1859. 8vo. 
 668 pp. 
 
 [A very full account of the settlement ol 
 the Cumberland Valhy. Contains curious 
 information respecting General Jackson's • 
 early career in Tennessee, and of the courts I 
 at which he practiced. Frequently quoted in 
 these pages.] 
 
 A Short Description of the State of Ten- 
 nessee, lately called the Territory of the- 
 United States. South of the River Ohio. To 
 
LIST OF PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 XV 
 
 tcoompany a map of that country. Phila- 
 delphia, 1796. 18mo. 36 pp. 
 
 [Shows the progress of Tennessee to the 
 year 1796.] 
 
 Journal of a Tour in the Unsettled Parts of 
 North America, in 1796 and 1797. By the 
 late Francis Baily, F. E. S., with a Memoir 
 of the Author. London, 1854. 8vo. 415 pp. 
 
 [The author traversed the entire length of 
 Tennessee, and visited Nashville in 1797, and' 
 describes what he saw.] 
 
 Sketches of History, Life, and Manners in 
 the West. By James Hall. 2 vols. 12mo. 
 Philadelphia, 1835. 
 
 [Gives some glimpses of pioneer life.] 
 
 Western Characters; or Types of Border 
 Life in the Western States. By T. L. M'Con- 
 nel. New York, 1853. 12mo. 378 pp. 
 
 [Eleven set essays on border life.] 
 
 Autobiography of Peter Cartwright, the 
 Backwoods Preacher. Edited by W. P. 
 Strickland. New York, 1856. 12mo 525 pp. 
 
 [Contains anecdotes of General Jackson, 
 and of the early days in Tennessee. A series 
 of astounding pictures of frontier barbarism.] 
 
 The Eepublican Court. By Eufus W. Gris- 
 wold. 4to. New York, 1853. 
 
 [Society in Philadelphia, when Andrew 
 Jackson was member of Congress in 1796 and 
 1797.] 
 
 History of the Discovery and Settlement 
 of the Valley of the Mississippi by the three 
 great European Powers, Spain, France and 
 Great Britain, and the subsequent Occupa- 
 tion, Settlement and Extension of Civil Gov- 
 ernment by the United States until the year 
 
 1846. By John W. Monette, M. D. 2 vols. 
 8vo. New York, 1846. 
 
 [Contains account of the Burr panic, Creek 
 War, New Orleans campaigns and first inva- 
 sions of Florida. Fullest on the Burr panic] 
 
 Sketches and Eccentricities of Colonel Da- 
 vid Crockett, of West Tennessee. New York, 
 
 1847. 12mo. 209 pp. 
 
 [Crockett fought in some of the battles of 
 the Creek War, and served in the early legis- 
 lature of Tennessee.] 
 
 A Picture of a Eepublican Magistrate of the 
 New School ; being a full-length likeness of 
 his Excellency, Thomas Jefferson, President 
 of the United States. To which is added a 
 short Criticism of the Characters and Preten- 
 sions of Mr. Madison, Mr. Clinton and Mr. 
 Pinkney. By John Thierry Danvers, of 
 Virginia. New York, 1808. 8vo. 96 pp. 
 
 [A spirited and severe review of Mr. Jeffer- 
 son's administration, including a defense of 
 Aaron Burr. Endeavors to show that Burr 
 was ruined by Jefferson for political and per- 
 gonal reasons. A curious relic of an old con- 
 troversy.] 
 
 Life of Thomas Jefferson. By Henry S. 
 Randall, LL.D. 3 vols. 8vo. New York, 
 Derby & Jackson, 1858. 
 
 [Mr. Jefferson's opinion of General Jack 
 •on, and other mattere.] 
 
 Life of Tecumseh and of his Brother, the 
 Prophet, with a historical Sketch of the 
 Shawnee Indians. By Benjamin Drake. 
 Cincinnati, 1850. 12mo. 235 pp. 
 
 [Important, because but for the machina- 
 tions of Tecumseh, Jackson would never have 
 become a famous general. It was Tecumseo 
 who gave Jackson his opportunity.] 
 
 History of the Discovery of America, of 
 the Landing of our Forefathers at Plymouth, 
 and of their most remarkable Engagements 
 with the Indians in New England from their 
 first Landing, in 1620, until the final Subju- 
 gation of the Natives in 1679. To which is 
 annexed the Particulars of almost every 
 important Engagement with the Savages 
 at the Westward to the Present Day, in- 
 cluding the Defeats of Generals Braddock, 
 Harmer and St. Clair by the Indians at the 
 Westward, the Creek and Seminole Wars, 
 etc. By Henry Trumbull. Boston, 1S31. 
 8vo. 256 pp. 
 
 [A most miscellaneous collection, which 
 happens to contain some early accounts of 
 events preceding the Creek War; among 
 others, one of the first narratives of the mas- 
 sacre at Fort Mims, written near the scene.] 
 
 History of Alabama, and, incidentally, of 
 Georgia and Mississippi from the earliest 
 Period. By Arthur James Pickett, of Mont- 
 gomery. 2 vols. 12mo. Charleston, 1851. 
 
 [Contains information respecting Tecum- 
 seh, a minute account of the massacre at Fort 
 Mims, and important particulars of the Creek 
 War. A valuable work.] 
 
 Georgia Scenes, Characters and Incidents, 
 etc., in "the first Half Century of the Eenub- 
 lic. By a native Georgian. New York, 
 1858. 12mo. 214 pp. 
 
 [A series of graphic sketches of wild south- 
 ern life. One of the most popular of books in 
 the South.] 
 
 Wild Western Scenes. A Narrative of Ad- 
 ventures in the western Wilderness, wherein 
 the Exploits of Daniel Boone, the great Amer- 
 ican Pioneer, are particularly described, etc. 
 etc. By J. B. Jones. Philadelphia, 1858, 
 12mo. 263 pp. 
 
 [A novel.] 
 
 The Life of Major General William H. Har- 
 rison, Ninth President of the United States. 
 by H. Montgomery. Cleveland, Ohio, 1852. 
 12mo. 465 pp. 
 
 [Some information respecting Tecumseh. 
 Account of General Harrison's resigning his 
 commission ; to which commission Jackson 
 succeeded.] 
 
 Biography and History of the Indians of 
 North America from its first Discovery. By 
 Samuel G. Drake. Boston, 1851. 8vo. 720 
 pp. 
 
 [Account of the Creek Indians. Brief 
 narrative of Jackson's Indian campaigns.] 
 
 Treaties between the United States and 
 Indian Tribes from 1778 to 1837. Washing- 
 ton, 1887. 8vo. 
 
 [Contains the treaty of Fort Jackson and 
 
XVI 
 
 LIST OP PUBLICATIONS 
 
 otner treaties negotiated by General Jackson 
 with the Indians.] 
 
 The Life of Sam Houston. The only au- 
 thentic Memoir of him ever published. New 
 York, 1855. 12mo. 492 pp. 
 
 [Done in anticipation of General Houston's 
 running for the presidency in 1856. Better 
 than campaign lives generally. Gives true 
 account of young Houston's exploits in 
 Creek War.] 
 
 A Journal containing an accurate and inter- 
 esting Account of the Hardships, Sufferings, 
 Battles, Defeat and Captivity of those heroic 
 Kentucky Volunteers and Regulars, com- 
 manded by General Winchester, in the years 
 1812 and 1813. Also two Narratives by Men 
 that were wounded in the Battles on the 
 River Raisin and taken captive by the In- 
 dians. By Ehas Darnell. Philadelphia, 1854. 
 18mo. 98 pp. 
 
 [A curious narrative of a Kentucky volun- 
 teer, showing the nature of that service in the 
 war of 1812.] 
 
 History of the late War between the United 
 States and Great Britain ; comprising a mi- 
 nute Account of the various military and 
 naval Operations. By H. M. Brackenridge. 
 Philadelphia, 1S46. 12mo. 298 pp. 
 
 [One of the earliest, and much the best, of 
 the shorter histories of the war of 1812. 
 Judge Brackenridge was an old acquaintance 
 ot General Jackson, and served as his secre- 
 tary and translator when the general. was 
 Governor of Florida.] 
 
 Memoirs of William Ellery Channing, with 
 Extracts from his Correspondence and Manu- 
 scripts. 3 vols. 12mo. Boston, 1848. 
 
 [Shows feeling of New England during 
 war of 1812, and the impression produced 
 there by some of General Jackson's public 
 acts.] 
 
 The Second War with England. By J. T. 
 Head ley, author of " Napoleon and his Mar- 
 shals," etc., etc. 12mo. 2 vols. New York, 
 1854. 
 
 [Presents a rapid, vivid view of the whole 
 war.] 
 
 An authentic History of the Second War 
 for Independence ; comprising Details of the 
 military and naval Operations from the Com- 
 mencement to the Close of the recent War ; 
 enriched with numerous geographical and 
 biographical Notes. By Samuel R. Brown. 
 18mo. 2 vols. Auburn, 1815. 
 
 [Valuable chiefly for the large number of 
 letters and documents in the appendices and 
 notes.] 
 
 The Crisis on the Origin and Consequences 
 of our political Dissensions. To which is 
 annexed the late Treaty between the United 
 States and Great Britain. By a Citizen of 
 Vermont. Albany, 1815. 8vo. 96 pp. 
 
 [A pamphlet of the war of 1812. An essay 
 on the evils supposed to result from the con- 
 flict of parties. A defense of the Federal- 
 ists. Throws light upon the public feeling 
 during the war.] 
 
 The United States and England ; being a 
 
 Reply to the Criticism on Inehiquin's Let- 
 ters contained in the Quarterly Review for 
 January, 1814. New York, 1815. 8vo. 115 
 pp. 
 
 [Shows the bitterness of feeling between 
 the two countries during the war of 1812.] 
 
 Mr. Ingersoll's Speech on the Loan Bills. 
 Tuesday, "February 15th, 1814. 8vo. 23 pp. 
 [C. J. Ingersoll. Finances of War of 1812.] 
 
 Address to the People of the United States. 
 By Touchstone. 1812. 
 
 [Anti war. Anti Madison. Pro De Witt 
 Clinton.] 
 
 An Address of Members of the House of 
 Representatives of the Congress of the United 
 States to their Constituents on the Subject 
 of the War with Great Britain. Raleigh, 
 North Carolina. 1812. 
 
 [A temperate anti-war pamphlet signed by 
 thirty-four members of the House of Repre- 
 sentatives.] 
 
 An Exposition of the Conduct of France 
 toward America. Illustrated by Cases de- 
 cided in the Council of Prizes in Paris. By 
 Lewis Goldsmith, Notary Public. New York, 
 1810. 8vo. 99 pp. 
 
 [A mass of facts and documents relating to 
 French spoliations on American commerco 
 during the reign of Napoleon I. ; particularly 
 during the operation of the Berlin and Milan 
 Decrees. An important pamphlet. Its ob- 
 ject was to show that France, not England, 
 was America's real enemy.] 
 
 History of the Second War between the 
 United States of America and Great Britain. 
 Declared by Act of Congress the 18th of 
 June, 1812, and concluded by peace the 15th 
 of February, 1815. By Charles J. Ingersoll. 
 4 vols. 8vo. Philadelphia, 1852. 
 
 [A work of considerable interest and power, 
 but wrongly entitled. It should have been 
 called, Recollections of the public and pri- 
 vate Life of a Democratic Member of Con- 
 gress, or something to that effect. One vol- 
 ume is chiefly occupied by the author's con- 
 versations with Joseph Bonaparte.] 
 
 Historical Memoir of the War in West 
 Florida and Louisiana in 1814 and 1815, with 
 an Atlas. By Major A. Lacarriere Latour, 
 principal Engineer in the late Seventh Mili- 
 tary District, United States Army. Written 
 originally in French, and translated for the 
 author by H. P. Nugent, Esq. Philadelphia, 
 1816. 8vo. 256 pp. With 79 appendices. 
 
 [A work of the highest value and impor- 
 tance by an officer of United States Engineers, 
 who served most usefully in the defense of 
 New Orleans. Contains nearly all the docu- 
 ments relating to the campaign. It will 
 remain the chief source of information with 
 regard to the defense of the South-west in 
 1814 and 1815.] 
 
 Jackson and New Orleans. An authentic 
 Narrative of the memorable Achievements of 
 the American army, under Andrew Jackson, 
 before New Orleans, in the Winter of 1814 
 and 1815 By Alexander Walker. New York- 
 1856. 12mo. 411 pp. 
 
LIST OP PUBLICATIONS 
 
 XV11 
 
 [This work is one of the best executed 
 pieces of American history in existence — most 
 rich in facts, told with spirit and effect. It 
 needs only a thorough revision and a slight 
 toning down, here and there, to be a work of 
 classic excellence. To no single volume is the 
 author of this work so much indebted as to 
 " Jackson and New Orleans." By the older 
 inhabitants of New Orleans its great merit has 
 been fully appreciated.] 
 
 iSfotes on the War in the South, with bi- 
 ographical Sketches of the Lives of Mont- 
 gomery, Jackson, Sevier, the late Governor 
 Claiborne and others. By Nathaniel Herbert 
 Claiborne, of Frankiin county, Virginia, a 
 Member of the Executive of Virginia during 
 the late War. Eichmond, 1819, 18mo. 112 
 PP 
 
 [A little volume much sought after by col- 
 lectors because it is scarce; but it is of 
 scarcely any value.] 
 
 Fifty Years in both Hemispheres; or, Re- 
 miniscences of the Life of a former Merchant. 
 By Vincent Nolte, late of New Orleans. 
 Translated from the German. New York, 
 1854. 12mo. 484 pp. 
 
 [The author served in the battle of New 
 Orleans. His book, which abounds in curious 
 and not ill-toM anecdotes, has but one fault : 
 you can not believe a word it says. That is, 
 not implicitly. The author exaggerates and 
 perverts. The desire of telling a good story is, 
 at all times, too much for his sense of truth.] 
 
 The Manhattaner in New Orleans; or, 
 Phases of "Crescent City" Life. By A. 
 Oakey Hall. New York, 1851. 12mo. 190 
 pp. 
 
 [Describes the field as it now is, and gives 
 an old soldier's version of the battle.] 
 
 National Intelligencer, of 1812, 1813, 1814 
 and 1815. Washington. 
 
 [The Intelligencer having been then the 
 confidential organ of Mr. Madison's adminis- 
 tration, contains more war matter than any 
 other. It was the great source of domestic 
 intelligence at that day.] 
 
 Evening Pout, of 1812, 1813, 1814 and 1815. 
 New York. 
 
 [A leading opposition or Federal paper at 
 that day. Gives the other side of the war 
 picture. Abounds in interesting matter.] 
 
 General Jackson's Fine. An Examination 
 of the Question of Martial Law, with an Ex- 
 planation of the Law of Contempt of Court. 
 Suggested by Reflections on the Injustice of 
 the Fine imposed on General Jackson by 
 Judge Hall in 1815. By Charles J. Ingersoll. 
 Washington, 1843. 8vo. 88 pp. 
 
 [An elaborate statement and defense of 
 General Jackson's proceedings after the battle 
 of New Orleans. Valuable documents in ap- 
 pendix.] 
 
 Recollections of a Lifetime ; or, Men and 
 Things I have Seen, in a Series of familiar 
 Letters to a Friend, historical, biographical, 
 anecdotical and descriptive. By 8 G. Good- 
 rich, 2 vols. 12mo. New York and Auburn, 
 1856. 
 
 VOL. I. — 2 
 
 [Full account of Hartford Convention. An- 
 ecdotes of Monroe and Jackson. The peace 
 rejoicings in 1815.] 
 
 Letters of General Adair and General Jack- 
 son relative to the Charge of Cowardice made 
 by the latter against the Kentucky Troops at 
 New Orleans. Lexington, Kentucky, 1817. 
 Svo. 62 pp. 
 
 [An angry and embittered correspondence. 
 Adds a few facts to our knowledge of the bat- 
 tle of New Orleans.] 
 
 The Campaign of the British Army at 
 Washington and New Orleans, in the years 
 1814 and 1815. By the author of the Sub- 
 altern. London, 1837. 
 
 [The best narrative of the New Orleans 
 campaign, by a British officer. Full, temper 
 ate, gentleman like.] 
 
 A Narrative of Events in the South of 
 France, and of the Attack on New Orleans, 
 in 1814 and 1815. By Captain John Henry 
 Cooke. London, 1835. 
 
 [A British officer's narrative of what he saw 
 and experienced in the New Orleans cam- 
 paign.] 
 
 Recollections of an Artillery Officer. By 
 Benson Earle, H. TJ. 2 vols. 8vo. London, 
 about 1830. 
 
 [The author served at the battle of New 
 Orleans in the British army, and afterwards 
 turned actor. He narrates personal incidents 
 in a lively manner.] 
 
 Proceedings of the Court Martial upon 
 Lieutenant Colonel Mullens, of the Forty- 
 fourth Infantry. London, 1815. 
 
 [Mullens commanded the forty-fourth Brit- 
 ish infantry at the battle of the 8th of Janu- 
 ary, where he was greatly in fault. The pro- 
 ceedings of the court martial I have not been 
 able to procure, but finding them quoted in 
 English works, have used various parts of the 
 evidence.] 
 
 A Full and Correct Account of the Military 
 Occurrences of the Late War between Great 
 Britain and the United States of America; 
 with an Appendix and Plates. By William 
 James, Author of "A Full and Correct Ac- 
 count of the Chef Naval Occurrences, etc. 
 2 vols. Svo. London, 1818. 
 
 [An English view of the war, angry and 
 prejudiced; but containing a large number 
 of dispatches and documents of the highest 
 value.] 
 
 Official Record from the War Department, 
 of the proceedings of the Court Martial which 
 tried, and the Orders of General Jackson for 
 shooting, the Six Militia-men ; together with 
 Official Letters from the War Department 
 (ordered to be printed by Congress), showing 
 that these American citizens were inhumanly 
 and illegally massacred. Washington, 1828. 
 Svo. 32 pp. 
 
 [Contains all the documents, with a few 
 pages of wild comment.] 
 
 Falsehood and Slander Exposed. The Case 
 of the Six Militia-men, stated from official 
 and authentic records. Published by ordei 
 
XV111 
 
 LIST OF PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 of the Jackson Central Committee. 1828. 
 8vo. 15 pp. 
 
 [A defense of General Jackson's conduct, in 
 ordering the execution of the Six Militia-men, 
 at Mobile, in 1815.] 
 
 Monumental Inscription. Philadelphia, 
 1828. 8vo. 16 pp. 
 
 BfA collection of the "Coffin Hand-bills, 1 ' 
 ublished by John Binns, of Philadelphia, 
 designed to keep alive (in the minds of 
 voters) the memory of the Six Militia-men 
 executed at Mobile, in 1815, by order of Gen- 
 eral Jackson.] 
 
 The Territory of Florida ; or Sketches of 
 the Topography, Civil and Natural History 
 of the Country, the Climate, and the Indian 
 Tribes, from the first discovery to the pres- 
 ent time. By John Lee Williams. New 
 York, 1837. 8vo. 
 
 [Has information respecting General Jack- 
 son's first and second invasions of Florida; 
 but incomplete and unsatisfactory. In other 
 respects a valuable work.] 
 
 Memoir upon the Negotiations between 
 Spain and the United States of America, 
 which led to the treaty of 1819, with, a Statis- 
 tical Notice of that country ; accompanied 
 with an Appendix, containing important 
 documents. By D. Luis De Oris, late Minister 
 Plenipotentiary near that Eepublic. Trans- 
 lated from the Spanish, with Notes, by Tobias 
 Watkins. Baltimore, 1821. 8vo. 152 pp. 
 
 [Chiefly a description of the United States. 
 Contains very little to justify the first part of 
 its title. The author was a frequent protester 
 against General Jackson's invasion of Florida. 
 His work is nearly worthless ; and the appen- 
 dix contains but one document, and that of no 
 value.] 
 
 General. Jackson's conduct in the Seminole 
 War, delineated in a History of that Period, 
 affording conclusive reasons why he should 
 not bo next President. By Samuel Perkins, 
 Esq. Brooklyn, Conn. 1828. 8vo. 39 pp. 
 
 [A temperate and well-written pamphlet, 
 presenting the facts in a light unfavorable to 
 General Jackson.] 
 
 Eesidence at the Court of London. By 
 Eichard Bush. Philadelphia, 1833. 8vo. 
 
 [Mr. Eush was the American Minister in 
 England during General Jackson's second 
 invasion of Florida, in 1318. He describes 
 the effect produced in England by the news 
 of the execution of Arbuthnot and Am- 
 brister.] 
 
 Eoyal Gazette and Bahama Advertiser of 
 1818. Nassau, New Providence. 
 
 [Contains the an ti- Jackson view of the exe- 
 cution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, who 
 went from New Providence to Florida. Con- 
 tains all the documents relative to the de- 
 scent of the band of adventurers upon Amelia 
 Island in 1817.] 
 
 Speech of the Honorable James Ta'dmadge, 
 Jr., of Dutchess county, New York, in the 
 House of Eepresentatives of the United States 
 on the Seminole War. New York, 1819. 8vo. 
 hi pp. 
 
 [Defends the execution of Arbuthnot anj 
 Ambrister.] 
 
 Trial of Arbuthnot and Ambrister. Pro- 
 ceedings of the Court Martial as transmitted 
 to the President. 1818. 
 
 [Published in various forms. May be found 
 at the end of " Civil and Military History of 
 Andrew Jackson. By an American officer." 
 Also in two or three Congressional documents 
 of the session of 1818 and 1819.] 
 
 Message of the President of the United 
 States, transmitting Copies of the Corre- 
 spondence between the Governor of Georgia 
 and Major General Jackson on the Subject of 
 the Arrest of Captain Obed Wright. Wash- 
 ington, 1818. 8vo. 21 pp. 
 
 [A document of the Seminole War. Corre ■ 
 spondence hostile.] 
 
 Message from the President of the United 
 States, transmitting a Eeport of the Secretary 
 of State, with the Documents relating to a 
 Misunderstanding between Andrew Jackson, 
 while acting as Governor of the Floridas, and 
 Elijius Frometin, Judge of a Court therein ; 
 also the Correspondence between the Secre- 
 tary of State and the Minister of Spain on 
 certain Proceedings in that Territory, etc., 
 etc. Washington, 1822. 8vo. SIS pp. 
 
 [Sufficiently described in the title page.] 
 
 Correspondence between General Andrew 
 Jackson and John C. Calhoun, President and 
 Vice President of the United States, on the 
 Subject of the Course of the latter in the De- 
 liberations of the Cabinet of Mr. Monroe on 
 the Occurrences in the Seminole War. Wash- 
 ington, 1831. 8vo. 52 pp. 
 
 [This was the correspondence which ter- 
 minated friendly relations between General 
 Jackson and Mr. Calhoun.] 
 
 Sketches of St. Augustine, with a View of 
 its History and Advantages as a Eesort for 
 Invalids. By E. K. Sewall. New York, 1848. 
 
 [Contains anecdotes of the cession of Flori- 
 da.] 
 
 The Letters of Algernon Sidney in Defense 
 of Civil Liberty and against the Encroach- 
 ments of military Despotism. Written by 
 an eminent Citizen of Virginia, ana first pub- 
 lished in the Eichmond Inquirer in 1818 and 
 1819. Eichmond, 1830. 8vo. 65 pp. 
 
 [Severe review of General Jackson's mili- 
 tary career.] 
 
 Judge Brackenridge's Letters. Washing- 
 ton, 1832. 8vo. 13 pp. 
 
 [A series of Letters by H. M. Brackenridge, 
 General Jackson's secretary and translator in 
 Florida; giving the history of his connection 
 with General Jackson, and accusing the gen- 
 eral of inconsistency and deceit. Contains 
 interesting information and documents.] 
 
 The Lives of James Madison and James 
 Monroe, Fourth and Fifth Presidents of the 
 United States. By John Quincy Adams. 
 With historical Notices of their Administra- 
 tions. Buffalo, 1S51. 12mo. 432 pp. 
 
 iAn enlargement of two orations. Mr 
 ams's statements are too general and too 
 guarded for the work to be of much biograph- 
 
LIST OP PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 XIX 
 
 leal value His object was rather to tell as 
 little as possible than as much as possible. 
 His success was complete. Madison and 
 Monroe remain the mythical personages they 
 were.] 
 
 Niles's Weekly Register. 73 vols. 8vo. 
 Baltimore. From 1812 to 1848. 
 
 [Every volume, except the first and second, 
 contains important matter respecting Gen- 
 eral Jackson's public acts. Innumerable doc- 
 uments.] 
 
 Abridgement of the Debates of Congress 
 from 1789 to 1856. By the Author of the 
 Thirty Years' View (Thomas H. Benton). 
 15 vols. 8vo. New York, 1857. 
 
 [All the volumes, except the third and 
 fourth, contain Jacksonian matter.] 
 
 Congressional Documents. Washington. 
 
 [The documents containing information 
 concerning the acts of General Jackson are 
 too numerous for mention. See, in. particu- 
 lar, those of the years 1815, 1818, 1821, 1S28, 
 1829, 1830, 1831 to 1838.] 
 
 Ten Years of Preacher Life : Chapters from 
 an Autobiography. By William Henry Mil- 
 burn. New York, 1859. 12mo. 863 pp. 
 
 [Anecdotes of Gen. Jackson, Sketches of 
 Southwestern Life,Otficial Life inWashingt'n.] 
 
 The Life and Times of Aaron Burr, Lieu- 
 tenant Colonel in the Army of the Revolu- 
 tion, United States Senator, Vice President 
 of the United States, etc. By J. Parton. 
 New York, 1858. 12mo. 700 pp. 
 
 [A glimpse or two of General Jackson. 
 Burr's opinion of Jackson. Burr's agency in 
 the nomination of Jackson to the presidency.] 
 
 Memoirs of Aaron Burr, with miscellane- 
 ous Selections from his Correspondence. By 
 Matthew L. Davis. 2 vols. New York, 1837. 
 
 [Contains Burr's brief account of his visits 
 to General Jackson in 1805 and 1806, and his 
 letter recommending Jackson as the demo- 
 cratic candidate for the presidency in 1816.] 
 
 The Letters of Wyoming to the People of 
 the United States on the presidential elec- 
 tion, and in favor of Andrew Jackson. Orig- 
 inally published in the QolumbiaAi Observer. 
 Philadelphia, 1824. 
 
 [A series of spirited papers of the presiden- 
 tial campaign of 1824. Famous in their day. 
 Very severe upon Crawford, the "regular" or 
 " caucus" candidate of the Democratic party.] 
 
 Leisure Labors ; or, Miscellanies, historical, 
 literary and political. By Joseph B. Cobb. 
 New York, 1S58. 12mo. 408 pp. 
 
 [Valuable chiefly for a memoir of William 
 H. Crawford, one of Jackson's competitors for 
 the presidency in 1824; for the writing of 
 which the author had peculiar advantages.] 
 
 An Address of Henry Clay to the Public, 
 containing certain Testimony in Kefutation 
 of the Charges against him made by General 
 Andrew Jackson touching the late presiden- 
 tial Election. New Brunswick, 1828. 8vo. 
 66 pp. 
 
 [Mr. Clay's defense against the charge of 
 "bargain and corruption" in the election of 
 President by the House of Representatives in 
 1825.] I 
 
 Life and Times of Henry Clay. By Oalvil 
 Colton. 8vo. 2 vols. New York, 1846. 
 
 [Very full account of the " bargain and cor- 
 ruption" affair.] 
 
 Memoir of the Life of John Quincy Adams. 
 By Josiah Quincy, LL.D. Boston, 1858. 8vo. 
 429 pp. 
 
 [Moderate, painstaking, accurate, colorless. 
 Just such a life of Mr. Adams as Mr. Adams 
 wrote of other men. No new light upon the 
 vexed subjects. A valuable and creditable 
 work, though written on the ancient princi- 
 ple of presenting the public with a perfect 
 man.] 
 
 Life and Public Services of John Quincy 
 Adams, Sixth President of the United States. 
 With the Eulogy delivered before the Legis- 
 lature of New York. By William H. Seward. 
 Auburn, 1849. 12mo. 404 pp. 
 
 [An outside, eulogistic work ; not such a 
 book as the reader would naturally expect 
 from Senator Seward. Throws no light on 
 the vexed questions.] 
 
 Mr. Chilton's Letter to Mr. Wickliffe on 
 the Expenditures of the last and present Ad- 
 ministrations. Washington, 1830. 8vo. 8 pp. 
 
 [A defense of the administration of John 
 Quincy Adams against the charge of extrava- 
 gance ] 
 
 General Jackson and James Buchanan. 
 Letter from Francis P. Blair to the Public. 
 Washington, 1856. 8vo. 15 pp. 
 
 [A pamphlet written to reveal the agency 
 of Mr. Buchanan in the " bargain and corrup- 
 tion" business of 1825. Contains information 
 respecting General Jackson's pecuniary affairs 
 after his retirement from the presidency.] 
 
 Truth's Advocate and Monthly Anti 
 Jackson Expositor. By an Association of 
 Individuals. Cincinnati, 1828. 
 
 [A campaign publication presenting the 
 leading acts of General Jackson's life in the 
 most unfavorable light, but valuable from the 
 mass of documents given.] 
 
 Proceedings and Address of the New Jersey 
 Delegates in~favor of the present Administra- 
 tion of the General Government, assembled 
 in Convention at Trenton, February 22, 1828 
 Trenton. 8vo. 18 pp. 
 
 [Nominated John Quincy Adams for Presi 
 dent, and Richard Rush for Vice President. 
 Address temperate and forcible.] 
 
 The Voice of Virginia on the Approaching 
 Election. 8vo. 8 pp. 
 
 [For the reelection of Adams in 1828. 
 Dwells on the violence of Jackson, and his 
 incapacity.] 
 
 Address of the Fayette County Correspond- 
 ing Committee on the Proceedings in the 
 Senate of Kentucky, against the President, 
 Secretary of State, and Members of Congress; 
 and on other subjects connected with the ap- 
 proaching presidential election Lexington, 
 Ky. 8vo. 40 pp. 
 
 [Warm anti-Jackson pamphlet of 1828 ; de- 
 signed particularly to counteract the efforts 
 of Amos Kendall and Francis P. Blair, who 
 were striving to carry the State of Kentucky 
 for General Jackson.[ 
 
XX 
 
 LIST OF PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 An Address to the People of the United 
 States; being an examination of a pamphlet, 
 written by "Aristides," and designed to mis- 
 lead the public mind in favor of General 
 Jackson. By Brutus. 182S. 8vo. 28 pp. 
 
 [An electioneering pamphlet of the presi- 
 dential campaign of 1828.] 
 
 Recollections of the Life of John Binns. 
 Written by himself. Philadelphia, 1854 8vo. 
 
 [Mr. Binns was an active anti- Jackson poli- 
 tician, who, in 1828, designed and published 
 the famous " Coffin Handbills."] 
 
 The Presidential Question; addressed to 
 the People of the United States. New York, 
 1828. 8vo. 16 pp. 
 
 [An anti-Jackson campaign pamphlet.] 
 
 Memoirs of James Gordon Bennett and his 
 Times. By a Journalist. New York, 1855. 
 12mo. 488 pp. 
 
 [Contains notices of the presidential cam- 
 
 Saign of 1828 and 1832, a description of General 
 ackson's inauguration, and other scenes in 
 Washington. Mr. Bennett was then the 
 Washington correspondent of the Courier 
 and Inquirer.] 
 
 Biography of Martin Van Buren, Vice Presi- 
 dent of the United States; with an Appendix 
 containing selections from his Writings, in- 
 cluding his Speeches in the Senate of the 
 United States on the claims of the Soldiers of 
 the Revolution, and in favor of abolishing 
 imprisonment for debt, with other valuable 
 documents, among which will be found the 
 late Letter of Colonel Thomas H. Benton to 
 the Convention of the State of Mississippi. 
 Compiled and edited by William Emmonds. 
 Washington, 1835. 12mo. 
 
 [Written to promote the election of Martin 
 Van Buren to the presidency in 1836.] 
 
 Address of the Administration Standing 
 Committee to their Fellow-Citizens of Indi- 
 ana. 1828. 8vo. 22 pp. 
 
 [An Anti-Jackson pamphlet of 1828. An- 
 ticipates nullification ; deonunces the anti- 
 tariff men of the South ; accuses Southerners 
 of arrogance.] 
 
 The Votes and Speeches of Martin Van 
 Buren on the subject of the Right of Suf- 
 frage, the Qualifications of Colored Persons to 
 vote, and the Appointment or Election of 
 Justices of the Peace. In the Convention of 
 the State of New York (assembled to amend 
 the Constitution in 1821.) Duly authenticat- 
 ed and verified. Albany, 1840. 8vo. 24 pp. 
 
 [Shows Mr. Van Buren to have been an 
 opponent of universal suffrage as late as 1821. 
 One ground of his opposition to it was, that 
 it would give the right of voting to the row- 
 dies, shoulder-hitters, and Pewter-muggians 
 of the city of New York.] 
 
 Speech of the Hon. M. Van Buren, of the 
 Senate, on the Act to carry into effect the 
 Act of the 13th of April, 1819, for the Settle- 
 ment of the late Governor's Accounts. Al- 
 any, 1820. 8vo. 37 pp. 
 
 [One of the most elaborate of Mr. Van 
 Buren's early speeches. It defends Governor 
 Tompkins against the charge of misusing the 
 public money.] 
 
 The Life and Times of Martin Van Buren ; 
 
 the Correspondence of his Friends, Family 
 and Pupils; together with brief NotSsea, 
 Sketches and Anecdotes, illustrative of th« 
 public career of Polk, Calhoun, Jackson, 
 Burr, etc., etc., etc. By William L. Mac- 
 kenzie. Boston, 1846. 8vo. 808 pp. 
 
 [A formidable mass of letters and gossip. 
 The volume presents a revolting view of in- 
 terior politics.] 
 
 The Voice of the People and the Facts in 
 Relation to the Rejection of Martin Van Bu» 
 ren by the United States Senate. Albany, 
 1832. 8vo. 40 pp. 
 
 [Contains the speeches of Messrs. "Webster, 
 Forsyth, Marcy and others in the Senate on 
 the President's nomination of Mr. Van Buren 
 to the London mission. Also the proceedings 
 of a meeting at Albany to denounce the con- 
 duct of theSenate in rejecting the nomination.] 
 
 The Cabinet and Talisman. New York' 
 1829. 18mo. 
 
 [A kind of annual or gift book. Contains a 
 memoir of General Jackson, of each member 
 of his first cabinet and of General Macomb ; 
 the whole occupying two or three hundred 
 pages. Extremely eulogistic] 
 
 Correspondence. Letters of the Republican 
 Members of the New York Legislature to the 
 President. 8vo. 8 pp. 
 
 [Mr. Van Buren's rejection by the Senate is 
 the subject of this correspondence. General 
 Jackson justifies and commends Mr. Van 
 Buren's conduct abroad.] 
 
 The Life of Martin Van Buren, heir appa- 
 rent to the " Government," and the appointed 
 Successor of General Andrew Jackson. Con- 
 taining every authentic particular by which 
 his extraordinary Character has been formed. 
 With a concise History of the Events that 
 have occasioned his unparalleled Elevation, 
 together with a Review of his Policy as a 
 Statesman. By David Crockett. Philadel- 
 phia, 1835. 12mo. 209 pp. 
 
 [A burlesque biography, containing truth, 
 error, wit, sense and nonsense in about equal 
 proportions.] 
 
 The House that Jonathan built ; or, Politi- 
 cal Primer for 1832. With twelve cuts. 8vO. 
 16 pp. 
 
 [A parody on the *' House that Jack built." 
 Designed to ridicule General Jackson and 
 Mr. Van Buren.] 
 
 A History of the present Cabinet. Benton 
 in Ambush for the next Presidency. Kendall 
 coming in third best. An Exposition of Mar- 
 tin Van Buren's Reign. Washington, District 
 Columbia, 1840. 8vo. 8 pp. 
 
 [Nothing.] 
 
 The Northern Man with Southern Princi- 
 ples, and the Southern Man with American 
 Principles; or, a View of the comparative 
 Claims of General William H. Harrison and 
 Martin Van Buren, Esq., Candidates for the 
 presidency, to the Support of the Citizens of 
 the Southern States. Washington, 1840. 8vo. 
 40 pp. 
 
 [Accuses Mr. Van Buren of believing that 
 black men have rights that white men art 
 bound to respect.] 
 
LIST OF PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 XXI 
 
 Speech of Mr. Holmea, of Maine, in the 
 Senate of the United States, on his Resolu- 
 tions calling upon the President of the United 
 States for the Reasons of his removing from 
 Office, and filling the Vacancies thus created, 
 in the Recess of the Senate. Washington, 
 1830. 8vo. 28 pp. 
 
 [The hest thing that appeared at the time 
 against the removals. Contains a catalogue 
 of all the removals from office by Presidents 
 Washington, John Adams, Jefferson, Madison, 
 Monroe" and John Quincy Adams, and the 
 cause of each so far as known.] 
 
 Mrs. Barney's Letter to President Jack- 
 son. Baltimore, June 13th, 1829. 8vo. 4 
 pp. 
 
 [Commodore Barney was dismissed from 
 cffice by General Jackson, and his family thus 
 deprived of their means of support. This is 
 Mrs. Barney's remonstrance.] 
 
 The Lives and Opinions of Benjamin 
 Franklin Butler, United States District 
 Attorney for the Southern District of New 
 York, and Jesse Hoyt, Counselor at Law, 
 formerly Collecter of Customs for the Port of 
 New York. By William. L. Mackenzie. Bos- 
 ton, 1845. 8vo. 152 pp. 
 
 [A mass of the private letters of Butler, 
 Hoyt, Swartwout, Martin Van Buren, John 
 Van Buren, Cambreling, James Gordon Ben- 
 net, M. M. Noah and other New York politi- 
 cians, connected by remarks gossippy and 
 satirical. It is a book of gossip and scandal 
 that never ought to have appeared, but con- 
 tains some things not to be overlooked by an 
 inquirer into the Jacksonian period. Throws 
 light on office-seeking and appointments.] 
 
 Memoirs, Official and Personal, with 
 Sketches of Travel among the Northern 
 and Southern Indians; embracing a War 
 Excursion and Descriptions of Scenes along 
 the Western Border. By Thomas L. M'Kin- 
 ney, late Chief of the Bureau of Indian Af- 
 fairs. New York, 1846. 8vo. 2 vols, in 1. 
 
 [Narrates interviews between President 
 Jackson and Colonel M'Kinney, throwing 
 light on the manner in which offices were 
 vacated and filled under General Jackson. 
 Colonel M'Kinney was removed from office 
 by General Jackson.] 
 
 Political Sketches of Eight Years in Wash- 
 ington. By Robert Mayo, M. D. Baltimore, 
 1839. 8vo. 214 pp. 
 
 [The tirade of a disappointed office-seeker 
 against the administration of General Jack- 
 son, with here and there a glimpse of inter- 
 esting fact, which gives the work a certain 
 value.] 
 
 Fragments of Jacksonism, alias, Clandestine 
 Van Burenism. By Robert Mayo, M. D. 
 Washington, 1840. 8vo. 80 pp. 
 
 [Another rigmarole by the officious and 
 disappointed Mayo. Reveals much of the 
 office-slavery at Washington. Contains let- 
 ters of Geiieral Jackson, Amos Kendall and 
 others. 
 
 Reply to a Letter published by Henry Orne, 
 in the Boston Evening Bulletin, with an Ap- 
 pendix. By Nathaniel Greene, late editor of 
 
 the Boston Statesman. Boston, 1829. 8vo. 
 39 pp. 
 
 [An editorial quarrel. Some choice glimp- 
 ses of interior politics.] 
 
 Candid Appeal to the American Public, in 
 reply to Messrs. Ingham, Branch and Berrien, 
 on the Dissolution of the late Cabinet. By 
 John H. Eaton. City of Washington, 1831. 
 8vo. 55 pp. 
 
 [Major Eaton's version of the cabinet ex- 
 plosion of 1831.] 
 
 Courier and Inquirer, of 1831. New York. 
 [Contains all the documents of the affair of 
 Mrs. Eaton.] 
 
 Essays on the Present Crisis in the Condi- 
 tion of the American Indians ; first published 
 in the National Intelligencer under the sig- 
 nature of William Penn. Boston, 1829. 8vo. 
 112 pp. 
 
 [Against the forcible removal of the Chero- 
 kees to the Indian Territory west of the Mis- 
 sissippi.] 
 
 Speeches on the passage of the Bill for the 
 removal of the Indians, delivered in the Con- 
 gress of the United States, April and May, 
 1830. Boston, 1830. 12mo. 304 pp. 
 
 [Ten speeches against the forcible removal 
 of the Cherokees to the Indian Territory 
 west of the Mississippi — the great question of 
 1830. The principal speech is by Edward 
 Everett.] 
 
 Opinion on the Right of the State of 
 Georeia to extend her'Laws over the Chero- 
 kee Nation. By William Wirt, Esq. Balti- 
 more, 1830. 8vo. 29 pp. 
 
 [This opinion was solicited by the Cherokee 
 chiefs. Adverse to the claims of Georgia.] 
 
 The Argument of the Secretary of the 
 Treasury upon the Constitutionality of a Na- 
 tional Bank. Philadelphia, 1791. 8vo. 40 pp 
 
 [By Alexander Hamilton. The earliest oi 
 innumerable bank pamphlets.] 
 
 Desultory Reflections upon the Ruinous 
 Consequences of a non-renewal of the Charter 
 of the Bank of the United States. By M. 
 Carey. Philadelphia, 1810. 8vo. 44 pp. 
 
 [A relic of one of the early bank contro- 
 versies ; of no interest now.] 
 
 Observations on the State of the Currency, 
 with suggestions for equalizing its value, and 
 reducing the uniformity of the Banking Sys- 
 tem in the United States. January 1, 1829 
 8vo. 24 pp. 
 
 S Nothing to do with the bank war, which 
 not begin till some months later. Infor- 
 mation respecting the bank.] 
 
 Notes on the Early Settlement of the 
 North-western Territory. By Jacob Burnett. 
 Cincinnati, 1847. 1 vol. 8vb. 
 
 [Has account of the commercial disasters 
 caused by the sudden discontinuance of 
 branch of the United States Bank at Cincin- 
 nati, in 1822.] 
 
 Bank of the United States. Report. Ilousa 
 of Representatives, April 18, 1880. 8vo 
 30 pp. 
 
XX)l 
 
 LIST OF PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 [Report of the Committee of Ways and 
 Means on the portion of the President's Mes- 
 sage of 1829, relating to the Bank of the 
 United States. Adverse to the bank.] 
 
 Bank of the United States. House of Rep- 
 resentatives. Document 460. 1832. 8vo. 
 572 pp. 
 
 [A huge volume, containing: 1, Report of 
 the majority of a select committee appointed 
 by the House to inquire into the affairs of the 
 bank ; 2. Report of the minority ; 3, Report 
 of John Quincy Adams.] 
 
 Address to the Citizens of Middlesex. New 
 Brunswick, N. J., 1837. 8vo. 15 pp. 
 
 [Sharp review of General Jackson's cur- 
 rency measures.] 
 
 Oration delivered at the Democratic Re- 
 publican Celebration of the Fourth of July, 
 1838. By Edwin Forrest, Esq. New York, 
 
 1838. 8vo. 24 pp. 
 
 [Alludes to G-eneral Jackson's " Experi- 
 ments" with regard to the currency. Extols 
 Experiments in the abstract; meaning there- 
 by General Jackson's.] 
 
 Society, Manners and Politics in the United 
 States; being a series of Letters on North 
 America. By Michael Chevalier. Boston, 
 
 1839. 8vo. 467 pp. 
 
 [M. Chevalier was in the United States 
 during the bank war of General Jackson's 
 Administration, and gives an outside French 
 view of the same, which has some interest, 
 but small value.] 
 
 Facts for the Laboring Man. By a Labor- 
 ing Man. Newport, R. I., 1840. 8vo. 102 pp. 
 
 [Condemnatory review of General Jack- 
 son's and Mr. V; 
 ures.] 
 
 Mr. van Buren's currency meas- 
 
 Extracts from the Veto Message of General 
 Andrew Jackson, and other Documents re- 
 lating to the United states Bank, respectfully 
 recommended to the particular attention of 
 the independent electors of the city of New 
 York. By a Committee especially appointed 
 for this purpose. New York, 1832. 8vo. 
 31pp. 
 
 [A campaign pamphlet of 1832, to promote 
 the reelection of General Jackson.] 
 
 The War on the Bank of the United States ; 
 or a Review of the Measures of the Adminis- 
 tration against that institution, and the pros- 
 perity of the country. Philadelphia, 1834. 
 Svo. 155 pp. 
 
 [One of the most powerful and elaborate of 
 our political pamphlets. Against the Ad- 
 ministration.] 
 
 Considerations on the Currency and Bank- 
 ing System of the United States. By Albert 
 Gallatin. Philadelphia, 1831. 8vo. 108 pp. 
 
 [An enlarged edition of Mr. Gallatin's 
 essay. This is one of the publicatious which 
 the bank was accused of disseminating at the 
 expense of the stockholders.] 
 
 Thirty-Seven and Fifty-Seven: a brief 
 Popular Account of all the Financial Panics 
 and Commercial Revulsions in the United 
 
 States, from 1690 to 1857. By members of 
 the New York Press. New York, 1857. 12mo. 
 59 pp. 
 
 [Contains a sketch of General Jackson's 
 currency measures, with the opinions of lead- 
 ing men as to their agency in producing the 
 revulsion of 1837.] 
 
 Napoleonic Ideas. By the Prince Napoleon 
 Louis Bonaparte. Illustrated by James A. 
 Dorr. New York, 1859. 12mo. 154 pp. 
 
 [The author was in the United States dur- 
 ing General Jackson's war with the United 
 States Bank, and briefly indicates his impres- 
 sions of the same.] 
 
 General Jackson Vetoed ; being a Review 
 of the Veto Message of the Bank of the 
 United States. 12mb. 24 pp. 
 
 [Presidential campaign of 1832.] 
 
 Review of the Veto ; containing an Enun- 
 ciation of the Principles of the President's 
 Message, and kis Objections to the Bill to 
 Modify and Continue the Act rechartering 
 the Bank ef the United States. Philadelphia, 
 1822. 8vo. 66 pp. 
 
 [An able and temperate bank pamphlet.] 
 
 Essay on the Spirit of Jacksonism, as ex- 
 emplified in its deadly hostility to the Bank 
 of the United States, and in the odious cal- 
 umnies employed for its destruction. By 
 Aristides. Philadelphia, 1835. Svo. 151 pp. 
 
 [A series of newspaper articles collected. 
 Very bitter against Jackson and his friends. 
 Severe review of the Portsmouth affair 
 Valueless.] 
 
 An Account of Colonel Crockett's Tour to 
 the North and Down East, in the year of our 
 Lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty- 
 four; his object being to examine the grand 
 manufacturing establishments of the country , 
 and also to find out the condition of its litera- 
 ture and morals, the extent of its commerce, 
 and the practical operation of " the Experi- 
 ment." Written by himself. Philadelphia, 
 1835. 12mo. 216 pp. 
 
 [An electioneering tour, humorously re- 
 lated, for the purpose of preventing the suc- 
 cession of Mr. Van Buren to the presidency. 
 Crockett turneed against his old commander 
 on the currency question.] 
 
 Narrative and Correspondence concerning 
 the Removal of the Deposits, and Occur- 
 rences connected therewith. Philadelphia, 
 1838. 8vo. 176 pp. 
 
 [By W. J. Duane, Secretary of the Treas- 
 ury under General Jackson, but dismissed 
 because he would not remove the public 
 money from the United States Bank. This is 
 Mr. Duane's narrative of the events that led 
 to his dismissal. Two hundred and fifty 
 copies only were printed, which were dis- 
 tributed among the author's friends. Very 
 scarce. One copy in Astor Library ] 
 
 Speech of the Honorable Nathaniel P. 
 Tallmadge, of New York, on the Subject of 
 the Removal of the Deposits from the Bank 
 of the United States. Delivered in the Senate 
 of the United States, March, 1834. City of 
 Washington, 1834. 8vo. 34 pp. 
 
LIST OF PUBLICATIONS, 
 
 XX1I1 
 
 [A defense of the administration against 
 Mr. Clay's resolutions of censure.] 
 
 Speech of Mr. Rufus Choate on the Ques- 
 tion of the Removal of the Deposits. Deliv- 
 ered in the House of Representatives, March 
 28th, 1834. Washington, 1834. 8vo. 28 pp. 
 
 [Against the removal.] 
 
 Report of the Committee of the Directors 
 of the Bank of the United States. 12mo. 48 
 pp. 
 
 [The Bank's reply to the accusations of the 
 President contained in the paper read to the 
 cabinet in 1S33, in which the President justi- 
 fied the removal of the deposits. Documents 
 in the appendix.] 
 
 Speech of the Honorable Mr. Porter, of 
 Lonisiana, in opposition to the Motion made 
 by Mr. Benton to expunge from the Journal 
 of the Senate the Resolution of the 24th of 
 March, 1834, disapproving of the Removal of 
 the Deposits by the President. Delivered on 
 Tuesday, March 22d, 1836. 8vo. 28 pp. 
 
 [Against the administration.] 
 
 Cabinet Literature, the President's Consist- 
 ency, etc. Baltimore, 1832. 8vo. 18 pp. 
 
 [A series of articles, from the Baltimore Pat- 
 riot, criticising the first term of General 
 Jackson.] 
 
 The Conduct of the Administration. Re- 
 printed from the Boston Daily Advertiser 
 and Patriot. Boston, 1832. 8vo. 86 pp. 
 
 [A very severe review of the measures of 
 General Jackson's first term. Said to have 
 been written by Mr. Alexander Everett.] 
 
 Important Facts for the People. Philadel- 
 phia, September, 1832. 8vo. 8 pp. 
 
 [A stirring anti-Jackson sheet designed to 
 win votes for Clay and Sargent.] 
 
 The Crisis. By Edmund Pendleton. 1832. 
 
 [A series of letters addressed to Senator J. 
 S. Johnson upon the administration of Gen- 
 eral Jackson. Opposition.] 
 
 United States Telegraph Extra. "Wash- 
 ington, 1882. 
 
 ti campaign paper, by Duff Green, pub- 
 ed in the interest of the Calhoun faction, 
 and designed to prevent the reelection of Gen- 
 eral Jackson. Contains much amusing trash 
 of various kinds ; curious, like the wreathed 
 lava of an extinct volcano.] 
 
 Proceedings of the National Republican 
 Convention of Young Men which assembled 
 in the City of Washington, May 7th, 1S32. 
 Washington, 1832. 8vo. 24 pp. 
 
 [This convention nominated Henry Clay 
 and John Sargent to run against Jackson and 
 Van Buren.] 
 
 Address to the People of the United States, 
 Washington, 1832. 8vo. 4 pp. 
 
 [A pamphlet of the presidential campaign 
 of 1832. By a Senator— Webster apparently.] 
 
 An Address to the People of Maryland 
 from their Delegates in the late National Re- 
 publican Convention. Made in obedience to 
 
 a Resolution of that Body. Baltimore, 1832. 
 8vo. 62 pp. 
 
 [A severe and able reviow of General Jack- 
 son's first term. Dwells upon Rotation, the 
 Cabinet Explosion and the Bank Veto.] 
 
 The Beauties of " Reform ;" or, the munifi- 
 cent Blessings of the great Reformation. By 
 Telemachus. New Brunswick, New Jersey. 
 1832. 8vo. 16 pp. 
 
 [Mere denunciation. A campaign pam- 
 phlet.] 
 
 Works of John C. Calhoun. 6 vols. 8vo. 
 New York, 1854. 
 
 [Comments on General Jackson's measures. 
 Defense of Nullification. Hostility between 
 Calhoun and Jackson.] 
 
 The Life of John Caldwell Calhoun. By 
 John S. Jenkins, Author of the Life of J. K. 
 Polk, etc., etc. Auburn, 1850. 12mo. 454 
 pp. 
 
 [Says nothing of what it ought to have said 
 most. Superseded by a later publication.] 
 
 The Calhoun Text-Book. New York. 1843 
 12mo. 36 pp. 
 
 [A collection of newspaper articles com- 
 mendatory of Mr. Calhoun, published in an- 
 ticipation of his being a candidate for the 
 presidency in 1844.] 
 
 Obituary Addresses delivered on the occa- 
 sion of the Death of the Hon. John C. Cal- 
 houn, a Senator of South Carolina, in the 
 Senate of the United States, April 1, 1850. 
 Printed by order of the Senate of the United 
 States. Washington, 1850. 8vo. 39 pp. 
 
 [Speeches by Messrs. Butler, Clay, Web- 
 ster, Rusk and Clemens. Funeral sermon by 
 Rev. C. M. Butler.] 
 
 Message from the President of the United 
 States, transmitting copies of the Proclama- 
 tion and Proceedings in relation to South 
 Carolina, January 16th, 1833. 8vo. 112 pp. 
 
 [Contains all the documents relating to the 
 Nullification movement.] 
 
 Memoirs of a Nullifier ; written by himself. 
 By a Native of the South. Columbia, S. C. 
 1832. 12mo. 110 pp. 
 
 [A tolerably executed satire; one of the 
 products of the Nullification excitement, illus- 
 trative of the feelings of the South Carolini- 
 ans, and showing their dislike of the people of 
 New England.] 
 
 A Yankee among the Nullifiers; an Auto- 
 biography. By Elnathan Elmwood, Esq. 
 New York. 1833. 12mo. 152 pp. 
 
 [A retort to the "Memoirs of a Nullifier;" 
 equally well done, and in a better spirit.] 
 
 The Dissolution of the Union ; a sober Ad 
 dress to all those who have any interest in the 
 Welfare, the Power, the Glory or the Happi- 
 ness of the United States. By a Citizen of 
 Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, August 25, 1832. 
 8vo. 30 pp. 
 
 [An anti-nullification pamphlet. Gives a 
 history of the movement from its beginning. 
 Not a party publication.] 
 
 Proceedings at the Republican Celebration, 
 
XXIV 
 
 LIST OF PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 at Washington, on the extinguishment of the I 
 National Debt and the Victory at New 
 Orleans. Washington, 1835. 8vo. 16 pp. 
 
 [Speeches of Benton, B. M. Johnson and j 
 others. More than one hundred toasts. 
 Shocking adulation of President Jackson by 
 expectant politicians.] 
 
 Works of Daniel Webster. Boston, 1853. ! 
 8vo. 6 vols. 
 
 [Contains Mr. Webster's opinions on all the | 
 important measures of General Jackson's ad- 
 ministration.] 
 
 Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster. 
 Edited by Fletcher Webster. Boston, 1857. 
 2 vols. 8vo. 
 
 [Contains much that is interesting respect- 
 ing General Jackson and his contempo- 
 raries.] 
 
 The National Portrait Gallery of Distin- 
 guished Americans, conducted by James Her- 
 ring, New York, and James B. Longacre, 
 Philadelphia, under the Superintendence of 
 the American Academy of the Fine Arts. 2 
 vols. New York, 1834. 
 
 [Contains portraits and short eulogistic 
 lives of many of General Jackson's leading 
 advisers.] 
 
 Biography of Isaac Hill, of New Hampshire ; 
 with an Appendix, comprising selections from 
 his Speeches and Miscellaneous Writings. 
 Concord, N. H. 1835. 18mo. 245 pp. 
 
 [Isaac Hill was an important man in Gen- 
 eral Jackson's Administration, and the occa- 
 Bion of much embittered controversy. He 
 was supposed to be a member of the Kitchen 
 Cabinet.] 
 
 Letters of J. Downing, Major Downing- 
 ville Militia, Second Brigade, to his old friend, 
 Mr. D wight, of the New York, Daily Adver- 
 tiser. New York, 1834. 18mo. 306 pp. 
 
 [A burlesque on General Jackson's Admin- 
 istration. Prodigiously popular in its day.] 
 
 Society in America. By Harriet Martineau. 
 Author of "Illustrations of Political Econo- 
 my." 2 vols. New York, 1837. 
 
 [Interview with President Jackson. Lively 
 female portraiture of Clay, Webster, Calhoun 
 and others. Glimpses of life in Washington. 
 Account of the attempt to " assassinate" the 
 President, of which the authoress was an eye- 
 witness.] 
 
 A Collection of the Political Writings of 
 William Leggett, selected and arranged with 
 a preface. By Theodore Sodgwick, Jr. 2 vols. 
 New York, 1840. 
 
 [As one of the editors of the Evening Post, 
 Mr. Leggett supported the Administration of 
 General Jackson until it permitted southern 
 postmasters to retain pamphlets and news- 
 
 Kapers containing matter adverse to slavery. 
 Ir. Legirett then maintained the right of 
 his southern fellow-citizens to a free and 
 equal mail. His writings, of course, are full 
 of matters Jacksonian.] 
 
 Journal by Frances Anne Butler. 2 vols. 
 Philadelphia, 1835. 
 
 [Shows the vast popularity of General 
 Jackson during his presidency. Narrates in- 
 terview with him.] 
 
 Messages of General Jackson, witn a snort 
 Sketch of his Life. Concord, N. H., 1837. 
 12mo. 429 pp. 
 
 [Published by subscription on the eve of 
 General Jackson's retirement from the presi- 
 dency. Contains all but the Farewell Ad- 
 dress.] 
 
 Sketch of the Life and Public Services of 
 General Lewis Cass, with the Pamphlet on 
 the Right of Search, and some of his Speeches 
 on the great political questions of the day. 
 By William T. Young, Michigan. Detroit, 
 1852. 8vo. 420 pp. 
 
 [The life of one who was for six years a 
 member of General Jackson's Cabinet. A 
 campaign life — tells nothing — and tells it more 
 voluminously than usual.] 
 
 The United States Magazine and Demo- 
 cratic Review. Washington, D. C. 
 
 [This periodical, once so famous and influ- 
 ential, was started December, 1837. Most of 
 its early numbers contain articles upon Gene- 
 ral Jackson, his successors or their policy.] 
 
 Life and Letters of Joseph Story, Associate 
 Justice of the Supreme Court of the United 
 States, and Dane Professor of Law at Harvard 
 University. Edited by his Son, William W. 
 Story. Boston, 1851. 8vo. 2 vols. 
 
 [Contains letters written by Judge Story 
 from Washington during the administration 
 of General Jackson, in which are allusions to 
 public affairs.] 
 
 A Memoir of Hugh Lawson White, Judge 
 of the Supreme Court of Tennessee, Member 
 of the Senate of the United States, etc. etc. 
 With Selections from his Speeches and Cor- 
 respondence. Edited by Nancy N. Scott, 
 one of his Descendants Philadelphia, 1856. 
 
 [The Life of a man greatly instrumental in 
 General Jackson's elevation, and afterward 
 his opponent. Important information re- 
 specting Jackson's second cabinet, removal of 
 the deposits, presidential campaign of 1836, 
 etc., etc.] 
 
 The United States Manual of Biography 
 and History. Containing Lives of the Presi- 
 dents and Vice Presidents of the United 
 States, and the Cabinet Officers, etc., etc., etc. 
 By James V. Marshall. Philadelphia, 1856 
 8vo. 712 pp. 
 
 [Useful in the absence of a better book.] 
 
 The Private Correspondence of Henry 
 Clay. Edited by Calvin Colton, LL.D. 
 Professor of Public Economy, Trinity Col- 
 lege. New York, 1855. 8vo. 642 pp. 
 
 [Contains numberless allusions to General 
 Jackson, his measures and his advisers.] 
 
 Speeches of the Honorable Henry Clay. 2 
 vols. 8vo. Compiled and edited by Daniel 
 Mallory. New York, 1844. 
 
 [Comments upon all of General Jackson's 
 public acts.] 
 
 Thirty Years' View ; or, a History of the 
 Workings of the United States Government 
 for thirty years, from 1820 to 1850. By a 
 
LIST OF PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 XXV 
 
 Benator of thirty years (Thomas H. Benton). 
 2 vols. 8vo. New York, 1854. 
 
 [Nearly one half of this voluminous work 
 Is devoted to the administration of Andrew 
 Jackson.] 
 
 American Annual Register. Boston. 8vo . 
 
 [Abounds in information respecting Gen- 
 eral Jackson's public conduct.] 
 
 Famous Persons and Places. By N. Parker 
 "Willis. New York, 1854. 12mo. 492 pp. 
 
 [Describes General Jackson as he appeared 
 at the inauguration of Mr. Van Buren. 
 Glimpses of Washington life.] 
 
 Plain Facts for the Democracy. 1834. 8vo" 
 [An effective anti-Jackson and Van Buren 
 
 sheet.] 
 
 An Oration delivered on the Occasion of 
 the Inauguration of the Bust erected to the 
 Memory of General Andrew Jackson in the 
 city of Memphis, January 8th, 1859. By Hon- 
 orable Andrew Ewing, of Nashville. Nash- 
 ville, 1859. 8vo. 26 pp. 
 
 [Contains some interesting personal recol 
 lections of the General, and a discriminating 
 estimate of his character.] 
 < J 
 
 Spirit o/'76. Nashville, Tennessee. June 
 30th, 1840, to January 20th, 1841. 
 
 [A campaign paper of 1840, devoted to Gen- 
 eral Harrison. Contains a large number of 
 articles relating to the policy of General 
 Jackson, and some letters of the General's. A 
 few grains of wheat in a bushel of chaff.] 
 
 The Life of James K. Polk, late President 
 of the United States. By John 8. Jenkins. 
 Hudson 1850. 12mo. 395 pp. 
 
 I A life of a man closely allied to Jackson 
 politically. It has a campaign flavor, and 
 does not add much to our knowledge of the 
 man or of the part he played.] 
 
 The Life and public Services of James Bu- 
 chanan, late Minister to England, and for- 
 merly Minister to Russia, Senator and Repre- 
 sentative in Congress, and Secretary of State, 
 including the most important of his State 
 
 Papers. By R. G. Horton. New York, 1856. 
 12mo. 428 pp. 
 
 [A campaign life of the deepest dye, casting 
 not a gleam of light where alone light was 
 wanted.] 
 
 Authentic Biography of Colonel Richard 
 M. Johnson, of Kentucky. Boston, 1834. 
 12mo. 93 pp. 
 
 [A brief memoir of a man long intimately 
 allied with Jackson. It tells nothing that we 
 particularly wish to know. Reprints Colonel 
 Johnson's celebrated Sunday-mail report.] 
 
 The Political Mirror ; or Review of Jack- 
 sonism. New York, 1835. 1 8mo. 815 pp. 
 
 [A severe review of General Jackson's ad- 
 ministration, designed to assist in the defeat 
 of Martin Van Buren in 1836. This is the 
 most elaborate thing of the kind yet produced 
 among us, also one of the ablest.] 
 
 Defense of the Whigs. By a Member of the 
 Twenty-seventh Congress. New York, 1844. 
 18mo. 152 pp. 
 
 [A review of the measures of General Jack- 
 son and his successor.] 
 
 The Statesman's Manual. Containing the 
 President's Messages, inaugural, annual and 
 special, from 1789 to 1858, with their Memoirs, 
 and Histories of their Administrations; to- 
 gether with a valuable collection of national 
 and statistical documents, etc. Compiled 
 from official sources by £. Williams and B. J. 
 Lossing. 4 vols. 8vo. New York. 
 
 [An invaluable work, fully justifying its 
 title.] 
 
 Report of the Committee of Arrangements 
 of the Common Council of the city of New 
 York upon the Funeral Ceremonies in Com- 
 memoration of the Death of General Andrew 
 Jackson, Ex-President of the United States. 
 New York, 1845. 8vo. 169 pp. 
 
 [A specimen of corporation job printing. 
 Contains funeral oration by Benjamin i. 
 Butler, Correspondence, etc., spread out to 
 the utmost possible extent, so as to make a 
 volume instead of a pamphlet.] 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAG* 
 
 PREFACE ~. 8 
 
 LIST OP PUBLICATIONS CONTAINING INFORMATION RESPECTING AN- 
 
 DREW JACKSON, HIS TIMES AND COTEMPORARIES.. 13 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 NORTH-OF-IRELANDERS 29 
 
 CHAPTER IL 
 
 CARRICKFERGUS 36 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE EMIGRANTS 46 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 MISCHIEVOUS ANDY 58 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE WAR IN THE CAROLINAS TO 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE FORTUNES OF THE FAMILY 85 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 CHOICE OF A PROFESSION 96 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE LAW STUDENT 102 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 JACKSON AT TWENTY 11 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 TO TENNESSEE 115 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE SOLICITOR FINDS LODGINGS 125 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE FRONTIER LAWYER 134 
 
XXV111 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 MARRIAGE OF THE SOLICITOR 145 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 A FIGHTING DISTRICT ATTORNEY 156 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 * 
 
 CONSTITUTION MAKING 169 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 A LONDONER IN THE TENNESSEE WILDERNESS 175 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 FILTHY DEMOCRATS 196 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 IN THE HOUSE 203 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 IN THE SENATE 216 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 JUDGE OF THE SUPREME COURT 227 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 MAN OF BUSINESS 240 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 FIGHTING ANECDOTES 254 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON "CANES" MR. THOMAS SWANN 265 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON REPLIES TO MR. SWANN 276 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 DUEL BETWEEN COFFEE AND McNAIRY. 286 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 DICKINSON RETURNS 289 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 THE DUEL 295 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON ENTERTAINS AARON BURR 307 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 FJLPLOSION OF BURR'S PROJECT ;. . 817 
 
CONTENTS. XXIX 
 
 PAGE 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON IS SUSPECTED 328 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 ADOPTION OF A SON AND HEIR 337 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON'S WAR WITH SILAS DINSMORE 349 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 JACKSON AND THE VOLUNTEERS 360 
 
 t CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 HE GENERAL WINS HIS NICKNAME 373 
 
 CHAPTER XXXY. 
 
 FEUD AND AFFRAY WITH THE BENTONS 386 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 
 TECUMSEH 401 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 
 THE MASSACRE AT FORT MIMS 411 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
 
 TENNESSEE IN THE FIELD 421 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIX. 
 
 GENERAL COFFEE'S BATTLE 435 
 
 CHAPTER XL. 
 
 BATTLE OF TALLADEGA 440 
 
 CHAPTER XLL* 
 
 MISFORTUNES OF GENERAL JOHN COCKE 448 
 
 CHAPTER XLII. 
 
 HUNGER AND MUTINY 457 
 
 CHAPTER XLIII. 
 
 MUTINY IN THE MIDST OF PLENTY 465 
 
 CHAPTER XLIV. 
 
 THE NEW ARMY 478 
 
 CHAPTER XLV. 
 
 THE RAID AND ITS RESULTS 486 
 
XXX CONTENTS, 
 
 PAQB 
 
 i CHAPTER XLVI. 
 
 I BRIGHTER PROSPECTS 499 
 
 CHAPTER XLVII. 
 
 EXECUTION OF JOHN WOODS 504 
 
 CHAPTER XLVIIL 
 
 THE FINISHING BLOW. 51 
 
 CHAPTER XLIX. 
 
 THE SURRENDER OF WEATHERSFORD 52T 
 
 CHAPTER L. 
 
 I HONORS TO THE VICTOR 537 
 
 CHAPTER LI. 
 
 TREATY OF FORT JACKSON 549 
 
 CHAPTER LII. 
 
 THE DARK DAYS OF THE WAR. 560 
 
 CHAPTER LIII. 
 
 THE ENGLISH AT PENSACOLA 574 
 
 CHAPTER LIV. 
 
 THE DEEP GAME OF JEAN LAFITTE 580 
 
 CHAPTER LV. 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON HAS AN EYE ON FLORIDA 591 
 
 CHAPTER LVI. 
 
 COLONEL NICHOLS AND CAPTAIN PERCY VISIT MOBILE POINT 600 
 
 CHAPTER LVII. 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON RETURNS COLONEL NICHOLS' VISIT 615 
 
 APPENDICES. 
 
 I.— GENERAL JACKSON'S BIRTH-PLACE 627 
 
 II.— EARLY LAW PRACTICE IN TENNESSEE 628 
 
 III.— THE CREEK WAR 629 
 
 IV— THE TREATY OF FORT JACKSON 633 
 
THE PIONEER. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 NORTH OF IRELANDERS. 
 
 The traveler in Ireland, we are told, on approaching its 
 northern province from the south, observes an agreeable 
 change coming over the aspect of the country. The hovels 
 of the peasantry and the cabin-suburbs of the towns gradually 
 improve. Clean and comfortable inns take the place of the 
 slatternly taverns of middle and southern Ireland, in which 
 nothing is what it professes to be, and nothing does what it 
 was intended to do. Well-cultivated farms, with substantial 
 farm-houses in good repair, with orchards and gardens, are 
 seen on every side. An air of thrift and comfort, seldom ob- 
 served elsewhere in the Emerald Isle, pervades the scene, and 
 the tourist draws a long breath of relief, and thanks Heaven 
 that he has come once more to a region where man is fighting 
 the battle of life, not defeated and apathetic, but with vigor, 
 wisdom, and resolution — a victor ! 
 
 The appearance of the people, too, has changed. The 
 troops of beggars that lie in wait for the jaunting car at the 
 foot of every hill in less favored parts of Ireland, have van- 
 ished. The loose-haired, ragged, and bare-legged girls of the 
 south are no longer seen. The girls of Ulster wear their hair 
 neatly braided, have dresses clean and whole, and are rarely 
 seen without stockings. The men discard the " old well of a 
 hat which covers the popular head at the other end of the 
 island," as well as the knee-breeches, and the long, loose, ill- 
 made coat ; and appear in a costume less picturesque, per- 
 haps, but far better adapted to every purpose but idling in 
 
 VOL. I. — 3. 
 
30 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 the sun. The faces of the people, as Mr. Thackeray re- 
 marked,* " are sharp and neat — not broad, lazy, knowing- 
 looking, like that of many a shambling Diogenes who may be 
 Been lounging before his cabin in Cork and Kerry." A Scotch 
 twang is noticed in the brogue of the people, and they speak 
 more simply and to the point. A man gives you a down- 
 right answer, says the author just quoted, without any grin, 
 or joke, or attempt at flattery. Nor do the small shopkeepers 
 exhibit great bragging sign-boards, and name their places of 
 business emporiums and repositories. 
 
 The contrast is strongly marked, also, between Dublin, 
 with its dingy magnificence, its picturesque desolation, and 
 Belfast, the metropolis of the North — plain, solid, thriving, 
 and densely peopled ; a city of humming factories ; of small 
 counting-houses and immense business; of finished streets 
 and elegant villas in the outskirts ; of reading rooms, Ath- 
 enaeums, and courses of lectures ; a city with all the modern 
 improvements, in which a North-of-England man, or a New 
 England man, finds himself at home. Belfast, says our 
 humorist, " looks hearty, thriving, and prosperous, as if it 
 had money in its pockets and roast beef for dinner ; it has no 
 pretensions to fashion, but looks, mayhap, better in its hon- 
 est broadcloth, than some people in their shabby brocade. 
 The houses are as handsome as at Dublin, with this advan- 
 tage, that people seem to live in them. They have no at- 
 tempt at ornament, for the most part, but are grave, stout, 
 red-brick edifices, laid out at four angles in orderly streets 
 and squares." 
 
 Whence this contrast between two adjacent sections of a 
 small island ? Why has Ulster prospered, while Ireland 
 languished ? Why was it that, when Ireland starved, there 
 was comparative plenty in Ulster ? Why, when a pater- 
 nal government, fearful for its revenues, forbade Ireland to 
 manufacture woolens, did the men of Ulster "have a dash at" 
 flax, and gain such victories over it, that now Belfast exports 
 
 * Thackeray's Irish Sketch-Book. 
 
NORTH OF IRELANDERS. 31 
 
 annually a hundred million yards of linen, while the wharves 
 of Dublin are deserted ? Why should a province which was 
 for ages desolated by internal broils and foreign inroads, a com- 
 mon fighting-ground of Irish, Scotch, and English, so wild 
 and poor as not to be represented in some early Parliaments, 
 ihe last province to feel the effects of orderly rule, a region 
 less favored in climate and soil than the counties of the 
 south, have been the first to share in the modern prosperity 
 of the British empire, and the only one which, through all 
 discouragements and hindrances, has held on its prosperous 
 way ? 
 
 Because King James I., of various memory, did one wise 
 thing. He found the north of Ireland subdued, but lying 
 waste and unpeopled from the long wars. Instead of bestow- 
 ing the forfeited lands upon courtiers and soldiers in large 
 tracts, he divided them into small portions, which he granted 
 to settlers, especially ordaining that "no one shall obtain 
 grants of land which he is unable to plant ivith men." This 
 was the essential feature of his plan : the details are not im- 
 portant to us. Large numbers of Protestant Scotchmen, 
 who had but to cross a narrow frith to get to this more genial 
 region, availed themselves of the king's wise procedure. They 
 settled in Ulster ; made another and a nobler conquest of it 
 than the royal troops had made ; intermarried with the na- 
 tives of the isle ; and founded that remarkable race, which so 
 curiously blends diverse qualities, and is at once named and 
 described by the compound, Scotch-Irish. 
 
 The Irishman is a very familiar character to us all. His 
 rollicking fun, his ready wit, his eloquence, his fierce resent- 
 ments, his ardent affections, his wonderful sacrifices for those 
 he loves, his inexact intellect, (the liveliness of his imagina- 
 tion overpowering his sense of truth,) his careless habits and 
 love of ease — who does not know ? The truth is, the Irish- 
 man belongs nearer the sun, whence he came ; where man can 
 lounge, and laugh, and play away half the summer days, with- 
 out being brought to such a strict account as that to which 
 winter subjects the men of the North. Add to the stern 
 
32 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 
 
 lecessities of winter, the exactions of a northern land-system, ^ 
 md the decrees of a long nnsympathizing government, and 
 fou reduce the Irishman to the condition in which we find 
 lim in the southern counties of the green island. 
 
 But, if he gives up the struggle of life, he supplies th« 
 vorld with half its fun and fancy : himself often miserable, 
 >ut always interesting and picturesque ; the chosen of novel-* 
 sts, the delight of the stage, the sketching tourist's besti 
 riend, and never wanting to the comic corner of newspapers.* 
 
 The Scotchman, on the contrary, is just the man to ex- 
 ract a livelihood from a hard soil and an ungenial clime, 
 le must have been indigenous to the North, one would think, 
 die most orderly, the most truthful, the most persistent off 
 tien; slow to feel, though susceptible of the deepest feeling; 
 apable of enthusiasm, but not easily roused; as brave as 
 he bravest, but unacquainted with the shilalah ; not slow 
 o take offense, but moody in his wrath ; not jocular norr 
 ritty, though social and fond of his own quaint and quietl 
 Lumor. Sir Walter Scott seems scarcely to do justice to his 
 ountrymen, when he says that they are insensible to humor. 
 ' How is it," he asked, "that our solemn, proud, dignified 
 )elt, with a soul so alive to what is elevating, and even elo-- 
 ;ant, in poetry and feeling, is so super-eminently dull as re- 
 pects all the lighter play of fancy ? The Highlander never 
 mderstands wit or humor. Paddy, despite all his misery 
 nd privations, overflows with both. I suppose he is the 
 ;ayes1 fellow in the world, except the only worse-used one* 
 till, the West India nigger." 
 
 The Scotch-Irish are a tough, vehement, good-hearted I 
 ace, who have preserved in full measure the Scotch virtues 
 f honesty, prudence, and perseverance, but exhibit the show- 
 ag traits of the Irish, subdued and diminished. A plain,, 
 imple, and pure people, formed to grapple with practical I 
 -flairs; in dealing with which they often display an impet- 
 Losity which is Irish, and a persistence which is Scotch.. 
 
 * Lockkart's Life of Scott, chap, lxiii. 
 
 . 
 
 r 
 
 - 
 
 i 
 I 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 . 
 

 
 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 NORTH OF IRELANDEBS. 3 
 
 They have not the taste or gift for art, of which no Irishma 
 of pure blood seems to be quite destitute. Our traveler tell 
 us, that in the south and middle of Ireland, when he wa 
 sketching out-of-doors, he was always surrounded by a crowi 
 of spectators, watching the progress of his picture with th 
 keenest delight. But in the north, he might sketch all da ( 
 without attracting the slightest attention. The people wer 
 too busy to linger on their way, and wholly indifferent to ai 
 occupation which they would feel to be a frivolous misuse c 
 time. Their genius shines in other pursuits. They posses 
 a sturdiness of understanding, and sometimes a certain quid 
 and piercing intelligence, which throws a Drummond glar 
 upon a limited space, though it leaves the general scene i] 
 darkness. 
 
 One trait in the character of these people demands th 
 particular attention of the reader. It is their nature to con 
 tend for what they think is right with peculiar earnestness 
 Some of them, too, have a knack of extracting from ever; 
 affair in which they may engage, and from every relation ii 
 life which they form, the very largest amount of contentioi 
 which it can be made to yield. Hot water would seem to h 
 the natural element of some of them, for they are always ii 
 it. It appears to be more difficult for a North-of-Irelande 
 than for other men to allow an honest difference of opinioi 
 in an opponent; so that he is apt to regard the terms oppo- 
 nent and enemy as synonymous. Hence, in the political ant 
 sectarian contests of the present day, he occasionally exhibit! 
 a narrowness, if not ferocity of spirit, such as his forefather 
 manifested in the old wars of the clans and the borders, or ii 
 the later strifes between Catholic and Protestant, It ii 
 strange that so kind and generous a people should be so flerc< 
 in contention. " Their factions/' says Sir Walter Scott 
 speaking of the Irish generally, " have been so long enven 
 omed, and they have such a narrow ground to do their battli 
 in, that they are like people fighting with daggers in a hogs- 
 head." 
 
 Not less envenomed are the controversies of the Scotch 
 
34 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 Irish. Judge how much fighting blood lurks in the veins of 
 these steady-going weavers of linen, from the following para- 
 graph from Mr. Thackeray's inimitable Sketch-Book : — 
 
 " The three churches are here pretty equally balanced — Presbyterians, 
 25,000, Catholics, 20,000, Episcopalians, 17,000 ; each party has two or 
 more newspaper organs ; and the wars between them are dire and unceas- 
 ing, as the reader may imagine. For whereas, in other parts of Ireland, 
 where Catholics and Episcopalians prevail, and the Presbyterian body is 
 too small, each party has but one opponent to belabor ; here, the Ulster 
 politician, whatever may be his way of thinking, has the great advantage 
 of possessing two enemies on whom he may exercise his eloquence ; and 
 in this triangular duel all do their duty nobly. Then there are subdivisions 
 of hostility. For the Church, there is a High-church and a Low-church 
 journal ; for the Liberals, there is a Eepeal journal and a No-repeal jour- 
 nal. For the Presbyterians, there are yet more varieties of journalist opin- 
 ion, on which it does not become a stranger to pass judgment. If the 
 Northern Whig says that the Banner of Ulster ' is a polluted rag which has 
 hoisted the red banner of falsehood,' (which elegant words may be found 
 in the first-named journal of the 13th October,) let us be sure the Banner 
 nas a compliment for the Northern Whig in return ; if the Repeal Vindi- 
 cator and the priests attack the Presbyterian journals and the Home Mis- 
 sions, the reverend gentlemen of Geneva are quite as ready with the pen 
 as their brethren of Rome, and not much more scrupulous in their lan- 
 guage than the laity. When I was in Belfast, violent disputes were raging 
 between Presbyterian and Episcopalian Conservatives with regard to the 
 Marriage Bill ; between Presbyterians and Catholics on the subject of the 
 Home Missions j between the Liberals and Conservatives, of course."* 
 
 All this shows a people earnest and sincere in their con- 
 victions, capable of taking the deepest interest in subjects 
 which have nothing to do with the price of linen. 
 
 And these very people, apart from their strifes, are singu- 
 larly tender in their feelings, liberal in gifts and hospitality, 
 and most easy to be entreated. On great questions, too, 
 which lift the mind above sectarian trivialities, they will, as 
 a people, be invariably found on the. anti-diabolic side : 
 equally strenuous for liberty and for law, against " mobs and 
 monarchs, lords and levelers," as one of their own stump ora- 
 
 * Irish Sketch-Book, vol. ii., chap. xii. 
 
 4 
 
NORTH OF IBELANDEBS. 35 
 
 tors expressed it. The name which Bulwer bestows upon 
 one of his characters, Stick-to-riglits, describes every genuine 
 son of Ulster. 
 
 A curious humor, however, relieves the rough and bristling 
 character of these people. Their clergymen, for example, 
 will utter dry jokes upon points of theology, which would 
 shock the divines of a graver race ; but, with the light of the 
 jest still playing about their faces, they would go to the 
 stake for their faith, or cleave the skull of a Catholic who 
 stood in arms against it. 
 
 It is to be observed, also, of these remarkable people, that 
 the two races whose good and less good qualities they share, 
 are blended in different proportions in every individual. 
 Some are Scotch-Irish, and others are Irish-Scotch. Some 
 come to their Scotch traits only after sowing a plentiful crop 
 of the most Irish wild-oats. Some are canny Scots in re- 
 pose, and wildly Irish in contention. Some, at times of keen 
 excitement, exhibit, in a surprising manner, an Irish dash 
 and daring, controlled by Scottish wariness. And some will 
 imbibe an opinion or a prejudice with Irish readiness, and 
 then cling to it with Scotch tenacity. 
 
 It could not but be that a race so bold and enterprising 
 should have contributed its proportion to the tide of emigra- 
 tion which has peopled America. Transferred to the wider 
 sphere afforded on this continent, the North-of-Irelanders 
 have, upon the whole, done great honor to their blood and 
 instincts, their love of liberty and regard for right. Such of 
 them as have attained distinction here have done so, not so 
 much by originality of thought or project, as by originality 
 of career. There is an abounding energy in these men which 
 enables them to do ordinary things in an extraordinary and 
 memorable manner ; exhibiting a rare union of enterprise, 
 perseverance and prudence. In most of them there is a touch 
 of eccentricity. 
 
 Among the men of North-of-Ireland stock whose names 
 are familiar to the people of the United States, the following 
 may serve to illustrate some of the foregoing remarks : John 
 
36 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 Stark ; Kobert Fulton ; John C. Calhoun ; Sam Houston ; 
 David Crockett ; Hugh L. White ; James K. Polk ; Patrick 
 Bronte' ; Horace Greeley ; Bobert Bonner ; A. T. Stewart ; 
 Andrew Jackson. 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 CARRICKFERGUS. 
 
 Carrickfergus is an old, old town on the northern coast 
 of Ireland, nine miles from Belfast ; which latter was an un- 
 known hamlet when Carrickfergus was one of the antiquities 
 of Europe. The name means Crag of Fergus. A rocky 
 promontory extends into the bay there, upon which, some- 
 time between the Flood and Anno Domini, one king Fergus 
 was cast away and drowned. His body was tossed upon the 
 Crag by the waves, and the place has ever since borne his 
 name. In the course of ages, a castle was built upon this 
 commanding height ; a little town gathered at its base along 
 the shore, which was walled by sods and stone ; and the 
 Crag of Fergus, during the centuries of the battle-ax, was 
 the stronghold of the north of Ireland. How often it was 
 attacked by land and sea, by Scot, by English, and by native 
 king ; how many times it was besieged and stormed and 
 razed and rebuilt ; what ancient kings held there their rude 
 court ; how often it was the sole place of refuge in a province 
 ravaged by war ; how long it was the terror of that province 
 when it had been conquered, but would not submit ; many an 
 Irish chronicler has essayed to record. 
 
 When the trading era dawned, and the battle-ax began 
 to give precedence to the shuttle and the improved plow, 
 Carrickfergus was outstripped by its young neighbor Belfast, 
 and lost much of its importance. A hundred years ago, 
 when our interest in it commences, it was a third-rate seaport 
 
CARRICKFERGUS. 37 
 
 town, of a thousand inhabitants, supported chiefly by fishing 
 and the manufacture of linen. The old castle on the crag 
 was falling to ruin, and was garrisoned only by a hundred 
 and fifty men. Small farmers tilled the adjacent land. The 
 music of the loom was heard in nearly every house of town 
 and country. Carrickfergus was remarkable for nothing but 
 the orderly diligence of its people, and the chronic fury with 
 which they carried on the party contests of the day. 
 
 In this town and its vicinity, for an unknown number of 
 generations, lived the forefathers of Andrew Jackson. An- 
 drew Jackson's grandfather, Hugh Jackson, was a linen- 
 draper there in the year 1660, and suffered in a " siege" of 
 the town which occurred in that year. Hugh Jackson was 
 the father of four sons, all of whom were settled in the neigh- 
 borhood as farmers. The youngest of his sons, Andrew by 
 name, the father of the subject of this work, was a married 
 man in 1765, and had two sons, Hugh and Kobert. Beyond 
 these few facts, which were derived from General Jackson's 
 recollection of conversations with his mother, nothing is 
 known, or can now be discovered, of the Jacksons in Car- 
 rickfergus. 
 
 The siege of Carrickfergus, which figures as a terrible 
 affair in some of the biographies of General Jackson, was, in 
 reality, of so trifling a nature as to be almost ridiculous. 
 After the fierce and bloody storming of the town in 1689, by 
 the adherents of King William, Carrickfergus enjoyed repose, 
 disturbed only by a brief flurry of alarm in 1745, when a 
 rumor prevailed that the Pretender was coming. The loyal 
 Protestants of Carrickfergus formed new companies of militia 
 and prepared to defend the place. But the Pretender came 
 not, and the town soon fell again into the even tenor of its 
 way. Fifteen years passed, in which there was neither war 
 nor rumor of war. One morning in February, 1760, to the 
 equal astonishment and consternation of the people, a French 
 fleet, of three large armed vessels, sailed into the bay, and, 
 anchoring near the town, proceeded to land a force of seven 
 hundred troops. The officer in command of the castle would 
 
38 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 have yielded without a struggle, had uot the valiaut mayor 
 of the town insisted, Jackson-like, on his making a defense. 
 The French marched in, and assaulted the castle ; where 
 they were so warmly received that fifty of their number fell 
 dead before the gate, and fifty more were wounded. They 
 retired to the shelter of the adjoining houses. But the gar- 
 rison having expended their ammunition, were compelled 
 to parley ; which terminated in surrender upon honorable 
 terms. When all was over, it appeared that the fleet had 
 put in in distress for provisions ; upon obtaining a supply of 
 which from Belfast, it took its peaceful departure, and was 
 captured, a few days after, by an English squadron in the 
 Channel. 
 
 The good people of Carrickfergus were much frightened, 
 but little hurt by this bold dash of the French commodore. 
 " On the first alarm of an enemy intending to attack the 
 town/' says the local historian, " some timid people fled ; 
 and these who remained generally shut up their doors and 
 windows, and quietly remained within. In the evening, 
 guards were stationed on the different roads leading into the 
 town, and sentinels placed on the houses of the principal in- 
 habitants to prevent their being plundered ; yet many houses 
 were broken into and despoiled of their most valuable effects, 
 and even the church was robbed of its plate. During the 
 night, so many of the enemy were intoxicated in houses or 
 about the streets, that fifty resolute men could have made 
 them all prisoners."* 
 
 The Irish Parliament afterwards granted four thousand 
 two hundred pounds to compensate the people for their losses, 
 of which sum six hundred pounds was returned to the gov- 
 ernment ; an act characteristic of this most honest race. 
 The " sufferings" of Hugh Jackson in the siege of Carrick- 
 fergus could not have been very severe or prolonged. The 
 presence, however, of a regiment of drunken soldiers, and 
 their midnight plunderings, may have left an impression of 
 
 * McSkimin's History of Carrickfergus, page 84. 
 
CARRICKFERGUS. 39 
 
 terror upon the mind of General Jackson's mother, which 
 caused the siege to assume great importance in her narratives 
 of the old country. The siege, it appears, was duly cele- 
 brated or burlesqued in a play, a ballad and a pantomime, 
 which were long familiar to the people of Carrickfergus and 
 Belfast. Snatches of the ballad were amoDg the lullaby 
 songs with which the mother of General Jackson soothed her 
 children to sleep. 
 
 The history of Carrickfergus by Mr. McSkimin enjoys 
 some celebrity in Ireland as one of the best works of its kind 
 extant. It is certainly executed with extraordinary labor 
 and pains. A leading feature of this work is its numerous 
 lists of names ; lists of mayors, members of Parliament, free- 
 men of the town, juries, collectors of the port, clergymen, old 
 people, tradesmen, artificers and others. The book contains 
 many thousands of the names of people who have lived and 
 flourished in Carrickfergus. So many, indeed, that scarcely 
 a family of the slightest note or importance can have escaped 
 mention. Upon searching this voluminous work for some 
 trace of the family of General Jackson, I find the name re- 
 corded but once. In a small foot-note appended to the ac- 
 count of a transaction which took place in 1708, the name, 
 John Jackson, occurs in a list of the grand jury of the county. 
 Whether this John Jackson was a connection of the family 
 in which we are interested, can not be known. But one thing 
 is certain, there is no transaction mentioned in Mr. McSkim- 
 in's book in which an ancestor of General Jackson would 
 have been more likely to take part than that with which we 
 find the name of John Jackson associated. 
 
 Party spirit, during the reign of Queen Anne, raged in 
 Carrickfergus. Whig and tory, churchmen and dissenters, 
 were peculiarly embittered against each other in a town 
 where the energetic business men were whigs and dissenters, 
 and the presence of a garrison, and the residence of a noble 
 family or two gave a certain assurance and audacity to the 
 u high-flying" tories. The grand object of the dissenters was 
 the repeal of the Test Act, which placed them under several 
 
40 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 odious disabilities. In 1708, the " quarter-sessions grand 
 jury" of the county unanimously signed an address to the 
 queen, recounting the grievances of the act, and urging its 
 repeal. It is mentioned as an extraordinary piece of conde- 
 scension on the part of Queen Anne, that she received this 
 address graciously, and permitted its publication in the Ga- 
 zette. The tories of Carrickfergus, upon learning that the 
 queen had bestowed " such a distinction," as Mr. McSkimin 
 styles it, upon the dissenters, were indignant, and gave out 
 that the address was a forgery, and so denounced it in the 
 Flying Post. Whereupon, the grand jury issued a certifi- 
 cate or proclamation of its genuineness, signed by each juror. 
 One of the jurors thus signing was John Jackson. And this 
 is the only glimmer of light upon our subject which the his- 
 tory of Carrickfergus affords. 
 
 Upon the general character of the people inhabiting that 
 corner of Ireland, Mr. McSkimin gives us much information. 
 Note well these illustrations of the party spirit which pre- 
 vailed in Carrickfergus when General Jackson's father was a 
 school-boy : 
 
 " The government being apprehensive that the Pretender meditated 
 the invasion of some part of these kingdoms, an array of the militia of this 
 place was ordered, in common with those of the county of Antrim. Soon 
 after, the Rev. Edward Mathews, curate of Carrickfergus, circulated a re- 
 port that the Eev. Patrick Adair had left the town when the militia were 
 about to be sworn in, although requested to stay by the mayor, who 
 dreaded a disturbance among the dissenters, on account of a false report 
 having gone abraad, that ' they must all swear to be Churchmen.' This 
 statement, on the authority of Mr. Mathews, also appeared in the pamphlet 
 called ' The Conduct of the Dissenters ;' but was immediately contradicted, 
 not only by Mr. Adair, but also by Richard Horseman, mayor, and Wil- 
 liam Wilkinson, a respectable inhabitant. These false reports, as might 
 be expected, led to some disagreeable incidents. Mr. Mathews and Mr. 
 Adair, meeting soon after at the south end of Essex street, had such warm 
 words respecting the above statement, that blows ensued — when the 
 former is said to have been overcome. 
 
 " Tradition likewise affirms, that in the summer of 1714, the tories 
 went so far as to take up by force the Dissenters' Catechism, when ex- 
 posed for sale in the market-place, and even threatened to nail up their 
 
CARRICKFERGUS. 41 
 
 place of worship ; and that a military officer, proceeding to put this threat 
 into execution, fell dead on Gravott's bridge, West street. 
 
 " The rancorous spirit of intolerance and persecution appears to have 
 been pretty generally abroad about this time. On the 17th July, same 
 year, the grand jury of the county of Antrim assembled at assize, with 
 other gentlemen and freeholders of said county, prepared an address, to be 
 presented to her Majesty Queen Anne. In this address, they highly ap- 
 Droved of the before-mentioned test ; strongly reprobated any secession 
 from the established Church ; and declared their unshaken loyalty to her 
 1 Sacred Majesty,' in opposition to those who, as they said, would ' transfer 
 it to their Sovereign Lord — The People.' They concluded by declaring 
 that they would, ' with the utmost zeal and indignation, pursue those fac- 
 tious spirits,' whom they represented as endeavoring to undermine the 
 throne. Her Majesty died on the 1st August following, and this address 
 fell to the ground. 
 
 " The news of her Majesty's decease was received here by those par- 
 ties with very opposite sensations. Some of the whigs flew to the parish 
 church, and began ringing, on its bell, ' a merry peal.' " 
 
 The reader is not to infer from such scenes as these, that 
 the citizens of Carrickfergus loved contention for its own sake. 
 The grievances of which the dissenters complained were such 
 as a high-spirited people can not submit to in silence. The 
 dissenters, largely in the majority as they were, were denied 
 participation in the government, were taxed for the support 
 of the established Church, and were scarcely recognized as 
 fellow-subjects by the dominant party. In later days, since 
 the most offensive of the distinctions between dissenters and 
 churchmen have been abolished, they have lived in compara- 
 tive peace and friendliness with the still privileged sect. At 
 .cast, there is no further record of the Church curate and the 
 iissenting clergyman coming to blows in the street. 
 
 As early as 1756, when the father of General Jackson 
 may have been old enough to be a member of it, there was a 
 Patriot Club in Carrickfergus, which declared in its Plan of 
 Association, that it was ready " to defend the king and con- 
 stitution," and to oppose " all measures tending to infringe 
 the Sacred Eight of the People." Mr. McSkimin's work con- 
 tains abundant proof of his assertion, that the people of Car- 
 rickfergus " have evinced a due share of public spirit, which 
 
42 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 has been always conspicuous when the interests of the nation 
 appeared to be concerned. On those occasions, they have 
 ever been amongst the foremost to declare their approbation 
 or disapprobation of the measure in question ; and have in- 
 variably supported the popular side, as far as in their power." 
 The people in the adjacent country appear to have been 
 remarkably simple in their character and manners. When 
 Andrew Jackson, the elder, tilled his few hired acres there, a 
 hundred years ago, the people still believed in witches, fairies, 
 brownies, wraiths, evil eyes, charms, and warning spirits. 
 They had only just done trying people for witchcraft ; and 
 the ducking-stool for scolding wives* still existed, and may 
 have been occasionally used. They nailed horse-shoes to the 
 bottoms of their churns ; they had faith in a seventh son ; 
 they trembled when a mirror was broken, or a dog howled ; 
 they undertook no enterprise on Friday, nor would change 
 their residence on Saturday. Some of their customs, as de- 
 scribed by the historian of Carrickfergus, were exceedingly 
 curious. The following may interest some of their innumer- 
 able descendants in the United States : — 
 
 "A kind of punishment was formerly inflicted occasionally, called 
 Riding the Stang, meaning riding upon a sting, that is, receiving chastise- 
 ment for some offense of which the common law did not take any cog- 
 nizance. On those occasions some low fellow, who represented the delin 
 quent, was mounted on a long pole carried on men's shoulders, and in this 
 way he was taken about the streets, the bearers occasionally halting, and 
 he making loud proclamation of the person's real or alleged offense, the 
 crowd huzzaing. They afterwards repaired to the residence of the of- 
 fender, where a grand proclamation was made of his crime, or misde- 
 meanor ; after which the company dispersed, giving three hearty cheers. 
 
 " Although the people are generally Protestants, yet if a person is sud- 
 denly deranged, or a child overseen, the lower orders rarely apply to their 
 
 * The following is an extract from the ancient records of Carrickfergus : — 
 " October, 15 74, ordered and agreede by the hole Court, that all manner of 
 Skoldes which Shal be openly detected of Skolding or evill wordes in manner of 
 Skolding, & for the same shal be condemned before Mr. Maior and his brethren, 
 Shal be drawne at the Sterne of a boate in the water from the ende of the Peare 
 rounde abought the Queenes majesties Cassoll in manner of ducking," etc., etc. 
 
CARRICKFERGUS. 43 
 
 own minister for relief, but to some Eoman Catholic priest, and receive 
 from him what is termed a priest's look. This book, or paper, is sowed in 
 the clothes of the afflicted person, or worn as an amulet about the neck ; 
 if lost, a second book is never given to the same person. 
 
 " On the death of a person, the nearest neighbors cease working till the 
 corpse is interred. Within the house where the deceased is, the dishes, 
 and all other kitchen utensils, are removed from the shelves, or dressers ; 
 looking-glasses are covered or taken down, clocks are stopped, and their 
 dial-plates covered. Except in cases deemed very infectious, the corpse is 
 always kept one night, and sometimes two. This sitting with the corpse 
 is called the Wake, from Like-wake (Scottish), the meeting of the friends 
 of the deceased before the funeral. Those meetings are generally con- 
 ducted with great decorum ; portions of the Scriptures are read, and fre- 
 quently a prayer is pronounced, and a psalm given out fitting for the sol- 
 emn occasion. Pipes and tobacco are always laid out on a table, and 
 spirits or other refreshments are distributed during the night. If a dog or 
 cat passes over the dead body, it is immediately killed, as it is believed 
 that the first person it would pass over afterwards, would take the falling 
 sickness. A plate with salt is frequently set on the breast of the corpse, 
 and is said to keep the same from swelling. 
 
 " On Shrove Tuesday, called also Fasteris e'en, or pancake eve, it is 
 customary to eat pancakes. Formerly the barbarous practice of throwing 
 sticks at cocks was practiced on this day. The devoted bird was tied to a 
 stake, and persons standing off a few perches, threw at him with a staff, 
 his brutal owner receiving one penny for each throw till he was killed. 
 The custom ceased about 1794. 
 
 " Easter Monday is a day of very general festivity, and on it cock- 
 fights are usually held. In the afternoon, if the weather is fine, young 
 men and women resort to a green, south of the town, called Eanbuy, and 
 ioin in some rustic sport, which concludes by their return into town late in 
 the evening, playing thread the needle. Same day, children dye eggs vari- 
 ous colors, and repairing to some gentle declivity, trundle them till they 
 break, on which they are eaten. 
 
 " On May eve, young boys and girls resort to the fields and gather 
 Mayflowers, which they spread outside of their doors. Sprigs of rowan 
 tree were formerly gathered same eve, and stuck above the inside of the 
 out-door heads, to keep off the witches. The herb yarrow (milfolium) is 
 gathered to cause young girls to dream of their future husbands. Some 
 females who have cows, rise very early on May morning, and proceed to 
 the nearest spring well, and bring home a portion of its water. This is 
 called, ' getting the flower of the well,' and those who practice it believe 
 that their cattle are thus secured against charms for that season. 
 
 " In harvest, when the last of the farmer's corn is about to be cut. a 
 
44 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 small portion of the best is plaited and bound up. The men then stand at 
 a certain distance, and throw their hooks at it till it is cut, on which they 
 give three cheers. This is generally called winning the churn, but in some 
 parts of the parish it is called the hare. It is carried home and laid above 
 the door : the name of the first young woman who enters afterwards, it is 
 said, will be that of the wife of the young man who has put it there. A 
 like custom is observed in Devonshire, and in all likelihood it came here 
 with the settlers from thence. 
 
 " On winning the churn, the reapers are usually regaled with a special 
 feast, also called the churn. Formerly this feast consisted of a profusion 
 of homely fare, such as bread, cheese, butter, cream, etc., and generally 
 concluded with a dance, the master and mistress joining without distinc- 
 tion in the general festivity. Of late years, this rustic feast has been cor- 
 rupted by the introduction of tea and whiskey, and the former simplicity 
 of the entertainment is in a great measure lost. 
 
 " Formerly a custom prevailed, which was termed calling the Waits. 
 A short time before Christmas, young men or boys assembled each morn- 
 ing about five o'clock, and proceeded with music to the houses of the most 
 respectable persons, where they played some lively tunes. One of the 
 party then bade good morning to each of those within, beginning with the 
 master, and ending by calling out the hour of the morning, and state of 
 the weather. These visits were continued till some days after Christmas, 
 when they called in daylight, and received a donation in silver, which was 
 always spent in the ale-house. This custom ceased in 1796, or 1797, when 
 all nocturnal meetings were prohibited. 
 
 " Late on Christmas eve, young men and boys assemble and collect 
 carts, cars, gates, boats, planks, etc., with which they block up the Irish or 
 West gate of this town. There is a vague tradition that the custom origin- 
 ated in the Protestant inhabitants shutting the gates on the Eoman Catho- 
 lics, when they went out to mass on Christmas eve. 
 
 " Within memory, it was common with boys to assemble early at their 
 school-house on the morning before Christmas, and to bar out the master, 
 who was not admitted till he promised a certain number of days' vacation. 
 Early on Christmas day, the boys set out to the country in parties of eight to 
 twelve, armed with staves or bludgeons, killing and carrying off such fowls 
 as came in their way. These were taken to their respective school-rooms, 
 and dressed the following day. To this feast many persons were invited, 
 who furnished liquors, or other necessaries ; the entertainment usually 
 continued for several days. As civilization increased, these marauding 
 feasts became less popular. 
 
 " During the Christmas holidays it is yet common with young boys to 
 assemble at night, fantastically dressed with paper ornaments, and to pro- 
 ceed to the different houses, each repeating in turn the words of some 
 
CARRICKFERGUS. 45 
 
 character in the well-known Christmas rhymes. After these orations, 
 halfpence are solicited, and usually given, which are spent in liquors or 
 sweetmeats. 
 
 " Formerly great numbers of men and boys resorted to the fields oc 
 this day to play at shinny, which game was sometimes warmly contested 
 between the inhabitants of different townlands ; the custom has almost en- 
 tirely ceased, a few boys only assembling to this diversion. 
 
 " The following things are generally observed here as prognostics of 
 the weather, on which the moon is believed to have great influence at all 
 seasons. If the new moon appears with her disk nearly upright, or what 
 is termed on her back, rough weather is considered certain during her 
 time. Saturday's change is thought to forebode storms and rain ; hence 
 the remark, ' a Saturday's change is enough in seven years.' At the full 
 and quarters of the moon's age, change of weather is expected. When a 
 circle appears about the moon, called a brough, stormy weather is looked 
 for within twenty-four hours ; hence it is said, ' a far off brough and a near 
 hand storm.' If small floating white clouds appear, which are called cat 
 hair, rain is looked for next day ; and when a meteor is seen at night, 
 called a shot star, it is thought that it will be wet or stormy the day fol- 
 lowing. 
 
 " The singing of the red-breast in the evening on the top of a tree or 
 6ush, is deemed a token of fine weather. Swallows flying low are believed 
 to indicate rain ; flying high, the reverse. The dor-beetle, or bum-clock, 
 seen abroad in the evening, is supposed to forebode good weather. When 
 the roaring of Strangford bar is heard in this lough by the fishers, they 
 conclude that the wind will blow hard from the south. If Scotland is dis- 
 tinctly seen with the naked eye, and the Copeland Islands appear high, a 
 gale is expected from the eastward. When the sun appears nearly encom- 
 passed by a circle, severe weather is expected, and the wind from that 
 direction where the breach was in the circle. If a figure appears in the 
 morning in the clouds, like part of a rainbow, which the fishers call a Dog, 
 they expect stormy weather ; if seen in the evening, the reverse ; — hence 
 their adage, 
 
 44 4 A dog at night is a sailor's delight, 
 
 A dog in the morning will hark before night' 
 
 " By some, this appearance is called a weather-gaw. If a star is seen 
 near the moon, which they call Hwlbassey, tempestuous weather is looked 
 for by them." 
 
 Among the descendants of the Scotch-Irish in New 
 Hampshire and North Carolina, some traces of these rustic 
 customs and beliefs may still be observed. General Jackson 
 
 VOL. I.— -4 
 
46 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1765 
 
 himself, to the end of his life, never liked to begin any thing 
 of consequence on Friday, and would not, if it could be 
 avoided without serious injury to some important interest. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE EMIGRANTS. 
 
 In 1765, Andrew Jackson the elder, with his wife and 
 two sons, emigrated to America. He was accompanied by 
 three of his neighbors, James, Kobert, and Joseph Crawford, 
 the first-named of whom was his brother-in-law. The peace 
 between France and England, signed two years before, which 
 ended the "old French war" — the war in which Biaddock 
 was defeated and Canada won — had restored to mankind their 
 highway, the ocean, and given an impulse to emigration from 
 the old world to the new. From the north of Ireland large 
 numbers sailed away to the land of promise. Five sisters of 
 Mrs. Jackson had gone, or were soon going. Samuel Jack- 
 son, a brother of Andrew, afterwards went, and established 
 himself in Philadelphia, where he long lived, a respectable 
 citizen. Mrs. SufTren, a daughter of another brother, fol- 
 lowed in later years, and settled in New York, where she has 
 living descendants.* 
 
 When Andrew Jackson emigrated, George III. had 
 reigned five years. America was resisting the Stamp Act, 
 which was repealed a year later when Chatham came into 
 power, and Franklin had borne his testimony against it at 
 the bar of the House of Commons. Frederic II. was begin- 
 ning to be " called the Great," and the death of Pompadour 
 had just left the throne of France vacant. Washington was 
 learning how to govern himself and his country in the school 
 
 * Kendall's Life of Jackson, page 10. 
 
1765.] THEEMIGKANTS. 47 
 
 in which genuine statesmanship is learned — the management 
 of a private estate. 
 
 Andrew Jackson was a poor man, and his wife, Elizabeth 
 Hutchinson, was a poor man's daughter. The tradition is 
 clear and credible among the numerous descendants of Mrs. 
 Jackson's sisters, that their lot in Ireland was a hard one. 
 They were weavers of linen, the price of which fluctuated in 
 the early day of its manufacture more injuriously than it now 
 does. The grandchildren of the Hutchinson sisters remember 
 hearing their mothers often say, that in Ireland some of these 
 girls were compelled to labor half the night, and sometimes 
 all night, in order to produce the requisite quantity of linen. 
 Linen-weaving was their employment both before and after 
 marriage ; the men of the families tilling small farms at high 
 rents, and the women toiling at the loom. The members of 
 this circle were not all equally poor. There is reason to be- 
 lieve that some of them brought to America sums of money 
 which were considerable for that day, and sufficient to enable 
 them to buy negroes as well as lands in the southern wilder- 
 ness. But all accounts concur in this : that Andrew Jackson 
 was very poor, both in Ireland and in America. Besides 
 this, tradition has nothing of importance to communicate 
 respecting him, except that he and his wife were Presbyteri- 
 ans, as their fathers were before them. The Hutchinson sis- 
 ters, however, are remembered as among the most thrifty, 
 industrious and capable of a race remarkable for those quali- 
 ties. There is a smack of the North-Irish brogue still to be 
 observed in the speech of their grandchildren and great-grand- 
 children. "He went till Charleston," and "there never was 
 seen the like of him for mischief/' are specimens of their tall?:. 
 General Jackson himself, to a very nice ear, occasionally be- 
 trayed his lineage by the slightest possible twang of Scotch- 
 Irish pronunciation. 
 
 I may as well remark here as anywhere, that the features 
 and shape of head of General Jackson, which ten thousand 
 sign-boards have made familiar to the people of the United 
 States, are common in North Carolina and Tennessee. Id 
 
48 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1765. 
 
 the course of a two months' tour in those States among the 
 people of Scotch-Irish descent, I saw more than twenty well- 
 marked specimens of the long, slender, Jacksonian head, with 
 the bushy, bristling hair, and the well-known features. There 
 is a member of the North Carolina Legislature, and a judge in 
 Tennessee, so strongly resembling General Jackson, that it 
 could scarcely fail to be remarked in any company where they 
 were, if the name of Jackson should be mentioned. The ven- 
 erable Dr. Felix Eobertson, of Nashville, the first man born 
 in that part of the Cumberland valley, who is still living to 
 wonder at what two generations of men have wrought in that 
 garden of the South-west, has often been accosted in the 
 street as General Jackson, though he is not so much like the 
 General as many other gentlemen whom I have seen. In 
 Carrickfergus, there are probably many Jacksons walking 
 about the streets unrecognized ; the type being evidently one 
 from which nature has been in the habit of taking impres- 
 sions for many generations. I think it probable, for the same 
 reason, that Andrew Jackson the elder strongly resembled his 
 son in form and feature. The General's mother, moreover, 
 according to tradition, was a " stout woman," and among 
 the numerous descendants of her sisters there is no likeness 
 to General Jackson to be observed. 
 
 The party of emigrants from Carrickfergus landed at 
 Charleston, and proceeded, without delay, to the Waxhaw 
 settlement, a hundred and sixty miles to the north-west of 
 Charleston, where many of their kindred and countrymen 
 were already established. This settlement was, or had been, 
 the seat of the Waxhaw tribe of Indians. It is the region 
 watered by the Catawba river, since pleasantly famous for its 
 grapes. A branch of the Catawba, called the Waxhaw Creek, 
 a small and not ornamental stream, much choked with logs 
 and overgrowth to this day, runs through it, fertilizing a con- 
 siderable extent of bottom land. It is a pleasant enough un- 
 dulating region, an oasis of fertility in a waste of pine woods ; 
 much" worn" now by incessant cotton-raising, but showing 
 still some fine and profitable plantations. The word Wax- 
 
1765.] THE EMIGRANTS. 49 
 
 haw, be it observed, has no geographical or political meaning. 
 The settlement so called was partly in North Carolina and 
 partly in South Carolina. Many of the settlers, probably, 
 scarcely knew in which of the two provinces they lived, nor 
 cared to know. At this day, the name Waxhaw has van- 
 ished from the maps and gazetteers, but in the country round 
 about the old settlement, the lands along the creek are stil] 
 called " the Waxhaws." 
 
 Another proof of the poverty of Andrew Jackson is this : 
 the Crawfords, who came with him from Ireland, bought 
 lands near the center of the settlement, on the Waxhaw 
 Creek itself, lands which still attest the wisdom of their 
 choice ; but Jackson settled seven miles away, on new land, 
 on the banks of Twelve Mile Creek, another branch of the 
 Catawba. The place is now known as "Pleasant Grove 
 Camp Ground," and the particular land once occupied by the 
 father of General Jackson is still pointed out by the old peo- 
 ple of the neighborhood. How large the tract was, I have 
 not been able to ascertain ; as, since that day, there have 
 been so many changes in the counties of that part of North 
 Carolina, that a search for an old land-title is attended with 
 peculiar difficulty. The best information now attainable 
 confirms the tradition which prevails in the Waxhaw coun- 
 try, that Andrew Jackson, the elder, never owned in America 
 one acre of land. General S. H. Walkup, of Union county, 
 a distinguished member of the Senate of North Carolina, a 
 lawyer in the region where he has lived from his birth, has 
 made this matter a subject of special and laborious investiga- 
 tion. " I have examined," he writes to me, " the offices of 
 the Kegister of Deeds at Wadesborough in Anson county, and 
 Charlotte in Mecklenburg county, North Carolina, to find 
 out whether General Jackson's father ever owned any land ; 
 and I have also examined the old papers of the tract on which 
 he once lived. But I can not find that he ever owned any 
 land. No evidence of any title in him can be found. My 
 own opinion is, that he never did own any land, and it is 
 well known that he was extremely poor ; and therefore it 
 
50 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1767. 
 
 was that after his death his widow removed to Waxhaw 
 Creek among her relatives." On Twelve Mile Creek, how- 
 ever, Andrew Jackson planted himself, with his family, and 
 began to hew out of the wilderness a farm and a home. . The 
 land is in what is now called Union county, North Carolina, 
 a few miles from Monroe, the county seat. The county was 
 named Union, a few years ago, in honor of the Union's in- 
 domitable defender, and in rebuke of neighboring nullifiers. 
 It was proposed to call the county Jackson, but Union was 
 thought a worthier compliment ; particularly as the patriotic 
 little county juts into South Carolina. 
 
 For two years Andrew Jackson and his family toiled in 
 the Carolina woods. He had built his log-house, cleared 
 some fields, and raised a crop. Then, the father of the fam- 
 ily, his work all incomplete, sickened and died : his two boys 
 being still very young, and his wife far advanced in preg- 
 nancy. This was early in the spring of 1767. 
 
 In a rude farm- wagon the corpse, accompanied, as it 
 seems, in the same vehicle by all the little family, was con- 
 veyed to tne old Waxhaw church-yard, and interred. No 
 stone marks the spot beneath which the bones have mold- 
 ered ; but tradition points it out. In that ancient place of 
 burial, families sleep together, and the place where Andrew 
 Jackson lies is known by the grave-stones which record the 
 names of his wife's relations, the Crawfords, the McKemeys 
 and others. 
 
 A strange and lonely place is that old grave-yard to this 
 day. A little church (the third that has stood near that 
 spot) having nothing whatever of the ecclesiastical in its ap- 
 pearance, resembling rather a neat farm-house, stands, not 
 in the church-yard, but a short distance from it. Huge trees, 
 with smaller pines among them, rise singly and in clumps, as 
 they were originally left by those who first subdued the wil- 
 derness there. Great roots of trees roughen the red clay 
 roads. The church is not now used, because of some schism 
 respecting psalmody and close communion ; and the interior, 
 unpainted, uncoiled, and uncushioned, with straight-backed 
 
1767.] THE EMIGRANTS. 51 
 
 pews, and rough Sunday-school benches, looks grimly wooden 
 and desolate as the traveler removes the chip that keeps the 
 door from blowing open, and peeps in. Old as the settle- 
 ment is, the country is but thinly inhabited, and the few 
 houses near look like those of a just-peopled country in the 
 northern States. Miles and miles and miles, you may ride 
 in the pine woods and " old fields" of that country, without 
 meeting a vehicle or seeing a living creature. So that when 
 the stranger stands in that church-yard among the old graves, 
 though there is a house or two not far off, but not in sight, 
 he has the feeling of one who comes upon the ancient burial- 
 place of a race extinct. Kude old stones are there that were 
 placed over graves when as yet a stone-cutter was not in the 
 province ; stones upon which coats-of-arms were once en- 
 graved, still partly decipherable ; stones which are modern 
 compared with these, yet record the exploits of revolutionary 
 soldiers ; stones so old that every trace of inscription is lost, 
 and stones as new as the new year. The inscriptions on the 
 grave-stones are unusually simple and direct, and free frDm 
 sniveling and cant. A large number of them end with 
 Pope's line (incorrectly quoted) which declares an honest 
 man to be the noblest work of God. One of the inscriptions, 
 the longest of them all, I copied, because it seemed a good 
 illustration of the character of this virtuous, but consciously- 
 virtuous race. The history thus bluntly recorded was that 
 of many who lie in old Waxhaw church-yard, and the charac- 
 ter portrayed is Jacksonian : 
 
 li Here lies the body of Mr. William Blair, who departed this life in the 
 64th year of his age, on the 2d of July, a. d. 1821, at 9 p. m. He was 
 born in the county of Antrim, Ireland, on the 24th of March, 1759. When 
 about thirteen years old, he came with his father to this country, where he 
 resided till his death. 
 
 " Immediately on his left are deposited the earthly remains of his only 
 wife, Sarah, whose death preceded his but a few years. 
 
 " He was a revolutionary patriot, and in the humble station of private 
 Boldier and wagon-master, he contributed more to the establishment of 
 American independence than many whose names are proudly emblazoned 
 on the page of history. 
 
52 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1767. 
 
 " With his father's wagon he assisted in transporting the baggage of 
 the American army for several months. He was in the battles of the 
 Hanging Kock, the Eutaw, Ratliff's Bridge, and the Fish Dam Ford on 
 Broad River. In one of these battles (it is not recollected which) he re- 
 ceived a slight wound, but so far was he from regarding it, either then or 
 afterwards, that when it was intimated to him that he might avail himself 
 of the bounty of his country, and draw a pension (as many of his camp 
 associates had done) he declared, that if the small competence he then pos- 
 sessed failed him, he was able and willing to work for his living, and, if it 
 became necessary, to fight for his country without a penny of pay. 
 
 " In the language of Pope, ' The noblest work of God is an honest 
 man.' 
 
 11 No further seek his merits to disclose, 
 
 Or draw his frailties from their dread abode. 
 There they alike in trembling hope repose, 
 The bosom of his father and his God." 
 
 The bereaved family of the Jacksons never returned to 
 their home on the banks of Twelve Mile Creek, but went 
 from the church-yard to the house, not far off, of one of Mrs. 
 Jackson's brothers-in-law, George McKemey by name, whose 
 remains now repose in the same old burying-ground. A few 
 nights after, Mrs. Jackson was seized with the pains of labor. 
 There was a swift sending of messengers to the neighbors, 
 and a hurrying across the fields of friendly women ; and be- 
 fore the sun rose, a son was born, the son whose career and 
 fortunes we have undertaken to relate. It was in a small 
 log house, in the province of North Carolina, less than a 
 quarter of a mile from the boundary line between North and 
 South Carolina, that the birth took place. 
 
 Andrew Jackson, then, was born in Union county, North 
 Carolina, on the 15th of March, 1767. 
 
 General Jackson always supposed himself to be a native 
 of South Carolina. " Fellow-citizens of my native State Y* 
 he exclaims, at the close of his proclamation to the nullifiers 
 of South Carolina ; but it is as certain as any fact of the 
 kind can be that he was mistaken. The point is one of small 
 importance, but as it may be questioned, and as the people of 
 the Carolinas have shown much interest in it, I will give the 
 
1767.] THE EMIGBANTS. 53 
 
 briefest possible summary of the evidence* which fixes the 
 birth of General Jackson in North Carolina. The evidence 
 was collected and drawn up in convincing array by General 
 S. H. Walkup, a most worthy gentleman. Born and brought 
 up in the neighborhood, General Walkup was aided in his 
 inquiries by a perfect knowledge of the country and of the 
 unimpeachable character of his witnesses. I went afterward 
 myself over the same ground, and heard the same story from 
 many of the same persons ; but the whole credit of setting 
 this matter right belongs to the honorable and patriotic gen- 
 tleman just named. 
 
 First, let us establish the fact that the birth took place 
 at the house of George McKemey.f 
 
 Benjamin Massey, an old resident of the vicinity (as are, 
 or were, the other testifiers), gives his recollections of what 
 he heard Mrs. Lathen, who was present at the birth, say on 
 the subject. Mrs. Lathen said 
 
 " That she was about seven years older than Andrew Jackson ; that 
 when the father of Andrew Jackson died, Mrs. Jackson left home and 
 came to her brother-in-law's, Mr. McCamie's, previous to the birth of 
 Andrew ; after living at Mr. McCamie's awhile, Andrew was born, and 
 she was present at his birth ; as soon as Mrs. Jackson was restored to 
 health and strength she came to Mr. James Crawford's, in South Carolina, 
 and there remained." 
 
 John Carnes says : — 
 
 " Mrs. Leslie, the aunt of General Jackson, has often told me that 
 General Jackson was born at George McCamie's, in North Carolina, and 
 that his mother, soon after his birth, moved over to James Crawford's, in 
 South Carolina ; and I think she told me she was present at his birth ; 
 but at any rate, she knew well he was born at McCamie's." 
 
 James Faulkner, second cousin of General Jackson, states 
 
 " That old Mr. Jackson died before the birth of his son, General Jack- 
 
 * Published, in part, in the North Carolina Argus of September 23d, 1858, 
 and the rest deposited in the Historical Society of North Carolina. 
 
 f This name is spelt in various ways in the depositions. I follow the spell- 
 ing of his tombstone in "Waxhaw church-yard. 
 
54 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1767. 
 
 son, and that his widow, Mrs. Jackson, was quite poor, and moved from 
 her residence on Twelve Mile Creek, North Carolina, to live with her 
 relations on Waxhaw Creek, and while on her way there, she stopped 
 with her sister, Mrs. McCamie, in North Carolina, and was there deliv- 
 ered of Andrew, afterward President of the United States ; that he learned 
 this from various old persons, and particularly heard his aunt, Sarah Lathen, 
 often speak of it and assert that she was present at his, Jackson's, birth ; 
 that she said her mother, Mrs. Leslie, was sent for on that occasion, and 
 took her, Mrs. Lathen, then a small girl about seven years of age, with 
 her, and that she recollected well of going the near way through the fields 
 to get there; and that afterward, when Mrs. Jackson became able to 
 travel, she continued her trip to Mrs. Crawford's, and took her son Andrew 
 with her, and there remained." 
 
 John Lathen, second cousin of General Jackson, says : — 
 
 " The following is about what I have heard my mother, Sarah Lathen, 
 say in frequent conversation about the birth-place of Andrew Jackson, 
 President of the United States. She has often remarked that Andrew 
 Jackson was born at the house of George McCamie, and that she, Mrs. 
 Lathen, was present at his birth. She stated that the father of Andrew 
 Jackson, viz., Andrew Jackson, Sr., lived and died on Twelve Mile Creek 
 in Mecklenburg county, North Carolina, and that soon after his death, 
 Mrs. Jackson left Twelve Mile Creek, North Carolina, to go to live with 
 Mr. Crawford, in Lancaster district, South Carolina. That on her way, she 
 called at the house of George McCamie, who had married a sister of hers, 
 Mrs. Jackson, and while at McCamie's, she was taken sick, and sent for 
 Mrs. Sarah Leslie, her sister, and the mother of Mrs. Sarah Lathen, who 
 was a midwife, and who lived near McCamie's. That she, Mrs. Lathen, 
 accompanied her mother, Mrs. Sarah Leslie, to George McCamie's ; that she 
 was a young girl, and recollects going with her mother ; they walked 
 through the fields in the night, and that she was present when Andrew 
 Jackson was born. That as soon as Mrs. Jackson got able to travel aftei 
 the birth of Andrew she went on to Mr. Crawford's, where she afterward 
 lived." 
 
 Thomas Faulkner, second cousin of General Jackson, 
 
 says : — 
 
 " My recollection of what Mrs. Sarah Lathen said of the birth-place of 
 Andrew Jackson, President of the United States, was about this : I have 
 often heard her say that Mrs. Betty Jackson, the mother of Andrew 
 Jackson, ' was taken sick at the house of George McCamie, and sent for 
 Mrs Sarah Leslie at the time when she was delivered of Andrew Jackson, 
 
1767.] THE EMIGRANTS. 55 
 
 and that she, Mrs. Leslie, took her daughter, Mrs. Lathen, with her on 
 the night of Jackson's birth ; and that they walked through the fields, the 
 near way, from Mrs. Leslie's to G-eorge McCamie's.' I have often heard 
 my grandmother, Sarah Leslie, say ' that she was sent for on the night of 
 the birth of Andrew Jackson by her sister, Mrs. Betty Jackson, who was 
 taken sick at the house of her brother-in-law, George McCamie, and that 
 she took her daughter, Sarah* Lathen, then a small girl, with her ; that 
 they walked the near way, through the fields, to McCamie's, and that 
 she was present when Andrew Jackson was born at the house of said 
 George McCamie.' These women were both of sound minds and excel- 
 lent memories and characters up to the time of their deaths. Mrs. Leslie 
 died about fifty years ago, and Mrs. Lathen died thirty-five years ago. I 
 am now seventy years of age, and reside now, where I have ever since 
 my birth, in Lancaster district, South Carolina, near Craigsville post ofiice, 
 and about two miles from the old Waxhaw church." 
 
 To the same effect testify Samuel McWhorter, Jane 
 Wilson and others. 
 
 James D. Craig, formerly a resident of Waxhaw, now of 
 the State of Mississippi, states that he remembers hearing 
 old James Faulkner say that once while sleeping with Andrew 
 Jackson at the McKemey house, Andrew told him that he 
 was born in that house. Mr. Craig further says that he has 
 heard Mrs. Cousar, a very aged lady, long a near neighbor of 
 McKemey, say that she remembered perfectly the night of 
 Andrew Jackson's birth, as she was sent for to assist, and 
 reached the McKemey house before the infant was dressed. 
 Mr. Craig has also heard Charles Findly, deceased, say that 
 he " assisted in hauling" the corpse of Andrew Jackson from 
 his house on Twelve Mile Creek to the Waxhaw church- 
 yard, and in interring it there ; that he brought Mrs. Jack- 
 eon and her boys with the corpse, and, after the funeral, 
 conveyed them to the residence of George McKemey, where, 
 soon after, Andrew was born. 
 
 This testimony leaves no reasonable doubt that the birth 
 took place at the house of McKemey. Nor is there the least 
 difficulty in finding the precise spot where that house stood. 
 The spot is as well known to the people of the neighborhood 
 as the City Hall is to the inhabitants of New York. The 
 
56 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1767. 
 
 testimony of the late Thomas Cureton, Esq., never the owner 
 of the place, but brother of its former proprietor, will suffice 
 to satisfy the reader on this point : — 
 
 " I, Thomas Cure ton, senior, being about seventy-five years of age, do 
 hereby certify that my father, James Cureton^ came to this Waxhaw Set- 
 tlement from Eoanoke River, in North Carolina, about seventy-three years 
 ago, as I am informed and believe, when I was about one year old ; and 
 my brother, Jeremiah Cureton, who was about twenty years older than 
 myself, came with him. My brother, Jeremiah Cureton, bought the 
 George McCamie place some time after he came to this county, in about 
 1796, and settled down on the same place and in the same house where 
 G-eorge McCamie lived. He remained there a few years, and until he 
 bought the place where William J. Cureton now lives. I know the George 
 McCamie place well. It lies in North Carolina, about a quarter of a mile 
 east of the public road leading from Lancaster Court House, South Caro- 
 lina, to Charlotte, North Carolina, and to the right of said road as you 
 travel north ; and lies a little east of south from Cureton's Pond on said 
 public road, and a little over a quarter of a mile from said pond. My 
 brother, Jeremiah Cureton, always called that the McCamie house, and the 
 McCamie place. My brother, Jeremiah Cureton, was of the opinion, from 
 information derived from old Mrs. Molly Cousar, the mother of Eichard 
 Cousar, that Andrew Jackson, President of the United States, was born 
 at the George McCamie place as above described. Mrs. Cousar was a 
 neighbor, and lived then, at the time of the birth of General Andrew Jack- 
 son, and until her death, in South Carolina, about one mile west from the 
 George McCamie house, and was a very old woman when she died, which 
 was about thirty-five years ago. She was a woman of undoubted good 
 moral character, and her veracity was unquestionable. The Leslie houses 
 lay about half a mile in a southern direction from the McCamie house, and 
 north of Waxhaw Creek, and east of the public road. I have lived for the 
 last seventy-two or three years within three or four miles of the McCamie 
 place." 
 
 To this add the following from William J. Cureton, Esq., 
 the present hospitable proprietor of the place : — 
 
 " This McCamie house lies about half a mile south-east of where I now 
 live, and is in Union county, North Carolina, formerly called Mecklen- 
 burg county, North Carolina ; and is a little over a quarter of a mile south- 
 east of what is called Cureton's Pond, and about a quarter of a mile east 
 
1767.] THE EMIGRANTS. 57 
 
 of the State line, and the public road leading from Lancaster Court House, 
 South Carolina, to Charlotte, North Carolina, and about one and a half 
 miles north of Waxhaw Creek. I have the old land papers for said tract, 
 which was patented to John McCane, 1761, upon a survey dated 8th Sep- 
 tember, 1757; conveyed by McCane to Repentance Townsend, 10th April, 
 1761, and by Townsend to George McCamie, 3d January, 1766 ; and by 
 George McCamie to Thomas Crawford, 1792; and from Crawford and 
 wife, Elizabeth, to my father, 23d July, 1796 ; and by my father to my- 
 self, and which I still own. My father came from Virginia with my grand- 
 father, James Cureton, to Roanoke, North Carolina, and from there to Wax- 
 haws, South Carolina, and purchased the McCamie place, where he lived 
 a few years, and then removed to the place where I now reside in Lan- 
 caster district, South Carolina, where he remained until his death in 1847 ; 
 being then eighty-four years of age." 
 
 And so we dismiss this unimportant but not wholly unin- 
 teresting matter. 
 
 In a large field, near the edge of a wide, shallow ravine, 
 on the plantation of Mr. W. J. Cureton, there is to be seen a 
 great clump, or natural summer-house, of Catawba grape 
 vines. Some remains of old fruit trees near by, and a spring 
 a little way down the ravine, indicate that a human habita- 
 tion once stood near this spot. It is a still and solitary place, 
 away from the road, in a red, level region, where the young 
 pines are in haste to cover the well-worn cotton fields, and 
 man seems half inclined to let them do it, and move to Texas. 
 Upon looking under the masses of grape vine, a heap of 
 large stones showing traces of fire is discovered. These stones 
 once formed the chimney and fire-place of the log-house wherein 
 George McKemey lived and Andrew Jackson was born. On 
 that old yellow hearth-stone, Mrs. Jackson lulled her infant 
 to sleep, and brooded over her sad bereavement, and thought 
 anxiously respecting the future of her fatherless boys. Sacred 
 spot ! not so much because there a hero was born, as be- 
 cause there a noble mother suffered, sorrowed and accepted 
 her new lot, and bravely bent herself to her more than 
 doubled weight of care and toil. 
 
 Mrs. Jackson remained at this house three weeks. Then, 
 leaving her eldest son behind to aid her brother-in-law on hia 
 
58 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1777. 
 
 farm, she removed, with her second son and the new-born 
 infant, to the residence of another brother-in-law, Mr. Craw- 
 ford, with whom she had crossed the ocean, and who then 
 lived two miles distant. Mrs. Crawford was an invalid, and 
 Mrs. Jackson was permanently established in the family as 
 housekeeper and poor relation. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 MISCHIEVOUS ANDY. 
 
 To the old people in the Carolinas who are descended from 
 the sisters of Mrs. Jackson, Andrew Jackson is not so much 
 the famous President and the victorious General, as he is little 
 Andy, the mischief-loving son of good aunt Betty. Andy 
 did this ; and Andy went there ; when Andy was at New 
 Orleans, and when Andy was President — they say in familiar 
 talk about him by the huge fire-places of their old farm-houses. 
 He is well remembered in that part of the country, as there 
 are twenty people living there who were in the habit for 
 many years of hearing their parents tell stories of him ; sim- 
 ple, honest, hospitable people, whom to hear is to believe. 
 So changeless is the South, so secluded do the farmers there 
 live from the world of men and books, that these kind j)eople 
 are evidently just what their grandfathers were before the 
 Eevolution, and their great-grandfathers in Carrickfergus. 
 
 In the family of his uncle Crawford, Andy spent the first 
 ten or twelve years of his life. Mr. Crawford was a man of 
 considerable substance for a new country, and his family was 
 large. He lived in South Carolina, just over the boundary 
 line, near the Waxhaw Creek, and six miles from the Ca- 
 tawba River. The land there lies well for farming ; level, 
 but not flat ; undulating, but without hills of inconvenient 
 height. The soil is a stiff, red clay, the stiffest of the stiff, 
 
1777.] MISCHIEVOUS ANDY. 59 
 
 and the reddest of the red ; the kind of soil which bears hard 
 usage, and makes the very worst winter roads anywhere to 
 be found on this planet. Except where there is an interval 
 of fertile soil, the country round about is a boundless contin- 
 uity of pine woods, wherein, if you lose your way, you may 
 wait long for a chance to inquire. To this day, wild turkeys 
 and deer are shot in those woods, and the farmers in Wax- 
 haw take their cotton to market in immense wagons of an- 
 tique pattern, a journey of half a week, and camp out every 
 night. As evening closes in, the passing traveler sees the 
 mnles, the negro driver, the huge covered wagon, the farmer, 
 and sometimes his wife with an infant, grouped in the most 
 strikingly picturesque manner, in an opening of the forest, 
 around a blazing fire of pine knots, that light up the scene 
 like an illumination. Just so, doubtless, did the farmers in 
 Andy's day transport their produce ; and, many a time, I 
 doubt not, he slept by the camp-fire ; for the Carolina boys 
 like nothing better than to go to market with their fathers, 
 and share in the glorious adventure of sleeping out-of-doors. 
 In such a country as this, with horses to ride, and cows to 
 hunt, and journeys to make, and plenty of boys, black and 
 white, to play with, our little friend Andy spent his early 
 years. 
 
 There is an aged slave woman known in the neighborhood 
 as old Aunt Phyllis, living still on the Crawford farm, who 
 lived there when Mrs. Jackson, ninety- two years ago, brought 
 her infant to her sister's house. Aunt Phyllis appears to re- 
 member her coming vividly. I saw the old lady in her cabin, 
 one of a small street of negro-cabins, pottering over the fire, 
 and keeping an eye on half a dozen small images of God cut 
 in ebony, while their parents were abroad in the fields. She 
 is bent half double, but is otherwise remarkably well pre- 
 served. At the mention of the name of Jackson, every 
 wrinkle in her old face laughed ; but her recollections of the 
 boy and his mother are scanty in the extreme. She remem- 
 bers Mrs. Jackson as a stout woman who was always knitting 
 or spinning ; " a very good woman, and very much respected." 
 
60 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1777 
 
 Of the boy she has one distinct reminiscence, which the polite 
 reader must excuse me for repeating. As every eye sees what 
 it is capable of seeing, so every memory retains what belongs 
 to it to retain ; and the memory of Aunt Phyllis is a mem- 
 ory in point. What she recollects of Andy is, that she as- 
 sisted to cure him of a disease which she called the " big 
 itch." 
 
 " There is two itches," she explained, " the big itch and 
 the little itch ; the little itch aint nothing to the big itch ; 
 the big itch breaks out all over you, and do frighten a body 
 powerful." 
 
 Her general recollection of the boy is, that he was the 
 most mischievous of all the youngsters thereabouts ; always 
 up to some prank and getting into trouble. Beyond this, 
 nothing could be obtained from Aunt Phyllis, except a gentle 
 hint to her visitors tending to remind them that tobacco is 
 the solace of old age. 
 
 In due time the boy was sent to an " old-field school," an 
 institution not much unlike the road-side schools in Ireland, 
 of which we read. The northern reader is, perhaps, not 
 aware that an " old field" is not a field at all, but a pine 
 forest. When crop after crop of cotton, without rotation, 
 has exhausted the soil, the fences are taken away, the land 
 lies waste, the young pines at once spring up, and soon cover 
 the whole field with a thick growth of wood. In one of these 
 old fields, the rudest possible shanty of a log-house is erected, 
 with a fire-place that extends from side to side, and occupies 
 a third of the interior. In winter, the interstices of the log 
 walls are filled up with clay, which the restless fingers of the 
 boys make haste to remove in time to admit the first warm 
 airs of spring.* An itinerant schoolmaster presents himself 
 
 * Thte author of " Georgia Scenes" describes an edifice of this kind : " It was 
 a simple log-pen, about twenty feet square, with a doorway cut out of the logs, 
 to which was fitted a rude door, made of clapboards, and swung on wooden 
 hinges. The roof was covered with clapboards also, and retained in their places 
 by heavy logs placed on them. The chimney was built of logs diminishing in 
 size from the ground to the top, and overspread inside and out with red clay and 
 
1777.] MISCHIEVOUS ANDY, 61 
 
 in a neighborhood ; the responsible farmers pledge him a cer- 
 tain number of pupils ; and an old-field school is established 
 for the season. Such schools, called by the same name, exist 
 to this day in the Carolinas, differing little from those which 
 Andrew Jackson attended in his childhood. Eeading, writ- 
 ing, and arithmetic were all the branches taught in the early 
 day. Among a crowd of urchins seated on the slab benches 
 of a school like this, fancy a tall, slender boy, with blue 
 bright eyes, a freckled face, an abundance of long sandy hair, 
 and clad in coarse copperas-colored cloth, with bare feet 
 dangling and kicking — and you have in your mind's eye a 
 picture of Andy as he appeared in his old-field school days 
 in the Waxhaw settlement. 
 
 But Mrs. Jackson, it is said, had more ambitious views 
 for her youngest son. She aimed to give him a liberal edu- 
 cation, in the hope that he would one day become a clergy- 
 man of the Presbyterian Church. It is possible that her con- 
 dition was not one of absolute dependence. The farm of her 
 deceased husband may have been held, though not owned by 
 her ; and either let to a tenant, or worked on shares, may 
 have yielded her a small income. The tradition of the neigh- 
 borhood, however, says nothing of this, but represents her as 
 a poor, dependent woman. It is possible, too, that her rela- 
 tions in Ireland may have contributed something to her sup- 
 port. General Jackson had a distinct recollection of her re- 
 ceiving presents of linen from the old country, and, particu- 
 larly, one parcel, the letter accompanying which was lost, to 
 the sore grief of the good lady ; for, in those days, a letter 
 from " home" was a treasure beyond price. The impression 
 that she was not quite destitute of resources is strengthened 
 
 mortar. The classic hut occupied a lovely spot, overshadowed by majestic 
 hickorys, towering poplars, and strong-armed oaks. * * * A large three 
 inch plank (if it deserve that name, for it was wrought from the half of a tree's 
 trunk entirely with the ax), attached to the logs by means of wooden pins, 
 served the whole school for a writing-desk. At a conveniant distance below it, 
 and on a line with it, stretched a smooth log, resting upon the logs of the house, 
 which answered for the writers' seat." 
 VOL. I. — 5 
 
62 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1777. 
 
 by the fact, that Andrew, at an early age, attended some of 
 the better schools of the country — schools kept by clergymen, 
 in which the languages were taught, and young men prepared 
 for college and for the ministry. 
 
 The first school of this kind that he attended was an 
 academy in the Waxhaw settlement, of which one Dr. 
 Humphries was master. The site of the large log-house in 
 which Dr. Humphries kept his school is still pointed out, 
 but no traces of it remain ; nor can any information respect- 
 ing the school, its master, or its pupils, be now obtained. 
 There is also a strong tradition that young Jackson attended 
 a school in Charlotte, K 0., then called Queen's College, a 
 school of renown at that day. The inhabitants of the pleas- 
 ant town of Charlotte all believe this. Jackson himself once 
 said that he went to school there. When a delegation went 
 from Charlotte to Washington to ask Congress to establish a 
 mint in the gold region, President Jackson was told by one 
 of them that gold had been found in the very hill on which 
 Queen's College had once stood. To which the President 
 replied, " Then it must have grown since I went to school 
 there, for there was no gold there then ;" a remark which the 
 geologists of Charlotte still facetiously quote when the ques- 
 tion of the origin of gold is discussed among them. I was 
 also assured that young Jackson attended the famous school 
 of Dr. Waddell, one of whose pupils was John C. Calhoun, 
 and was inclined to believe the story, until I discovered that 
 Dr. Waddell did not open his academy until after Jackson 
 had left school for ever. 
 
 In proof that Jackson had once been a pupil of Dr. Wad- 
 dell, an anecdote was related to me by one of the General's 
 most intimate friends and fellow-soldiers. General Jackson 
 as his associates remember, had certain peculiarities of pro 
 nunciation, to which he always adhered. For example, he 
 ivould pronounce the word development, as though it were 
 written, devil-ope-ment, with a strong accent upon ope. One 
 day, during his presidency, he so pronounced it, when in con- 
 versation with a foreign minister, who, though not English, 
 
1777.] MISCHIEVOUS ANDY, 63 
 
 had been educated in England, and plumed himself upon his 
 knowledge and nice pronunciation of the English language. 
 " Devil-ope-ment," said the General, with emphasis. The 
 ambassador lifted his eyebrows slightly, and, in the course of 
 a sentence or two, took occasion to pronounce the word cor- 
 rectly. The President, seeming not to remark his excellency's 
 benevolent intention, again said " Devil-qpe-ment ;" where- 
 upon the fastidious minister ventured once more to give 
 the word its proper accent. No notice was taken of the im- 
 polite correction. 
 
 " I repeat it, Mr. ," continued the President ; " this 
 
 measure is essential to the devil-ope-ment of our resources." 
 
 " Keally, sir/' replied the ambassador, " I consider the 
 de-i?e£-opnient of your country" — with a marked accent 
 upon the vel. 
 
 Upon this, the General exclaimed, "Excuse me, Mr. 
 
 . You may call it development, if you please ; but I 
 
 say devil-ope-ment, and will say devil-ope-ment as long as I 
 revere the memory of good old Dr. Waddell \" 
 
 The inference from this story, that Jackson attended Dr. 
 Waddell's school, was natural. But that Dr. Waddell's 
 school did not exist during Jackson's school-days, we have 
 incontrovertible evidence.* Waddell, however, was a famous 
 preacher as well as teacher, and the youth may have imbibed 
 a reverence for his character and caught his pronunciation, 
 without having been under his instruction. 
 
 There are yet living several persons whose fathers were 
 schoolmates of Andrew Jackson ; and though none of them 
 can say positively where he went to school, nor who were his 
 teachers, nor what he learned, yet all of them derived from 
 their fathers some general and some particular impressions 
 of his character and conduct as a school-boy. Such incidents 
 and traits as have thus come down to us, will not be regarded, 
 I trust, as too trivial for brief record. 
 
 * See Memoir of Dr. "Waddell in Sprague's Annals of the American Pulpit, 
 Allen's Biographical Dictionary, etc. 
 
64 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1777 
 
 Andy was a wild, frolicsome, willful, mischievous, daring, 
 reckless boy ; generous to a friend, but never content to sub- 
 mit to a stronger enemy. He was passionately fond of those 
 sports which are mimic battles ; above all, wrestling. Being 
 a slender boy, more active than strong, he was often thrown. 
 
 "I could throw him three times out of four," an old 
 schoolmate used to say ; " but he would never stay throwed. 
 He was dead game, even then, and never would give up/' 
 
 He was exceedingly fond of running foot-races, of leaping 
 the bar, and jumping ; and in such sports he was excelled by 
 no one of his years. To younger boys, who never questioned 
 his mastery, he was a generous protector ; there was nothing 
 he would not do to defend them. His equals and superiors 
 found him self-willed, somewhat overbearing, easily offended, 
 very irascible, and, upon the whole, " difficult to get along 
 with/' One of them said, many years after, in the heat of 
 controversy, that of all the boys he had ever known, Andrew 
 Jackson was the only bully who was not also a coward. 
 
 But the boy, it appears, had a special cause of irritation 
 in a disagreeable disease, name unknown, which induces a 
 habit of — not to put too fine a point on it — " slobbering." 
 Woe to any boy who presumed to jest at this misfortune ! 
 Andy was upon him incontinently, and there was either a 
 fight or a drubbing. There is a story, too, of some boys 
 secretly loading a gun to the muzzle, and giving it to young 
 Jackson to fire off, that they might have the pleasure of see- 
 ing it " kick" him over. They had that pleasure. Springing 
 up from the ground, the boy, in a frenzy of passion, ex- 
 claimed : 
 
 « By a— d, if one of you laughs, I'll kill him !" 
 
 And no one dared to laugh. He was a swearing lad from 
 an early age ; and indeed he needed to begin early, in order 
 to acquire that wonderful mastery of the art to which he 
 attained in after life, surpassing all known men in the fluency 
 and chain-shot force and complication of his oaths. It was 
 a swearing age, the reader will remember. Our army had 
 not long been home from Flanders. The expression, "By 
 
1777.] MISCHIEVOUS ANDY. 65 
 
 G — d," was almost as familiar to the men of that day as 
 mon Dieu now is to Frenchmen, or mein Gott to Germans. 
 It was used commonly by fox-hunting clergymen, there is 
 reason to believe. So, at least, we may infer from the comedies 
 and novels of the period. 
 
 Frolic, however, not fight, was the ruling interest of Jack- 
 son's childhood. He pursued his sports with the zeal and 
 energy of his nature. No boy ever lived who liked fun better 
 than he, and his fun, at that day, was of an innocent and 
 rustic character, such as strengthens the constitution, and 
 gives a cheery tone to the feelings ever after. It is a way 
 with boys to have certain cant words, or gibberish, which 
 they delight to repeat fifty times a day, to the wonder of their 
 elders, who, forgetting their own childhood, can not conceive 
 what pleasure there can be in saying over without object a 
 form of words without meaning. There is no pleasure in it 
 perhaps ; but healthy boys are so bursting with life that 
 they must have an escape-valve of some kind that can be 
 turned at any moment. A specimen of Andy's gibberish is 
 remembered by one of his surviving second cousins, who 
 heard it from his father. The reader may make what he 
 can of it. 
 
 " Set the case : you are Shauney Kerr's mare, and me 
 Billy Buck ; and I should mount you, and you should kick, 
 fall, fling and break your neck ; should I be to blame for 
 that ?" 
 
 Imagine this roared out by young Sandy-head as he came 
 leaping headlong from the school-house door, ready to defy all 
 young creation to a race, a wrestle or a jumping match, while 
 he playfully laid sprawling as many of his friends as he could 
 trip unawares, comforting each with the judicial formula, 
 " Set the case : you are Shauney Kerr's mare, and me Billy 
 Buck ; and I should mount you, and you should kick, fall, 
 fling and break your neck ; should I be to blame for that ?" 
 There you have Andy Jackson. 
 
 Of his conduct within the school-room there is little to 
 
66 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1777 
 
 report. A letter to the author from Dr. Cyrus L. Hunter, 
 of Lincoln county, North Carolina, contains the substance 
 of all that can now be gathered on this subject : — 
 
 " My father, the late Rev. Humphrey Hunter, of G-aston county, emi- 
 grated from Ireland to this country, when only four years old, with a wid- 
 owed mother, and landed at Charleston, South Carolina, in 1759. Soon 
 afterward, they continued their journey, and settled in the extreme south- 
 eastern part of Mecklenburg, now Union, county, North Carolina. About this 
 period, and subsequently, the fertile lands of the Catawba river and its trib- 
 utaries were attracting a numerous emigration from the northern States. In 
 this section of country my father and Andrew Jackson attended school to- 
 gether. Jackson was several years the younger. He boarded, for a time, at my 
 grandmother's. There was a school about this time, of considerable notoriety, 
 in the Waxhaw settlement. I can not positively now say, from my father's 
 narration, whether it was there, or at some other primary school, they 
 spent a portion of their youthful days in a similar pursuit — that of a useful 
 education. It is possible some one of the oldest inhabitants in that vicinity 
 may be traditionally enabled to point out the precise location of the vener- 
 able school-house, as the chimney spot of the humble mansion in which 
 Jackson was born, within the limits of North Carolina, is still visible, like a 
 simple but enduring mound which chronicles an important event in history, 
 and calls up time-honored remembrances. In that neighborhood my father 
 and Jackson, of the same Scotch-Irish stock, imbued with the same relig- 
 ious sentiments and reared under the same moral training, prosecuted their 
 studies together with that cordiality of feeling which pertains to kindred 
 souls. I have no recollection of my father narrating any remarkable pas- 
 sages of Jackson's boyhood. He spoke of "his making commendable prog- 
 ress in his studies, of his ardent and rather quick temperament. The 
 impression left upon my mind would lead me to say that he was an 
 impulsive youth, ambitious, courageous and persevering in his undertakings. 
 My father also spoke of him being remarkably athletic. They frequently 
 engaged in wrestling and jumping — two of the most prominent sports of 
 that early period. After the close of this school, my father entered the 
 army in defense of liberty, and thus was separated in future life from his 
 youthful schoolmate." 
 
 To this I can only add a second-hand reminiscence of a 
 rainy-day debate between Andy and one of his uncles, related 
 to me by a. son of that uncle. The subject of discussion was, 
 What makes the gentleman ? The boy said, Education ; 
 the uncle, Grood Principles. The question was earnestly de- 
 
1777.] MISCHIEVOUS ANDY. 67 
 
 bated between them, without either being able to convince 
 the other. 
 
 If our knowledge of the school-life of Jackson is scanty, 
 we are at no loss to say what he learned and what he failed 
 to learn at school. He learned to read, to write, and cast ac- 
 counts — little more. If he began, as he may have done, 
 to learn by heart, in the old-fashioned way, the Latin gram- 
 mar, he never acquired enough of it to leave any traces of 
 classical knowledge in his mind or his writings. In some of 
 his later letters there may be found, it is true, an occasional 
 Latin phrase of two or three words, but so quoted as to show 
 ignorance rather than knowledge. He was never a well- 
 informed man. He never was addicted to books. He never 
 learned to write the English language correctly, though he 
 often wrote it eloquently and convincingly. He never learned 
 to spell correctly, though he was a better speller than Fred- 
 eric II., Marlborough, Napoleon, or Washington. Few men 
 of his day, and no women, were correct spellers. Indeed, we 
 may say that all the most illustrious men have been bad spell- 
 ers, except those who could not spell at all. The scrupulous 
 exactness in that respect, which is now so common, was 
 scarcely known three generations ago. Even in the manu- 
 scripts of Jefferson, Burke, Pope, and Addison, there are 
 errors of spelling and capital letters which it is difficult to 
 attribute to careless penmanship. Jackson's bad spelling 
 has, of course, been much exaggerated, but he frequently mis- 
 spelled what boys call " hard words ;" and sometimes spelled 
 the same word in two or three different ways in the same let- 
 ter. His mistakes, however, during the last forty years of 
 his life, did not average more than five to a page. His style, 
 when he wrote at leisure and for purposes merely formal, was 
 that of a person unaccustomed to composition. Awkward 
 repetitions occur, and mistakes in grammar, as well as spell- 
 ing. But when his feelings were excited, he could pour a 
 flood of vehement eloquence upon paper, and with such rapid- 
 ity, that his manuscript would be wet two or three pages 
 behind. But even this required correction. Not one public 
 
68 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1777. 
 
 paper, of any description, signed "Andrew Jackson," ever 
 reached the public eye exactly as Jackson wrote it. Often, 
 he would write a letter or a dispatch, have it copied by a 
 secretary, and then re-write it himself. Some of his most 
 famous passages — those which are supposed to be peculiarly 
 Jacksonian — he never so much as suggested a word of, nor 
 saw till they were written, nor required the alteration of a 
 syllable before they were dispatched. It is nevertheless a 
 fact, as before remarked, that he was more truly the author 
 of his public writings than almost any others of our public 
 men have been of the documents which bear their names. 
 His secretaries wrote with his fiery mind, though with their 
 own practiced hands, and wrote with more nerve and warmth 
 when writing for him than they ever could for themselves. 
 Just as sub-editors will so catch the spirit and manner of their 
 chief, as to write articles that are universally taken for his 
 — articles, too, more forcible and pointed than the juniors 
 could write for a journal of their own. The secret was, that 
 Jackson supplied the courage — a prime ingredient of power- 
 ful composition. " I take the responsibility," he would say 
 on all occasions, when a subordinate faltered. 
 
 The schools, then, contributed little to the equipment of 
 this eager boy for the battle of life. He derived much from 
 the honest and pure people among whom he was brought up. 
 Their instinct of honesty was strong within him always. He 
 imbibed a reverence for the character of woman, and a love 
 of purity, which, amid all his wild ways, kept him stainless. 
 In this particular, I believe, he was without reproach from 
 youth to old age. He deeply loved his mother, and held her 
 memory sacred to the end of his life. He used often to speak 
 of the courage she had displayed when left. without a pro- 
 tector in the wilderness, and would sometimes clinch a re- 
 mark or an argument by saying, " That I learned from my 
 good old mother." He once said, in speaking of his mother : 
 " One of the last injunctions given me by her, was never to 
 institute a suit for assault and battery, or for defamation ; 
 never to wound the feelings of others, nor suffer my own to 
 
1777.] MISCHIEVOUS ANDY. 69 
 
 be outraged : these were her words of admonition to me ; I 
 remember them well, and have never failed to respect them ; 
 my settled course through life has been to bear them in mind, 
 and never to insult or wantonly to assail the feelings of any 
 one ; and yet many conceive me to be a most ferocious ani- 
 mal, insensible to moral duty, and regardless of the laws both 
 of God and man/' * 
 
 And so ends our too meager account of the school life of 
 this remarkable man. 
 
 He was nine years old when the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence was signed. By the time the war approached the Wax- 
 haw settlement, bringing blood and terror with it, leaving 
 desolation behind it, closing all school-houses, and putting a 
 stop to the peaceful labors of the people, Andrew Jackson 
 was a little more than thirteen. His brother Hugh, a man 
 in stature, if not in years, had not waited for the war to 
 come near his home, but had mounted his horse a year before, 
 and ridden southward to meet it. He was one of the troop- 
 ers of that famous regiment, to raise and equip which, its 
 colonel, William Kichardson Davie, spent the last guinea of 
 his inherited estate. Under Colonel Davie, Hugh Jackson 
 fought in the ranks of the battle of Stono, and died, after the 
 action, of heat and fatigue. His brother Kobert was a strap- 
 ping lad, but too young for a soldier, and was still at home 
 with his mother and Andrew, when Tarlton and his dragoons 
 thundered along the red roads of the Waxhaws, and dyed 
 them a deeper red with the blood of the surprised militia. 
 
 * Eaton's Life of Jackson, page 434. 
 
70 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1780. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE WAR IN THE CAROLINAS. 
 
 The yeoman's service which Andrew Jackson's small ex- 
 ploits in the revolutionary war were made to perform in three 
 presidential campaigns, have rendered them more familiar than 
 credible to the people of the United States. For the same 
 reason, there is a certain unbelief in the New Orleans cam- 
 paign, the finest defense of native land recorded in recent 
 history. I will confess that it was to me a surprise to discover 
 that the stories of Jackson's revolutionary adventures, when 
 simply told, are both probable and true. The authority for 
 them is General Jackson himself. Most of those heretofore 
 published, and some not yet in print, I have heard narrated 
 by surviving friends of the General, as they were accustomed 
 to hear them told by him. Some additional incidents I gath- 
 ered in those counties of the Carolinas wherein he wandered 
 and suffered during the war. 
 
 It was on the 29th of May, 1780, that Tarleton, with three 
 hundred horsemen, surprised a detachment of militia in the 
 Waxhaw settlement, and killed one hundred and thirteen of 
 them, and wounded a hundred and fifty. The wounded, 
 abandoned to the care of the settlers, were quartered in the 
 houses of the vicinity ; the old log Waxhaw meeting-house 
 itself being converted into a hospital for the most desperate 
 cases. Mrs. Jackson was one of the kind women who minis- 
 tered to the wounded soldiers in the church, and under that 
 roof her boys first saw what war was. The men were dread- 
 fully mangled. Some had received as many as thirteen 
 wounds, and none less than three. For many days Andrew 
 and his brother assisted their mother in waiting upon the 
 sick men ; Andrew, more in rage than pity, though pitiful 
 by nature, burning to avenge their wounds and his brother's 
 death. 
 
1780.] THE WAR IN THE CAROLINA S. 71 
 
 Tarleton had fallen upon the Waxhaws like a summer 
 storm, which bursts upon us unawares, does its destructive 
 work, and rolls thundering away. The families who had fled 
 returned soon to their homes, and the wounded men recovered, 
 or found rest in the old church-yard. Then came rumors of 
 the approach of a larger body of royal troops under Lord 
 Rawdon, who soon arrived in the Waxhaw country, de- 
 manding of every one a formal promise not to take part in 
 the war thereafter. Mrs. Jackson, her boys, the Crawfords 
 and a majority of their neighbors, abandoned their homes and 
 retired a few miles to the north, rather than enter into a 
 covenant so abhorrent to their feelings. A few days later, 
 Rawdon was compelled to retrace his steps, and the Waxhaw 
 people returned to their farms again. Once more that sum- 
 mer they were alarmed by a hostile assemblage a few miles 
 distant, and prepared for a third flight ; but the " murderous 
 tories" were dispersed in time, and our friends still clung to 
 their homes. The men who were able to bear arms were gen- 
 erally away with their companies, and the women, children 
 and old men passed their days and nights in fear, ready at 
 any moment for flight. 
 
 Tarleton's massacre at the Waxhaws kindled the flames 
 of war in all that region of the Carolinas. Many notable ac- 
 tions were fought, and some striking though unimportant 
 advantages were gained by the patriot forces. Andrew Jack- 
 son and his brother Robert were present at Sumpter's gallant 
 blundering attack upon the British post of Hanging Rock, 
 near Waxhaw, where the patriots half gained the day, and 
 lost it by beginning too soon to drink the rum they captured 
 from the enemy. The Jackson boys rode on this expedition 
 with Colonel Davie, a most brave, self-sacrificing officer, who, 
 as we have said, commanded the troop of which Hugh Jack- 
 son was a member when he died after the battle of Stono. 
 Neither of the boys were attached to Davie's company, nor 
 is it likely that Andrew, a boy of thirteen, did more than 
 witness the affair at the Hanging Rock. If he was in a po- 
 sition to observe the movements of the troops, or if he over- 
 
72 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1780. 
 
 heard the comments of Colonel Davie upon the battle, he re- 
 ceived a lesson in the art of war. Colonel Davie attributed 
 the failure of the attack to the circumstance that the men 
 dismounted a hundred yards too late. " Dismounting under 
 fire is an operation that tasks the discipline of the best troops, 
 and is sure to discompose militia," maintained Colonel Davie 
 in the council. Sumpter thought it best to dash in on horse- 
 back to a point near the enemy's works ; then dismount, and 
 rush upon them on foot. This was attempted, but the at- 
 tempt was only half successful, owing to the confusion caused 
 by dismounting under fire. The rum finished what error be- 
 gan, and the affair ended in a debauch instead of a victory. 
 
 This Colonel Davie, Hugh Jackson's old commander, was 
 the man, above all others who led Carolina troops in the Eev- 
 olution, that the Jackson boys admired. He was a man after 
 Andrew's own heart ; swift, but wary ; bold in planning en- 
 terprises, but most cautious in execution ; sleeplessly vigil- 
 ant ; untiringly active ; one of those cool, quick men who 
 apply mother-wit to the art of war ; who are good soldiers 
 because they are earnest and clear-sighted men. So far as 
 any man was General Jackson's model soldier, William Kich- 
 ardson Davie of North Carolina was the individual. Davie, 
 it is worth mentioning, was a native of England, and lived 
 there till he was iive years old. 
 
 The boys rejoined their mother at the Waxhaw settle- 
 ment. On the 16th of August, 1780, occurred the great dis- 
 aster of the war in the South, the defeat of General Gates. 
 The victor, Cornwallis, moved, three weeks after, with his 
 whole army, toward the Waxhaws ; which induced Mrs. 
 Jackson and her boys once more to abandon their home for a 
 safer retreat north of the scene of war. 
 
 How Mrs. Jackson and her son Kobert performed this 
 journey in those terrible days, there is no information. But 
 through the excellent memory of a lady who died only a very 
 few years ago, the reader can have a clear glimpse of Andrew 
 as he appeared to mortal view while he was on his northward 
 journey, just after the defeat of Gates. The lady referred to 
 
1780.] THE WAR IN THE CAROLINAS. 73 
 
 was Mrs. Susan Smart, to whose high respectability and care- 
 ful veracity all the people of Charlotte, North Carolina, near 
 which she lived for fourscore years, will cheerfully testify. 
 Her single reminiscence of Andrew Jackson I obtained from 
 her intimate friends in Charlotte to whom she was in the 
 habit of telling it. 
 
 Time — late in the afternoon of a hot, dusty September 
 day in 1780. Place — the high road, five miles below Char- 
 lotte, where Mrs. Smart then lived, a saucy girl of fourteen, 
 at the home of her parents. The news of Gates' defeat had 
 flown over the country, but every one was gasping for details, 
 especially those who had fathers and brothers in the patriot 
 army. The father and brother of Mrs. Smart were in that 
 army, and the family, as yet, knew nothing of their fate ; a 
 condition of suspense to which the women of the Carolinas 
 were well used during the revolutionary war. It was the 
 business of Susan, during those days, to take post at one of 
 the windows, and there watch for travelers coming from the 
 South ; and, upon spying one, to fly out upon him and ask 
 him for news of the army, and of the corps to which her father 
 and brother were attached. Thus posted, she descried, on the 
 afternoon to which we have referred, riding rapidly on a 
 "grass pony," (one of the ponies of the South Carolina 
 swamps, rough, Shetlandish, wild), a tall, slender, "gang- 
 ling fellow ;" legs long enough to meet under the pony al- 
 most ; damaged wide-brimmed hat flapping down over his 
 face, which was yellow and worn ; the figure covered with 
 dust ; tired-looking, as though the youth had ridden till he 
 could scarcely sit on his pony ; the forlornest apparition that 
 ever revealed itself to the eyes of Mrs. Susan Smart during 
 the whole of her long life. She ran out to the road and 
 hailed him. He reined in his pony, when the following brief 
 conversation ensued between them : — 
 
 She. — " Where are you from ?" 
 
 He.— " From below." 
 
 She. — " Where are you going ?" 
 
 J5Te. — "Above." 
 
74 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1780. 
 
 She.—" Who are you for ?" 
 
 He.— " The Congress." 
 
 She. — " What are you doing below ?" 
 
 He. — " Oh, we are popping them still." 
 
 She (to herself). — "It's mighty poor popping such as 
 you will do, any how." (Aloud). — " What's your name ?' 
 
 He. — " Andrew Jackson." 
 
 She asked him respecting her father's regiment, and he 
 gave her what information he possessed. He then galloped 
 away toward Charlotte, and Susan returned to the house to 
 tell his news and ridicule the figure he had cut — the gangling 
 fellow on the grass pony. Years after, she used to laugh as 
 she told the story ; and later, when the most thrilling news 
 of the time used to come to remote Charlotte associated with 
 the name of Andrew Jackson, still she would bring out her 
 little tale, until, at last, she made it get votes for him for the 
 presidency. 
 
 Good fortune gave me the acquaintance, in Charlotte, of 
 a gentleman who is the grandson of the lady to whose house 
 Andrew was going on this occasion. He was bound to Mrs 
 Wilson's, a few miles above Charlotte, where he spent severa.. 
 weeks. Mrs. Wilson, a distant connection of Mrs. Jackson, 
 was the mother of an eminent clergyman of North Carolina, 
 Eev. Dr. Wilson, who was a boy when Andrew Jackson rode 
 to his mother's house on the grass pony. The two boys soon 
 became friends and playmates, though the rough ways and 
 wild words of Andrew rather astonished the staid son of Mrs. 
 Wilson, as he used many a time to relate. The gentleman 
 referred to above is a son of Dr. Wilson, and remembers two 
 or three interesting things which his father and grandmother 
 were accustomed to report of the boy. 
 
 At Mrs. Wilson's, Andrew paid for his board by doing 
 what New England people call "chores." He brought in 
 wood, "pulled fodder," picked beans, drove cattle, went to 
 mill and took the farming utensils to be mended. Kespect 
 ing the last named duty there is a striking reminiscence, 
 " Never," Dr. Wilson would say, " did Andrew come homf 
 
1781.] THE WAR IN THE CAROLINAS. 75 
 
 from the shops without bringing with him some new weapon 
 with which to kill the enemy. Sometimes it was a rude 
 spear, which he would forge while waiting for the blacksmith 
 to finish his job. Sometimes it was a club or a tomahawk. 
 Once he fastened the blade of a scythe to a pole, and, on 
 reaching home, began to cut down the weeds with it that 
 grew about the house, assailing them with extreme fury, and 
 occasionally uttering words like these : 
 
 "Oh, if I were a man, how I would sweep down the 
 British with my grass blade I" 
 
 Dr. Wilson remembered saying to his mother when they 
 were talking of Andrew one day, 
 
 " Mother, Andy will fight his way in the world." 
 
 The doctor lived to see his prediction fulfilled, and, 
 though he would never vote for his old companion, he 
 rejoiced exceedingly when he heard, sixty years after, that 
 this swearing, roystering lad had come to be a contrite 
 old man. Mrs. Wilson's chief recollection of her young 
 guest was that he was particularly willing to go out with her 
 into the garden and help her pick beans for dinner, which 
 she attributed to the obligingness of his disposition, but 
 added, " Andy did like corn and beans, though." 
 
 Whether Mrs. Jackson and Robert lived at the Wilsons' 
 during this autumn and winter, along with Andrew, or at 
 some other house in the vicinity, is not remembered. In 
 February, 1781, the country about the Waxhaws being tran- 
 quil, because subdued, Mrs. Jackson, her sons and many of 
 her neighbors, returned to their ravaged homes. Andrew 
 soon after passed his fourteenth birthday, an overgrown 
 youth, as tall as a man, but weakly from having grown too 
 fast. Then ensued a spring and summer of small, fierce, 
 intestine warfare ; a war of whig and tory, neighbor against 
 neighbor, brother against brother, and even father against 
 son. General Jackson used to give, among other instances of 
 the madness that prevailed, the case of a whig who, having 
 found a friend murdered and mutilated, devoted himself to 
 the slaying of tories. He hunted and lay in wait for them, 
 
76 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1781. 
 
 and, before the war ended, had killed twenty ; and then, 
 recovering from that insanity, lived the rest of his days a 
 conscience-stricken wretch. The story of Mrs. Motte, who 
 assisted to fire her own house — the finest house in all the 
 country round — rather than it should serve as a British post, 
 was another which the General remembered of this period. 
 
 Without detaining the reader with a detail of the revolu- 
 tionary history of the Carolinas, I yet desire to show what a 
 war-charged atmosphere it was that young Andrew breathed 
 during this forming period of his life, especially toward the 
 close of the war, after the great operations ceased. The 
 reader shall, at least, have a vivid glimpse or two of the Car- 
 olinas during the Kevolution. 
 
 The people in the upper country of the Carolinas little 
 expected that the war would ever reach settlements so remote, 
 so obscure, so scattered as theirs. And it did not for some 
 years. When at last the storm of war drew near their bor- 
 ders, it found them a divided people. The old sentiment of 
 loyalty* was still rooted in many minds. There were many 
 who had taken a recent and special oath of allegiance to the 
 king, which they considered binding in all circumstances. 
 There were Highlanders, clannish and religiously loyal, who 
 pointed to the text, " Fear God and honor the king," and 
 overlooked the fact that the biblical narrative condemns the 
 Jews for desiring a kingly government. There were Mora- 
 vians and Quakers, who conscientiously opposed all war. 
 There were Catholic Irish, many of whom sided with the 
 king. There were Protestant Scotch-Irish, whigs and agita- 
 tors in the old country, whigs and fervent patriots in the new. 
 There were place-holders, who adhered to their official bread 
 and dignity. There were trimmers, who espoused the side 
 that chanced to be strongest. The approach and collision of 
 hostile forces converted most of these factions into belliger- 
 
 * Mecklenburgh, the county of North Carolina in which Jackson was born, 
 from which county Union was afterwards set off, was so named in honor of 
 Queen Charlotte, who was a princess of Mecklenburgh. Hence, also, the names 
 Charlotte and Queen's College. 
 
1781.] THE WAR IN THE CAROLINA S. 77 
 
 ents, who waged a most fierce and deadly war upon one 
 another, renewing on this new theater the border wars of 
 another age and country. It was a war of chiefs rather than 
 generals, of banditti rather than armies ; a war of exploits, 
 expeditions, surprises, sudden devastation, fierce and long 
 pursuits ; a war half Indian and half Scotch-clannish. Such 
 warfare intensely excites the feelings, and allocs no interval 
 of serenity. 
 
 Who can imagine the state of things when such an occur- 
 rence as this could take place, and be thought quite regular 
 and correct ? "A few days afterward (1780), in Kutherford 
 county, N. C. (a hundred miles from Waxhaw), the principal 
 officers held a court martial over some of the most audacious 
 and murderous tories, and selected thirty-two as victims for 
 destruction, and commenced hanging three at a time, until 
 they hung nine, and respited the rest."* This is mentioned 
 without remark in a matter-of-fact account of the battle of 
 King's Mountain, by an officer who fought in that battle. 
 
 And there is a little story of one Hicks, the scene of which 
 was the Scotch-Irish region of North Carolina, within fifty 
 miles of Waxhaw. A band of tories came to his solitary 
 house one dark night, upon the common errand of spoliation 
 and murder. " Having locked the doors and made the best 
 arrangements he could, at the moment, he kept himself con- 
 cealed and told his wife not to open the door unless it became 
 necessary in order to prevent them from breaking it down. 
 Accordingly, when they demanded admittance, she mildly 
 refused, telling them that she could not admit them at that 
 hour of the night, and requested them not to trouble her any 
 further ; but when they got axes and were about to break it 
 open, she requested them not to break it and she would open 
 it for them. During this time Hicks had remained silent, 
 and kept himself where he could not be seen. His wife Lad 
 been the only spokesman, and they did not know that there 
 was anybody else in the house, except from the intelligence 
 
 * Wheeler's History of North Carolina, ii, 107. 
 VOL. I. — 6 
 
78 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1781. 
 
 which they had received before they came. Having opened 
 the door, when the foremost man entered, and as soon as he 
 had fairly got inside, Hicks shot him dead on the spot, and 
 the rest became panic-struck and gave back. This was a 
 shock which they did not expect, and such an act, so deliber- 
 ately and promptly done, made the impression on them that 
 there must be more men in the house. The darkness aided 
 their imagination, and, as the one who had been killed was 
 their leader, and the most courageous one among them, they 
 would not venture to march over his dead body into the midst 
 of that mysterious silence, but all fled with precipitation, and 
 never attempted again to assail his house/'* 
 
 There is another story, told by the same collector (who is 
 a distinguished clergyman of North Carolina), which throws 
 light upon the state of things, though it tasks the reader's 
 credulity : — 
 
 " The opposite parties in that region had so often assumed each other's 
 distinctive badges, that a man, especially one who had taken no part in 
 the military operations of the day, when he met a company, unless he 
 knew some of them personally, or had some way of distinguishing them 
 other than their cockades or party uniform, would be utterly at a loss ; 
 and such, unfortunately, was the case with Fred. Smith. One of these 
 parties came upon him unexpectedly one day in the neighborhood, and, 
 not knowing him, asked him the usual question in such cases, ' Who are 
 you for ?' and having to guess, he happened to guess wrong, naming the 
 party opposite to the one into whose hands he had fallen. Without fur- 
 ther proof or examination the order was given, 'Hang him up,' and it 
 was instantly obeyed. As they did not design to kill him outright, but 
 merely to teach him a salutary lesson, after letting him hang as long as 
 they thought they could with safety, they cut him down and let him go. 
 
 " Not long after, the other party met with him, in a different direction, 
 and, as a matter of course, put to him the usual test question, ' Who are 
 you for ?' Whether he had ever learned the ' rule of contraries' we 
 know not, but, as he had already suffered so much for saying that he be- 
 longed to such a party, he concluded that it could not be worse with him, 
 and named the other, that is, the one which had hung him before. As he 
 had to guess again without any thing to guide him, he unfortunately 
 
 * Caruthers' Revolutionary Incidents in the Old North State, ii„ 251. 
 
1781.] THE WAR IN THE CAROLINA S. 79 
 
 guessed wrong, and the order was given, ' Hang him up,' which was 
 forthwith obeyed. With quite as much humanity as the others, after he 
 had hung as long as they thought he would bear to hang without ' giving 
 up the ghost,' they cut him down and let him go, with an earnest but 
 friendly admonition that if they ever found him again on the wrong side it 
 would be the last of him. 
 
 " In process of time, some other company met with him, and not 
 knowing him, asked him the same question, ' Who are you for ?' but 
 having suffered so much already from both the contending parties, and not 
 wishing to run the risk of suffering the same again for a mere mistake of 
 name, he concluded to try another, and said he was for the devil. Whether 
 this was a mere guess or certain truth we have not learned ; but they 
 thought if that was the case, the sooner he was put out of the way the 
 better. So, making the limb of a tree answer for a gallows and a grape 
 vine for a halter, they swung him off and immediately left him, thinking 
 that they had started him on his journey to ' that undiscovered country 
 from whose bourne no traveler returns ;' but one of them, more humane or 
 more considerate than the rest, made an excuse to stay behind, and, as 
 they were soon out of sight by descending the hill or by following a turn 
 in the road, he cut him down before he was quite dead."* 
 
 But, of all the stories of the war in the South, there is 
 none which seems to reveal so much of the spirit and tem- 
 per of the time, as that simple but thrilling narrative of the 
 young Carolina heroine, Mrs. Slocumb. Who that reads it 
 can ever forget it ? 
 
 " The men all left on Sunday morning. More than eighty went from 
 this house with my husband. I looked at them well, and I could see that 
 every man had mischief in him. I knew a coward as soon as I set my 
 eyes upon him. The tories more than once tried to frighten me, but they 
 always showed coward at the bare insinuation that our troops were about. 
 Well, they got off in high spirits, every man stepping high and light, and I 
 slept soundly and quietly that night and worked hard all the next day ; 
 but I kept thinking where they had got to, how far, where and how 
 many of the regulars and tories they would meet ; and I could not keep 
 myself from that study. I went to bed at the usual time, but could not 
 sleep. As I lay — whether waking or sleeping, I know not — ' I had a dream,' 
 yet it £ was not all a dream.' (She used the words, unconsciously, of the 
 poet who was not then in being.) I saw distinctly a body wrapped in my 
 
 * Caruthers' Revolutionary Incident3 in the Old North State, ii, 253. 
 
80 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 husband's guard coat, bloody, dead, and others, dead and wounded, on the 
 ground about him. I saw them plainly and distinctly. I uttered a cry, 
 and sprang to my feet on the floor ; and so strong was the impressiou on 
 my mind that I rushed in the direction the vision appeared, and came up 
 against the side of the house. The fire in the room gave little light, and I 
 gazed in every direction to catch another glimpse of the scene. I raised 
 the light. Every thing was still and quiet. My child was sleeping, but 
 my woman was awakened by my crying out or jumping on the floor. If 
 ever I felt fear, it was at that moment. Seated on the bed, I reflected a 
 few moments, and said aloud, ' I must go to him.' I told the woman I 
 could not sleep, and would ride down the road. She appeared in great 
 alarm ; but I merely told her to lock the door after me, and look after the 
 child. I went to the stable, saddled my mare — as fleet and easy a nag as 
 ever traveled — and in one moment I was tearing down the road at full 
 speed. The cool night seemed, after a mile or two's gallop, to bring reflec- 
 tion with it, and I asked myself where I was going, and for what purpose. 
 Again and again I was tempted to turn back, but I was soon ten miles from 
 home. I knew the general route our little army expected to take, and at day- 
 break I was thirty miles from home, and had followed them without hesita- 
 tion. About sunrise, I came upon a group of women and children standing and 
 sitting by the roadside, each one of them showing the same anxiety of mind 
 I felt. Stopping a few minutes, I inquired if the battle had been fought. 
 They knew nothing, but were assembled on the road to catch intelligence. 
 They thought Caswell had taken the right of the Wilmington road and gone 
 toward the north-west (Cape Fear). Again was I skimming over the 
 ground through a country thinly settled and very poor and swampy ; but 
 neither my own spirits nor my beautiful nag's failed in the least. We 
 followed the well-marked trail of the troops. The sun must have been 
 well up, say eight or nine o'clock, when I heard a sound like thunder, 
 which I knew must be cannon. It was the first time I ever heard a can- 
 non. I stopped still. Presently the cannon thundered again. The battle 
 was then fighting. ' What a fool !' thought I ; ' my husband could not 
 be dead last night, and the battle only fighting now ! Still, as I am so 
 near, I will go on and see how they come on and see how they come out.' 
 So away we went, faster than ever, and soon I found by the noise of the guns 
 that I was near the fight. Again I stopped. I could hear muskets, I 
 vould hear rifles and I could hear shouting. I spoke to my mare and 
 dashed on in the direction of the firing and shouts, now louder than ever. 
 The blind path I had been following brought me into the Wilmington road 
 leading to Moore's Creek Bridge, a few hundred yards below the bridge. A 
 few yards from the road, under a cluster of trees, were lying perhaps twenty 
 men. They were the wounded. I knew the spot, the very trees, and 
 the position of the men I knew as if I had seen it a thousand times. 
 
1781.] THE WAR IN THE CAROLINAS. 81 
 
 I had seen it in my dream all night ! I saw all at once ; but, in an in- 
 stant, my whole soul was centered in one spot ; for there, wrapped in his 
 bloody guard-cloak, was my husband's body ! How I passed the few yards 
 from my saddle to this place, I never knew. I remember uncovering his 
 head and seeing a face clothed with gore from a dreadful wound across the 
 temple. I put my hand on the bloody face ; 'twas warm, and an unknown 
 voice begged for water. A small camp kettle was lying near, and a stream 
 of water was close by. I brought it, poured some into his mouth, washed 
 his face, and behold it was Frank Cogdell ! He soon revived and could 
 speak. I was washing the wound in his head. Said he, ' It is not that ; 
 it is that hole in my leg that is killing me. 1 A puddle of blood was standing 
 on the ground about his feet. I took his knife, cut away his trowsers and 
 stocking, and found the blood came from a shot-hole through and through 
 the fleshy part of his leg. I looked about and could see nothing that 
 looked as if it would do for dressing wounds but some heart leaves. I 
 gathered a handful and bound them tight to the holes, and the bleeding 
 stopped. I then went to the others, and, doctor ! I dressed the wounds 
 of many a brave fellow who did good fighting long after that day. I had 
 not inquired for my husband ; but, while I was busy, Caswell came up. 
 He appeared very much surprised to see me, and was, with his hat in 
 hand, about to pay some compliment ; but I interrupted him by asking, 
 1 Where is my husband ?' ' Where he ought to be, madam ; in pursuit of 
 the enemy. But pray,' said he, ' how came you here ?' ' Oh, I thought, 
 replied I, ' you would need nurses as well as soldiers. See ! I have dressed 
 many of these good fellows ; and here is one' (going to Frank and lifting 
 him up with my arm under his head so that he could drink some more 
 water) ' would have died before any of you men could have helped him.' 
 ' I believe you,' said Frank. Just then I looked up, and my husband, as 
 bloody as a butcher, and as muddy as a ditcher, stood before me. ' Why, 
 Mary !' he exclaimed, ' what are you doing there ? Hugging Frank Cog- 
 dell, the greatest reprobate in the army ?' ' I don't care,' I cried, ' Frank 
 is a brave fellow, a good soldier, and a true friend to Congress.' ' True, 
 true, every word of it,' said CaswelL ' You are right, madam ;' with the 
 lowest possible bow. I could not tell my husband what brought me there. 
 I was so happy, and so were all. It was a glorious victory ; I came just at 
 the height of the enjoyment. I knew my husband was surprised, but I 
 could see he was not displeased with me. It was night again before our 
 excitement had all subsided. Many prisoners were brought in, and among 
 them some very obnoxious; but the worst of the tories were not taken 
 prisoners. They were, for the most part, left in the woods and swamps 
 wherever they were overtaken. I begged for some of the poor prisoners, 
 and Caswell readily told me none should be hurt but such as had been 
 guilty of murder or house-burning. In the middle of the night I again 
 
82 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1781. 
 
 mounted my mare and started home. Caswell and my husband wanted 
 me to stay till next morning, and they would send a party with me ; but 
 no ! I wanted to see my child, and told them they could send no party 
 who could keep up with me. What a happy ride I had back ! and with 
 what joy did I embrace my child as he ran to meet me !"* 
 
 No boy of the least spirit could escape the contagion of 
 feelings like this. There was certainly one who did not. 
 There were others, also, as we may infer from one of Mr. 
 Lossing's anecdotes : — " The British officers were hospitably 
 entertained by Dr. Anthony Newman, notwithstanding he 
 was a whig. There, in the presence of Tarleton and others, 
 Dr. Newman's two little sons were engaged in playing the 
 game of the battle of the Cowpens with grains of corn, a red 
 grain representing the British officers, and a white one the 
 Americans. Washington and Tarleton were particularly 
 represented, and as one pursued the other, as in a real battle, 
 the little fellows shouted, ' Hurrah for Washington, Tarleton 
 runs ! Hurrah for Washington V Tarleton looked on for 
 awhile, but becoming irritated, he exclaimed, c See the cursed 
 little rebels/ " 
 
 This mention of Tarleton brings to mind a scene which 
 most strikingly exhibits the character of a man who stamped 
 his character upon the war in the Carolinas. It was de- 
 scribed, with unusual ability, years after, by a gentleman 
 whom Cornwallis had once employed to convey a dispatch to 
 Tarleton. The narrative was published, long ago, in the 
 Petersburg Intelligencer, and had a great run at the time, 
 as such a piece could not fail to have : — 
 
 " As soon," wrote the old tory messenger, " as I came in view of the 
 British lines I hastened to deliver myself up to the nearest patrol, inform- 
 ing him that I was the bearer of important dispatches from Lord Corn- 
 wallis to Colonel Tarleton. The guard was immediately called out, the 
 commander of which, taking me in charge, carried me at once to Tarleton's 
 marque. A servant informed him of my arrival, and returned immediately 
 with the answer that his master would see me after a while, and that, in 
 
 * Mrs. Ellet's Women of the Revolution. 
 
1781.] THE WAR IN THE CAROLINES. 83 
 
 the meanwhile, I was to await his pleasure where I then was. The 
 servant was a grave and sedate looking Englishman, between fifty and sixty- 
 years of age, and informed me that he had known Colonel Tarleton from 
 his earliest youth, having lived for many years in the family of his father, a 
 worthy clergyman, at whose particular request he had followed the colonel 
 to this country with the view that, if overtaken by disease and suffering in 
 his headlong career, he might have some one near him who had known 
 him ere the pranksome mischief of the boy had hardened into the sterner 
 vices of the man. ' He was always a wild blade, friend,' said the old man, 
 ' and many a heart-ache has he given us all ; but he '11 mend in time, I 
 hope.' Just then my attention was attracted by the violent plungings of 
 a horse which two stout grooms, one on each side, were endeavoring to 
 lead toward the spot where we were standing. He was a large and power- 
 ful brute, beautifully formed, and black as a crow, with an eye that actually 
 seemed to blaze with rage at the restraint put upon him. His progress 
 was one continued bound, at times swinging the grooms clear from the 
 earth as lightly as though they were but tassels hung on his huge Spanish 
 bit, so that with difficulty they escaped being trampled under foot. I asked 
 the meaning of the scene, and was informed that the horse was one that 
 Tarleton had heard of as being a magnificent animal, but one altogether 
 unmanageable ; and so delighted was he with the description, that he sent 
 all the way down into Moore county, where his owner resided, and pur- 
 chased him at the extravagant price of one hundred guineas; and that, 
 moreover, he was about to ride him that morning. ' Eide him !' said I, ' why, 
 one had as well try to back a streak of lightning. The mad brute will cer- 
 tainly be the death of him.' ' Never fear for him,' said my companion, ' never 
 fear for him. His time has not come yet.' By this time the horse had 
 been brought up to where we were ; the curtain of the marque was pushed 
 aside, and my attention was drawn from the savage stud to rivet itself upon 
 his dauntless rider. And a picture of a man he was ! Kather below the 
 middle height, and with a face almost femininely beautiful. Tarleton pos- 
 sessed a form that was a perfect model of manly strength and vigor. 
 Without a particle of superfluous flesh, his rounded limbs and full broad 
 chest seemed molded from iron, yet, at the same time, displaying all the 
 elasticity which usually accompanies elegance of proportion. His dress, 
 strange as it may appear, was a jacket and breeches of white linen, fitted 
 to his form with the utmost exactness. Boots of russet leather were half 
 way up the leg, the broad tops of which were turned down, the heels gar- 
 nished with spurs of an immense size and length of rowel. On his head 
 was a low-crowned hat, curiously formed from the snow-white feathers of 
 the swan, and in his hand he carried a heavy scourge with shot well 
 twisted into its knotted lash. After looking around for a moment or two, 
 as though to command the attention of all, he advanced to the side of the 
 
84 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1781. 
 
 horse, and, disdaining the use of the stirrup, with one bound threw himself 
 into the saddle, at the same time calling on the grooms to let him go. For 
 an instant the animal seemed paralyzed ; then, with a perfect yell of rage, 
 oounded into the air like a stricken deer. 
 
 " The struggle for mastery had commenced — bound succeeded bound 
 with the rapidity of thought ; every device which its animal instinct could 
 teach was resorted to by the maddened brute to shake off its unwelcome 
 burden — but in vain. Its ruthless rider proved irresistible, and clinging 
 like fate itself, plied the scourge and rowel like a fiend. The punishment 
 was too severe to be long withstood, and at length, after a succession of 
 frantic efforts, the tortured animal, with a scream of agony, leaped forth 
 upon the plain, and flew across it with the speed of an arrow. The ground 
 upon which Tarleton had pitched his camp was an almost perfectly level 
 plain, something more than half a mile in circumference. Around this, 
 after getting him under way, he continued to urge his furious steed, amid 
 the raptures and shouts of the admiring soldiery, plying the whip and spur 
 at every leap, until wearied and worn down with its prodigious efforts, the 
 tired creature discontinued all exertion, save that to which it was urged 
 by its merciless rider. 
 
 " At length, exhausted from the conflict, Tarleton drew up before his 
 tent, and threw himself from the saddle. The horse was completely sub 
 dued, and at the word of command followed him around like a dog. The 
 victory was complete. His eye of fire was dim and lusterless, drops of 
 agony fell from his drooping front, while from his laboring and mangled 
 sides the mingled blood and foam poured in a thick and clotted stream. 
 Tarleton himself was pale as death, and as soon as he was satisfied of his 
 success, retired and threw himself on his couch. In a short time I was 
 called into his presence, and delivered my dispatches. I have witnessed 
 many stirring scenes, both during the Revolution and since, but I nevei 
 saw one half so exciting as the strife between that savage man and savage 
 horse." 
 
 There are volumes of such stories as these ; but these 
 must suffice. How often must the boy have drunk in with 
 greedy ear such tales ; and how they must have nourished in 
 him those feelings which are akin to war and strife ! I won- 
 der if he chanced to hear that at Charleston, in the early 
 period of the war, cotton bales were used in the construction of 
 a fort.* I wonder if he heard of the servants of the British 
 officers thickening their masters' soup with hair-powder, in 
 
 * Kamsay's Revolution in South Carolina, i., 141. 
 
1781.] FORTUNES OF THE FAMILY. 85 
 
 the scarcity of flour ; of Marion splitting saws into sword 
 blades ; of the patriot militia going to battle with more men 
 than muskets, and the unarmed ones watching the strife, till 
 a comrade fell, and then running in to seize his weapon, and 
 to use it. It is likely. In his inflamed imagination, the 
 mild Cornwallis figured as a relentless savage, Tarleton as a 
 devil incarnate, and all red-coated sons of Britain as the nat- 
 ural enemies of man. " Oh, if I were a man, how I would 
 sweep down the British with my grass blade I" 
 
 Well, the time had now come, when Andrew and his 
 brother began to play men's parts in the drama. Without 
 enlisting in any organized corps, they joined small parties 
 that went out on single- enterprises of retaliation, mounted 
 on their own horses, and carrying their own weapons. Let 
 us see what befell them while serving thus. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE FORTUNES OF THE FAMILY. 
 
 Of the adventures of our young trooper there is but one 
 to record which was not calamitous. It was a trifling affair ; 
 but the story illustrates the time and the boy. 
 
 In that fierce, Scotch-Indian warfare, the absence of a 
 father from home was often a better protection to his family 
 than his presence, because his presence invited attack. The 
 main object of both parties was to kill the fighting men, and 
 to avenge the slaying of partisans. The house of the quiet 
 hero Hicks, for example, was safe, until it was noised about 
 among the tories that Hicks was at home. And thus it came 
 to pass, that when a whig soldier of any note desired to spend 
 a night with his family, his neighbors were accustomed to 
 turn out, and serve as a guard to his house while he slept. 
 Behold Robert and Andrew Jackson, with six others, thus 
 
86 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1781. 
 
 employed one night in the spring of 1781, at the doinicil of a 
 neighbor, Captain Sands. The guard on this occasion was 
 more a friendly tribute to an active partisan than a service 
 considered necessary to his safety. In short, the night was 
 not far advanced, before the whole party were snugly housed 
 and stretched upon the floor, all sound asleep, except one, a 
 British deserter, who was restless, and dosed at intervals. 
 
 Danger was near. A band of tories, bent on taking the 
 life of Captain Sands, approached the house in two divisions ; 
 one party moving toward the front door, the other toward the 
 back. The wakeful soldier, hearing a suspicious noise, rose, 
 went out of doors to learn its cause, and saw the foe stealth- 
 ily nearing the house. He ran in in terror, and seizing Andrew 
 Jackson, who lay next the door, by the hair, exclaimed, 
 
 " The tories are upon us 1" 
 
 Andrew sprang up, and ran out. Seeing a body of men 
 in the distance, he placed the end of his gun in the low fork 
 of a tree near the door, and hailed them. No reply. He 
 hailed them a second time. No reply. They quickened 
 their pace, and had come within a few rods of the door. By 
 this time, too, the guard in the house had been roused, and 
 were gathered in a group behind the boy. Andrew discharged 
 his musket ; upon which the tories fired a volley, which 
 killed the hapless deserter who had given the alarm. The 
 other party of tories, who were approaching the house from 
 the other side, hearing this discharge, and the rush of bullets 
 above their heads, supposed that the firing proceeded from a 
 party that had issued from the house. They now fired a vol- 
 ley, which sent a shower of balls whistling about the heads 
 of their friends on the other side. Both parties hesitated, 
 and then halted. Andrew having thus, by his single dis- 
 charge, puzzled and stopped the enemy, retired to the house, 
 where he and his comrades kept up a brisk fire from the win- 
 dows. One of the guard fell mortally wounded by his side, 
 and another received a wound less severe. In the midst of 
 this singular contest, a bugle was heard, some distance off, 
 sounding the cavalry charge ; whereupon the tories, con- 
 
1781.] FORTUNES OF THE FAMILY 87 
 
 eluding that they had come upon an ambush of whigs, and 
 were about to be assailed by horse and foot, fled to where 
 they had left their horses, mounted, dashed pell-mell into the 
 woods, and were seen no more. It appeared afterwards, that 
 the bugle-charge was sounded by a neighbor, who judging 
 from the noise of musketry that Captain Sands was attacked, 
 and having not a man with him in his house, gave the blast 
 upon the trumpet, thinking that even a trick so stale, aided 
 by the darkness of the night, might have some effect in 
 alarming the assailants. 
 
 The next time the Jackson boys smelt powder, they were 
 not so fortunate. The activity and zeal of the Waxhaw 
 whigs coming to the ears of Lord Kawdon, whom Cornwallis 
 had left in command, he dispatched a small body of dragoons 
 to aid the tories of that infected neighborhood. The Waxhaw 
 people hearing of the approach of this hostile force, resolved 
 upon resisting it in open fight, and named the Waxhaw 
 meeting-house as the rendezvous. Forty whigs assembled 
 on the appointed day, mounted and armed ; and among them 
 were Kobert and Andrew Jackson. In the grove about the 
 old church, these forty were waiting for the arrival — hourly 
 expected — of another company of whigs from a neighboring 
 settlement. The British officer in command of the dragoons, 
 apprised of the rendezvous by a tory of the neighborhood, 
 determined to surprise the patriot party before the two com- 
 panies had united. Before coming in sight of the church, he 
 placed a body of tories, wearing the dress of the country, far 
 in advance of his soldiers, and so marched upon the devoted 
 band. The Waxhaw party saw a company of armed men 
 approaching, but concluding them to be their expected 
 friends, made no preparations for defense. Too late the error 
 was discovered. Eleven of the forty were taken prisoners, 
 and the rest sought safety in flight, fiercely pursued by the 
 dragoons. The brothers were separated. Andrew found him- 
 self galloping for life and liberty by the side of his cousin, Lieu- 
 tenant Thomas Crawford ; a dragoon close behind them, and 
 others coming rapidly on. They tore along the road awhile, 
 
88 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1781 
 
 and then took to a swampy field, where they came soon to a 
 wide slough of water and mire, into which they plunged their 
 horses. Andrew floundered across, and on reaching dry land 
 again, looked round for his companion, whose horse had sunk 
 into the mire and fallen. He saw him entangled, and trying 
 vainly to ward off the blows of his pursuers with his sword. 
 Before Andrew could turn to assist him, the lieutenant re- 
 ceived a severe wound in the head, which compelled him to 
 give up the contest and surrender. The youth put spurs to 
 his horse and succeeded in eluding pursuit. Eobert, too, 
 escaped unhurt, and in the course of the day the brothers 
 were reunited, and took refuge in a thicket, in which they 
 passed a hungry and anxious night. 
 
 The next morning, the pangs of hunger compelled them 
 to leave their safe retreat and go in quest of food. The 
 nearest house was that of Lieutenant Crawford. Leaving 
 their horses and arms in the thicket, the lads crept toward 
 the house, which they reached in safety. Meanwhile, a tory- 
 traitor of the neighborhood had scented out their lurking- 
 place, found their horses and weapons, and set a party of 
 dragoons upon their track. Before the family had a sus- 
 picion of danger, the house was surrounded, the doors were 
 secured, and the boys were prisoners. 
 
 A scene ensued which left an impression upon the mind 
 of one of the boys which time never effaced. Kegardless of 
 the fact that the house was occupied by the defenseless wife 
 and young children of a wounded soldier, the dragoons, bru- 
 talized by this mean partisan warfare, began to destroy, with 
 wild riot and noise, the contents of the house. Crockery, 
 glass, and furniture, were dashed to pieces ; beds emptied ; 
 the clothing of the family torn to rags ; even the clothes of 
 the infant that Mrs. Crawford carried in her arms were not 
 spared. While this destruction was going on, the officer in 
 command of the party ordered Andrew to clean his high jack- 
 boots, which were well splashed and crusted with mud. The 
 boy replied, not angrily, though with a certain firmness and 
 decision, in something like these words : 
 
1781.] FORTUNES OF THE FAMILY. 89 
 
 " Sir, I am a prisoner of war, and claim to be treated as 
 such." 
 
 The officer glared at him like a wild beast, and aimed a 
 desperate blow at the boy's head with his sword. Andrew 
 broke the force of the blow with his left hand, and thus re- 
 ceived two wounds — one deep gash on his head, and another 
 on his hand, the marks of both of which he carried to his 
 grave. The officer, after achieving this gallant feat, turned 
 to Kobert Jackson, and ordered him to clean the boots. 
 Robert also refused. The valiant Briton struck the young 
 man so violent a sword-blow upon the head, as to prostrate 
 and disable him. 
 
 Those who were intimately acquainted with Andrew 
 Jackson, and they alone, can know something of the feelings 
 of the youth while the events of this morning were tran- 
 spiring; what paroxysms of contemptuous rage shook his 
 slender frame when he saw his cousin's wife insulted, her 
 house profaned, his brother gashed ; himself as powerless to 
 avenge as to protect. " Til warrant Andy thought of it at 
 New Orleans" said an aged relative of all the parties to me 
 in an old farm-house not far from the scene of this morning's 
 dastardly work. 
 
 To horse. Andrew was ordered to mount, and to guide 
 some of the party to the house of a noted whig of the vicin- 
 ity, named Thompson. Threatened with instant death if he 
 failed to guide them aright, the youth submitted, and led the 
 party in the right direction. A timely thought enabled him 
 to be the deliverer of his neighbor, instead of his captor. In- 
 stead of approaching the house by the usual road, he con- 
 ducted the party by a circuitous route, which brought them 
 in sight of the house half a mile before they reached it. An- 
 drew well knew that if Thompson was at home, he would be 
 sure to have some one on the look out, and a horse ready for 
 the road. On coming in sight of the house, he saw Thomp- 
 son's horse, saddled and bridled, standing at a rack in the 
 yard ; which informed him both that the master was there 
 and that he was prepared for flight. The dragoons dashed 
 
90 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1781. 
 
 forward to seize their prey. While they were still some hun- 
 dreds of yards from the house, Andrew had the keen delight 
 of seeing Thompson burst from his door, run to his horse, 
 mount, and plunge into a foaming swollen creek that rushed 
 by his house. He gained the opposite shore, and seeing that 
 the dragoons dared not attempt the stream, gave a shout of 
 defiance, and galloped into the woods. 
 
 The elation caused by the success of his stratagem was 
 soon swallowed up in misery. Andrew and Kobert Jackson, 
 Lieutenant Thomas Crawford, and twenty other prisoners, 
 all the victims of this raid of the dragoons into the Wax- 
 haws, were placed on horses stolen in the same settlement, 
 and marched toward Camden, South Carolina, a great British 
 depot at the time, forty miles distant. It was a long and 
 agonizing journey, especially to the wounded, among whom 
 were the Jacksons and their cousin. Not an atom of food, 
 nor a drop of water was allowed them on the way. Such 
 was the brutality of the soldiers, that when these miserable 
 lads tried to scoop up a little water from the streams which 
 they forded, to appease their raging thirst, they were ordered 
 to desist.* 
 
 At Camden their situation was one of utter wretchedness. 
 Two hundred and fifty prisoners in a contracted enclosure 
 drawn around the jail ; no beds of any description ; no med- 
 icine ; no medical attendance, nor means of dressing the 
 wounds ; their only food a scanty supply of bad bread. 
 They were robbed even of part of their clothing, besides be- 
 ing subject to the taunts and threats of every passing tory. 
 The three relatives, it is said, were separated as soon as their 
 relationship was discovered. Miserable among the miserable ; 
 gaunt, yellow, hungry and sick ; robbed of his jacket and 
 shoes ; ignorant of his brother's fate ; chafing with sup- 
 pressed fury, Andrew passed now some of the most wretched 
 days of his life. Ere long, the small-pox, a disease unspeak- 
 ably terrible at that day, more terrible than cholera or plague 
 has ever been, broke out among the prisoners, and raged un- 
 
 * Kendall's Life of Jackson, page 51. 
 
1781.] FORTUNES OF THE FAMILY. 91 
 
 checked by medicine, and unalleviated by any kind of attend 
 ance or nursing. The sick and the well, the dying and the 
 dead ; those shuddering at the first symptoms, and those 
 putrid with the disease, were mingled together ; and all but 
 the dead were equally miserable. 
 
 For some time Andrew escaped the contagion. He was 
 reclining one day in the sun near the entrance of the prison, 
 when the officer of the guard, attracted, as it seemed, by the 
 youthfulness of his appearance, entered into conversation 
 with him. The lad soon began to speak of that of which his 
 heart was full — the condition of the prisoners and the bad 
 quality of their food. He remonstrated against their treat- 
 ment with such energy and feeling that the officer seemed to 
 be moved and shocked, and, what was far more important, he 
 was induced to ferret out the villainy of the contractors who 
 had been robbing the prisoners of their rations. From the 
 day of Andrew's remonstrance the condition of the prisoners 
 was ameliorated ; they were supplied with meat and better 
 bread, and were otherwise better cared for. 
 
 What a thrill of joy ran through the prisoners' quarters 
 one day at the rumor that General Greene was coming to 
 their deliverance ! He came with a brave little army of 
 twelve hundred men. He approached within a mile of Cam- 
 den ; but, having outstripped his artillery, he deemed it best 
 to encamp upon an eminence there, and wait for the guns to 
 come up before attacking the place. To this conclusion he 
 was the more inclined, as Lord Kawdon's force, in Camden, 
 was inferior to his own. What excitement among the pris- 
 oners during the six days of General Greene's halt upon 
 Hobkirk's Hill ! On the arrival of General Greene's army, 
 they were hurried out of the redoubt about the jail, which 
 was exposed to the cannon of an attacking enemy ; but, upon 
 the British general discovering that Greene had no cannon, 
 they were permitted to return. The American army remain- 
 ing inactite, Lord Kawdon resolved, inferior as his force was, 
 to attack General Greene's camp before his artillery should 
 arrive ; a bold design and boldly executed. On the 24th of 
 
92 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1781. 
 
 April the prisoners more than suspected, from the movements 
 of the troops in the town and from the flying whispers which 
 will precede a battle, that Greene was to be attacked the very- 
 next morning. The battle would decide their fate as well as 
 that of one of the hostile armies. 
 
 The enclosure in which the prisoners were confined would 
 have commanded a perfect view of General Greene's position 
 but for a board fence which had been recently erected on the 
 summit of the wall. On the afternoon of the 24th, Andrew 
 looked for a crevice in the fence, but not one could he find. 
 In the course of the night, however, he managed, with the 
 aid of an old razor blade which had been generously bestowed 
 upon the prisoners as a meat knife, to hack out a knot from 
 the fence. The morning light found him spying out the 
 American position with eager eye. 
 
 What he saw that morning through the knot-hole of his 
 prison was his second lesson in the art of war. An impressive 
 lesson it proved, and one he never forgot. There was the 
 American encampment spread out in full view before him at 
 the distance of a mile. General Greene, being well assured 
 of Rawdon's weakness, and anticipating nothing so little as 
 an attack from a man whom he supposed to be trembling 
 for his own safety, neglected precautions against surprise. At 
 ten in the morning, when Kawdon led out his nine hundred 
 men to the attack, Andrew, mad with vexation, saw Greene's 
 men scattered over the hill, cleaning their arms, washing 
 their clothes and playing games, totally unprepared to resist. 
 Kawdon, by taking a circuitous route, was enabled to break 
 upon Greene's left with all the effect of a surprise. From 
 his knot-hole the excited youth saw the sudden smoke of 
 musketry, the rush of the Americans for their arms, the 
 hasty falling in, the opening of Greene's fire, the fine dash of 
 American horse upon Rawdon's rear, which almost turned 
 the tide of fortune and made every heart in the prison leap 
 for joy as Andrew described it to the listening throng below 
 him ; then the wild flight of horses running riderless about 
 the hill, the fire slackening, and, alas ! receding, till Raw- 
 
1781.] FORTUNES OF THE FAMILY. 93 
 
 don's army swept over the hill and vanished on the other 
 side, Greene in full retreat before him ! 
 
 The prisoners were in despair. Andrew's spirits sank 
 under this accumulation of miseries, and he began to sicken 
 with the first symptoms of the small-pox. Kobert was in a 
 condition still worse, The wound in his head had never been 
 dressed, and had not healed. He, too, reduced as he was, 
 began to shiver and burn with the fever that announces the 
 dread disease. Another week of prison life would have prob- 
 ably consigned both these boys to the grave. 
 
 But they had a friend outside the prison — their mother, 
 who, at this crisis of their fate, strove with the might of love 
 for their deliverance. Learning their forlorn^ condition, this 
 heroic woman went to Camden, and succeeded, after a time, 
 in effecting an exchange of prisoners between a Waxhaw cap- 
 tain and the British general. The whig captain gave up 
 thirteen soldiers, whom he had captured in the rear of the 
 British army, and received in return the two sons of Mrs. 
 Jackson and five of her neighbors. When the little family 
 were reunited in the town of Camden, the mother could but 
 gaze upon her boys with astonishment and horror — so worn 
 and wasted were they with hunger, wounds and disease. 
 Kobert could not stand nor even sit on horseback without 
 support. 
 
 The mother, however, had no choice but to get them home 
 immediately. Two horses were procured. One she rode her- 
 self. Kobert was placed upon the other, and held in his seat 
 by the returning prisoners, to whom Mrs. Jackson had just 
 given liberty. Behind the sad procession, poor Andrew 
 dragged his weak and weary limbs, bare-headed, bare-footed, 
 without a jacket ; his only two garments torn and dirty. 
 The forty miles of lonely wilderness that lay between Cam- 
 den and Waxhaw were nearly traversed, and the fevered lads 
 were expecting in two hours more to enjoy the bliss of repose, 
 when a chilly, drenching, merciless rain set in. When this 
 occurred, the small-pox had reached that stage of develop- 
 ment, when, after having raged within the system, it was 
 vol. i. — 7. 
 
94 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1781. 
 
 about to break out in those loathsome sores which give vent 
 to the disease. Balk that effort of nature to throw off the 
 poison, and it is nearly certain to strike in and kill ; and 
 nothing is so sure to do this as a cold bath.- The boys reached 
 home, and went to bed. In two days Eobert Jackson was a 
 corpse, and his brother Andrew a raving maniac. 
 
 A mother's nursing, medical skill, and a constitution 
 Bound at the core, brought the youth out of this peril, and 
 set him upon the way to slow recovery. He was an invalid 
 for several months. 
 
 In the summer of 1781, a great cry of anguish and de- 
 spair came up to Waxhaw from the Charleston prison ships, 
 wherein, among many hundreds of other prisoners, were con- 
 fined some of the sons of Mrs. Jackson's sisters, and other 
 friends and neighbors of hers from the Waxhaw country. 
 Mrs. Jackson had seen at Camden what prisoners of war may 
 suffer, when officers disdain their duty, and contractors are 
 scoundrels. She had also seen what a little vigor and tact 
 can effect in the deliverance of prisoners. Andrew was no 
 sooner quite out of danger than his brave mother resolved to 
 go to Charleston (distant one hundred and sixty miles), and 
 do what she could for the comfort of the prisoners there. 
 The tradition of the neighborhood now is, that she performed 
 the entire journey on foot, in company with two other women 
 of like mind and purpose. It is more probable, however, and 
 so thought General Jackson, that these gallant women rode 
 on horseback, carrying with them a precious store of gifts and 
 rural luxuries and medicines for the solace of their imprisoned 
 relatives, and bearing whole hearts full of tender messages 
 and precious news from home. Protected, because unpro- 
 tected, they reached Charleston in safety, and gained admis- 
 sion to the ships, and emptied their hearts and saddle-bags, 
 and brought such joy to the haggard prisoners as only prison- 
 ers know, when angel women from home visit them. 
 
 And there the history of this blessed expedition ends. 
 This only is further known of it, or will ever be. While 
 Btopping at the house of a relative, William Barton by name. 
 
1781.] FORTUNES OF THE FAMILY. 95 
 
 who lived two miles and a half from Charleston, Mrs. Jack- 
 son was seized with the ship fever, and, after a short illness, 
 died, and was buried on the open plain near by. I have con- 
 versed with the daughter of William Barton, who is now 
 Mrs. Thomas Faulkner, of Waxhaw ; but she was not born 
 when Mrs. Jackson died in her father's house, and she is 
 able to add nothing to our knowledge of that event. One 
 little fact she has heard her mother mention, which shows 
 the careful honesty of this race. The clothes of Mrs. Jack- 
 son, a sorry bundle, were sent back from Charleston all the 
 way to her sorrowing son at Waxhaw. 
 
 It was not in the nature of Andrew Jackson not to mourn 
 deeply the loss of such a mother ; and as he lay recovering 
 by imperceptible degrees from his illness, he had leisure to 
 dwell upon her virtues and his own unhappiness. It was 
 always a grief to him that he did not know where her re- 
 mains were laid. As late in his life as during his presidency, 
 he set on foot some inquiries respecting the place of her 
 burial, with the design of having her sacred dust conveyed to 
 the old church-yard at Waxhaw, where he wished to erect a 
 monument in honor of both his parents. It was too late. 
 No exact information could then be obtained, and the pro- 
 ject was given up. No stone marks the burial-place eithei 
 of his father, mother, or brothers. 
 
 And so Andrew, before reaching his fifteenth birthday, 
 was an orphan ; a sick and sorrowful orphan ; a homeless 
 and dependent orphan ; an orphan of the Kevolution, remem- 
 ber. He remembered it. 
 
96 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1782. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 CHOICE OF A PROFESSION. 
 
 Gornwallis surrendered at Yorktown on the 19th of 
 October, 1781. Savannah remained in the enemy's hands 
 nine months, and Charleston fourteen months, after that 
 event ; but the war in effect terminated then, North and 
 South. The Waxhaw people who survived returned to their 
 homes, and resumed the avocations which the war had inter- 
 rupted. 
 
 The first event of any importance in young Jackson's life, 
 after peace was restored to his neighborhood, was a quarrel. 
 He was- living then at the house of Major Thomas Crawford, 
 where, also, one Captain Galbraith had his quarters, a com- 
 missary of the American army. Galbraith having taken dire 
 offense at Andrew for some cause unknown, threatened to 
 chastise him ; upon which the lad told the irate officer, that 
 before lifting his hand to execute his threat, he had better 
 prepare for eternity. Galbraith forbore to strike ; but such 
 ill feeling existed between the two that, soon after, Andrew 
 went to live at the house of Mr. Joseph White, a relative of 
 Mrs. Crawford, and a resident of the Waxhaw region. A 
 son of this gentleman was a saddler. For six months, while 
 Andrew lived with the family, he worked in the saddler's 
 shop as regularly as the state of his health permitted. A 
 low fever, similar to the fever and ague, hung about him 
 long after his recovery from the small-pox, and kept him 
 weak and dispirited.* His short experience as a saddler's 
 boy seems to have given him a predilection for that trade ; 
 at least, he apprenticed a protege to it forty years after. 
 
 With returning health returned the frolicsome spirit of 
 the youth, which now began to seek gratification in modes 
 less innocent than the sportive feats of his school-boy days 
 
 * Kendall's Life of Jackson. 
 
1782.] CHOICE OF A PROFESSION. 97 
 
 Several Charleston families, of wealth and social eminence, 
 were living in the neighborhood, waiting for the evacuation 
 of their city. With the young men of these families Jackson 
 became acquainted, and led a life with them, in the summer 
 and autumn of 1782, that was more merry than wise. He 
 was betrayed by their example and his own pride into habits 
 of expense, which wasted his small resources. That passion 
 for horses, which never left him, began to show itself. He 
 ran races and rode races, gambled a little, drank a little, 
 fought cocks occasionally, and comported himself in the style 
 usually affected by dissipated young fools of that day. His 
 aunts and uncles, no doubt, shook their heads and predicted 
 that Andy would come to no good with his fine friends ; and 
 perhaps they said as much to the youth, and said it too 
 often, or in the wrong way, for Andrew seems not to have 
 warmly loved his Carolina relations. He struck down no 
 roots into the soil of his birth, and never revisited it nor held 
 much communication with its inhabitants after he left it. 
 But he left it young, and vast regions of wilderness stretched 
 between him and his native State. Hz felt that he had no 
 living kindred, and said so at a time when he had many cous- 
 ins and second cousins living in North and South Carolina. 
 I fancy there was little sympathy between this wild, irasci- 
 ble, aspiring youth and his staid, orderly elders. He was 
 probably regarded as the scapegrace of the family. 
 
 In December, 1782, to the joy and exultation of all the 
 southern country, Charleston was evacuated, and its scattered 
 whig families were free to return to their homes. Andrew, 
 finding the country dull after the departure of his gay com- 
 panions, suddenly resolved to follow them to the city. He 
 mounted his horse, a fine and valuable animal that he had 
 contrived to possess, and rode to Charleston through the 
 wilderness. There, it appears, he remained long enough to 
 expend his slender stock of money and run up a long bill 
 with his landlord. He was saved from total ruin by a curious 
 incident, which is thus related by one who heard it from him- 
 self : "He had strolled one evening down the street, and 
 
98 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1782. 
 
 was carried into a place where some persons were amusing 
 themselves at a game of dice, and much betting was in prog- 
 ress. He was challenged for a game by a person present, by 
 whom a proposal was made to stake two hundred dollars 
 against a fine horse on which Jackson had come to Charles- 
 ton. After some deliberation, he accepted the challenge. 
 Fortune was on his side ; the wager was won and paid. He 
 forthwith departed, settled his bill next morning, and returned 
 to his home. " My calculation," said he, speaking of this 
 little incident, "was that, if a loser in the game, I would 
 give the landlord my saddle and bridle, as far as they would 
 go toward the payment of his bill, ask a credit for the balance, 
 and walk away from the city ; but being successful, I had 
 new spirits infused into me, left the table, and from that 
 moment to the present time I have never thrown dice for a 
 wager."* 
 
 His solitary ride home through the woods, after this nar- 
 row escape, gave him an opportunity for reflection, which he 
 improved. He came to the conclusion that he had passed 
 the year 1782 very foolishly, and that if he meant to achieve, 
 or be any thing in this world, he must alter his way of life. 
 In some degree he did so ; not that he eschewed sport, or even 
 gambling, as has been alleged. He was a keen lover of sport 
 for many and many a year after this Charleston adventure ; 
 and some of the sports then in vogue, and in which he de- 
 lighted, were such as are shocking to the better feelings of 
 this generation. Cock-fighting, for example. It is totally 
 out of our power to understand how a man of feelings so ten- 
 der as his, who could not hear a lamb bleat at night without 
 getting up to relieve it, could take delight in seeing cocks 
 mangle and kill one another. Yet so it was. 
 
 Upon the return of the young man to the home of his 
 childhood, he evidently took hold of life more earnestly than 
 he had done before. He made some attempts, it is said, to 
 continue his studies. Three entirely credible informants tes« 
 
 * Cabinet and Talisman for 1829, page 4. 
 
1782.] CHOICE OF A PROFESSION. 99 
 
 tify that Andrew Jackson was a schoolmaster at this period 
 of his life. One of these informants is Mr. John Porter, 
 aged seventy-seven, still living near the birth-place of Gen- 
 eral Jackson ; "a man so strictly honest," says General S. 
 H. Walkup, " that any statement he may make will be cer- 
 tainly correct." Mr. Porter says : " Andrew Jackson was 
 frequently at my father's house, and taught school in the 
 neighborhood ; one of my brothers and sisters went to school 
 to him."* The long suppression of a fact so honorable to the 
 young man, might throw some doubt upon it, if the works 
 that might have given it had not been written on the prin- 
 ciple of leaving out every thing of particular interest. Nothing 
 is more certain than that part of the small cash capital upon 
 which Andrew Jackson started in his career, was earned amid 
 the hum and bustle of an old-field school. It is the more 
 
 * To this statement Mr. Porter added subsequently, at the request of General 
 Walkup, the following special certificate : — 
 
 South Carolina, ) 
 Lancaster District. ) 
 
 T, John Porter, do hereby certify that I have frequently heard my father 
 speak of General Andrew Jackson, and say that he (Jackson) taught an English 
 school soon after the close of the revolutionary war, perhaps in the year 1783 or 
 1784, in Lancaster district, and in the neighborhood of the Waxhaw M. E. 
 Church. I have often heard my brother and sister speak of going to school to 
 him then and there. Subscribed to this 31st day of May, 1859. 
 
 John Porter. 
 
 Witness, S. E. Porter. 
 
 General Walkup also kindly procured and forwarded the following : — 
 
 South Carolina, i 
 Lancaster District. \ 
 
 I, Elizabeth T. White, do hereby certify, that I have frequently heard mv 
 mother speak of General Andrew Jackson teaching school, and of her going to 
 school to him in the neighborhood of her father's, which was near the Waxhaw 
 M. E. Church ; and that he taught soon after the close of the revolutionary war 
 
 E. T. White. 
 Sworn and subscribed to this 31st day of May, 1859, before me, 
 
 Thomas R. Magill, Notary Public 
 Witness, S. R. Porter. 
 
IOC LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1782, 
 
 certain, as the uniform tradition of the Waxhaw country is, 
 that he was a very poor young man, who inherited nothing 
 from his father, because his father had nothing to leave. 
 The old people there scout the idea of "old man Andrew" 
 having owned the land on which he lived. The tradition at 
 Charlotte is, that when young Andrew attended Queen's Col- 
 lege, on the hill where the gold grew, he often passed along 
 down the street to school, with his trowsers too ragged to 
 keep his shirt from flying in the wind. 
 
 The fact of his possessing a horse worth two hundred dol- 
 lars seems, at first, irreconcilable with these traditions of his 
 poverty. At the North it would be so ; but not at the 
 South. No boy in the rural parts of the South, with so many 
 uncles around him as young Jackson had, could get far on 
 toward manhood without receiving the gift of a colt. At the 
 South a man without a horse is only less unfortunate than a 
 man without legs. Every youth of respectable connections 
 has one, as a matter of course. Thus we find Hugh Jack- 
 son, though without property, mounting his own horse to go 
 with Colonel Davie's troop to the war. Kobert, too, was 
 mounted, as well as Andrew,' as soon as the boys were old 
 enough to serve in the field. The South may be defined as 
 the region where every thing is a long way off; where you go 
 Hve miles to see your next-door neighbor, seven miles to 
 church, fifteen miles to a store, thirty miles to court, a three 
 days' journey to market. What can a man do in such a 
 country with no legs but his own ? 
 
 For a year certainly, and, probably, for two years, after 
 Andrew's return from Charleston, he remained in the Wax- 
 haw country, employed either in teaching school, or in some 
 less worthy occupation. Peace was formally proclaimed in 
 April, 1783. The peace, it is well known, produced a re- 
 markable effect upon the legal profession. By excluding the 
 old tory barristers, and creating many new causes of action, 
 it threw into the hands of the whig lawyers a very lucrative 
 business. At the same time, a career in public life lay open 
 to the young men of the triumphant party, large numbers of 
 
1784.] CHOICE OF A PROFESSION. 101 
 
 whom the peace had thrown out of the profession of arms. 
 The result was, that young men of spirit in all parts of the 
 country were looking to the law for a vocation, and the old 
 lawyers had plenty of new students. Some time between the 
 proclamation of peace and the winter of 1784^5, Andrew 
 Jackson resolved upon studying law. In that winter he 
 gathered together his earnings and whatever property he may 
 have possessed, mounted his horse again, and set his face 
 northward in quest of a master in the law under whom to 
 pursue his studies. 
 
 He rode to Salisbury, North Carolina, a distance of 
 seventy-five miles from the Waxhaws. Either because he met 
 no encouragement at that place, or for some other reason be- 
 yond our guess, he then journeyed sixty miles westward, to 
 Morganton, Burke county, North Carolina, where lived Col- 
 onel Waightstill Avery, a famous lawyer of that day, and 
 the owner of the best law library in that part of the country. 
 He applied to Colonel Avery for instruction, and for board 
 in his house. It was a new and wild region of country, and 
 the house of Colonel Avery, like all others in the vicinity, 
 was a log-house of the usual limited size. He was, therefore, 
 much against his will, compelled to decline receiving the ap- 
 plicant into his house ; and as there was no other boarding- 
 place to be found in the neighborhood, the young man had 
 no choice but to return to Salisbury.* 
 
 At Salisbury he entered the law office of Mr. Spruce 
 McCay, an eminent lawyer at that time, and, in later days, 
 a judge of high distinction, who is still remembered with 
 honor in North Carolina. 
 
 Andrew was not quite eighteen years of age when he 
 found himself installed as a student of law. He thus had 
 the start of most of the distinguished men with whom, and 
 against whom, he afterwards acted. Henry Clay was then a 
 
 * These facts I learn from Colonel Isaac T. Avery, of Burke county, North 
 Carolina, a son of the Colonel Avery to whom Jackson applied on this occasion. 
 The present Colonel Avery lives on or near the site of the log-house wherein his 
 lather lived when young Jackson rode up to his gate in the winter of 1784. 
 
102 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1784 
 
 fatherless boy of seven, living with his mother in the Slashes 
 of Hanover county, Virginia. Daniel Webster was toddling 
 about his father's farm in New Hampshire, a sickly child of 
 four. Calhoun was an infant not two years old at his father's 
 farm-house in South Carolina. John Quincy Adams was a 
 young man of seventeen, about returning home from Europe 
 to enter Harvard College. Martin Yan Bur en, a child two 
 years old, might have been seen, on fine days, playing on the 
 steps of his father's tavern in Kinderhook. Crawford — once 
 so famous, now reduced to twelve lines in a biographical dic- 
 tionary — was a Georgia school-boy of twelve. Aaron Burr 
 was just getting into full practice as a New York lawyer, 
 amiable, happy, fortunate, the future all bright before him. 
 Benton, Biddle, Taney, Cass, Buchanan, Blair, Kendall, 
 Lewis, Woodbury, Eaton, Ingham and the rest, were not 
 born. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE LAW STUDENT. 
 
 Salisbury, the capital of Kowan county, is a pleasant 
 old town in the midst of that undulating, red-clayed region 
 of North Carolina, the products of which are wheat, cotton, 
 turpentine and gold, as well as the worst roads and the most 
 obliging people in the world. It was an old town, for Amer- 
 ica, when the Revolution began. Secluded from the com- 
 mercial world, dependent for its increase and wealth upon 
 the adjacent country, it has only grown to be a place of eight 
 hundred inhabitants in a hundred years. The recent rail- 
 road has given an impulse to the town which will soon 
 change its character. At present it can not be essentially 
 different from what it was in young Jackson's day. Two 
 straight, broad, shady streets crossing each other at right 
 
1785. J THE LAW STUDENT. 103 
 
 angles ; other and narrower streets running parallel with 
 these ; a little church or two ; a newspaper ; an academy ; 
 two ancient, spacious taverns, more like hamlets than houses ; 
 a few prosperous-looking stores ; a score of comfortable villa- 
 like houses, and a hundred other tenements in various stages 
 of that dilapidation which is so common in the southern 
 towns. The public wells, in the middle of the streets, have 
 not yet been provided with pumps, but exhibit the sheds, 
 wheels and buckets of generations past, and there is one, 
 near the tavern where Jackson used to live, so extremely 
 ancient in appearance that he may have stopped at it on his 
 way home from " the orfice" to quench his thirst. 
 
 Agreeable and inviting are the red, well-shaded streets 
 of Salisbury, excejjt when long rains have softened the clay, 
 and heavy wagons have cut deep into it. Then they are by 
 no means inviting. Then the task of getting across the 
 streets is one from which the boldest man in the tightest 
 boots might shrink. Then the omnibus, which conveys the 
 single arriving traveler from the depot to the tavern, strains 
 to the uttermost the powers of four horses, two negroes, and 
 all benevolent by-standers, while the mud-crusted vehicle 
 rocks and plunges like a Cape Cod fishing smack riding out a 
 gale off Newfoundland, and the lone biographer within is 
 hurled hither and thither, and clutches at his carpet-bag con- 
 vulsively, and bites his tongue, and gasps for breath and calls 
 on the gods for deliverance. 
 
 In one of the back streets of this old town, on the lawn 
 in front of one of its largest and handsomest mansions, close 
 to the street and to the left of the gate, stands a little box 
 of a house fifteen feet by sixteen, and one story high. It is 
 built of shingles, several of which have decayed and fallen 
 off. It is too small for a wood shed or a corn crib, and is in 
 the wrong place for a hen house or a negro cabin ; so that, if 
 a stranger's eye should chance to be arrested by so insignifi- 
 cant an object, he would be puzzled to decide its purpose. If 
 he should push open the door, he would be still more at a 
 loss. The inside walls are ceiled. There are remains of old 
 
104 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1785. 
 
 wainscoting on one side. Some stout, dark-green shelv- 
 ing remains. The floor is littered and heaped high, and the 
 fire-place is filled, and the shelves covered with old moldy 
 books, pamphlets, Congressional documents (full of Jackson), 
 speeches franked by the authors thereof, old letters and law 
 papers, Philadelphia magazines of forty years ago, odd vol- 
 umes of poetry, and other relics of a busy, cultivated life long 
 past. 
 
 This little decaying house of shingles was the law-office 
 of Spruce McCay, when Andrew Jackson studied law under 
 him at Salisbury, in 1785 and 1786. The mansion behind it 
 stands on the site of the house in which Mr. McCay lived at 
 the time, and the property is still owned and occupied by a 
 near connection of his, who has preserved the old office from 
 regard to Ms memory. In that office, along with two fellow- 
 students, McNairy and Crawford, Andrew Jackson studied 
 law, copied papers, and did whatever else fell to the lot of 
 law students at that day, for nearly two years. In one of 
 the main streets of the town, a few yards from the office, 
 still stands the Kowan House, the tavern in which the three 
 students boarded and caroused — a rambling old place, com- 
 posed of many buildings, after the southern fashion, with vast 
 fire-places, high mantels, and curious, low, unceiled rooms. 
 The landlord shows a little apartment which young Jack- 
 son is said to have occupied ; and it may have been that one, 
 as well as another. But there is no doubt that the huge and 
 lofty fire-place in the office of the hotel, is the fire-place 
 round which these three merry young blades often quaffed 
 their landlord's punch, and tossed up to decide who should 
 pay for it. 
 
 Salisbury teems with traditions respecting the residence 
 there of Andrew Jackson as a student of law. Their general 
 tenor may be expressed in the language of the first old resi- 
 dent of the town, to whom I applied for information : " An- 
 drew Jackson was the most roaring, rollicking, game-cocking, 
 horse-racing, card-playing, mischievous fellow, that ever lived 
 in Salisbury." Add to this such expressions as these : " He 
 
1785.] THE LAW STUDENT. 105 
 
 did not trouble the law-books much ;" " he was more in the 
 stable than in the office ;" " he was the head of all the row- 
 dies hereabouts." That is the substance of what the Salis- 
 bury of 1859 has to say of the Andrew Jackson of 1785. 
 
 Nothing is more likely than that he was a roaring, rol- 
 licking fellow, overflowing with life and spirits, and rejoicing 
 to engage in all the fun that was going ; but I do not believe 
 that he neglected his duties at the office to the extent to 
 which Salisbury says he did. There are good reasons for 
 doubting it. At no part of Jackson's career, when we can 
 get a look at him through a pair of trustworthy eyes, do we 
 find him trifling with life. We find him often wrong, but 
 always earnest. He never so much as raised a field of cotton 
 which he did not have done in the best manner known to 
 him. It was not in the nature of this young man to take a 
 great deal of trouble to get a chance to study law, and then 
 entirely to throw away that chance. Of course he never be- 
 came, in any proper sense of the word, a lawyer ; but that 
 he was not diligent and eager in picking up the little legal 
 knowledge necessary for practice at that day, will become less 
 credible to the reader the more he knows of him. Once, in 
 the White House, forty-five years after this period, when 
 some one from Salisbury reminded him of his residence in 
 that town, he said, with a smile, and a look of retrospection 
 on his aged face, " Yes, I lived at old Salisbury. I was but 
 a raw lad then, but I did my best/' 
 
 There is now in Salisbury but one person who was a resi- 
 dent of the place when Jackson was a student of law, and 
 that is Aunt Judy, an aged and beloved servant of the family 
 who live on the site of the former residence of Judge McCay. 
 Aunt Judy, at that time, was a girl about twelve years old, 
 and belonged to the landlord of the Kowan House, where she 
 waited at table, and assisted in the general work of the house. 
 She remembers the three Inseparables at the tavern, Jack- 
 son, Crawford and McNairy. Jackson, she says, was a fair, 
 clear-complexioned young man, with long sandy hair — " one 
 of the genteel young men of the place." He owned horses, 
 
106 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1785. 
 
 she thinks ; certainly he was mnch occupied with horses, 
 and was often away on parties of pleasure. He was very fond 
 of the ladies, quite a "beau in the town, and a very gay, lively 
 fellow, says Aunt Judy. She remembers just one trifling inci- 
 dent of those merry times. Jackson and his two friends came 
 home from hunting one day, and left their guns in Jackson's 
 room, which opened upon the street. While the lads were 
 gone to dinner, she was sent to put Jackson's room in order ; 
 and while there, took up one of the guns, and began to 
 " fool with it." It went off in her hands, and threw a shower 
 of buck-shot about the room. She heard the thunder of the 
 boarders rushing to see what was the matter, but waited not 
 to explain. She dropped the gun, ran out of the room, and 
 concealed herself till the flurry was over. That is all Aunt 
 Judy can remember clearly. She thinks she used to hear 
 that all three of the students went away from Salisbury, un- 
 able to pay their bill at the tavern. She has also a dim 
 recollection of once handing young Jackson a glass of *water 
 at dinner ; but she never spoke to him, nor he to her. 
 
 Among the most respectable ladies in Salisbury, are the 
 
 Misses , whose ancestors were old residents of the town 
 
 when Lord Cornwallis had his quarters near their father's 
 house. Their parents, aunts and uncles were living in the 
 town when Jackson lived there. One of their uncles, George 
 Dunn by name, was in Jackson's own roystering set, and 
 afterwards went with him to Tennessee, and lived long in his 
 family. These ladies, therefore, are well informed respecting 
 the life of Jackson in their native town ; and the more so, as 
 their mother was much in the habit of talking of him in their 
 hearing after he became famous. They fully confirm the 
 current tradition of the town with regard to the young stud- 
 ent's sportive habits. He played cards, fought cocks, ran 
 horses, threw the "long bullet" (cannon ball, slung in a 
 strap, and thrown as a trial of strength), carried off gates, 
 moved out-houses to remote fields, and occasionally indulged 
 in a downright drunken debauch. But he was not licentious i 
 nor particularly quarrelsome. 
 
1785.] THE LAW STUDENT. 107 
 
 Two or three incidents are remembered by the Misses. 
 , as related by their mother and others. 
 
 Foot-races were much in vogue at that time — a sport in 
 which the long-limbed Jackson was formed to excel. Among 
 the runners was one Hugh Montgomery, a man of some note 
 in revolutionary annals, who was as remarkable for strength 
 and bulk as Jackson was for agility. To equalize the two in 
 a foot-race, Montgomery once proposed to run a quarter of a 
 mile on these conditions : Montgomery to carry a man on his 
 back, Jackson to give Montgomery a start of half the distance. 
 Jackson accepted the challenge, and the absurd race was run 
 amid the frantic laughter of half the town ; Jackson winning 
 by two or thrje yards. All came into the winning-post in 
 good condition, except the man whom Montgomery had car- 
 ried. In his eagerness to win, Montgomery had clutched and 
 shaken him with such violence, that the man was more dam- 
 aged and breathless than either of the two competitors. 
 
 One can not be long in Salisbury and talk of Jackson, 
 without hearing a horrible story of his bringing his mistress 
 to a Christmas ball, to the scandal and disgust of all the 
 ladies present, who left the ball-room in a body, and made 
 Salisbury so uncomfortable a place for the offender, that he 
 left soon after, and completed his studies in another town. 
 The mother of the ladies just referred to was present at the 
 ball where the events occurred which gave rise to this story, 
 and related them many a time to her daughters. There was 
 a dancing school then in Salisbury, which, of course, the gay 
 Jackson could not fail to attend. The dancing school re- 
 solved to give a Christmas ball, and Andrew Jackson was 
 appointed to serve as one of the managers thereof. There 
 were living at that time in Salisbury two women of ill- 
 repute, a mother and daughter, Molly and Kachel Wood — 
 women notoriously dissolute — a by-word in the county of 
 Kowan. Jackson, who was excessively fond of a practical 
 joke, sent these two women tickets of admission to the ball, 
 " to see what would come of it," as he said. On the evening 
 of the ball, lo ! the women presented themselves, flaunting 
 
108 LIFE OF ANDKEW JACKSON. [1786. 
 
 in all the colors of the rainbow. Some confusion ensued. 
 The dancing was suspended. The ladies withdrew to one 
 side of the room, half giggling, half offended. Molly and 
 Kachel were soon led out, and the ball went on as before. 
 In the course of the evening, when it came out that Jackson 
 had sent them invitations, the ladies took him to task ; upon 
 which, he humbly apologized, declaring that it was merely a 
 piece of fun, and that he scarcely supposed the women would 
 have the face to make their appearance ; and if they did, he 
 thought the ladies would take it as a joke. The ladies for- 
 gave him more easily than some modern readers of the story 
 will, who will judge this tremendous joke by the standard of 
 the decorous year of our Lord in which they have the happi- 
 ness to live. It certainly was carrying a joke very far, and 
 if the young ladies had sent him to Coventry for it, it would 
 have served him right. 
 
 One other Salisbury story, from the same most trust- 
 worthy source: once upon a time, the three law-students 
 and their friends celebrated some event, now forgotten, by a 
 banquet at the tavern. The evening passed off most hilari- 
 ously. Toward midnight, it was agreed that glasses and de- 
 canters which had witnessed and promoted the happiness of 
 such an evening, ought never to be profaned to any baser use. 
 They were smashed accordingly. And if the glasses, why not 
 the table ? The table was broken to splinters. Then the 
 chairs were destroyed, and every other article of furniture 
 There was a bed in the room, and the destroying spirit being 
 still unsatiated, the clothes and curtains were seized and torn 
 into ribbons. Lastly, the combustible part of the fragments 
 were heaped upon the fire and consumed. Wild doings 
 these. Most young men have taken part in some such mad- 
 ness once ; only, it is not generally mentioned in their biog- 
 raphies. 
 
 Forty years after these events, it came to the ears of old 
 
 Mrs. , the mother of the ladies before alluded to, that 
 
 Andrew Jackson was talked of for the presidency. She was 
 accustomed to relieve her mind on the subject by words like 
 
1786.] THE LAW STUDENT. 109 
 
 these : " What ! Jackson up for President ? Jackson ? 
 Andrew Jackson ? The Jackson that used to live in Salis- 
 bury? Why, when he was here, he was such a rake that 
 my husband would not bring him into the house ! It is 
 true, he might have taken him out to the stable to weigh 
 horses for a race, and might drink a glass of whiskey with him 
 there. Well, if Andrew Jackson can be President, anybody 
 can 1" 
 
 A leaf of the Eowan House book, on which the landlord 
 kept his account with Jackson, is said to be still in existence, 
 but not visible to mortal eye. Those who profess to have 
 seen the leaf, describe it to have contained three kinds of 
 entries : first, the regular charges for board ; secondly, 
 charges for pints, quarts and gallons of whiskey ; thirdly, 
 an account, per contra, in which the landlord acknowledges 
 his indebtedness to Jackson for certain sums won by the lat- 
 ter at cards, or by betting upon races. 
 
 But enough of this. From these traditions and stories 
 we learn merely that, when Jackson studied law at Salis- 
 bury, he was exceedingly fond of the sports of the time, and 
 indulged in them, perhaps, to excess. Salisbury, at that 
 period, was noted for the gayety of its inhabitants, and con- 
 tinued to be until about thirty years ago. The old race 
 course, upon which young Jackson so often ran his horses and 
 ran himself, where he beat the huge Hugh Montgomery 
 with a man on his back, and where he enjoyed the happiest 
 days of the happiest part of his youth, is now grown over with 
 wood and almost forgotten. The young men lounge on the 
 street corners, silently consuming their energies with their 
 tobacco, waiting for the time to come when the honest old 
 games shall return freed from the vices which drove them 
 into disgraceful exile. The good people of Salisbury think 
 their town is more moral now than it was in young Jackson's 
 day. It is certainly more quiet. 
 
 Our student completed his preparation for the bar in the 
 office of Colonel John Stokes, a brave soldier of the Kevolu- 
 tion, and afterward a lawyer of high repute, from whom 
 vol. i. — 8. 
 
110 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1786 
 
 Stokes county, North Carolina, took its name. Colonel 
 Stokes was one of those who fell, covered with wounds, at 
 the Waxhaw massacre in 1780, and may have been nursed in 
 the old meeting-house by Mrs. Jackson and her sons. 
 
 Before the spring of 1787, about two years after beginning 
 the study of the law, Andrew Jackson was licensed to prac- 
 tice in the courts of North Carolina. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 JACKSON AT TWENTY. 
 
 Our young friend was twenty years of age when he com- 
 pleted the preliminary part of his education at Salisbury. 
 Before sending him forth to try conclusions with the world, 
 we will take the liberty of detaining him a moment here on 
 the threshold while we survey his person and equipment. It 
 is, indeed, necessary to state briefly what kind of young man 
 young Jackson was, in order to render credible much that is 
 soon to be related, as well as to correct the impressions which 
 the wild ways of his youth may have made upon the reader's 
 mind. The occasional audacities and irregularities of a young 
 man like this were likely to be remembered and exaggerated. 
 
 He had grown to be a tall fellow. He stood six feet and 
 an inch in his stockings. He was remarkably slender for that 
 robust age of the world, but he was also remarkably erect ; 
 so that his form had the effect of symmetry without being 
 symmetrical. His movements and carriage were singularly 
 graceful and dignified. In the accomplishments of his day 
 and sphere he excelled the young men of his own circle, and 
 was regarded by them as their chief and model. He was an 
 exquisite horseman, as all will agree who ever saw him on 
 horseback. Jefferson tells us that General Washington, was 
 the best horseman of his time, but he could scarcely have 
 been a more graceful or a more daring rider than Jackson. 
 
1787.J JACKSON AT TWENTY. Ill 
 
 Young Jackson loved a horse. From early boyhood to 
 extreme old age he was the master and friend of horses. He 
 was one of those who must own a horse, if they do not a 
 house, an acre or a coat. Horses may be expected to play a 
 leading part in the career of this tall young barrister. 
 
 Into the secrets of forest and frontier life Jackson was 
 early initiated. He was used to camping out, and knew how 
 to make it the most luxurious mode of passing a night known 
 to man. He was a capital shot, and became a better one by 
 and by. " George," his favorite servant in after years, used 
 to point out the tree in which he had often seen his master 
 put two successive balls into the same hole. His bodily 
 activity, as we have seen, was unusual. He was a young 
 man of a quick, brisk, springy step, with not a lazy bone in 
 his body ; and though his constitution was not robust, it was 
 tough and enduring beyond that of any man of whom history 
 gives account. 
 
 He was far from handsome. His face was long, thin and 
 fair ; his forehead high and somewhat narrow ; his hair, red- 
 dish-sandy in color, was exceedingly abundant, and fell down 
 low over his forehead. The bristling hair of the ordinary 
 portraits belongs to the latter half of his life. There was but 
 one feature of his face that was not common-place — his eyes, 
 which were of a deep blue, and capable of blazing with great 
 expression when he was roused. Yet, as his form seemed 
 fine without being so, so his face, owing to the quick, direct 
 glance of the man, and his look of eager intelligence, pro- 
 duced on others more than the effect of beauty. To hear the 
 old people of Tennessee, and, particularly, the ladies, talk of 
 him, you would think he must have been an Apollo in form 
 and feature. 
 
 The truth is, this young man was gifted with that mys- 
 terious, omnipotent something, which we call a presence. 
 He was one of those who convey to strangers the impression 
 that they are " somebody ;" who naturally, and without 
 thinking of it, take the lead; who are invited or permitted to 
 take it, as a matter of course. It was said of him, that if he 
 
112 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1787. 
 
 should join a party of travelers in the wilderness, and re- 
 main with them an hour, and the party should then be 
 attacked by Indians, he would instinctively take the com- 
 mand, and the company would, as instinctively, look to him 
 for orders. 
 
 He was wholly formed by nature for an active career. 
 The back of his head, where the propelling powers are said 
 to have their seat, was very massive ; perhaps, disproportion- 
 ately so to the quantity of man to be propelled. A phrenol- 
 ogist, who had marked the smallness of his reflective faculty, 
 along with such tremendous vital force, would have argued 
 ill of his future, till he observed the remarkable prominence 
 of his perceptive organs, and the full development of some 
 portions of the upper moral region of the brain. " Here is a 
 young fellow," he might have said, " who will hold on if he 
 takes hold, and go far if he sets out ; but he will generally 
 take hold of the right thing, and set out to go to the right 
 place ; but, right or wrong, he will not let go, nor turn 
 back." 
 
 He was a brave young man, without being, in the slight- 
 est degree, rash. If there ever lived a prudent man, Andrew 
 Jackson was that individual. He dared much ; but he never 
 dared to attempt what the event showed he could not do. 
 The reader is requested to banish from his ingenuous mind, 
 at his earliest convenience, the notion that Jackson was a 
 person who liked danger for its own sake, and who rushed 
 into it without having weighed (in his own rapid way) the 
 probable and possible consequences. He was consummately 
 prudent. We have heard a great deal of his irascibility ; 
 and he most assuredly was an irascible man. But, observe ; 
 he seldom quite gave up the rein to his anger. His wrath 
 was a fiery nag enough ; but people who stood close to him 
 when he was foaming and champing and pawing, could see 
 that there was a patent curb in his bridle which the rider 
 had a quiet but firm hold of. It was a Scotch-Irish anger. 
 It was fierce, but never had any ill effect upon his own pur- 
 poses ; on the contrary, he made it serve him, sometimes, by 
 
L787.] JACKSON AT TWENTY. 113 
 
 seeming to be much more angry than he was ; a way with 
 )thers of his race. " No man" writes an intimate associate 
 )f his for forty years, " knew better than Andrew Jackson 
 vhen to get into a passion and when not." Yet, for all that, 
 le was, sometimes, a most tinder-like and touchy fellow — as 
 sve shall see. 
 
 This young lawyer, like most of those who had seen and 
 felt what liberty had cost, was a very warm lover of his 
 ;ountry. He remembered — how vividly he remembered ! — 
 ;he scenes of the recent Kevolution ; his mother's sad fate, 
 md its cause ; the misery and needless death of his brother ; 
 lis own painful captivity ; the Waxhaw massacre ; the rav- 
 iged homes of his relatives and neighbors ; Tarleton's un- 
 iparing onslaughts ; and all the wild and shocking ferocities 
 )f the war, as it was waged in the border counties of North 
 Carolina. These things made the deepest imaginable im- 
 )ression upon his mind. He could scarcely place other citi- 
 zens upon the same level as the soldiers of the Kevolution ; 
 vhom he regarded as a kind of republican aristocracy, en- 
 itled, before all others, to honor and office. At this age, 
 md long after, he cherished that intense antipathy to Great 
 Britain which distinguished the survivors of the Kevolution ; 
 iome traces of which could be discerned in the less enlight- 
 ened parts of the country until within these few years. In 
 ;hese respects, he was the most American of Americans — 
 tn embodied Declaration-of-Independence — the Fourth-of- 
 Fuly incarnate ! 
 
 His mother, we have said, designed him for the church. 
 We find him choosing the profession of the law. We shall 
 liscover, too, that he distinctly sets up to be a man of the 
 vorld, and goes through life as such, down almost to the 
 rery end. The thing called the Code of Honor was the ten 
 commandments of the men-of- the- world of that day, and 
 fcheir god was Keputation. How was it that the rustic 
 Jackson, the son of such parents as his, the connection of 
 aalf the members of the old Waxhaw Presbyterian church. 
 3hould have gone this road ? There is no clear light to be 
 
114 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1787- 
 
 had upon the point. The war, I presume, introduced him 
 to the habits and feelings of soldiers ; and his fine friends 
 from Charleston may have given him some distaste for the 
 simple old ways of the Waxhaw settlement. But he came 
 of blood too honest and kindly to suffer, from this adoption 
 of the Code of Honor, that moral annihilation which it 
 brought upon some of his contemporaries. His instincts 
 were better than his principles. The virtues of Honesty and 
 Chastity — kindred and fundamental, from which come all 
 the good and joy of life — were his, as it were, by inheritance. 
 Jackson was one of those who may be said to be solvent by 
 nature; a fact which goes far to justify the immovable 
 confidence which the masses of the people came to have 
 in their unlettered, and, in some respects, unlovely hero ; 
 while they never could be brought to love or trust some of 
 his contemporaries, whose debts were as magnificent as their 
 endowments. 
 
 But we must not linger too long on the threshold. Our 
 young friend has a very long and most eventful journey be- 
 fore him. The rest of his equipment is sufficiently known. 
 From the schools he has derived little ; from the law-books 
 not much ; from fortune nothing. He mounts ; he is away. 
 He leaves Salisbury possessing little beside the horse he rides, 
 his lawyer's license, a law-book or two, youthful energies and 
 youthful hopes. 
 
 A year now goes by, in which he is nearly lost to view. 
 He used to say that, after being admitted to the bar, he lived 
 awhile at Martinsville, Guilford county, North Carolina, 
 where two intimate friends of his, Henderson and Searcy, 
 kept a store. That village has long ago disappeared ; there 
 is but one old, uninhabited house now to be seen where it 
 stood. There is a tradition in the State, that he accepted a 
 constable's commission this year — an office of more conse- 
 quence then than now. The strong probability is, that he 
 assisted his frierMs in their store, and so gained an insight 
 into the mystery of frontier store-keeping which he after- 
 wards turned to account. 
 
1788.] TO TENNESSEE. 115 
 
 While lie was thus employed, and waiting for a chance to 
 begin the practice of his profession, a suitable field of action 
 was preparing for him over the mountains. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 TO TENNESSEE. 
 
 The settlement of a new region, in the old, heroic times, 
 was a progressive affair. At first the wilderness, unbroken 
 and unknown, excited only the curiosity of the advanced set- 
 tlers. Some wandering Indian, in answer to their eager ques- 
 tions, would draw upon the earth a rude map of the land 
 desired, and give, in Indian grunts and gestures, some hints 
 of its great features, its mountains, rivers, lakes and hunting 
 grounds. One daring hunter, of the Boone or Leather- 
 stocking stamp, at last, would venture in to explore the vast 
 unknown, and, returning, tell to gaping groups the wonders 
 he had seen. A trader next, keen in the pursuit of furs, and 
 anxious to find fresh Indians, who would sell a beaver skin 
 for a bead, essayed the pathless wild. Other traders would 
 soon follow in his trail. Hunters would then advance some 
 distance into the wilderness, and build their cabins, and live 
 for months on the banks of a secluded stream, and then re- 
 turn laden with the spoils of the trap. Thus the country 
 gradually became known. 
 
 Settlers, who meant to till the soil and found homes, would 
 next invade the wilderness, and plant themselves on the fav- 
 orable locations nearest their former homes. Others would 
 join them. New settlements would be formed. A mania 
 for emigrating to the new country would begin to rage in the 
 old settlements, and the forests to resound with the tramp, 
 and bells, and rifles of successive companies. Before the new 
 settlements were well established, there would begin encroach- 
 
116 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1788. 
 
 ments on the territory of the Indians, or a wanton murder 
 of an Indian occurred. The Indians would retaliate, and 
 then the period of Indian warfare set in, and lasted till the 
 surrounding tribes were subdued or intimidated. 
 
 A process like this had been going on in Tennessee during 
 the whole life of Andrew Jackson. Captain William Bean, 
 the first settler in Tennessee, went into that country when 
 Andrew was two years old. Kussell Bean, with whom Jack- 
 son had once a curious interview, to be related hereafter, was 
 the first white child born in Tennessee. By the time Jackson 
 began the study of the law, there were some thousands of 
 settlers west of the Alleghanies, and the old blazed pathway, 
 by which, in single file, the first settlers penetrated the moun- 
 tain wilderness, was beginning to be widened and smoothed 
 down into some rough resemblance to a road. Nay, Spruce 
 McCay, Jackson's master in the law, and Waightstill Avery, 
 of Burke county, to whom he had first applied for instruc- 
 tion, had attended court at Jonesboro, the first court ever 
 held in Tennessee,* and could tell the young student all 
 about the new country ; and while Jackson was studying 
 law and playing pranks at Salisbury, events were transpiring 
 on the other side of the Alleghanies which made that district 
 the talk of the whole State, and, particularly, the talk of all 
 who had the entree of law offices. 
 
 The whole of what we now call Tennessee — that central 
 oblong block on the map, extending from the Alleghanies to 
 the Mississippi — was known to the youthful Jackson and his 
 cotemporaries as Washington county, North Carolina. So it 
 was named in 1777, when Andy was a school-boy. After- 
 ward it formed two counties of North Carolina, and then 
 three. Soon after the Revolution, North Carolina, not 
 unwilling to get rid of a country which, owing to the Indian 
 wars, was getting to be more troublesome than profitable, 
 offered to cede her territory west of the mountains to Con- 
 gress, as her share of the expanses of the Revolution, provided 
 
 * Ramsey's Tennessee, page 274. 
 
1788.] TO TENNESSEE. 117 
 
 Congress would accept the grant within two years. The set- 
 tlers, hearing the news of this act, and hearing it incorrectly 
 related, feared a two years' interval of no government, and at 
 once set up a government of their own, declaring their inde- 
 pendence. 
 
 Whereupon, North Carolina repealed her act of cession, 
 and reclaimed her progeny ; but the settlers, not compre- 
 hending these maternal caprices, and having tasted the sweets 
 of independence, held on their way, completed the organiza- 
 tion of their State, named it Franklin, and elected John 
 Sevier governor. Flat rebellion, said the authorities of the 
 parent State. A period of distraction and turbulence ensued. 
 Two sets of officers in all the settlements, one appointed by 
 the authorities of North Carolina, the other by those of 
 Franklin ; hot disputes between the two, often ending in 
 blows ; one set of court officers ejecting the other from the 
 court room ; two parties in every town and county ; " Hur- 
 rah for North Carolina," the battle-cry of one ; " Hurrah for 
 Franklin," the watch- word of the other. 
 
 In these circumstances, Governor Caswell, of North Caro- 
 lina, wrote an explanatory and conciliatory address to the 
 western settlers, which convinced and won over so large a 
 majority of them, that the State of Franklin melted away, 
 and left Governor Sevier without a government. North 
 Carolina, like a good mother that she was, forgave all her re- 
 bellious children, except Sevier, who had been the hero of the 
 revolt, and who was still the idol of the western country. 
 Him she laid in wait for, captured, and brought a prisoner 
 to Morganton, Burke county, where he was to be tried. 
 
 A party of Sevier's devoted friends hurried over the moun- 
 tains to the rescue of their chief, the hero of thirty battles. 
 Their plan was, according to an eye-witness,* to obtain his 
 release by stratagem, and if that failed, to fire the town, 
 burst open the prison-doors, and bear off the prisoner to the 
 mountains. The frontier village of Morganton was swarm- 
 
 * Narrative of William Smith, in Ramsey's Tennessee, page 428. 
 
118 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1788 
 
 ing with people, drawn together by the fame of the prisoner 
 and the notoriety of the recent events. The rescuing party 
 were six in number, four of whom concealed themselves near 
 the town, while the other two, Cozby and Evans, went for- 
 ward into it. These two rode on to a point near the court 
 house, tied their horses, hid their rifles, and boldly entered 
 the throng; their hunting-shirts — the common costume of 
 the period — hiding their pistols. Evans led to the court 
 house door a famous mare of Sevier's, and stood there hold- 
 ing the bridle carelessly, apparently an unconcerned spectator 
 of the scene around. 
 
 Cozby entered the court house, and there saw his leader 
 arraigned before the judge, undergoing trial for high crimes 
 and misdemeanors. The prisoner turned his head, and their 
 eyes met. Sevier knew that rescue was near ; but, warned 
 by a shake of Cozby 's head, he made no sign, though a tear 
 of grateful joy was observed to steal down his bronzed and 
 manly countenance. There was a pause in the proceedings. 
 Cozby stepped before the judge, and said in a quick, emphatic 
 manner, that made every one start — 
 
 " Judge, have you done with that man ?" 
 
 At this moment, Sevier caught a glimpse of his favorite 
 mare through the opened door of the court house. Taking 
 advantage of the confusion caused by Cozby's question, he 
 sprang to the door, leaped to the saddle, and broke away 
 through the crowd. 
 
 " Yes," said a voice in the court house, " I'll be d — d if 
 you're not done with him !" 
 
 The confederates were soon together at the rendezvous 
 outside the town. That night they slept at the house of 
 a friend twenty miles away, and were. soon safe on the other 
 side of the Alleghanies. The next year, Sevier was elected 
 to the Legislature of North Carolina, and, on presenting him- 
 self at the capital, an act of oblivion was passed, and he took 
 his seat in triumph ! 
 
 Jackson may have witnessed this celebrated rescue of 
 Governor Sevier. About the time of its occurrence, in 1788, 
 
1788.] TO TENNESSEE. 119 
 
 he was at Morganton ; on a visit to Colonel Waightstill 
 Avery, and on his way to the western wilds of Tennessee. 
 Morganton was then the last of the frontier towns of North 
 Carolina, and the starting-place for emigrants to the West. 
 
 Upon the settlement of the difficulties between North 
 Carolina and her western counties, John McNairy, a friend 
 of Jackson's, was appointed judge of the Superior Court for 
 the western district. Jackson was invested with the office of 
 solicitor, or public prosecutor, for the same district. This 
 office was not in request, nor desirable. It was, in fact, diffi- 
 cult to get a suitable person to accept an appointment of the 
 kind, which was to be exercised in a wilderness five hundred 
 miles distant from the populous parts of North Carolina, and 
 where the office of prosecutor was sure to be unpopular, diffi- 
 cult and dangerous. Thomas Searcy, another of Jackson's 
 friends, received the appointment of clerk of the court. 
 Three or four more of his young acquaintances, lawyers and 
 others, resolved to go with him, and seek their fortune in the 
 new and vaunted country of the West. The party rendez- 
 voused at Morganton in the spring or early summer of 1788, 
 mounted and equipped for a ride over the mountains to 
 Jonesboro, then the chief settlement of East Tennessee, and 
 the first halting-place of companies bound to the lands on 
 the Cumberland river. 
 
 There was but one mode of traversing the wilderness. 
 "A poor man," says Ramsey, "with seldom more than a 
 single pack-horse, on which the wife and infant were carried, 
 with a few clothes and bed-quilts, a skillet and a small sack 
 of meal, was often seen wending his way along the narrow 
 mountain trace, with a rifle on his shoulder, the elder sons 
 carrying an ax, a hoe, sometimes an auger and a saw, and 
 the elder daughters leading or carrying the smaller children." 
 Our cavalcade of judge, solicitor, clerk and lawyers, wended 
 their way in double file along the same road, each riding his 
 own horse ; a pack-horse or two carrying the effects of the 
 learned judge. Every horseman had in his saddle-bags a 
 small wallet, in which he carried letters from citizens in the 
 
120 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1788. 
 
 old States to settlers in the new — a service most cheerfully 
 and punctiliously performed in those days, Mr. Kamsey 
 tells us. At night, of course, there was no choice but to 
 camp out in the open air by the side of the path. Be- 
 tween Morganton and Jonesboro there were then no hostile 
 Indians, and the first stage of the journey was performed 
 without difficulty and without adventure. Indeed the trace 
 between these towns had become a road, safe for wagons of 
 a rough frontier construction. 
 
 Jonesboro, long the principal town of East Tennessee, 
 and often the scene of Jackson's labors at the bar, was ten 
 years old, or more, when the judicial party reached it. It 
 had grown to be a place of fifty or sixty log-houses. It had 
 a new court house even. The first courts had been held in 
 any house that could be obtained ; but early in the history of 
 Jonesboro, the people had built a house expressly for the pur- 
 pose of holding courts. It was a small edifice of unhewn 
 logs, sixteen feet square, without windows or floor. A year 
 or two before Jackson's arrival, this primeval structure, hav- 
 ing ceased to satisfy the inhabitants, they set about building 
 one more spacious and elegant, which was thus described in 
 the original plan : " The court recommend that there be a 
 court house built in the following manner, namely : twenty- 
 four feet square, diamond corners, and hewn down after it is 
 built up ; nine feet high between the two floors ; body of the 
 house four feet above upper floor ; floors neatly laid with 
 plank ; shingles of roof to be hung with pegs ; a justice's 
 bench ; a lawyers' and clerk's bar ; also a sheriff's box to 
 sit in."* 
 
 At such a stage of legal development had Jonesboro ar- 
 rived, when Jackson first saw it in 1788. 
 
 The judge and his party remained several weeks at Jones- 
 boro, waiting for the assembling of a sufficient number of 
 emigrants, and for the arrival of a guard from Nashville to 
 escort them. Nashville is one hundred and eighty-three 
 
 * Ramsey's Tennessee, p. 281. 
 
1788.] TO TENNESSEE. 121 
 
 miles from Jonesboro. The road ran through a gap in the 
 Cumberland mountains, and thence entered a wilderness 
 more dangerously infested with hostile Indians than any- 
 other portion of the western country — not even excepting the 
 dark and bloody land of Kentucky. The original advertise- 
 ment in the State Gazette of North Carolina, of November 
 28th, 1788, announcing the departure of Judge McNairy's 
 company for the Cumberland settlements, indicates the perils 
 of the way : " Notice is hereby given, that the new road 
 from Campbell's station to Nashville, was opened on the 25th 
 of September, and the guard attended at that time to escort 
 such persons as were ready to proceed to Nashville ; that 
 about sixty families went on, amongst whom were the widow 
 and family of the late General Davidson, and John McNairy, 
 judge of the Superior Court ; and that on the 1st day of 
 October next, the guard will attend at the same place for the 
 same purpose." 
 
 A strong tide of emigration was setting westward then. 
 North Carolina had rewarded such of her citizens as had 
 done service in the revolutionary war, with grants of land 
 in Tennessee west of the Cumberland mountains. The fame 
 of the fertility of that region attracted other emigrants. 
 Perhaps, too, the renown of such gallant and wise pioneers 
 as James Eobertson, John Donelson, and their comrades, a 
 host of choice spirits, whose worthy monument is the Nash- 
 ville of to-day, had its influence in inducing many adventur- 
 ous young men to brave the notorious dangers of the Cum- 
 berland valley ; for the possession of which two races were 
 contending. 
 
 Of Jackson's journey through the wilderness on this occa- 
 sion, but one authentic incident is now remembered ; which 
 comes to me, in a direct line, by trustworthy channels, from 
 the lips of Thomas Searcy, the clerk of the Superior Court, 
 who rode by Jackson's side. 
 
 It was a night scene. The company, nearly a hundred in 
 number, among whom were women and children, had just 
 passed through what was considered the most dangerous part 
 
122 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1788, 
 
 of the wilderness. They had marched thirty-six hours, a 
 night and two days, without halting longer than an hour ; 
 the object being to reach a certain point, which was thought 
 to be safe camping-ground. The place was reached soon 
 after dark, and the tired travelers hastened to encamp. 
 
 The spectacle presented by their camp may have been 
 precisely such as is described in that favorite novel of the 
 West, called " Wild Western Scenes :"— - " A circle of tents 
 was formed round the fire, constructed of thin poles bent in 
 the shape of an arch, and the ends planted firmly in the 
 earth. These were covered with buffalo skins (or tent cloths) 
 which would effectually shield the inmates from the rain ; 
 and quantities of leaves, after being carefully dried before 
 the fire, were placed on the ground within, over which were 
 spread buffalo robes with the hair uppermost ; and thus, in 
 a brief space, were completed temporary, but not uncomfort- 
 able places of repose. The ends of the tents nearest to the 
 fire were open to admit the heat and a portion of light, that 
 those who desired it might retire during their repast, or en- 
 gage in pious meditations undisturbed by the more clamor- 
 ous portion of the company. A majority of the emigrants 
 were seated on logs brought thither for that purpose,. and 
 feasting quietly from several large pans and well-filled camp- 
 kettles, which were set out for all in common." 
 
 Earlier in the evening than usual, the exhausted women 
 and children of the party crept into their little tents, and 
 went to sleep. The men, except those who were to stand 
 sentinel the first half of the night, wrapped their blankets 
 round them, and laid down under the lee of sheltering logs, 
 with their feet toward the fire. Silence fell upon the camp. 
 All slept save the sentinels, and one of the party who was 
 not inclined to sleep, tired as he was, Andrew Jackson by 
 name. This young gentleman sat on the ground, with his 
 back against a tree, smoking a corn-cob pipe, for an hour 
 after his companions had sunk into sleep ; whether because 
 he enjoyed his pipe, or suspected danger, tradition saith not. 
 
1788.] TO TENNESSEE. 123 
 
 About ten o'clock, as he was beginning to doze, lie fell to 
 observing the various notes of the owls that were hooting in 
 the forest round him. A remarkable country this for owls, 
 he thought, as he was falling asleep. Just then, an owl that 
 he had heard at a considerable distance, startled him by set- 
 ting up a louder hoot than usual nearer the camp. Some- 
 thing peculiar in the note struck his attention. In an in- 
 stant he was the widest awake man in Tennessee. All his 
 mind was in his ears, and his ears were intent on the hoot- 
 ing of the owls. He grasped his rifle, and crept cautiously to 
 where his friend Searcy was sleeping, and woke him. 
 
 "Searcy," said Jackson, "raise your head and make no 
 noise." 
 
 " What's the matter ?" asked Searcy. 
 
 "The owls — listen — there — there again. Is n't that a 
 little too natural ?" 
 
 " Do you think so ?" asked Searcy. 
 
 " I know it," replied Jackson. " There are Indians all 
 around us. I have heard them in every direction. They 
 mean to attack before daybreak." 
 
 The more experienced woodsmen were roused, and con- 
 firmed the young lawyer's surmise. Jackson advised that the 
 camp be instantly but quietly broken up, and the march 
 resumed. His advice was adopted, and the company neither 
 heard nor saw any further signs of the presence of an enemy 
 during the remainder of the night. A party of hunters, who 
 reached their camping ground an hour after it had been aban- 
 doned, lay down by their fires and slept. Before the day 
 dawned, the Indians were upon them, and killed all but one 
 of the party. Near the same spot, in the following spring, 
 when Judge McNairy was returning to Jonesboro, and had 
 no Jackson in his retinue, his party was surprised in the 
 night by Indians, and narrowly escaped destruction. One 
 white man was killed, besides one friendly chief and his son. 
 The judge and his companions were put to total rout, fled, 
 Bwam the river upon which they had encamped, and left their 
 
124 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1788. 
 
 horses, camp equipage and clothing in the hands of the sav- 
 ages.* 
 
 Before the end of October, 1788, the long train of emi- 
 grants, among whom was Mr. Solicitor Jackson, reached 
 Nashville, to the great joy of the settlers there, to whom the 
 annual arrival of such a train was all that an arrival can be — 
 a thrilling event, news from home, reunion with friends, in- 
 crease of wealth, additional protection against a foe power- 
 ful and resolute to destroy. Kamsey says : " The new comer, 
 on his arrival in the settlements, was everywhere and at all 
 times greeted with a cordial welcome. Was he without a 
 family ? He was at once taken in as a cropper or a farming 
 hand, and found a home in the kind family of some settler. 
 Had he a wife and children ? They were asked, in back- 
 woods phrase, ( to camp with us till the neighbors can put 
 up a cabin for you/ " 
 
 Great news reached Nashville by this train ; news that 
 all was right with the new national Constitution, a majority 
 of the States having accepted it ; news that the Legislatures 
 of the States were about choosing presidential electors, who 
 would undoubtedly elect General Washington the first Presi- 
 dent of the republic. Washington was inaugurated in the 
 April following the arrival of Jackson at his new home. 
 
 * Ramsey's Tennessee, p. 484. 
 
17881 THE SOLICITOR FINDS LODGINGS. 125 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE SOLICITOR FINDS LODGINGS. 
 
 There must have been good stuff in Frenchmen once. 
 The best proof of manhood which that race has given, since 
 it banished its elite, the Huguenots, was its assisting to 
 explore and colonize our western wilderness. The modern 
 Frenchman looks on the map of Europe for his country's 
 glory. More glorious to Frenchmen is the map of North 
 America, which French valor and endurance, a hundred and 
 fifty years ago, scattered all over with French names. New 
 Orleans, Canada, the French trappers and voyageurs of Coop- 
 ers's novels and living's narratives, are better evidence of 
 sterling metal than Austerlitz and Marengo. 
 
 For man has done few things more truly remarkable than 
 the conquest of North America from the wilderness and the 
 savage. The revolutionary war was a very small matter in 
 comparison. 
 
 Consider Nashville, for example. There is no region bet- 
 ter adapted to the purposes of man than that of which Nash- 
 ville is the center and capital. A gently undulating and most 
 fertile country ; a land of hard wood, with the beautiful river 
 Cumberland winding through the midst thereof. It happens 
 that the country which is best for the civilized man is best 
 for the savage also. The valley of the Cumberland was a 
 hunting-ground so keenly coveted by surrounding tribes that 
 the race which originally held it, worn out by the incessant 
 wars, abandoned it in despair ; so that when French M. 
 Charlville, in 1714, established himself on the site of Nash- 
 ville, he found the country almost depopulated, and, conse- 
 quently, abounding in the wild beasts whose skins he came 
 to trap and trade for. In an old deserted Shawnee fort on 
 the rocky bluffs of the Cumberland, M. Charlville and his 
 French trappers stored their goods and furs. 
 
 The Frenchmen, it seems, trapped and traded in peace 
 vol. i. — a 
 
126 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1788 
 
 for many years ; Indian instinct not discerning in them the 
 possible subduers and masters of the country. Boone passed 
 westward in 1769. A party of nine or ten hunters penetrated 
 the Cumberland wilderness in 1771, but remained not. In 
 1779 a little company of pioneers, nine in number, headed 
 by Captain James Kobertson, pitched their camp upon the 
 site of Charlville's abandoned settlement, with the design of 
 settling there. Not another white man within a hundred 
 miles. No effective succor nearer than three hundred. Twen- 
 ty thousand Indians, the most warlike and intelligent of their 
 race, within a week's run. 
 
 Captain James Kobertson left the ' settlements' about 
 Jonesboro with the understanding that his friend, Colonel 
 John Donelson, a brave and wealthy old Virginia surveyor, 
 was at once to follow him to the banks of the Cumberland 
 with a party of emigrants. Kobertson and his party were 
 only pioneers, who were to build huts and plant corn against 
 the arrival of the main body under Donelson. Robertson's 
 party consisted of men ; Donelson's of families, among whom 
 was the family of Kobertson himself. To avoid the toil and 
 peril of the route through the wilderness, then little known 
 and unbroken, Colonel Donelson conceived the astounding idea 
 of attempting to reach the new settlement by water : down 
 the river Holston to the Tennessee, down the Tennessee to 
 the Ohio, up the Ohio to the Cumberland, up the Cumber- 
 land to Captain Kobertson and a New Home. The whole 
 distance was considerably more than two thousand miles. No 
 man, white or red, had ever attempted the voyage. The 
 greater part of the route was infested by Indians. The pro- 
 ject, in short, was worthy, for its boldness, of the destined 
 father-in-law of General Jackson. Among those who shared 
 the dangers of this voyage was Kachel Donelson, the leader's 
 daughter, a black-eyed, black-haired brunette, as gay, bold 
 and handsome a lass as ever danced on the deck of a flat boat. , 
 or took the helm while her father took a shot at the Indians 
 We shall meet this young lady often in the course of our nar- 
 rative. 
 
1788.] THE SOLICITOR FINDS LODGINGS. 127 
 
 The voyage lasted four months. Colonel Donelson kept 
 a journal, in which he entered whatever occurred that was 
 unusual, but with such brevity, that the history of that long 
 voyage, as written by Donelson, could be printed on six of 
 these pages. The manuscript is still preserved in the family 
 of one of his grandchildren, entitled, " Journal of a Voyage, 
 intended by God's Permission, in the good boat Adventure, 
 from Patrick Henry on Holston river to the French Salt 
 Springs on Cumberland river; kept by John Donald- 
 son/' 
 
 Starting in the depth of a winter long remembered for its 
 severity, the " good boat" was often delayed by the fall of 
 water and " most excessive hard frost ;" so that two months 
 passed before it began to make good progress. Joined by 
 other boats in the spring, the Adventure floated down the 
 winding, rippling, beautiful Tennessee, in company with a 
 considerable fleet, bound for the lower country. Many and 
 dire were the mishaps that befell them. Sometimes a boat 
 would run upon a shoal, and remain immovable till its entire 
 contents were landed. Sometimes a boat was whirled around 
 a bend and dashed against a projecting point, and sunk. 
 Once a young man went hunting, and did not return. They 
 fired their four-pounder and searched the woods, but in vain. 
 The fleet sailed away, but the old father of the lost hunter 
 staid behind, alone in the wilderness, to continue the search. 
 Both were rescued at length. One man died of his frozen 
 limbs. Two children were born. On board one boat, con- 
 taining twenty-eight persons, the small-pox was raging, and 
 it was agreed that this boat should always sail a certain dis- 
 tance behind the rest, but within hearing of a horn. The 
 wily Indians pounced upon the infected boat, killed the fight- 
 ing men, took prisoners the women and children, carried off 
 the contents of the boat into the woods, and nothing further 
 was seen of either. " Their cries were distinctly heard," says 
 the journal, " by those boats in the rear ;" and it was a great 
 grief to the whole company, " uncertain how soon they might 
 share the same fate." The Indians caught the small-pox, of 
 
128 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1788 
 
 which hundreds died before the disease had spent Its 
 force.* 
 
 By and by, they came to " the place called the Whirl or 
 Suck, where the river is compressed within less than half its 
 common width by the Cumberland mountain, which juts in 
 on both sides." There the whole fleet was brought to the 
 verge of ruin. In rushing by the narrowest part of the 
 Whirl, called the Boiling Pot, one of the large canoes was 
 overturned, and all the effects of one of the families were 
 thrown into the river. It was the family of a man poorer 
 than the rest; so all the fleet, "pitying his distress, con- 
 cluded to halt and assist him in recovering his property." 
 While engaged in this benevolent work, suddenly a fire was 
 opened on them by a large force of Indians, concealed in the 
 cliffs above. The emigrants sprang to their boats, and hur- 
 ried away, with four of their number wounded. All along 
 this narrow part of the river, the Indians, hidden in the cliffs, 
 kept firing down upon the boats, but without effect. All got 
 safely through the Whirl but one. " Jennings' boat is miss- 
 ing," Colonel Donelson quietly enters in his journal. Then, 
 resuming his pen, he continues : " We have now passed 
 through the Whirl. The river widens with a placid and gen- 
 tle current, and all the company appear to be in safety except 
 the family of Jonathan Jennings, whose boat ran on a large 
 rock, projecting out from the northern shore, and partly im- 
 mersed in water, immediately at the Whirl, where we were 
 obliged to leave them, perhaps to be slaughtered by their 
 merciless enemies." 
 
 But Jennings proved to be a man difficult to slaughter. 
 It was Wednesday afternoon when the fleet left him to his 
 fate on the sunken rock. On Friday, Colonel Donelson com- 
 pleted his story in his journal thus : " This morning, about 
 four o'clock, we were surprised by the cries of, ' Help poor 
 Jennings/ at some distance in the rear. He had discovered 
 us by our fires, and came up in the most wretched condition. 
 
 * Putnam's History of Middle Tennessee. 
 
1788.J THE SOLICITOR FINDS LODGINGS. 129 
 
 He states, that as soon as the Indians discovered his situa- 
 tion, they turned their whole attention to him, and kept up 
 a most galling fire at his boat. He ordered his wife, a son 
 nearly grown, a young man who accompanied them, and his 
 negro man and woman, to throw all his goods into the river 
 to lighten their boat, for the purpose of getting her off; him- 
 self returning their fire as well as he could, being a good sol- 
 dier and an excellent marksman. * * Mrs. Jennings and 
 the negro woman succeeded in unloading the boat, but chiefly 
 by the exertions of Mrs. Jennings, who got out of th<? boat 
 and shoved her off, but was near falling a victim to her in- 
 trepidity, on account of the boat starting so suddenly as soon 
 as loosened from the rock. Upon examination, he appears 
 to have made a wonderful escape, for his boat is pierced in 
 numberless places with bullets. It is to be remarked, that 
 Mrs. Peyton, (whose husband was one of Kobertson's over- 
 land party,) who was the night before delivered of an infant, 
 which was unfortunately killed upon the hurry and confusion 
 consequent upon such a disaster, assisted them, being fre- 
 quently exposed to wet and cold, then and afterward ; and 
 that her health appears to be good at this time, and I think 
 and hope she will do well. Their clothes were very much cut 
 with bullets, especially Mrs. Jennings." 
 
 What women could endure, and dare, and do, in those 
 days ! 
 
 Down, down the Tennessee, until they reached the Muscle 
 Shoals, where they had a dire disappointment. At that 
 place, Captain Kobertson had agreed to leave certain signs 
 for Colonel Donelson's guidance ; at least to show him that 
 white men and friends had been there. But Kobertson, 
 struggling for life in that fierce, unexampled winter, had not 
 been able to send a party across the country from the Cum- 
 berland settlement to the Tennessee. So Colonel Donelson 
 had nothing to do but trim his boat, take the helm, set his 
 teeth, and run through the Shoals. " When we approached 
 them they had a dreadful appearance to those who had never 
 seen them before. The water being high made a terrible 
 
130 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1788. 
 
 roaring, which could be heard at some distance, among the 
 drift-wood heaped frightfully upon the points of the islands ; 
 the current running in every possible direction. Here we did 
 not know how soon we should be dashed to pieces, and all 
 our troubles ended at once. Our boats frequently dragged 
 on the bottom, and appeared constantly in danger of striking. 
 They warped as much as in a rough sea. But by the hand 
 of Providence we are now preserved from this danger also. 
 I know not the length of this wonderful shoal ; it has been 
 represented to be twenty-five or thirty miles. If so, we must 
 have descended very rapidly, as indeed we did, foi we passed 
 it in about three hours." 
 
 The crowning entry of this journal is that which records 
 the arrival of the boats at the junction of the Tennessee and 
 Ohio ; from which point Colonel Donelson's course lay up 
 the stream. One word of this entry I take the liberty to 
 italicise : " Our situation here is truly disagreeable. The 
 river is very high, and the current rapid ; our boats not con- 
 structed for the purpose of stemming a rapid stream ; our 
 provisions exhausted ; the crews almost worn down with 
 hunger and fatigue ; and know not what distance we have 
 to go, or what time it will take us to reach our place of des- 
 tination. The scene is rendered still more melancholy, as 
 several boats will not attempt to ascend the rapid current 
 Some intend to descend the Mississippi to Natchez ; others 
 are bound for the Illinois — among the rest my son-in-law 
 and daughter. We now part, perhaps, to meet no more, for 
 I am determined to pursue my course, come what will." 
 
 And so he did. The good boat Adventure was poled, and 
 rowed, and towed, and tugged, and sailed up the swift Ohio 
 into the tranquil Cumberland and up the tranquil Cumber- 
 land to the new settlement. The leader of the expedition 
 made the last entry into his journal on the 24th of April, 
 1780 : " This day we arrived at our journey's end at the 
 Big Salt Lick, where we have the pleasure of finding Captain 
 Robertson and his company. It is a source of satisfaction 
 to us to be enabled to restore to him and others their fam- 
 
1788.] THE SOLICITOR FINDS LODGINGS. 131 
 
 ilies and friends who were entrusted to our care, and who, 
 sometime since, perhaps, despaired of ever meeting again. 
 Though our prospects at present are dreary we have found a 
 few log-cabins which have been built on a cedar bluff above 
 the Lick by Captain Kobertson and his company." 
 
 And so the colony was planted. This was but eight 
 years before the arrival of Judge McNairy and his party of 
 young lawyers. During the whole of that period, the settlers 
 had to battle for existence. The first spring they nearly 
 starved ; for the extraordinary winter had exhausted the 
 corn and thinned the game. In " the settlements," that is, 
 in East Tennessee and Kentucky, corn sold that season at 
 one hundred and sixty-five dollars per bushel. The Indians, 
 always hovering round, made it dangerous to go a hundred 
 yards from the station.* Poor Jonathan Jennings, whose 
 miraculous escape from the Whirl we have noted, escaped 
 only to fall before a lurking savage during his first summer 
 at his new home. Never were a people so beset. While 
 some planted corn, others had to watch against the skulking 
 foe. When the girls went blackberrying, a guard invariably 
 turned out to escort them, and stand guard over the sur- 
 rounding thickets. Nay, if a man went to a spring to drink, 
 another stood on the watch with his rifle cocked and poised. 
 Whenever four or five men, says the annalist of Tennessee, 
 were assembled at a spring or elsewhere, they held their guns 
 in their hands, and stood, not face to face as they conversed, 
 but with their backs turned to each other, all facing different 
 ways, watching for a lurking or a creeping Indian.f 
 
 * " To pass from station to station, though so near to each other tnat the re- 
 port of a rifle could be heard the distance, was to ' run the gauntlet ' with peril 
 of life. And yet .these people made almost daily visits to each other." — Putnam's 
 History of Middle Tennessee, page 135. 
 
 f Governor Blount explains one dangerous peculiarity of this region, in a let- 
 ter to the Secretary of War, dated 1792. " The settlements," he says, " extend 
 up and down the Cumberland river, from east to west, about eighty-five miles, 
 and the extreme width from north to south does not exceed twenty-five miles, 
 and its general width does not exceed half that distance ; and not only the coun- 
 try surrounding the extreme frontier, but the interior part, (which is to be founa 
 
132 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1788. 
 
 With all their precautions, not a month passed in which 
 some one did not fall before the rifle of the sleepless enemy. 
 It was a wonder the little band was not driven away or exter- 
 minated. On one occasion, indeed, it required all of Captain 
 Robertson's influence and eloquence to induce the settlera 
 not to abandon the spot, as its old proprietors, the Shawnees, 
 had done before them, and, more recently, the band of trad- 
 ers and trappers under Charlville. There were times when 
 even Robertson and his friends might have fled, if to fly had 
 not been more perilous than to stay. 
 
 The settlement grew apace, however. When Jackson 
 arrived in 1788, the stations along the Cumberland may have 
 contained five thousand souls or more. But the place was 
 still an outpost of civilization, and so exposed to Indian hos- 
 tility, that it was not safe to live ^.ye miles from the central 
 stockade — a circumstance that influenced the whole career 
 and life of our young friend, the newly-arrived solicitor ; for 
 whom let us delay no longer to find lodgings. 
 
 Colonel John Donelson took root in the country and 
 flourished greatly. Lands, negroes, cattle, horses, whatever 
 was wealth in the settlement, he had in greater abundance 
 than any other man. They point out still, near Nashville, 
 the field he first tilled, and the spot where he made his won- 
 derful escape from the Indians ; a story I had the pleasure of 
 hearing one of his grandsons tell, but have not the space here 
 to repeat. During one of the long winters, when an unex- 
 pected influx of emigrants had reduced the stock of corn 
 alarmingly low, Colonel Donelson mercifully moved off, with 
 all his corn-consuming host, to Kentucky, and there lived till 
 the seasons of plenty returned. During this residence in Ken- 
 
 only by comparison with the more exposed part,) is covered generally with thick 
 and high cane, and a heavy growth of large timber, and where there happens to 
 be no cane, with thick underwood, which afford the Indians an opportunity of 
 lying days and weeks in any and every part of the district in wait near the 
 houses, and of doing injuries to the inhabitants, when they themselves are so hid or 
 secured that they have no apprehensions of injuries being done in return ; and they 
 escape from pursuit, even though it is immediate. This district has an extreme 
 frontier of at least two hundred miles." — Putnam's History of Middle Tennessee. 
 
1788.] THE SOLICITOR FINDS LODGINGS. 133 
 
 tucky, his daughter Kachel gave her heart and hand to Lewis 
 Robards, and the brave old man returned to the Cumberland 
 .without her. 
 
 Many were the adventures and the exploits of this sturdy 
 pioneer — this hero, who never suspected that he was a hero. 
 Yet after so many hair-breadth escapes, by flood and field, his 
 time came at last. He was in the woods surveying, far from 
 home. Two young men who had been with him came along 
 and found him near a creek, pierced by bullets ; whether the 
 bullets of the lurking savage or of the white robber was never 
 known. It was only known that he met a violent death from 
 some ambushed cowardly villains, white or red ; his daughter 
 Rachel always thought the former. She thought no Indians 
 could kill her father, who knew their ways too well to be 
 caught by them. 
 
 When young Jackson arrived at the settlement, he found 
 the widow Donelson living there in' a block-house, somewhat 
 more commodious than any other dwelling in the place ; for 
 she was a notable housekeeper, as well as a woman of prop- 
 erty. With her then lived her daughter Rachel and her 
 Kentucky husband, Lewis Robards. Robards had bought 
 land five miles from the Lick, and was living with his mother- 
 in-law until the Indians should be sufficiently subdued or 
 pacified to render it safe to live so far from the settlement. 
 Jackson, soon after his arrival, went also to live with Mrs. 
 Donelson as a boarder — an arrangement no less satisfactory 
 to her than to him. It was a piece of good fortune to Tier 
 to have another man in her spare cabin as a protector against 
 the Indians ; while lie had found the best boarding place in 
 the settlement — not the least pleasant feature of it being 
 the presence of the gay and lively Mrs. Robards, the best 
 story-teller, the best dancer, the sprightliest companion, the 
 most dashing horsewoman in the western country. 
 
134 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1789 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE FRONTIER LAWYER. 
 
 The young solicitor, immediately upon his arrival in the 
 western settlements, was astonished to find a world of law 
 business awaiting him. 
 
 One would have supposed that a community situated as 
 this was, struggling to maintain its foothold in a remote 
 wilderness swarming with hostile savages, could have dis- 
 pensed, for a while, with the costly luxury of law ; i. e., law- 
 yer's law. But no. One of the first things done in all the 
 western settlements was the building of a court house and 
 jail ; and lawyers, licensed or unlicensed, were always in wait- 
 ing to occupy the one and empty the other. In the records 
 of the first court ever held in Nashville, which was in 1783, 
 occurs this entry : " The court then proceeded to fix. on a 
 place for the building of a court house and prison, and agreed 
 that, in the present situation of the settlement, it be at Nash- 
 borough. Size of the court house to be eighteen feet square, 
 with a shade of twelve feet on one side of the length of the 
 house ; said house to be furnished with the necessary benches, 
 bar, table, etc., fit for the reception of the court. Also a 
 prison, fourteen feet square, of hewed logs of a foot square. 
 * * & To kg done on the best and most reasonable terms, 
 and that the same be vendued on the lowest price that can 
 be had."* 
 
 These edifices, be it observed, were an improvement upon 
 similar structures in some other parts of the territory, and 
 attest the importance and public spirit of the Nashville set- 
 tlements. The court house at G-reeneville, for example, 
 wherein the short-lived State of Franklin was debated and 
 voted into existence, was a cabin of unhewn logs roofed with 
 clapboards, without floor, door, loft or window, light being ; 
 
 * Ramsey's Tennessee, page 495. 
 
1789.] THE FRONTIER LAWYER. 135 
 
 admitted between the logs. And it was in court houses like 
 this — some a little better, some not so good — that Andrew 
 Jackson practiced law for nearly ten years, and laid the foun- 
 dations of his fame and fortune. 
 
 Jackson's arrival, as we have intimated, was most oppor- 
 tune. The only licensed lawyer in West Tennessee was en- 
 gaged exclusively in the service of debtors, who, it seems, 
 made common cause against the common enemy, their cred- 
 itors. Jackson came not as a lawyer merely, but as the 
 public prosecutor, and there was that in his bearing which 
 gave assurance that he was the man to issue unpopular writs 
 and give them effect. The merchants and others, who could 
 not collect their debts, came to him for help. He undertook 
 their business, and executed it with a promptitude that 
 secured his career at the bar of Tennessee. Before he had 
 been a month in Nashville, he had issued, it is said, seventy 
 writs to delinquent debtors. He was the man wanted. And 
 this was the first instance of a certain good fortune that 
 attended him all through his life : he was continually find- 
 ing himself placed in circumstances calculated to call into 
 conspicuous exercise the very qualities in which he excelled 
 all mankind. 
 
 It had not been his intention to settle in the western 
 wilderness ; but business opening so well, and the country 
 being evidently formed for the maintenance of a great com- 
 monwealth, he was not long in coming to the determination 
 to make it his future home. How wise the choice was, no 
 one, familiar with Nashville and its vicinity, need be told. 
 
 Such of the old court records of West Tennessee as have 
 escaped time, fire and vermin, contain just enough about An- 
 drew Jackson to show that he jumped immediately into a 
 large practice. It was customary then for a lawyer to attend 
 every court held in the State. Two months after his arrival 
 in the western country we find him attending court in Sum- 
 ner county, near the Kentucky border, a day's ride from 
 Nashville. The tattered records of Sumner county contain 
 this entry : 
 
136 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1789, 
 
 " January 12th ; 1789. Andrew Jackson, Esq., produced 
 nis license as an attorney-at-law in court, and took the oath 
 required by law." 
 
 Some debtors of his Nashville clients, perhaps, had moved 
 off to Sumner county, a still newer settlement, and had for- 
 gotten the old debts. The solicitor was upon them. Later 
 records of the same county show that he attended the courts 
 thereof regularly for many years. He was the first lawyer 
 who ever practiced in that county. Another entry from the 
 same records is this : 
 
 "October 6th, 1790. Andrew Jackson, Esq., proved a 
 bill of sale from Hugh McGary to Gasper Mansker, for a 
 negro man, which was 0. K." [A common western mistake 
 for 0. R, which means Ordered Recorded. Hence, perhaps, 
 the saying " 0. K."] 
 
 The records of the quarter sessions court of Davidson 
 county, the county of which Nashville is the capital, show, 
 that at the April term, 1790, there were one hundred and 
 ninety-two cases on the two dockets (Appearance docket and 
 Trial docket) ; and that Andrew Jackson was employed as 
 counsel in forty- two of them. On one leaf of the record of the 
 January term, 1793, there are thirteen suits entered, mostly 
 for debt, in every one of which Andrew Jackson was employed. 
 At the April term of the same year, he was counsel in seventy- 
 two out of one hundred and fifty-five cases. In most of these, 
 he was counsel for the defense. At the July term of the 
 same year, he was employed in sixty cases out of one hun- 
 dred and thirty-five ; and at the October term, in sixty-one 
 cases out of one hundred and thirty-two. In the four terms 
 of 1794, there were three hundred and ninety-seven cases be- 
 fore the same court, in two hundred and twenty-eight of 
 which Jackson acted as counsel.* And during these and 
 later years, he practiced at the courts of Jonesboro, and othei 
 towns in East Tennessee. 
 
 * Special Researches of Colonel A. W. Putnam, President of Tennessee 
 Historical Society. 
 
 
1789.] THE FRONTIER LAWYER. 137 
 
 But what was the nature of these numerous suits ? Dis- 
 puted land claims formed the staple of the law practice in all 
 the early western settlements. Next to these, cases of assault 
 and battery seem to have been the most numerous. A few 
 extracts from the old court records of West Tennessee may 
 i I amuse the reader : — 
 
 " Whereas, in an affray that happened on the second day of September, 
 1793, between Wm. Pillows and Abram Denton, in fighting, the said Pil- 
 lows bit off the uper eend of Denton's right year, upon which s d Pillows 
 come into open court together with Abram Denton, and the s d Pillows 
 openly declared that he bit of his year aforesaid, without any intention of 
 injuring s d Denton. 
 
 lt And w Wickerham b'ng sworn, say th y 1 he saw Wm. Hamilton go to 
 turn y e Deft, out of his house, on which y e s d Deft, resisted ; & they laid 
 hold on one anorher and fell, y e plff. uppermost : And when they were 
 parted, he saw y* y e s d plff.' nose was bit, but saw no blows pass. 
 
 " Jas. Buchanan and Wm. Simpson corroborated y e ab've." 
 
 " Ezekiel Smith of s d county was summoned to ans r unto Joel Stearns, 
 a comp* of assault and battery, to damage of £200. Whereas y e s d Stearns 
 saith that he was abused by s d Smith, having of him tied, whipped him 
 with switches on his naked skin — likewise took y e s d Stearns, fastened him 
 with a cord round his neck, raised him up to a limb of a tree, till he felt 
 all the pains that he would have felt in death. The first thing that he 
 knew after that, he y e s d Stearns, was lying on y e ground, that y e s d 
 Smith bid him rise — and that he has made no satisfaction to y e s d 
 Stearns." 
 
 " Appeared Humphrey Hogan bound in recognizance at suit of John 
 Kitts — for good behavior, &c. . . . John Barrow sworn: Sayeth, 
 Hogan threatened he will kill Kitts' hogs, if he did not keep them from his 
 door, and also whip himself. ... To make friends, Kitts agreed to 
 dismiss recognizance and pay the costs." 
 
 " Frederick Stump fined l d paper money, for taking the sixth part of 
 corn ground at his mill, as toll. — l d ." 
 
 " Ordered that corn be received for taxes at two shillings and eight- 
 pence per bushel ; good fat bear meat, if delivered where troops are sta- 
 tioned, four-pence per pound; prime buffalo beef, three-pence; good 
 venison, if delivered as aforesaid, nine-pence ; bacon, nine-pence ; dried 
 beef, six-pence ; salt, two shillings four-pence per pound." 
 
138 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1789 
 
 " State } For stealing a pair of leather leggins. Proof taken : 
 vs. \ judgment passed that he be reprimanded, and acquitted 
 
 Bazil Fry. \ on paying costs." 
 
 " The grand jurors present Joshua Baldwin for altering his name to 
 Joshua Campbell, and Ephraim Peyton, for taking away, by force, a mare 
 from Joshua." 
 
 " I, John Irwin, of my free will and accord, do hearby acknowledge 
 and certify the Raskelly and Scandoullous Eeport that I have Eaised and 
 Reported Concearned Miss Polly McFadin, is faulse and groundless, and 
 that I had no Right, Reason or Cause to Believe the same. Given under 
 my hand this 26. March 1793." 
 
 "The court passed a resolution that Csesar be permitted to build a 
 house in one corner or side of the Public Lott for the purpose of selling 
 cakes and beer, etc., so long as he conducts himself in an orderly manner 
 and has permission from his master." 
 
 At the July session of the county court of Davidson county, 1791, 
 " John Rains is fined five shillings, paper money, for profane swearing."* 
 
 On one occasion, when the log court house at Nashville 
 had become exceedingly unclean and out of repair, one of the 
 lawyers rose and addressed the honorable court as follows : 
 " May it please your honors, it is a rule of equity that every 
 suitor shall come into court with a clean shirt-tail. With- 
 out unnecessary offense to the majesty of law, the ermine of 
 the judges, or purity of anybody, I defy suitor or advocate, 
 much more the honorable court, to maintain pure thoughts 
 and white linen in such a sheep-fold and pigsty." Whereupon 
 it was " ordered that David Hay repair the court house by 
 making two doors, well fixed and hung, with three window 
 shutters well hung, and the house well chinked, sweeped, 
 washed and cleansed, and the benches repaired." 
 
 Such were the scenes in which our young lawyer passed his 
 early years of manhood. What with his extensive practice 
 and his long journeys, he was the busiest of men. Half his 
 time, as I conjecture, must have been spent in traveling. 
 During the first seven years of his residence in Tennessee, he 
 performed the journey through the mountain wilderness that 
 lay between Jonesboro and Nashville, a distance of nearly 
 
 * All from Putnam's History of Middle Tennessee. 
 
1789.J THE FRONTIER LAWYER. 139 
 
 two hundred miles, twenty-two times ; and this at a time 
 when a man was in peril of his life from the Indians at his 
 own front door. 
 
 It is important, for more reasons than now appear, that 
 the reader should understand the condition of Nashville and 
 West Tennessee with regard to the hostile Indians at the 
 South. Take one fact : from the year 1780 to 1794, the 
 Indians killed, within five or seven miles of Nashville, one 
 person in about every ten days. The number killed during 
 the year 1787, the year before Jackson's arrival, was thirty- 
 three. From the catalogue of Indian murders in Haywood's 
 History of Tennessee I copy a few items : — 
 
 "June 2d, 1791, the Indians killed John Thompson in his own corn- 
 field within five miles of Nashville. June 14th, they killed John Gibson 
 and wounded McMoon in Gibson's field, eight miles from Nashville. They 
 killed Benjamin Kirdendall in his own house in Sumner county, and plun- 
 dered his house of every thing the Indians could use. In June, 1791, 
 three travelers from Natchez to Nashville were found dead on the trace 
 near the mouth of Duck river; there were eight in company, and only 
 two came in. On the 3d of July, 1791, Thomas Fletcher and two other 
 men were killed on the north side of Cumberland ; their heads were en- 
 tirely skinned. In the same month a man was killed within a hundred 
 and fifty yards of Major Wilson's, on the public road, as he was riding up 
 to his house. On the 12 th, Thomas White was killed in the Cumberland 
 mountains. January 19, 1792, the Indians killed Eobert and William 
 Sevier. March, 1792, the Indians attacked the house of Mr. Thompson 
 within seven miles of Nashville, killed and scalped the old man, his wife, 
 his son and a daughter^ and made prisoners Mrs. Caffrey, her son, a small 
 boy and Miss Thompson. March 5th, 1792, twenty-five Indians attacked 
 Brown's Station, eight miles from Nashville, and killed four boys. On the 
 6th, they burnt Dunham's Station. On the 12th, they killed Mr. Murray 
 on his own plantation, at the mouth of Stone's river (seven miles from 
 Nashville). April 5th, they killed Mrs. Redcliff and three children. On 
 the 8th, they killed Benjamin Williams and party, consisting of eight men, 
 in the heart of the Cumberland settlements. On the 24th of May, 1792, 
 General Robertson and his son Jonathan Robertson were at or near the 
 Robertson Lick, half a mile from his station, where they were fired upon 
 by a party of Indians. The General was wounded in the arm, and thrown 
 by his horse among the Indians. His son was wounded in the hip, but 
 seeing the dangerous situation in which his father was, he dismounted, 
 
140 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1789. 
 
 though so badly wounded, and fired on them as they rushed toward hia 
 father. This checked them for a moment, and gave time to the General 
 to get off, and both got safely into the station. December 29th, John 
 Haggard was killed and scalped six miles from Nashville ; twelve balls 
 were shot into him. His wife had been killed by the Indians in the sum- 
 mer, and he left five small children in poverty and wretchedness." 
 
 And so on for many pages ! 
 
 Felix Grundy, who passed his childhood amid these perils, 
 once alluded to them in the Senate of the United States, when 
 he spoke with touching eloquence. " I was too young/' said 
 he, " to participate in these dangers and difficulties, but I 
 can remember when death was in almost every bush, and 
 every thicket concealed an ambuscade. If I am asked to 
 trace my memory back, and name the first indelible impres- 
 sion it received, it would be the sight of my eldest brother 
 bleeding and dying under the wounds inflicted by the toma- 
 nawk and scalping knife. Another, and another, went in the 
 same way ! I have seen a widowed mother plundered of her 
 whole property in a single night ; from affluence and ease re- 
 duced to poverty in a moment, and compelled to labor with 
 her own hands to support and educate her last and favorite 
 son — him who now addresses you. Sir, the ancient suffer- 
 ings of the West were great. I know it. I need turn to no 
 document to teach me what they were. They are written 
 upon my memory — a part of them upon my heart. Those 
 of us who are here are but the remnant, the wreck, of large 
 families lost in effecting the early settlement of the West. 
 As I look around, I see the monuments of former suffering 
 and woe. Ask my colleague what he remembers ? He will 
 tell you that while his father was in pursuit of one party of 
 Indians, another band came and murdered two of his brothers. 
 Inquire of yonder gentleman from Arkansas what became of 
 his brother-in-law, Oldham ? He will tell you that he went 
 out to battle, but never returned. Ask that representative 
 from Kentucky where is his uncle, the gallant Hardin ? He 
 will answer that he was intrepid enough to carry a flag of 
 truce to the hostile savages ; they would not recognize the 
 
1789.] THE FRONTIER LAWYER. 141 
 
 protection which the flag of peace threw around him, and he 
 was slain. If I turn to my old classmate and friend, now a 
 grave and potent Senator, I am reminded of a mother's cour- 
 age and intrepidity in the son whom she rescued from savage 
 hands, when in the very grasp of death."* 
 
 Many an old man in Tennessee and Kentucky still lin- 
 gers on this side of the grave, who speaks in the same strain, 
 and recounts similar scenes. 
 
 The earliest letter of Jackson's that I have been able to 
 discover, dated February 13th, 1789, the fourth month of his 
 residence at Nashville, relates to the Indian troubles. It was 
 addressed to General Daniel Smith, a leading man in the 
 West then and long afterwards. The letter is that of a man 
 unused to composition, as the reader will observe : — 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON TO GENERAL DANIEL SMITH. 
 
 "Sir: — I had the pleasure of seeing Captain Fargo yesterday, who put 
 me under obligations of seeing you this day, but as the weather seems dull 
 and heavy, it prevents my coming up : but I commit to you in this small 
 piece of paper the business he wants with you : he expresses a great friend- 
 ship for the welfare and harmony of this country : he wishes to become a 
 citizen and trade to this country by which means, and through you I think 
 we can have a lasting peace with the Indians : he wishes you to write to 
 the Governor informing him the desire of a commercial treaty with that 
 country. He will then importune the Governor for a privilege or permit 
 to trade to this country, which he is sure to obtain, as he is related to his 
 Excellency. Then he will show the propriety of having a peace with the 
 Indians for the purpose of the benefit of the trade of this country : and 
 also show the Governor the respect this country honors him with by giv- 
 ing it his name :f he bears the commission of Captain under the King of 
 Spain, which is an honorable title in that country, and can, in my opinion, 
 do a great deal for this ; and hope? you will do him the honor as to see 
 him upon this occasion before he sets out for the Orleans, and I think it 
 the only immediate way to obtain a peace with the Savage. I hope you 
 will consider it well, and give me a few lines upon the occasion by 
 Colonel Donelson, who hands you this, as I have the good of this country 
 
 * Democratic Review, vol. iii., page 162. 
 
 f That pait of Tennessee was called Mero District, after the Spanish gov- 
 ernor, Mero. 
 
 VOL. I. — 10 
 
142 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1789 
 
 at heart, and I hope also if you will do Mr. jFargo the honor as to go and 
 see him upon the occasion, as you go down you will give* me a call, as I 
 I think I could give you some satisfaction on this subject. This, sir, from 
 your very Humble Servant, 
 
 Andrew Jackson .* 
 
 Jackson does not appear to advantage on paper at this 
 period. He was more at home in the wilderness, eluding the 
 Indians' vigilance, or pursuing them to their retreats. He 
 had rare adventures during those long horseback rides from 
 court house to court house — journeys that sometimes kept 
 him camping out in the woods twenty successive nights. 
 The shorter journeys he occasionally performed alone, pro- 
 tected only by the keenness of his eye and ear, passing 
 through regions where he dared not kill a deer or light a fire 
 for fear the flames or the report of his rifle should convey 
 the knowledge of his presence to some hidden savage. The 
 long journeys, from the Cumberland to Jonesboro and Knox- 
 ville, he often made in company with the guard that turned 
 out to conduct parties of emigrants to the western settlements, 
 and sometimes with a smaller party of lawyers and clients. 
 
 One lonely night passed in the woods was very vividly 
 remembered by him. He came, soon after dark, to a creek 
 that had been swollen by the rains into a roaring torrent. 
 The night was as dark as pitch, and the rain fell heavily. 
 To have attempted the ford would have been suicidal, nor 
 did he dare to light a fire, nor even let his horse move about 
 to browse. So he took off the saddle, and, placing it at the 
 foot of a tree, sat upon it, wrapped in his blanket and hold- 
 ing his rifle in one hand and his bridle in the other. All 
 through the night he sat motionless and silent, listening to 
 the noise of the flood and the pattering of the rain drops 
 upon the leaves. When the day dawned, he saddled his 
 horse again, mounted, swam the creek, and continued his 
 journey. 
 
 On his way home from Jonesboro court, with only three 
 
 * MSS. of Historical Society of Tennessee. 
 
1789.] THE FRONTIER LAWYER. 143 
 
 companions, he reached the river Amory one evening at the 
 point where it gushes out of the Cumberland mountains, and 
 saw on the opposite bank the small, smouldering fires of a 
 party of hostile Indians. Jackson, assuming the command, 
 directed his comrades to abandon the road at different points, 
 so as to leave no trace behind, and then led them into the 
 mountains along the banks of the stream. AU night they 
 traveled, guided only by the noise of the waters, and, at 
 dawn of day, came to the edge of the river with the intention 
 of crossing. The March rains had made it a rushing flood ; 
 and the nearness of the enemy rendered the keeping of their 
 powder dry a matter of the utmost importance. So, instead 
 of plunging in, in the usual style of the backwoods, they 
 made a raft, upon which they placed all their effects, except 
 their horses, which were to swim over afterward. Jackson 
 and one of his companions jumped upon the raft and pushed 
 off, leaving two others upon the bank with the horses. Kude 
 oars had been rigged to the sides of the raft, at which the two 
 men tugged away, with their backs toward the head of the 
 stream. The men on the shore perceived that the raft was 
 carried swiftly down the stream, and cried out to Jackson to 
 return. He, not aware of his swift downward progress, did 
 not heed their outcries, but strove with all his might to gain 
 the opposite bank. At length, discovering that the raft was 
 nearing the edge of a fall, he attempted to return. He 
 strained every muscle and nerve in his efforts to bring the 
 soggy and lumbering craft to the shore he had left, along 
 which his two friends were running to keep abreast of him. 
 In vain. The raft was already rushing toward the fall with 
 accelerated and accelerating swiftness, when Jackson tore one 
 of the long oars away from its fastening, and, bracing himself 
 in the hinder part of the raft, held out one end of the oar to 
 the men on shore. Luckily, they caught it, and were able to 
 draw them in to the bank. 
 
 Then his comrade reproached him for not returning when 
 they had first called out. His reply was very characteristic, 
 and explains much in his remarkable career : 
 
144 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1789. 
 
 "A miss is as good as a mile. You see how near I can 
 graze danger. Come on, and I will save you yet."* 
 
 He did so. They resumed their march up the stream, 
 spent a second night supperless in the woods, found a ford 
 the next morning, crossed, continued their journey, and saw 
 the Indians no more. 
 
 Once, as he was about to cross the wilderness, he reached 
 the rendezvous too late, and found that his party had started. 
 It was evening, and he had ridden hard, but there was no 
 hope of catching up, unless he started immediately and trav- 
 eled all night. With a single guide he took the road, and 
 came up to the camp fires just before daylight ; but his friends 
 had already marched. Continuing his journey, he was startled 
 when daylight came, to discover the tracks of Indians in the 
 road, who were evidently following the travelers. Equally 
 evident was it to the practised eyes of these men of the woods, 
 that the Indians outnumbered the whites. They pressed for- 
 ward, and paused not till the tracks showed that the enemy 
 were but a few minutes in advance of them. Then, the guide 
 refusing to proceed, Jackson divided the stock of provisions 
 equally with him, saw him take his way homeward, and kept 
 on himself toward the Indians, resolved, at all hazards, to 
 save or succor his friends. At length he came to a place 
 where the Indians had left the path, and taken to the woods, 
 with the design, as Jackson thought, of getting ahead of the 
 white party, and lying in ambush for them. He pushed on 
 with all speed, and reached his friends before dark, just after 
 they had crossed a deep, half-frozen river, and were drying 
 their clothes by their camp fires. He told his news. The 
 march was instantly resumed. All that night and the next 
 day they kept on their way, not daring to rest or halt, and 
 reached toward evening the cabins of a company of hunters 
 of whom they asked shelter for the night. The boon was 
 churlishly refused, and they marched on in the teeth of £ 
 driving storm of wind and snow. They ventured to encamj 
 
 * Kendall's Life of Jackson, p. 86. 
 
1789.] THE FRONTIER LAWYER. 145 
 
 at length. Jackson, who had not closed his eyes for sixty 
 hours, wrapped himself in his blanket, and slept soundly till 
 daylight, when he awoke to find himself buried in snow to 
 the depth of six inches. The party of Indians, meanwhile, 
 had pursued unrelentingly, until reaching the huts of the in- 
 hospitable hunters, they murdered every man of them, and, 
 satisfied with this exploit, left the travelers to complete their 
 journey unmolested. 
 
 We have seen above that no less a person than General 
 Kobertson, the wise and heroic founder of the Cumberland 
 settlements, was attacked and wounded, in his own fields, by 
 the Indians. Jackson was one of the party who pursued the 
 savages on that occasion into their fastnesses. With four- 
 teen companions, he went ten miles into a trackless cane- 
 brake, fell upon the Indian camp at break of day, put them 
 to flight without the loss of a man, and captured their 
 weapons. 
 
 This it was to be a pioneer lawyer in Tennessee. 
 
 Two years passed after Jackson's arrival at Nashville be- 
 fore any thing of great importance occurred to him. He 
 performed his journeys, attended his courts, gained and lost 
 his causes, grew in the esteem of his fellow-citizens, and 
 struck down various and vigorous roots into his adopted soiL 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 MARRIAGE OF THE SOLICITOR. 
 
 In Virginia, in the olden time, if a man, convinced of his 
 wife's infidelity, desired to be divorced from her, he was 
 obliged to procure an act of the legislature authorizing an 
 investigation of the charge before a jury, and pronouncing 
 the marriage bond dissolved, provided that jury found her 
 guilty. 
 
146 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1791 
 
 In the winter of 1790-1, Lewis Kobards, of Kentucky 
 (originally part of Virginia), the husband of the beautiful 
 and vivacious Kachel Donelson, appeared before the Legisla- 
 ture of Virginia with a declaration, to the effect that his 
 wife Kachel had deserted him, and had lived, and was living, 
 in adultery with another man, to wit, Andrew Jackson, 
 attorney-at-law. Whereupon, the Legislature of Virginia 
 passed an act, entitled, " An Act concerning the marriage of 
 Lewis Kobards," of which the following is a copy : — 
 
 " Sect. 1. — Be it enacted by the General Assembly, That it shall and 
 may be lawful for Lewis Robards to sue out of the office of the Supreme 
 Court of the district of Kentucky, a writ against Rachel Robards, which 
 writ shall be framed by the clerk, and express the nature of the case, and 
 shall be published for eight weeks successively, in the Kentucky Gazette ; 
 whereupon the plaintiff may file his declaration in the same cause, and the 
 defendant may appear and plead to issue, in which case, or if she does not 
 appear within two months after such publication, it shall be set for trial by 
 the clerk on some day in the succeeding court, but may, for good cause 
 shown to the court, be continued until the succeeding term. 
 
 " Sect. 2. — Commissions to take depositions, and subpoenas to summon 
 witnesses, shall issue as in other cases. 
 
 " Sect. 3. — Notice of taking depositions, published in the Kentucky 
 Gazette, shall be sufficient. 
 
 " Sect. 4. — A jury shall be summoned, who shall be sworn well and 
 truly to inquire into the allegations contained in the declaration, or to try 
 the issue joined, as the case may be, and shall find a verdict according to 
 the usual mode ; and if the jury, in case of issue joined, shall find for the 
 plaintiff, or in case of inquiry into the truth of the allegations contained in 
 the declaration, shall find in substance, that the defendant hath deserted 
 the plaintiff, and that she hath lived in adultery with another man since 
 such desertion, the said verdict shall be recorded, and, Thereupon, the mar- 
 riage between the said Lewis Robards and Rachel shall be totally dissolved."* 
 
 Having obtained this act, Kobards let the matter rest for 
 two years. The following transcript from the records of 
 Mercer county, Kentucky, shows the final result of his pro- 
 ceedings : "At a court of Quarter Sessions, held for Mercer 
 county, at the court house in Harrodsburgh, on the 27th 
 day of September, 1793, this day came the plaintiff by his 
 
 * Henning's Statues at large, vol. 12, p. 22 1. 
 
1791.J MARRIAGE OF THE SOLICITOR. 147 
 
 attorney, and thereupon came also a jury, to wit : James 
 Bradsbery, Thomas Smith, Gabriel Slaughter, John Light- 
 foot, Samuel Work, Harrison Davis, John Kay, Obediah 
 Wright, John Miles, John Means, Joseph Thomas, and Ben- 
 jamin Sanless, who being elected, tried, and sworn, well and 
 truly to inquire into the allegation in the plaintiff's declara- 
 tion, specified upon oath, do say, that the defendant, Kachel 
 Robards, hath deserted the plaintiff, Lewis Robards, and 
 hath, and doth, still live in adultery with another man. It 
 is therefore considered by the court that the marriage be- 
 tween the plaintiff and the defendant be dissolved." 
 
 These are the naked facts of the case — the lying facts of 
 the case. The most chaste of women, and one of the few 
 irreproachable public men of his day, are recorded adulterers ; 
 and what is most remarkable, the record is correct. Rachel 
 Robards did run away from her husband, and did live with 
 Andrew Jackson for the space of two years before she was 
 divorced. The explanation of this mystery can be best given 
 in the words of the late Judge John Overton, of Tennessee, 
 who saw the rise and progress of the intimacy between Jack- 
 son and Mrs. Robards, and was personally cognizant of the 
 events which grew out of it. His statement is undoubtedly 
 correct in all the important particulars. If in any respect it 
 falls short of the truth, it is in describing the intercourse be- 
 tween Jackson and Robards. Jackson was no great philoso- 
 pher. It is extremely likely that his conversations with the 
 jealous husband were not characterized by that moderation 
 of statement and demeanor which might be inferred from a 
 hasty reading of Judge Overton's narrative. In fairness it 
 should be mentioned, that Overton's statement was prepared 
 and published in 1827, when Jackson was a candidate for the 
 presidency. In fairness, too, it should be added that a gentle- 
 man* of high consideration in Tennessee spent months in inves- 
 tigating this single affair, and accumulated a mass of evidence 
 in support of this version of it, which demonstrates its truth, 
 
 * Major "William B. Lewis, of Nashville. 
 
148 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1791 
 
 JUDGE OVERTON S NARRATIVE. 
 
 " In the fall of 1787, 1 became a boarder in the family of Mrs. Robards, 
 the mother of Lewis Robards, in Mercer county, Kentucky. Captain 
 Robards and his wife then lived with old Mrs. Robards. 
 
 " I had not lived there many weeks before I understood that Captain 
 Robards and his wife lived very unhappily, on account of his being jealous 
 of Mr. Short. My brother, who was a boarder, informed me that great 
 uneasiness had existed in the family for some time before my arrival. 
 As he had the confidence and good will of all parties, a portion of his con- 
 fidence fell to my share, particularly the old lady's, than whom, perhaps, a 
 more amiable woman never lived. The uneasiness between Captain Rob- 
 ards and lady continued to increase, and with it great distress of the 
 mother, and considerably with the family generally ; until early in the year 
 1788, as well as now recollected, I understood from the old lady, and per- 
 haps others of the family, that her son Lewis had written to Mrs. Robards' 
 mother, the widow Donelson, requesting that she would take her home, as 
 he did not intend to live with her any longer. Certain it is, that Mrs. 
 Robards' brother, Samuel Donelson, came up to carry her down to her 
 mother's, and my impression is, in the fall or summer of 1788. I was pres- 
 ent when Mr. Samuel Donelson arrived at Mrs. Robards', and when he 
 started away with his sister ; and my clear and distinct recollection is, that 
 it was said to be a final separation at the instance of Captain Robards ; for 
 I well recollect the distress of old Mrs. Robards, on account of her daughter- 
 in-law Rachel going away, and on account of the separation that was 
 about to take place, together with the circumstance of the old lady's em 
 bracing her affectionately. In unreserved conversations with me, the old 
 lady always blamed her son Lewis, and took the part of her daughter- 
 in-law. 
 
 " During my residence in Mrs. Robards' family, I do not recollect to 
 have heard any of the family censure young Mrs. Robards, on account of 
 the difference between her husband and herself; if they thought otherwise, 
 it was unknown to me ; but recollect frequently to have heard the old lady 
 and Captain Jouett, who married the eldest daughter of the family, at 
 that time, express the most favorable sentiments of her. 
 
 "Having finished my studies in the winter of '88-9, it was deter- 
 mined to fix my residence in the country now called West Tennessee. 
 Previously to my departure from Mrs. Robards', the old lady earnestly 
 entreated me to use my exertions to get her son Lewis and daughter-in- 
 law Rachel to live happily together. 
 
 " Their separation for a considerable time had occasioned hex great un- 
 easiness, as she appeared to be much attached to her daughter-in-law, and 
 ghe to her Captain Lewis Robards appeared to be unhappy, and the old lady 
 
1791.] MARRIAGE OF THE SOLICITOR. 149 
 
 told me He regretted what; had taken place, and wished to be reconciled to his 
 wife. Before I would agree to concern myself in the matter, I determined 
 to ascertain Captain Robards' disposition from himself, and took occasion 
 to converse with him on the subject, when he assured me of his regret 
 respecting what had passed ; that he was convinced his suspicions were 
 unfounded; that he wished to live with his wife, and requested that I 
 would use my exertions to restore harmony. 
 
 il I told him I would undertake it, provided he would throw aside all 
 nonsensical notions about jealousy, for which I was convinced there was 
 no ground, and treat his wife kindly as other men. He assured me it 
 should be so ; and it is my impression now, that I received a message from 
 old Mrs. Eobards to Mrs. Lewis Eobards, which I delivered to her on my 
 arrival at her mother's, where I found her some time in the month of 
 February or March, 1789. The situation of the country induced me to 
 solicit Mrs. Donelson to board me, good accommodations and boarding being 
 rarely to be met with, to which she readily assented. 
 
 " Mr. A. Jackson had studied the law at Salisbury, N. C, as I under- 
 stood, and had arrived in this country in company with Judge McNairy, Ben- 
 net, Searcy, and perhaps David Allison, all lawyers seeking their fortunes, 
 more than a month or two before my arrival. Whether Mr. Jackson was 
 at Mrs. Donelson's when I first got there in March, 1789, 1 can not say ; if 
 he was, it must have been but a little time. My impression now is that 
 he was not living there, and having just arrived, I introduced him into the 
 family as a boarder, after becoming acquainted with him. So it was we 
 commenced boarding there about the same time; Jackson and myself, 
 our friends and clients, occupying one cabin, and the family another, a few 
 steps from it. 
 
 " Soon after my arrival, I had frequent conversations with Mrs. Lewis 
 Robards, on the subject of living happily with her husband. She, with 
 much sensibility, assured me that no effort to do so should be wanting on 
 her part; and I communicated the result to Captain Robards and his 
 mother, from both of whom I received congratulations and thanks. 
 
 u Captain Robards had previously purchased a preemption in this coun- 
 try on the south side of Cumberland river, in Davidson county, about five 
 miles from where Mrs. Donelson then lived. In the arrangement for a 
 reunion between Captain Robards and his wife, I understood it was agreed 
 that Captain Robards was to live in this country instead of Kentucky ; 
 that until it was safe to go on his own land, which was yearly expected, 
 he and his wife were to live at Mrs. Donelson's. Captain Robards became 
 reunited to his wife some time in the year 1788 or 1789. Both Mr. Jack- 
 son and myself boarded in the family of Mrs. Donelson — lived in the cabin 
 room, and slept in the same bed. As young men of the same pursuits 
 »nd profession, with but few others in the country with whom to associate. 
 
150 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1791. 
 
 besides sharing, as we frequently did, common dangers, such an intimacy 
 ensued as might reasonably be expected. 
 
 " Not many months elapsed before Eobards became jealous of Jackson, 
 which, I felt confident, was without the least ground. Some of his irrita- 
 ting conversations on this subject, with his wife, I heard amidst the tears 
 of herself and her mother, who were greatly distressed. I urged to Ro- 
 bards the unmanliness of his conduct, after the pains I had taken to produce 
 harmony, as a mutual friend of both families, and my honest conviction that 
 his suspicions were groundless. These remonstrances seemed not to have 
 the desired effect. As much commotion and unhappiness prevailed in the 
 family as in that of Mrs. Robards in Kentucky. At length I communicated 
 to Jackson the unpleasant situation of living in a family where there was 
 so much disturbance, and concluded by telling him that we would endeavor 
 to get some other place. To this he readily assented ; but where to go 
 we did not know. Being conscious of his innocence, he said he would 
 talk to Robards. 
 
 " What passed between Captain Robards and Jackson, I do not know, 
 as I was absent somewhere, not now recollected, when the conversation 
 and results took place, but returned soon afterward. The whole affair was 
 related to me by Mrs. Donelson, the mother of Mrs. Robards, and, as well 
 as I recollect, by Jackson himself. The substance of their account was, 
 that Mr. Jackson met Captain Robards near the orchard fence, and began 
 mildly to remonstrate with him respecting the injustice he had done his 
 wife, as well as himself. In a little time Robards became violently angry 
 and abusive, and threatened to whip Jackson; made a show of doing so, 
 etc. Jackson told him he had not bodily strength to fight him, nor would 
 he do so, feeling conscious of his innocence, and retired to his cabin, telling 
 him at the same time that, if he insisted on fighting, he would give him 
 gentlemanly satisfaction, or words to that effect. Upon Jackson's return 
 out of the house, Captain Robards said he did not care for him nor his 
 wife — abusing them both; that he was determined not to live with Mrs 
 Robards. Jackson retired from the family, and went to live at Mansker's 
 station. Captain Robards remained several months with his wife, and 
 then went to Kentucky in company with Mr. Thomas Cruthers and prob- 
 ably some other persons. 
 
 " Soon after this affair Mrs. Robards went to five at Colonel Hay's, 
 who married her sister. After a short absence I returned to live at Mrs, 
 Donelson's, at her earnest entreaty — every family then desiring the associ- 
 ation of male friends as a protection against the Indians. This took place 
 to the best of my recollection, in the spring of 1790. 
 
 " Some time in the fall following there was a report afloat that Captain 
 Robards intended to come down and take his wife to Kentucky. Whence 
 the report originated I do not now recollect, but it created great uneasiness 
 
1791.] MARRIAGE OF THE SOLICITOR. 151 
 
 Doth with Mrs. Donelson and her daughter, Mrs. Kobards — the latter of 
 whom was much distressed, as she was convinced, after two fair trials, 
 as she said, that it would be impossible to live with Captain Robards ; and 
 of this opinion was I, with all those I conversed with who were acquainted 
 with the circumstances. Some time afterward, during the winter of 1791, 
 Mrs. Donelson told me of her daughter's intention to go down the river to 
 Natchez, to some of their friends, in order to keep out of the way of Cap- 
 tain Robards, as she said he had threatened to " haunt her." Knowing, 
 as I did, Captain Robards' unhappy jealous disposition, and his temper 
 growing out of it, I thought she was right to keep out of the way, though 
 I do not believe that I so expressed myself to the old lady or to any other 
 person. 
 
 " The whole affair gave Jackson great uneasiness, and this will not ap- 
 pear strange to one as well acquainted with his character as I was. Con- 
 tinually together during our attendance on wilderness courts, whilst other 
 young men were indulging in familiarities with females of relaxed morals, 
 no suspicion of this kind of the world's censure ever fell to Jackson's share. 
 In this — in his singularly-delicate sense of honor, and in what I thought 
 his chivalrous conceptions of the female sex, it occurred to me that he 
 was distinguishable from every other person with whom I was acquainted. 
 
 " About the time of Mrs. Donelson's communication to me respecting 
 her daughter's intention of going to Natchez, I perceived in Jackson symp- 
 toms of more than usual concern. I determined to ascertain the cause, 
 when he frankly told me that he was the most unhappy of men, in having 
 innocently and unintentionally been the cause of the loss of peace and 
 happiness of Mrs. Robards, whom he believed to be a fine woman. In 
 this I concurred with him, but remonstrated on the propriety of his not 
 giving himself any uneasiness about it. It was not long after this before he 
 communicated to me his intention of going to Natchez with Colonel Stark 
 with whom Mrs. Robards was to descend the river, saying that she had 
 no friend or relation that would go with her or assist in preventing Stark 
 and his family and Mrs. Robards from being massacred by the Indians, 
 then in a state of war and exceedingly troublesome. Accordingly, Jack- 
 son, in company with Mrs. Robards and Colonel Stark, a venerable and 
 highly-esteemed old man, and friend of Mrs. Robards, went down the 
 river from Nashville to Natchez, some time in the winter or spring of 
 1791. It was not, however, without the urgent entreaties of Colonel Stark, 
 who wanted protection from the Indians, that Jackson consented to accom- 
 pany them ; of which I had heard before Jackson's conversation with me 
 already alluded to. 
 
 " Previously to Jackson's starting, he committed all his law-business to 
 me, at the same time assuring me, that as soon as he should see Colonel Stark 
 »nd family and Mrs. Robards situated with their friends in the neighbor- 
 
152 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1791, 
 
 hood of Natchez, he would return and resume his practice. He descended 
 the river, returned from Natchez to Nashville, and was at the Superior 
 Court in the latter place in May, 1791, attending to his business as a 
 lawyer and solicitor general for the government. About, or shortly after 
 this time, we were informed that a divorce had been granted by the Legis- 
 lature of Virginia, through the influence, principally, of Captain Robards 
 brother-in-law, Major John Jouett, who was probably in the Legislature 
 at that time. 
 
 " This application had been anticipated by me. The divorce was un 
 derstood by the people of this country to have been granted by the Legis 
 lature of Virginia in the winter of 1790-1791. I was in Kentucky in 
 the summer of 1791, remained at old Mrs. Robards', my former place of 
 residence part of my time, and never understood otherwise than that 
 Captain Robards' divorce was final, until the latter part of the year 1793 
 In the summer of 1791, General Jackson went to Natchez, and, I under • 
 stood, married Mrs. Robards, then believed to be freed from Captair. 
 Robards by the divorce in the fall of 1791. They returned to Nashville, 
 settled in the neighborhood of it, where they have lived ever since, be- 
 loved and esteemed by all classes. 
 
 "About the month of December, 1793, after General Jackson and 
 myself had started to Jonesborough, in East Tennessee, where we prac- 
 ticed law, I learned for the first time that Captain Robards had applied 
 to Mercer Court, in Kentucky, for a divorce, which had then recently 
 been granted, and that the Legislature had not absolutely granted a divorce, 
 but left it for the court to do. I need not express my surprise, on learn- 
 ing that the act of the Virginia Legislature had not divorced Captain 
 Robards. I informed General Jackson of it, who was equally surprised ; 
 and during our conversation, I suggested the propriety of his procuring a 
 license on his return home, and having the marriage ceremony again per 
 formed, so as to prevent all future caviling on the subject. 
 
 " To this suggestion, he replied, that he had long since been married, 
 on the belief that a divorce had been obtained, which was the understand- 
 ing of every person in the country ; nor was it without difficulty he could 
 be induced to believe otherwise. 
 
 " On our return home from Jonesboro, in January, 1794, to Nashville, 
 a license was obtained, and the marriage ceremony performed. 
 
 " The slowness and inaccuracy with which information was received in 
 West Tennessee at that time will not be surprising, when we consider its 
 insulated and dangerous situation, surrounded on every side bv the wilder- 
 ness, and by hostile Indians, and that there was no mail established till 
 about 1797, as well as I recollect. 
 
 "Since the year 1791, General Jackson and myself have never been 
 much apart, except when he was in the army. I have been intimate in 
 
1791.] MARRIAGE OF THE SOLICITOR. 15f> 
 
 his family, and from the mutual and uninterrupted happiness of the Gen- 
 eral and Mrs. Jackson, which I have at all times witnessed with pleasure. 
 as well as those delicate and polite attentions which have ever been recip- 
 rocated between them, I have been long confirmed in the opinion, that 
 there never existed any other than what was believed to be the most hon- 
 orable and virtuous intercourse between them. Before their going to 
 Natchez, I had daily opportunities of being convinced that there was none 
 other ; before being married in the Natchez country, after it was under- 
 stood that a divorce had been granted by the Legislature of Virginia, it is 
 believed there was none." 
 
 To this narrative, so simple, yet so full, there is little to 
 add at this place. It was at Bayou Pierre, near Natchez, 
 that the couple lived awhile after their marriage. The skel- 
 eton of the log-house, on the banks of the Mississippi, in 
 which they passed their honeymoon, was standing a few 
 years ago, and may be still, if that most inconstant Missis- 
 sippi has not carried it away to the Gulf of Mexico. The 
 house in which they were married a second time, near Nash- 
 ville, is also standing, and is known to the old inhabitants of 
 the vicinity. 
 
 It was a happy marriage — a very happy marriage — one 
 of the very happiest ever contracted. They loved one an- 
 other dearly. They held each other in the highest respect. 
 They testified the love and respect they entertained for one 
 another by those polite attentions which lovers can not but 
 exchange before marriage and after marriage. Their love 
 grew as their years increased, and became warmer as their 
 blood became colder. No one ever heard either address to 
 t.q^ other a disrespectful, an irritating, or unsympathizing 
 worn. They were not as familiar as is now the fashion. He 
 i<oiiiu,med " Mr. Jackson" to her always ; never " General ;" 
 still less " Andrew." And he never called her " Kachel," bu. 
 " Mrs. Jackson." or " wife." The reader shall become better 
 acquainted witn ineir domestic life by and by. Meanwhile, 
 let it be understood, that our hero has now a Home, where 
 lives a Friend, true and fond, to welcome his return from 
 " wilderness courts ;" to cheer his stay ; to lament his depart- 
 ure, yet give him a motive for going forth ; a Home wherein 
 
154 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1791 
 
 — whatever manner of man he might be elsewhere — he was 
 always gentle, kind, and patient ! 
 
 He was most prompt to defend his wife's good name. 
 The peculiar circumstances attending his marriage made him 
 touchy on this point. His temper, with regard to other causes 
 of offense, was tinder ; with respect to this, it was gunpowder. 
 His worst quarrels arose from this cause, or were greatly ag- 
 gravated by it. He became sore on the subject ; so that, at 
 last, I think he could scarcely hate any one very heartily 
 without fancying that the obnoxious person had said some- 
 thing, or caused something to be said, which reflected on the 
 character of Mrs. Jackson. For the man who dared breathe 
 her name except in honor, he kept pistols in perfect condition 
 for thirty-seven years. 
 
 The social standing of Jackson at Nashville was not, in 
 the slightest degree, affected unfavorably by his marriage. 
 One proof of it is this : in October of Hhis very year he was 
 elected one of the trustees of the Davidson Academy, a body 
 composed of the first men and clergymen of the place. The 
 original record of his election is still legible in the following 
 terms : — 
 
 " 1791. October 8th. — Board met at Spring Hill. Adjourned to 
 meet at Mr. Clarke's, in Nashville, at 10 o'clock, Monday, 10th inst. 
 
 " Met accordingly. 
 
 " Ordered, that Mr. Andrew Jackson be appointed a Trustee in, the 
 room of Colonel William Polk, removed."* 
 
 He continued to serve on this board until the year lbuf>, 
 attending the meetings with uncommon regularity, and rac- 
 ing a leading part in the external affairs of the institution : 
 which finally became the Nashville University. 
 
 * Putnam's History of Middle Tenoesse* 
 
1794.] A FIGHTING DISTRICT ATTORNEY. 155 
 
 CHA PTEU XIV. 
 
 A FIGHTING DISTRICT ATTORNEY. 
 
 The prosperity of Western Tennessee dates from Septem- 
 ber, 1794, when General Robertson, provoked beyond endur- 
 ance by the frequency and audacity of the Indian outrages, 
 sent an expedition into the Cherokee country, and dealt such 
 a blow at the tribe as induced it to leave the Cumberland 
 settlements in peace ever after. This was the Nickajack 
 expedition — justly famous in the annals of Tennessee — a 
 gallant and romantic affair. The Indians would have been 
 pursued into their own country long before but for the 
 respect in which the authority of the federal government 
 was held. President Washington, always a friend of peace, 
 and very compassionate toward a race which he knew was a 
 thousand times more sinned against than sinning, was slow 
 to authorize retaliatory measures against the Indians. But, 
 during this autumn, opportunity carried the day against 
 patriotic forbearance. A young man, who had spent some 
 years of his boyhood as a prisoner among the Cherokees, 
 offered to pilot an army over the mountains into their hith- 
 erto inaccessible retreats. This turned the scale. General 
 Robertson resolved to wait no longer for the consent of a 
 government two months' journey distant, but struck the 
 blow, and struck it effectually. Thus the prediction of a 
 sagacious old Cherokee squaw was fulfilled. When the 
 Indians were hesitating whether to kill or spare the boy- 
 prisoner, the old woman said, " If you do not kill him, he 
 will soon be grown, and will then get away and guide an 
 army here, and we shall all be killed." Her advice was not 
 heeded, and the Nickajack' expedition was the consequence.* 
 
 It was long supposed, and is so set down in many books, 
 
 * Ramsey's Tennessee, page 611. 
 
156 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1794 
 
 that Jackson accompanied this expedition as a private soldier. 
 Recent investigation, however, renders it certain that he took 
 no part in it.* It is also against probability that a man of 
 so much importance as he then was in the territory, should 
 have been willing, or even permitted, to serve in the capacity 
 of a private. He had, moreover, a considerable reputation as 
 an Indian fighter and wilderness traveler. Indeed; there is 
 reason to believe that he already held a commission in the 
 militia service ; for, in a letter of Governer Blount's to Gen- 
 eral Robertson, dated as far back as 1792, we read this sen- 
 tence : " Can't you contrive for Hay to resign, and I will 
 promote Donelson and appoint Jackson second major."f 
 There is no doubt that he favored the expedition. It is 
 probable that one ground of his dissatisfaction with the 
 administration of General Washington was its reluctance to 
 engage in war with the western Indians. 
 
 His absence from the expedition is easily accounted for. 
 Besides being in the full tide of a most extensive and laborious 
 practice, he held an important office under the very adminis- 
 tration which forbade such expeditions. It was his official 
 duty to suppress the expedition — not join it. When Tennes- 
 see became a territory of the United States, the circuit solici- 
 tor, naturally enough, became the district attorney. Hence, 
 doubtless, the absence on such an occasion of the most war- 
 like personage in the western country. 
 
 It was just after the Nickajack expedition that emigrants 
 began to pour into the valley of the Cumberland in a cease- 
 less torrent. In a little moldy old book, published at Phila- 
 delphia in 1796, for the evident purpose of attracting emigrants 
 to Western Tennessee, we read that " on the last summer 
 
 * " There is abundant evidence in the Tennessee Historical Society to justify 
 cne assertion that General Jackson was not in that expedition. The testimony 
 of the late Captain John Davis, Colonels William Pillow and Brown, Charles and 
 Beale Bosley, yet living, is concurrent and unquestionable, and wholly in oppo- 
 sition to the statement in the Annals."— Putnam's History of Middle Tennessee, 
 page 478. 
 
 f Putnam's History of Middle Tennessee, page 398. 
 
1794.] A FIGHTING DISTRICT ATTORNEY. 157 
 
 a good wagon road was cut across Cumberland mountain, 
 and it was passed by thirty or forty wagons in the fall. 
 The late friendly conduct of the Cherokee Indians, in conse- 
 quence of a long Talk with Governor Blount, and the amic- 
 able disposition of the Spanish government, has greatly altered 
 the condition of settlers on Cumberland river, and made them 
 perfectly happy. Several thousands crossed the Cumberland 
 mountain in September, October and November last, in de- 
 tached families, without a guard and without danger. The 
 Indians treated them with kindness, visited their camp at 
 night, and supplied them plentifully with venison." 
 
 No mention of the Nickajack expedition. By no means. 
 Our Indians, you perceive, Messrs. Emigrants, are swayed by 
 the friendly talk of a governor, and lie in ambush only to 
 surprise the passing trains with presents of venison ! ! 
 
 As the country prospered, its district attorney could not 
 but prosper with it. He was a prospering man by nature. 
 The land records of 1794, 1795, 1796 and 1797, show that it 
 was during those years that Jackson laid the foundation of 
 the large estate which he subsequently acquired. Those were 
 the days in which a lawyer's fee for conducting a suit of no 
 great importance might be a square mile of land, or, in western 
 phrase, " a six-forty." The circulating medium of Europe, 
 says some witty writer, is gold ; of Africa, men ; of Asia, 
 women ; of America, land.* Jackson appears frequently 
 
 * Colonel A. W. Putnam, in his History of Middle Tennessee, says, in writ- 
 ing of this period: "The amount of silver and gold was very small. Horses 
 and cows, axes and cow-bells, constituted the ready ' circulating medium.' To 
 this indispensable yet variable currency was added the ' military warrants' for 
 land, and, as small change, the Guard certificates. Peltries and Buffalo hides 
 served very well to supply the demand for 'foreign exchange,' or rather eastern 
 and southern purchases. Small supplies of salt, sugar and coffee, came from 
 Orleans ; usually by the way of Illinois I and Kentucky 1 The necessity of axes 
 and cow-bells, and the high value set upon them by the pioneer settlers, may be 
 understood, when we reflect that the cattle were ' turned into the brakes to 
 browse;' and 'must be belled that they might be found ;' and ' axes were indis- 
 pensable in clearing lands, felling trees, making fences and building houses.' 
 
 " Persons now living (1858) remember to have heard, in trade, the expressions, 
 'two-twenty' and 'six- forty,' 'I will give or take a 640.' These amounts indi 
 VOL. I. — 11 
 
158 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1794. 
 
 in the records of the years named as the purchaser and as- 
 signee of sections of land. He bought six hundred and fifty 
 acres of the fine tract which afterwards formed the Hermit- 
 age farm for eight hundred dollars — a high price for that 
 day. By the time that Tennessee entered the Union in 1796, 
 Jackson was a very extensive land-owner, and a man of fair 
 estate for a frontier's man. One proof of his wealth is, that, 
 in 1797, he sold more than six thousand dollars worth of land 
 to a gentleman in Philadelphia, and had several thousand 
 acres left. The secret of his prosperity was, that he acquired 
 large tracts when large tracts could be bought for a horse or a 
 cow-bell, and held them till the torrent of emigration made 
 them valuable. 
 
 The second letter of Jackson's (in the order of dates) 
 which I have found, relates to the division of a piece of land. 
 It was addressed, like the one previously quoted, to his brother- 
 in-law, General Daniel Smith, and is dated Poplar Grove, 
 October 29th, 1795. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON TO GENERAL DANIEL SMITH. 
 
 " Sir : Captain John Hays and myself wish to have our land divided ; 
 for which purpose, to-morrow is appointed, wish to get the favor of you to 
 do the business, as we wish it done accurate ; therefore hope you will do 
 us the favor to come to my house this evening, so that we may take an 
 early start to-morrow. Will thank you to bring with you your compass 
 and chain. If you can not come, will thank you to favor me with the loan 
 of your compass and chain by the bearer. I am, sir, with the highest 
 esteem, your most obedient servant, Andw. Jackson."* 
 
 The office of public prosecutor held by Jackson during 
 
 cated so many acres of land. There is a 640 very near the city of Nashville, on 
 the Lebanon Pike, which was once sold for ' three axes and two cow-bells,' as we 
 have been credibly informed. ' A faithful rifle and a clear toned bell' were traded 
 for another tract. Each of these pieces of land is now worth many thousands 
 ol dollars. One of the most valuable farms in Maury was lost and won at a 
 game to us unknown, and is to this day called by the name ' Rattle and Snap. 1 " 
 
 * To this tattered and yellow note was pinned a piece of paper in another 
 hand, conuinina" the following : 
 
 " Friday. Oct. 30 ) Mr. Jackson's and John Hays' land Beg's 
 
 Chas. Mitchell and Jno. Bokey. ) at a Sugar tree and Small hackberry on S 
 
1795.] A FIGHTING DISTRICT ATTORNTY. 159 
 
 the first seven or eight years of his residence in Tennessee, 
 was one that a man of only ordinary nerve and courage could 
 not have filled. It set in array against him all the scoundrels 
 in the territory. Those were the times when a notorious 
 Criminal would defy the officers of justice, and keep them at 
 bay for years at a time ; when a district attorney who made 
 himself too officious was liable to a shot in the back as he 
 rode to court ; when two men, not satisfied with the court's 
 award, would come out of the court house into the public 
 square and fight it out in the presence of the whole popula- 
 tion, judge and jury, perhaps, looking on ; when the public 
 prosecutor was apt to be regarded as the man whose office it 
 was to spoil good sport, and interfere between gentlemen. 
 Jackson had his share of " personal difficulties," as rough- 
 and-tumble fights are politely termed in that country to this 
 day. One of these, which occurred when he was young in 
 his office, I can relate in very nearly his own words. He told 
 the story, one day, in the White House, to a very intimate 
 friend, who expected to be assailed in the streets for his ar- 
 dent support of the administration. 
 
 " Now, Mr. B.," said the General, " if any one attacks 
 you, I know how you'll fight with that big black stick of 
 yours. You'll aim right for his head. Well, sir, ten chances 
 to one he'll ward it off ; and if you do hit him, you won't 
 bring him down. No, sir," (taking the stick into his own 
 hands,) "you hold the stick so, and punch him in the stomach, 
 and you'll drop him. I'll tell you how I found that out. 
 When I was a young man practicing law in Tennessee, there 
 was a big bullying fellow that wanted to pick a quarrel with 
 
 bank of Cumberland, opposite Jone's Island, E 256 po-S 76 E 22 po to the aft 
 co* opposite the mouth of McNeil's Spring branch, E at 140 left McNeil's Spring 
 branch, which we had crossed several times — at 183 po crossed Bowen's line at 
 220 po the cor aft bore from us N 8 po. 1. 
 
 " Saturday, 31st Oct. — From McNeil's Spring-E 40 to a point in Bowen's line 
 in a dry branch. N 110 po along Bowen's line to a Dogwood in Roberts North 
 Boundary — along it E 32 po to the aft supposed to be the Beg's — S 2° E 262 po 
 to a point in Hugh Hay's line W. 204 po to a wt Hickory Box alder and elm 
 SapHn — North 258 po to a red O on the bluff 19 po above the aft." 
 
160 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1795 
 
 me, and so trod on my toes. Supposing it accidental, I said 
 nothing. Soon after, he did it again, and I began to suspect 
 his object. In a few minutes he came by a third time, push- 
 ing against me violently, and evidently meaning fight. He 
 was a man of immense size, one of the very biggest men I 
 ever saw. As quick as a flash, I snatched a small rail from 
 the top of the fence, and gave him the point of it full in 
 his stomach. Sir, it doubled him up. He fell at my feet, 
 and I stamped on him. Soon he got up savage, and was 
 about to fly at me like a tiger. The bystanders made as 
 though they would interfere. Says I, 'Gentlemen, stand 
 back, give me room, that's all I ask, and Til manage him/ 
 With that I stood ready with the rail pointed. He gave me 
 one look, and turned away, a whipped man, sir, and feeling 
 like one. So, sir, I say to you, if any villain assaults you, 
 give him the pint in his belly." 
 
 The effect of such a victory in giving a man influence and 
 status in a frontier country can be imagined. 
 
 Another stick story is current in Tennessee. The ferry 
 across the Cumberland having been leased for the sum of one 
 hundred dollars per annum, General Daniel Smith remarked, 
 at a meeting of the trustees of the Academy : 
 
 " Why, that is enough to pay the ferriage of all the trus- 
 tees over the river Styx." 
 
 " Sticks ?" replied Jackson. " I want but one stick to 
 make my way." 
 
 0, those were wild times ! Jackson had not been long at 
 the bar before he fought a duel. His antagonist was that 
 Colonel Waightstill Avery, of Morganton, North Carolina, 
 to whom he had once applied for instruction in the law, and 
 with whom he afterwards practiced at the Jonesboro court. 
 The present Colonel Isaac T. Avery, of Morganton, is a son of 
 that gentleman. Upon applying to him for information, I was 
 gratified to receive, not only an account of the duel, but also 
 many other anecdotes and reminiscences of great interest, 
 throwing light upon our subject, where it needed light most. 
 Some of Colonel Avery's stories relate to a later day than 
 
1795.] A FIGHTING DISTRICT ATTORNEY. 161 
 
 that which we are now investigating, but as it seems a pity 
 to break into fragments so interesting a communication, I 
 transcribe his letter entire at this place. One or two of the 
 on dits mentioned are not quite correct, but we have a certain 
 interest in knowing what was said and believed of the man 
 at that early day. 
 
 " My first knowledge of General Jackson," says Colonel 
 Avery, "is traditionary. He came to Morganton, with a 
 view to stuiy law with my father, prompted by the fact that 
 my father had at that time the best law library in western 
 North Carolina. The country was new. My father's im- 
 provements were of the log-cabin order, and want of house- 
 room rendered it inconvenient to receive the young man into 
 his family as a boarder, though he was desirous to do so. 
 Jackson returned to Salisbury, and studied law with Spruce 
 McCay, who was afterwards circuit judge. The office in 
 which he studied still stands, and was pointed out to me last 
 summer. 
 
 " My father never was the law partner of General Jack- 
 son, as has been alleged. If Jackson ever practiced in the 
 courts east of the Blue Kidge, it was only for a short time, 
 until he could obtain a Superior Court license. He paid a 
 visit to my father on his way to settle in the West. He 
 passed directly on to a block house near where Nashville now 
 stands, then a hostile frontier, and boarded with Mrs. Donel- 
 son, the mother of the lady he afterwards married. 
 
 " Under the judicial system of North Carolina, there were 
 then but three district courts in what is now Tennessee, in 
 which all appeals, and important civil and criminal suits, 
 were tried. They lasted fifteen days. Notwithstanding the 
 distance apart, they were attended by every prominent law- 
 yer in the State. Jonesboro was the only court on that side 
 of the Blue Kidge that my father attended. They had crim- 
 inal courts of Oyer and Terminer there, when the jails were 
 full. 
 
 " In the trial of a suit one afternoon, General Jackson 
 and my father were opposing counsel. The General always 
 
162 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1795 
 
 espoused the caus3 of his client warmly, and seemed to make 
 it his own. On this occasion, the cause was going against 
 him, and he became irritable. My father rather exultingly 
 ridiculed some legal position taken by Jackson ; using, as he 
 afterwards admitted, language more sarcastic than was called 
 for. It stung Jackson, who snatched up a pen, and on the 
 blank leaf of a law book wrote a peremptory challenge, which 
 he delivered there and then. It was as promptly accepted. 
 My father was no duelist ; in fact, he was opposed to the 
 principle, but, with his antecedents, in that age and country, 
 to have declined would have been to have lost caste. The 
 occurrence was not noticed or known in the court house. 
 They remained until the cause was put to jury, when my 
 father went into the street to look for a friend. After some 
 little time, he found General John Adair, who consented to 
 act. The arrangements occupied some further time, and 
 when the parties met, in a hollow north of Jonesboro, it was 
 after sundown. The ground was measured, and the parties 
 were placed. They fired. Fortunately, neither was hit. 
 General Jackson acknowledged himself satisfied. They 
 shook hands, and were friendly ever after. 
 
 " The late Samuel P. Carron, when member of Congress 
 from this district, conversed with General Jackson, then 
 President, and also with General Adair, on this subject, and 
 their statements agreed precisely with the one given above.* 
 
 " In my twelfth year I was taken to a Grammar School 
 kept by the Kev. Mr. Doak, eight miles from Jonesboro. 
 My father permitted me to stay with him during those 
 fifteen-day courts, and I saw much of General Jackson then 
 and subsequently. I will give you some characteristic inci 
 dents which I witnessed, as well as some on dits of that day, 
 so well vouched that I have no doubt they are correct. In 
 recalling my reminiscences, I shall not place them in chrono- 
 logical order, but jot them down as they occur to me. 
 
 " I was at Jonesboro court, at one time, when every house 
 
 * There was a comic incident connected with this duel that General Jackson 
 
1795.] A FIGHTING DISTRICT ATTORNEY. 163 
 
 in the own was crowded. About twelve o'clock at night, a 
 fire broke out in the stables of Kawlings, the principal hotel- 
 keeper of the place. There was a large quantity of hay in 
 the stables, which stood in dangerous proximity to the tav- 
 ern, court house, and business part of the town. The alarm 
 filled the streets with lawyers, judges, ladies in their night- 
 dresses, and a concourse of strangers and citizens. General 
 Jackson no sooner entered the street than he assumed the 
 command. It seemed to be conceded to him. He shouted 
 for buckets, and formed two lines of men reaching from the 
 fire to a stream that ran through the town ; one line to pass 
 the empty buckets to the stream, and the other to return 
 them full to the fire. He ordered the roofs of the tavern and 
 of the houses most exposed to be covered with wet blankets, 
 and stationed men on the roofs to keep them wet. Amidst 
 the shrieks of the women, and the frightful neighing of the 
 burning horses, every order was distinctly heard and obeyed. 
 In the line up which the full buckets passed, the bank of the 
 stream soon became so slippery that it was difficult to stand. 
 While General Jackson was strengthening that part of the 
 line, a drunken coppersmith, named Boyd, who said he had 
 seen fires at Baltimore, began to give orders and annoy per- 
 sons in the line. 
 
 " c Fall into line !' shouted the General. 
 
 " The man continued jabbering. Jackson seized a bucket 
 by the handle, knocked him down, and walked along the line 
 giving his orders as coolly as before. He saved the town ! 
 
 " I was in Jonesboro when the first difficulty occurred 
 between Jackson and Governor Sevier. Sevier had been 
 Major General, and had just been elected Governor (1796). 
 Jackson wished him formally to resign the Major General- 
 ship, as the Governor was ex officio commander-in-chief, and 
 Jackson wished and expected to fill the office. Sevier for 
 
 would not telL A gentleman once mentioned the duel to him. " Who told you 
 about it ?" asked the President, laughing. " General Adair." " Did he tell you 
 what happened on the ground ?" " No." " "Well, then, / shan't," replied the 
 jeueral, still laughing. — J. P. 
 
164 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1795. 
 
 some reison refused. High words passed between them. 
 Jackson challenged Sevier. Sevier refused to fight on the 
 ground of his poverty and numerous family ; adding, that it 
 was not necessary for him to fight to prove his bravery, as 
 he had done that where braye men should, against the ene- 
 mies of his country. This increased the bad feeling between 
 them. They met in Knoxville some time after and quarreled 
 again. In the course of the dispute, Jackson mentioned his 
 services to the State (on the frontier, I suppose). 
 
 " i Services ?' replied Sevier. ' I know of no great ser- 
 vice you have rendered the country, except taking a trip to 
 Natchez with another man's wife/ 
 
 " ' Great God !' cried Jackson, c do you mention her 
 sacred name ?' 
 
 " Several shots were fired in a crowded street. One man 
 was grazed by a bullet ; many were scared ; but, luckily, no 
 one was hurt. Jackson's exclamation, l Great God !' became 
 a by- word among the young men at Knoxville. 
 
 " Shortly after, on the main road from Knoxville to 
 Kingston, then a garrisoned fort, Sevier and his eldest son 
 by his second marriage, a youth of seventeen or eighteen, 
 were met by General Jackson and Dr. Vandyke of the army, 
 I think. On approaching, General Jackson drew his pistol 
 and called on Sevier to defend himself. Sevier jumped off 
 his horse ; but, as he did so, his horse ran off with his hols- 
 ters. Young Sevier drew on General Jackson, swearing he 
 would protect his father. Yandyke drew on young Sevier, 
 swearing he would protect General Jackson. At this mo- 
 ment travelers rode up, who interposed, and the pistols were 
 uncocked. Before the end of his official term, Governor 
 Sevier was within prison bounds (for debt), and whether 
 they ever became friendly I do not know. I should suppose 
 not. Sevier had touched on a subject that was with Jackson, 
 like sinning against the Holy Ghost, unpardonable. 
 
 " I was present one evening in Jonesboro, when General 
 Jackson was talking to some dozen of his friends. He told 
 them that in passing through a town in Yirginia he learned 
 
1795] A FIGHTING DISTRICT ATTORNEY. 165 
 
 at breakfast that Patrick Henry was to defend a criminal 
 there that day. He was induced to stop. 
 
 " ( No description I had ever heard/ said Jackson, warmly, 
 \ no conception I had ever formed, had given me any just 
 idea of the man's powers of eloquence/ 
 
 " Pleasant Miller of Virginia, and George W. Campbell 
 of North Carolina, both lawyers then of Tennessee, were sit- 
 ting on a bed in the room. After Jackson had finished his 
 eulogy, Campbell remarked, 
 
 " ' It is d — d extraordinary that some men can get credit 
 for talents they never possessed, while others who really have 
 talents are never spoken of.' 
 
 " He seemed to wish it to be inferred from this observa- 
 tion that Henry was not the man Jackson had described him 
 to be ; but that he, George W. Campbell, was. A very 
 awkward pause, felt to be such by the whole company, en- 
 sued. At length, Miller slapped Campbell on the thigh, and 
 exclaimed, 
 
 " ' If we only had him here in the county court, I'd be 
 d — d, George, if we shouldn't make a perfect fool of him.' 
 
 " Jackson sprang to his feet and cried, 
 
 " i By G — d ! bring me my pistols.' 
 
 " Captain Penny and Captain Phagan, two of his warm 
 friends, ran up to him, and said, 
 
 " ' Why, General, what's the matter ? What do you want 
 with your pistols ?" 
 
 " ' By G — d, I want to kill Miller. He can never die in a 
 better time, for, by the Eternal, that speech will immortalize 
 him !' " 
 
 » e » « » * * 
 
 " On the 3d of July, 1809, I rode from Kutherford court 
 house to Nashville. I there saw the General in a character 
 new to me. He had made a main of cocks with Patton An- 
 derson, to be fought on the Fourth for six hundred and forty 
 acres of land. Whatever General Jackson did was the fash- 
 ion. His influence over young men was unbounded. Cock- 
 fighting was, accordingly, the order of the day. I passed ox 
 
166 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1795 
 
 carts and wagons loaded with chickens. They were arriv- 
 ing by boats, too, from up and down the Cumberland. Gen- 
 eral Jackson won the main, but the fighting by amateurs 
 continued. On the third afternoon of the fighting, I think, 
 when I went to the pit with George W. Campbell, a chicken 
 of the General's, after being cut down, revived, and, by a 
 lucky stroke, killed his antagonist. Upon this, I heard Jack- 
 son say to Campbell, 
 
 " ' There is the greatest emblem of bravery on earth. 
 Bonaparte is not braver !' 
 
 " They were drinking quantities of mint-julep. I remained 
 at the pit long enough to see large sums of money and several 
 horses change hands. I suppose it was ennui, or want of 
 excitement, that made him do it. I never heard of his fight- 
 ing chickens before or after this occasion, though he may 
 have done it. 
 
 " As having connection with General Jackson, and as illus- 
 trating the manners of the time, I must say something of 
 Kussell Bean, the gunsmith. He was the most perfect model 
 of a man, for strength and activity, I ever saw ; perfectly 
 fearless, and, when excited, desperate ; a man of good family. 
 He married a daughter of Colonel Charles Robison, an illit- 
 erate old man, who had fought under Sevier at King's Moun- 
 tain, and made campaigns against the Indians. Bean and 
 his wife had several children. Disposed to ramble, he went 
 to Connecticut, brought home all the improvements then 
 known in the manufacture of rifles, and established a manu- 
 factory of arms. He bought a flat boat on the Nollichucky 
 river, and freighted it from the profits of his business. Steer- 
 ing the boat himself, he descended to New Orleans, where he 
 amused himself, for some time, in horse racing and foot 
 racing. He returned to Jonesboro, after a year's absence, on 
 the Monday when the court convened, during which the fire 
 occurred, and found his wife at the tavern with an infant in 
 the cradle. Her seducer was a merchant of the town, named 
 Allen. Bean, though not addicted to drink, went out and 
 got drunk. Returning to his wife's room, he took the child 
 
1795.] A FIGHTING DISTRICT ATTORNEY. 167 
 
 from the cradle, and cut off its ears close to its head. I saw 
 the child three minutes afterward. Bean was taken, tried, 
 convicted, branded in the hand and sentenced to twelve 
 months' imprisonment, A jail was no obstacle to a man of 
 his skill and strength. He broke out the first night, which 
 was the night of the Jonesboro fire. He was still in sight, 
 however, when the flames burst forth. He rushed in, tore 
 the stable doors from their hinges to release the horses, scaled 
 the roofs of the houses, spread wet blankets, and did more 
 than any two men, except General Jackson, in saving the 
 town. The next morning, Governor Sevier, who only wanted 
 an excuse, pardoned him from the imprisonment. 
 
 " Time passed. Bean wanted to kill Allen, the seducer 
 of his wife, and concealed himself. It was while he was in a 
 difficulty with Allen's brother that the sheriff was ordered to 
 bring him into court, and reported that he could not arrest 
 him ; upon which, Jackson, who was then the presiding 
 judge, said, c Summon me/ As soon as Bean, who had 
 retreated down the street, saw him approaching, he said, c I 
 will surrender to General Jackson/ He walked into the 
 court room and was fined. 
 
 " Bean's wife obtained a divorce, and removed to Knox- 
 ville. Bean, meanwhile, seduced a reputable girl near Jones- 
 boro, and, like Sharpe by Beauchamp, he persuaded a good 
 looking journeyman he had, to visit her and make her his 
 mistress. The young man became fascinated with her, and 
 agreed to marry her after her accouchment, and go West. 
 Soon after, Bean was awakened one night by a woman, who 
 placed a new-born infant, wrapped in a blanket, in his arms. 
 He immediately sent out for a sucking bottle and whatever 
 else was necessary, and raised the child without a nurse. He 
 told me it was not much more trouble than a little pig, and 
 that he took pleasure in it. Ten years after, he was at Knox- 
 ville with a boat. His wife, who was still living there, had 
 conducted herself well in the interim. The cropped child and 
 the one he had raised were both dead. General Jackson was 
 in the town at the time, and interested himself in bringing 
 
168 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1795. 
 
 Bean and his wife together again. He said it was his regard 
 for old Colonel Robison, and for the Bean family, that in- 
 duced him to use his influence. He succeeded. They were 
 married again, and, years after, they were living happily 
 together. All the latter part of this statement I had from 
 Bean's own lips. A true narrative of his life and adventures 
 would show that truth is stranger than fiction. 
 
 " As I have alluded, without thinking of it, to Mrs. Jack- 
 son in my account of the quarrel with Sevier, I will venture 
 to give you the version of General George L. Davidson, a 
 man of high character, who afterward led a regiment from 
 this neighborhood to meet General Jackson in the Creek 
 nation. He was the General's warm friend and zealous sup- 
 porter. He was a youth in the block house of Mrs. Donelson 
 when Jackson first took board with that lady on the banks 
 of the Cumberland. Mrs. Donelson kept the best house in 
 the country, and with her lived her daughter, a beautiful 
 woman born in North Carolina, but now married to a Ken- 
 tuckian named Robards. Jackson, always polite, was par- 
 ticularly so to the beautiful Mrs. Robards, without an ill 
 thought on the part of any one except Robards, who seems 
 to have been a jealous fellow. One afternoon a guard was 
 turned out to escort the ladies to a blackberry patch, when 
 Robards remarked to several of the guard that he thought 
 Jackson was too intimate with his wife. The men a] I liked 
 Jackson, and some of them told him what Robards had said. 
 He sought an opportunity, and told Robards that if he ever 
 connected his name with that of Mrs. Robards in that way 
 again, he would cut his ears out of his head, and that he was 
 tempted to do it any how. Robards went to the nearest 
 magistrate, and swore out a peace warrant. Jackson was 
 arrested by a constable, and a guard summoned from the 
 block house to guard him — Robards accompanying. On the 
 way, Jackson asked one of the guard for his butcher knife. 
 He at first refused ; but on Jackson's pledging his honor that 
 he would do no harm with it, the knife was given him. 
 Jackson examined the point and the edge, glancing the while 
 
1795.] A FIGHTING DISTRICT ATTORNEY. 169 
 
 at Robards. Robards became alarmed, and began to run. 
 Jackson pursued him into the cane, then returned, and went 
 to the magistrate. No prosecutor appearing, the warrant 
 was dismissed. Robards never returned to the block house, 
 but went to Kentucky. His wife was afraid to rejoin such an 
 insanely jealous husband. At what time Robards instituted 
 proceedings for a divorce I do not know. Jackson, seeing 
 she had lost her husband on his account, swore by the Eter- 
 nal he would take her under his own protection, and, not 
 long after, they stepped into a boat, descended to Natchez, 
 and were married by a Roman Catholic priest. They were 
 afterward married by a Protestant clergyman, I believe. 
 
 " My father, I may add, liked General Jackson, and 
 thought, as I think, that, notwithstanding his infirmities of 
 temper and strong will, he had admirable traits of character, 
 that compelled those who saw much of him to love and 
 admire him." 
 
 CHAPTER. XV. 
 
 CONSTITUTION MAKING. 
 
 The rush of population into the Territory was such that, 
 m July, 1795, the Territorial Legislature ordered a census to 
 be taken for the purpose of ascertaining whether there was 
 not the requisite number of inhabitants for the admission of 
 the Territory into the Union as a sovereign State. The Legis- 
 lature further enacted that "if it should appear that there 
 are sixty thousand inhabitants, counting the whole of the 
 free persons, including those bound to service for a term of 
 years, and excluding Indians not taxed, and adding three 
 fifths of all other persons" (a delicate way of describing them), 
 " the governor be authorized and requested to recommend to 
 the people of the respective counties to elect five persons for 
 
170 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1796. 
 
 each county, to represent them in convention, to meet at 
 Knoxville, at such time as he shall judge proper, for the 
 purpose of forming a constitution or permanent form of 
 government." 
 
 In November following, the governor announced, as the 
 result of the census, that the Territory contained seventy- 
 seven thousand two hundred and sixty-two inhabitants, of 
 whom ten thousand six hundred and thirteen were " all other 
 persons." He therefore called upon the people to elect dele- 
 gates to the convention for making a constitution, and named 
 January 11th, 1796, as the day for their assembling at Knox- 
 ville. The convention met accordingly, fifty-five members 
 in all, five from each of the eleven counties. The five mem- 
 bers sent up from Davidson county were John McNairy, 
 Andrew Jackson, James Kobertson, Thomas Hardeman 
 and Joel Lewis. Thus we find our young adventurer, after 
 seven years' residence in the Territory, associated on equal 
 terms, in a most honorable trust, with the judge of the Supe- 
 rior Court and with the father of the Cumberland settle- 
 ments. To one of them, at least, he was superior in literary 
 attainments ; for General Kobertson, the wise, the brave, the 
 gentle, was taught to read by his wife after his marriage. 
 
 The convention met in a small building, which afterward 
 served as a school-house, standing in the outskirts of the new 
 town of Knoxville, surrounded by tall trees of the primeval 
 wilderness. The building was fitted up for the reception of 
 the important assembly at an expense of twelve dollars and 
 sixty-two cents ; ten dollars for seats, and the rest for " three 
 and a half yards of oil cloth" for the covering of the table. 
 But the early proceedings of the convention exhibited a still 
 more remarkable example of economy. The Legislature had 
 fixed the compensation of the members at two dollars and a 
 half a day, but had forgotten to appropriate any compensa- 
 tion for the secretary, printer and door-keeper. The conven- 
 tion, therefore, with curious and quaint disinterestedness, 
 resolved that, inasmuch as "economy is an amiable trait in. 
 any government, and, in fixing the salaries of the officers" 
 
1796.] CONSTITUTION MAKING. 171 
 
 thereof, the situation and resources of the country should be 
 attended to," therefore, one dollar and a half per diem is 
 enough for us, and no more will any man of us take, and 
 the rest shall go to the payment of the secretary, printer, 
 door-keeper and other officers. 
 
 The rules adopted by the convention were similar to those 
 which prevail to this day in the British House of Commons. 
 These are among the most noticeable : — 
 
 "1. "When the Speaker is in the chair, every member may sit in his 
 place with his head covered. 
 
 11 2. Every member shall come into the House uncovered, and shall 
 continue so at all times but when he sits in his place. 
 
 "3. No member, in coming into the House or removing from his place, 
 shall pass between the Speaker and a member speaking, nor shall any 
 member go across the House, nor from one part thereof to another, while 
 another is speaking." 
 
 " 8. He that digresseth from the subject to fall on the person of any 
 member, shall be suppressed by the Speaker." 
 
 " 18. Upon adjournment, no member shall presume to move until the 
 Speaker arises and goes before." 
 
 The convention being organized, it was voted that the 
 " House proceed to appoint two members from each county 
 to draft a constitution, and that each county name their 
 members." The members from Davidson county selected 
 Judge McNairy and Andrew Jackson to represent them in 
 this committee. A constitution was soon drafted, and the 
 whole business of the convention concluded in twenty-seven 
 days. 
 
 It is a proof of the progress of democratic principles in 
 the United States, that a constitution containing such pro- 
 visions as that adopted by this convention should have been 
 praised by Jefferson and bewailed by the Federalists, as the 
 most republican one then in existence. According to this 
 constitution, no man could be a member of the Legislature 
 who did not own two hundred acres of land. A governor 
 must possess a freehold estate of five hundred acres. A free- 
 holder could vote as soon as he came into a county, while a 
 
172 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1796. 
 
 man who owned no land had to reside six months before 
 voting. Clergymen were excluded from the Legislature. The 
 first draft even excluded them from "any civil or military 
 office or place of trust within this State." But, " on motion 
 of Mr. Carter, seconded by Mr. Jackson/' the article was 
 amended so as to render them ineligible only to seats in the 
 Legislature. At the same time, it was provided that no one 
 should be received as a witness who denied the existence of a 
 God or disbelieved in a state of future rewards and punish- 
 ments. 
 
 The debates of the convention were neither published nor 
 reported ; nor, indeed, was it a debating body. The journal 
 shows that Jackson took an important, but not a leading 
 part in the proceedings. There is a tradition that it was he 
 who suggested the present name of the State. There was 
 already a county in the Territory named Tennessee, the dele- 
 gates from which readily agreed to bestow the name upon the 
 State, and select another for their county. Among the few 
 motions " seconded by Mr. Jackson" was one which divided 
 the Legislature into two Houses, a Senate and a House of 
 Eepresentatives. Judge McNairy was in favor of one House, 
 and so carried it ; but the next day, on motion of Mr. Wil- 
 liam Cocke, seconded by Jackson, the vote was reconsidered, 
 and two Houses agreed upon. 
 
 The claim of the Spaniards to the exclusive navigation 
 of the Mississippi was a sore point with all western people 
 at this time, and for many years before and after. Through 
 the efforts of Mr. William Blount, the convention adopted 
 into the Bill of Eights, as an essential part thereof, the 
 declaration that "an equal participation of the free navigation 
 of the Mississippi is one of the inherent rights of the citizens 
 of this State ; it can not, therefore, be conceded to any prince, 
 potentate, power, person or persons whatever." Bear this in 
 mind : it belonged to a western man of that day, and from 
 that day onward for twenty years, to execrate Spaniards. 
 
 And so the constitution being formed, after twenty-seven 
 days' labor, the convention adjourned, taking a dollar and a 
 
1796.1 CONSTITUTION MAKING. 173 
 
 half a day for their own services, and paying their door-keep- 
 er two dollars a day. Jackson recrossed the " Cumberland 
 Mountain" and the wilderness lying beyond it, and returned 
 to his happy home. 
 
 The State was promptly organized. A Legislature was 
 elected, and " Citizen John Sevier," we are officially informed, 
 was chosen the first governor. Citizen John Sevier ! And 
 yet this was after Kobespierre had been guillotined, and Gen- 
 eral Bonaparte had quelled the insurrection of Paris. But 
 Tennessee was a very democratic State, and the tide of a new 
 influence, or of a reaction, would be late in reaching a region 
 so remote from the center of American affairs — Philadelphia. 
 Moreover, Citizen John Sevier appears to have had federal 
 leanings, for when President Adams was preparing for war 
 with France, and had appointed Washington commander-in- 
 chief, and Hamilton inspector general and second in com- 
 mand, he nominated John Sevier, of Tennessee, one of the 
 brigadier generals. 
 
 Colonel Avery is in error with regard to the major gen- 
 eralship of militia. Governor Sevier never held the office of 
 major general. He was long a brigadier general ; which 
 office, upon his election as governor, he at once resigned, and 
 George Kutledge was elected in his stead. George Conway 
 was elected major general, and he it was whom Andrew Jack- 
 son, a few years after, succeeded.* 
 
 On grounds purely technical, and for reasons chiefly polit- 
 ical, the Federalists in Congress delayed the admission of re- 
 publican Tennessee into the Union ; Eufus King, of New 
 York, being a conspicuous opponent, and Aaron Burr a lead- 
 ing advocate, of her immediate admission. But, on the 1st 
 of June, 1796, all difficulties were adjusted, and Tennessee 
 became the sixteenth member of the confederacy. William 
 Blount and William Cocke were elected the first United 
 States Senators from the new State. Three presidential 
 electors were chosen, who cast the vote of the State for Jef- 
 
 * Ramses 's Tennessee, p. 667. 
 VOL. I.— 12 J ' * 
 
174 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1796. 
 
 ferson and Burr. As yet, Tennessee was entitled to but one 
 member of the House of Kepresentatives. Early in the fall 
 of 1796, Andrew Jackson was elected by tbe people to serve 
 tbem in that honorable capacity. Soon after — for the jour- 
 ney was a long one, and more difficult than long — he 
 mounted his horse, and set out for Philadelphia, distant 
 nearly eight hundred miles. 
 
 Tennessee at that time felt herself aggrieved by the gen- 
 eral government, and was a claimant for redress. Great ex- 
 penses had been incurred in sending troops against the Indi- 
 ans, which expenses, it was feared, the general government 
 would object to reimburse, on the ground that it had not 
 authorized, but forbidden, any invasion of the Indian terri- 
 tory. There was also a dispute with the Cherokees upon the 
 everlasting question of boundary, and the government inclined 
 to side with the Indians, and actually did, after Jackson's 
 departure, send troops to Knoxville to support the Indians 
 in their demands. Andrew Jackson, as I conjecture (in the 
 absence of information) owed the honor of being the first 
 representative of Tennessee in the House of Kepresentatives, 
 to his warm espousal of the claims of the State, and to the 
 fact that he was supposed to be the very man to support 
 those claims with spirit and effect on the floor of Congress. 
 
 It is not probable, however, that he was elected without 
 opposition, as there are indications, in the scanty records of 
 the period, that there were those in the State who regarded 
 him with no friendly eye. From the journal of the Tennes- 
 see House of Kepresentatives, it appears that, July 30th, 1796, 
 Mr. Seth Lewis, a member of that body, moved for leave, 
 and presented a remonstrance from Andrew Jackson, stating 
 that the money which had been appropriated for his com- 
 pensation as attorney general of the Territory, had been ex 
 pended for other objects, and asking a further appropriation 
 in lieu thereof. The remonstrance was referred to the Com- 
 mittee on Claims ; but before the committee reported, the 
 amount claimed by the attorney general was inserted in the' 
 general compensation bill. When this bill came before the 
 
1796.] THE TENNESSEE WILDERNESS. 175 
 
 House, it was moved by Mr. Newall, and seconded by Mr. 
 Gass, that " the section making compensation to Andrew 
 Jackson for his services as attorney general during the con- 
 tinuance of the territorial government," be stricken out ; 
 \?hich was carried, yeas ten, nays nine. A day or two after, 
 the Committee on Claims reported as follows : " Your com- 
 mittee, to whom was referred the remonstrance of Andrew 
 Jackson, are of opinion that if the money appropriated by 
 law in Mero district to the payment of the attorney, has 
 been appropriated to the use of the Territory, that his re- 
 monstrance is, in part, reasonable, and ought to be granted." 
 The end of the affair is thus recorded : " On motion, the re- 
 port of the committee, to whom were referred the remon- 
 strance of Andrew Jackson, was taken up, and, after some 
 debate, was concurred with by the casting vote of the 
 Speaker"* Beyond these naked facts of the disputed claim, 
 nothing can now be ascertained respecting it. 
 
 But the new member is on horseback, on his way to the 
 seat of government — the great and famous city of Phila- 
 delphia. The reader shall see part of the wild road he trav- 
 eled on this occasion. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 A LONDONER IN THE TENNESSEE WILDERNESS. 
 
 To understand a man, it is necessary to know a good deal 
 of the country which he represented. Before exhibiting An- 
 drew Jackson on the public stage, I desire to afford the 
 reader a near view of Tennessee, as he might himself have 
 seen it had he traversed its entire length, at the time when 
 Nashville was only a cluster of log-houses, and the country 
 generally " a howling wilderness." 
 
 * From MSS. Notes of Colonel A. W. Putnam, President of Tennessee His- 
 torical Society. < 
 
176 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1797. 
 
 In 1796 and 1797, an adventurous young Englishman 
 Darned Francis Baily, afterwards a well-known and wealthy 
 member of the London Stock Exchange, later in life an 
 astronomer of note, founder and president of the Koyal 
 Astronomical Society, made an extensive tour in the " un- 
 settled parts of the United States of North America/' He was 
 a forerunner of the tribe of European tourists in America, and 
 among the worthiest of the tribe ; for, in addition to his being 
 a man of knowledge and liberal ideas, he traveled at a time 
 when traveling in America was an employment that tasked 
 to the uttermost the courage and endurance even of a born 
 backwoodsman. It happened that Mr. Baily, on his return 
 to New York from New Orleans, passed through a large part 
 of Tennessee, staid a few days at Nashville, and performed 
 that very journey through the wilderness, between Nashville 
 and Knoxville, that Jackson so often traveled with such 
 various adventures. That journey, even in 1797, was no 
 joke. Baily' s narrative enables us to form an idea what it 
 must have been in the earlier years of Jackson's practice at 
 the bar. 
 
 From this work, which is not generally accessible in the 
 United States, I propose to make a few extracts. Tennessee 
 readers, I think, will be interested to see their beautiful 
 native State as Francis Baily saw it in the summer of 1797. 
 Other readers, it is presumed, will not object to view, through 
 such an honest pair of eyes, the country in which Andrew 
 Jackson became the man he was, and which he helped to 
 wrest from savage men and savage nature. I take up Mr. 
 Baily's story at the point where he has rea'ched the banks of 
 the Tennessee river, sixty miles west of Nashville, and is 
 wondering how he shall cross a stream so wide and swift. 
 He crossed it as Jackson must often have crossed it, as he didi 
 other rivers too wide to ford or swim. " This river," says the 
 tourist, "at the place where we had to cross it, was above a i 
 quarter of a mile wide, and flowed with so rapid a stream, 
 that it was with difficulty that a person (breast high) could, 
 stand against it ; at the same time it appeared to glide along. 
 
1797.] THE TENNESSEE WILDERNESS. 177 
 
 in silent dignity, with its surface smooth and unruffled, and 
 its body dark and clear, at once proclaiming the depth and 
 importance of the current." 
 
 The only resource was to take over the baggage on rafts, 
 and drive the horses across, " as we had been used to do be- 
 fore." Part of the company succeeded very well in this enter- 
 prise, though not until after many an hour of most exhausting 
 toil. But the future astronomer was not so fortunate. He 
 and his two comrades had prepared their raft, loaded it, 
 driven over their horses, launched the raft into the swift 
 Btream, gained the middle of the river ; two men in front tow- 
 ing the raft with ropes around their shoulders, and Mr. Baily 
 performing the office of a rudder behind it. But the stream 
 was too much for their strength, and ere long they found 
 themselves borne irresistibly down the river — a river twelve 
 hundred miles long, its banks peopled with doubtful Indians ! 
 
 " Imagine us," says the astronomer, " with this prospect before us, with- 
 out any hope of ever reaching our companions, our heads just above water, 
 our hands clinging to the raft and supporting our weary bodies, our provi- 
 sions before our eyes, but ourselves unable to touch them, as the least dis- 
 turbance given to our raft would instantly overwhelm it ; so that we were 
 in danger of perishing by want in the midst of plenty ; the trees and banks 
 flying beyond us, and ourselves carried along with an astonishing rapidity, 
 and hastening to a river abounding with alligators and other ravenous 
 animals, unable to defend ourselves ; — imagine this, and a thousand other 
 things still more horrid, which fancy at the moment created, and you will 
 have a tolerable idea of our situation at this time. What was to be done ? 
 Nothing. We were resigned to our fate, be it good or bad ; and even in 
 this forlorn situation could not help being merry, and passing our jokes 
 upon each other. So true is it, that in the midst of health, death did 
 not strike us with the same terror as when accompanied with a lingering 
 illness. 
 
 " We were now nearly wafted out of the sight of our companions, who 
 stood on the shore commiserating our situation, but unable to render U3 
 any assistance. One of those who were with us jocosely halloed out to 
 them, that we were under sailing orders, and could not stop to speak to 
 them, as a breeze had just sprung up : I told him I hoped the gale would 
 be prosperous. By this time we had been carried four or five miles down 
 the stream, when one of my companions, casting his eyes around, observed 
 
178 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1797. 
 
 something near a point of land below, which he took for some men on the 
 water. As we could not imagine what should bring any human being into 
 this quarter of the country, except Indians, whom we did not expect to 
 see now, as they were in a state of war, and consequently kept themselves 
 very secret, we thought he must be deceived. However, a few minutes 
 convinced us to the contrary, and clearly discovered two men of a dark 
 countenance in a canoe close to the shore, working against the stream. 
 This, you will say, was a joyful sight to us ; but we did not regard it as 
 such at first : for as it is natural to mankind to suggest the worst, particu- 
 larly in any unpleasant situation, so we immediately fancied that these 
 people were Creek Indians — a nation almost continually at war with the 
 Americans, who, if they discovered us, would actually murder us. Under 
 this idea, we were in doubt whether we should hail them or not, for we 
 were now got pretty near to them, and they could not distinguish our heads 
 from the raft, which appeared to a person situated near the shore like a 
 bundle of logs, or the top of a tree floating down. I used all the arguments 
 I could to induce my fellow-travelers to hail them, and told them, that 
 thereby they might exchange what appeared to me a prospect of certain 
 death, for a possibility, at least, of escape ; and that if they let this chance 
 pass by, they not only would not deserve, but most probably would not 
 meet with, another to save them from the danger that awaited them ; but 
 fear worked upon them so far, that they said they knew they were Creeks, 
 and were determined to continue on as they were going. However, as I 
 looked upon it almost as an interposition of Providence for our safety, I 
 halloed to them as long and as loud as I could, when they came opposite 
 to us. They looked about for a long while, and could not imagine from 
 whence the sound proceeded; but on my repeating it, and waving my 
 hand, I observed them to push from the shore and make toward us. Even 
 this did not appease my companions : for when the Indians took up their 
 paddles to row toward us, they said they had taken up their guns, and 
 were going to fire upon us ; and one of them said he actually saw him pull 
 the trigger ! ! ! so astonishingly does imagination work upon a perturbed 
 mind. They were not long in approaching us, and we soon found that they 
 were no enemies ; for, smiling at our situation, they came alongside and 
 took us into the canoe. We then took our baggage and the cord from the 
 raft, and assisted the Indians in paddling up to the place from whence we 
 set out, letting our unfortunate raft drift down the current — the sport of 
 the winds and the waves." 
 
 Having overcome this " tremendous obstacle," as Mr. 
 Baily justly styles it, the party proceeded on their way to- 
 ward "Nashville, a distance of sixty or seventy miles. They 
 
1797.] THE TENNESSEE WILDERNESS. 179 
 
 were seven days in performing this journey, during which 
 they came near starving — so destitute was that region then 
 of inhabitants and resources. Not a white man did they 
 meet, nor any sign of a civilized abode, until they came 
 within twelve miles of Nashville. But, at length, " the 
 path began to widen, and assume the marks of being much 
 frequented ; and soon after we observed evident tracks of 
 cows and other animals, which plainly indicated to us that a 
 settlement was near at hand ; and about eleven o'clock, to 
 our great happiness and comfort, we descried the first civil- 
 ized habitation since our leaving Natchez. Nothing could 
 exceed our joy upon this occasion ; we jumped, halloed, and 
 appeared as elated as if we had succeeded to the greatest es- 
 tate imaginable. It was not long ere we approached the 
 door of this auspicious mansion ; but we met with a repulse 
 which at first diminished somewhat the pleasure with which 
 we were before transported. 
 
 " An old woman came to the door, and told us that the 
 settlement was but just formed ; and that therefore she could 
 afford us no shelter nor provisions ; but that there was an- 
 other well-established plantation about a mile and a half 
 further on, where we might meet with refreshment, etc. 
 This latter sentence revived us again, and we once more pur- 
 sued our journey to the desired spot. We soon approached 
 it, and entering the yard saw the horses of our late compan- 
 ions ranging about in a field near the house. This was an 
 agreeable sight to us, as it was one trouble off our minds ; 
 and it was not long ere they themselves came out to meet us, 
 and congratulate us on our entry into civilized life. We 
 were not far behind them, for they had arrived there only 
 this morning, and had immediately ordered something to be 
 got ready for a meal. 
 
 " This plantation belongs to a Mr. Joslin ; it is situated 
 about six or seven miles from Nashville, and is one of the 
 last settlements on the path toward the wilderness. It has 
 been formed about seven or eight years, and consisted of sev- 
 eral acres of land tolerably well cultivated ; some in corn 
 
180 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1797. 
 
 soine in meadow, and others in grain, etc. His house was 
 formed of logs, built so as to command a view of the whole 
 plantation, and consisted of only two rooms ; one of which 
 served for all the purposes of life, and the other to hold lum- 
 ber, etc." 
 
 After devouring their meal of glorious pork and beans, 
 the Londoner kept on his way to the town. When he got 
 a little nearer the place, he found the houses and plantations 
 more and more frequent. 
 
 " We even met within three or four miles of the town, two coaches 
 fitted up in all the style of Philadelphia or New York, besides other car- 
 riages, which plainly indicated that a spirit of refinement and luxury had 
 made its way into this settlement. As we approached the town, the plan- 
 tations on either side of the road began to assume a more civilized appear- 
 ance, yet still not such as one observes in the neighborhood of large towns 
 and cities. It was near seven o'clock when we reached Nashville. The 
 sight of it gave us great pleasure, as, after so long an absence from any com- 
 pact society of this kind, we viewed the several buildings with a degree of 
 satisfaction and additional beauty which none can conceive but those who 
 have undergone the same circumstances. We inquired for the best tavern 
 in the place ; and having ascertained where it lay, we hastened to it, and, 
 giving our horses to the ostler, entered the house and sat down, completely 
 happy in having performed this laborious and troublesome journey. 
 
 " We had still, however, another wilderness to go through ere we 
 arrived at the settled parts of the United States ; but as this town was a 
 kind of resting place for us, we did not look forward to any further diffi- 
 culties and dangers, but considered our journey as at an end. In fact, the 
 principal part of it was, for now I had not much more than a thousand 
 miles further to go ; but this I had to travel by myself, as my companion 
 left me at this place, in order to proceed to Kentucky, whereas my route 
 lay through Knoxville, on the Holstein river. Next day, 
 
 " Tuesday, August 1st, — I went round to view the town, found it 
 pleasantly situated on the south-west bank of the Cumberland river, and 
 elevated above its bed about eighty or one hundred feet. The river here 
 is about two hundred yards wide. The country all around consists of a 
 layer of fine black mold on a bed of limestone, which in many places pro- 
 jects through the surface, and shows itself in dark gray protuberances. In 
 the year 1780, a small colony, under the direction of James Robertson, 
 crossed the mountains and settled in this place ; but it was not till within 
 these few years that it could be called a place of any importance. 
 
1797.] THE TENNESSEE WILDERNESS. 181 
 
 u This town contains about sixty or eighty families ; the houses (which 
 are chiefly of logs and frame) stand scattered over the whole site of the 
 town, so that it appears larger than it actually is. The inhabitants (like all 
 those in the new settled towns) are chiefly concerned in some way of busi- 
 ness ; a storekeeper is the general denomination for such persons, and under 
 this head you may include every one who buys and sells. There are two 
 or three taverns in this place, but the principal one is kept by Major Lewis. 
 There we met with good fare, but very poor accommodations for lodgings ; 
 three or four beds of the roughest construction in one room, which was 
 open at all hours of the night for the reception of any rude rabble that had 
 a mind to put up at the house ; and if the other beds happened to be occu- 
 pied, you might be surprised when you awoke in the morning to find a 
 bed-fellow by your side whom you had never seen before, and perhaps 
 might never see again. All complaint is unnecessary, for you are imme- 
 diately silenced by that all-powerful argument — the custom of the country, 
 and an inability to remedy it; or perhaps your landlord may tell you that 
 if you do not like it, you are at liberty to depart as soon as you please. 
 Having long been taught to put up with inconveniences, I determined for 
 the future to take things as I found them, and if I could not remedy them, 
 to be content. Besides, I did not feel the ill effects of this rough accom- 
 modation so much as other persons might in traveling from a more civilized 
 part of the world, because every thing which was beyond a piece of bread 
 and bacon, and the cold hard ground, appeared to me as a luxury. 
 
 " I know no other particulars of this place, except that it is the princi- 
 pal town in this western division of the State; and that the country about 
 is pretty well settled, considering the time since its first establishment : 
 what other particulars you may wish to know of this new State, you may 
 learn in Morse or Imlay. There are several other little towns in the neigh- 
 borhood ; in fact, the banks of the Cumberland river, on both sides, are well 
 cultivated for a considerable distance. Major Nelson, who boarded with 
 me at Major Lewis's, is forwarding a settlement, and laying off a town at 
 the head of Harper's creek, about twenty-five miles off, where he sells his 
 half-acre town lots for ten dollars, and his out lots of ten acres for thirty 
 dollars, on the condition that improvements are to be made, and a house 
 built within two years. The price of land about the vicinity of this place, 
 unimproved, is from one to four and five dollars, according to its situa- 
 tion and neighborhood. 
 
 " I did intend to have waited at Nashville for some time, in order to 
 rest my horse ; but not being able to find any person in the neighborhood 
 who had a good pasture, and being rather tired of my lodgings, I deter- 
 mined to proceed. My course now was towards Knoxville, a town lying 
 on the Holstein river. Between Nashville and that place, I have already 
 told you, there is a wilderness about three hundred miles long, which I had 
 
182 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1797. 
 
 to cross. This wilderness properly commences about sixty-two miles from 
 Nashville, though the whole of that distance is scarcely better than a 
 wilderness, after you proceed about half a dozen miles from town ; for the 
 houses are so far apart from each other, that you seldom see more than two 
 or three in a day. I was determined also in starting so soon, by the idea 
 that I should meet with a plantation on the road, where I should find a 
 pasture, and where I should accordingly stop and refresh my horses ; for 
 there is no part of these new settlements but you may take this liberty, if 
 you pay them well for it; the idea of their being hospitable and doing a 
 kindness to strangers for nothing is false. This hospitality is only shown 
 to neighbors, etc., where they expect it will be repaid by the same return, 
 and arises from a want of inns on the road, where travelers may call and 
 do as they please." 
 
 On the 2d of August, he mounted one horse, and led 
 another loaded with baggage, and started alone upon his way- 
 eastward, pursuing the same paths as those which Jackson 
 had traveled a few months before, when he went to Congress. 
 
 " I directed my steps toward the water side. (Cumberland river,) and 
 being put across by the ferryman to the opposite shore, (for which I paid 
 him one-sixteenth of a dollar,) I kept the main path through the woods, 
 (as I was directed,) and made the best of my way to a Mr. Blackamoor's, 
 distant about nine miles, where I intended to sleep that night. The 
 gloomy and majestic scenery of the surrounding objects, you would be 
 apt to imagine, would excite a degree of melancholy in a person not used 
 to such scenes ; but this was not the case with me. By a frequent fa- 
 miliarity with such objects, I had become callous to their ill effects, and 
 indulged only those ideas which afforded the highest pleasure and the 
 most grateful contemplation. Surrounded on each side with a deep wall 
 of woods, I enjoyed the serenity of the evening in silent meditation: 
 every thing which I saw and heard taught me a lesson which required no^ 
 the powers of oratory to embellish it. So soon as the sun had taken his 
 station below the horizon, the moon began to spread her silver light, and 
 to shine in silent majesty through the openings of the trees : and it was by 
 her kind assistance that I reached my destined port; for, by my ignorance 
 of the way, I had mistaken the path, and (wandering about the woods 
 without a guide) did not reach my place of destination till between eight 
 and nine o'clock. I approached the house, and found that I could be ac- 
 commodated with lodging there ; accordingly I unpacked my horses, and 
 taking the baggage within doors, I led them to the field, and gave them 
 'Borne corn. I then began to inquire for something for my own supper ; 
 
1797.] THE TENNESSEE WILDERNESS 183 
 
 Dut was informed that I could have nothing but some Indian bread and 
 butter, and some milk, which is a standing dish in all these new countries. 
 Accordingly, I sat down to this rough fare, and having made a hearty 
 meal, went and sat in the open air to enjoy the serenity of the evening 
 and wnen the time came for retiring to rest, I took my blankets out and 
 spread them on the hard ground, though there was a very good bed pre- 
 pared for me within doors. But habit has such an influence over the 
 human mind, that this mode of sleeping (which at one time appeared very 
 rough and unpleasant) was now the preferable of the two ; and I adopted 
 it as the moat agreeable. In the morning — 
 
 " Thursday, August 3d, — When I came to discharge my reckoning, I 
 found they had the impudence to charge me a dollar for this rough accom- 
 modation ; that is, for a little bread and butter, and some corn my horses 
 had eaten. I could not but be angry at this imposition ; but as there was 
 no remedy, and as I disliked any altercation, I gave them the money and de- 
 parted. As I expected to meet with settlements in different places on my 
 way, I had not laid in any provisions, but depended merely upon what I 
 could get at these settlements : however, I soon found that I reckoned 
 without my host ; for I proceeded the whole of this morning without being 
 able to obtain a morsel of anything to eat. I called at almost every plan- 
 tation I saw, but they were so poor, or so distressed for provisions them- 
 selves, that I could get nothing. About the middle of the day I saw a 
 mill at a short distance. Here, I thought, there was no fear of not getting 
 something. Accordingly I hurried on to the place ; but how great was my 
 purprise to find these people in the same unfortunate situation, and that 
 tne mill, owing to the dryness of the season, had not been in motion some 
 months ! To make the case still worse, I understood there was but one 
 more settlement for a considerable distance. I accordingly hastened to 
 this place ; but they pleaded the same excuse. However, after a great 
 deal of entreaty, I got them to give me a piece of bread which they had 
 left at their morning's meal ; therefore, hastening with this down to a brook 
 wnich ran by the side of the house, I sat me down upon a log and made 
 a comfortable breakfast. Alas ! cried I, if mankind did but know how 
 little would satisfy them, they would not pursue so eagerly the bubble 
 riches ; which as often brings discontent and unhappiness, as it does the 
 means of satisfying their inordinate passions. If we take a view round 
 the world, how often do we see that fortune scatters her favors on the 
 most worthless objects, and that happiness (the end and aim of every one) 
 Dy no means keeps pace with an increase of wealth ! And I, with my 
 crust steeped in the pure spring of nature, am as happy and contented as 
 the proudest monarch that sits upon a throne. You will excuse this 
 digression ; but as you wished for a faithful detail of my journey, you 
 must be content to receive all the remarkable impressions winch were 
 
184 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1797. 
 
 made upon my mind — to receive not only the outward and visible, but also 
 the inward and spiritual. 
 
 " Having suffered my horses to graze about a little, and to eat some 
 corn which I had purchased at the house, I resumed my course once more, 
 and at about eight o'clock got to Mr. Kirby's, (distant from Blackamoor's 
 eighteen miles.) Here I found a great difficulty to gain admittance. 
 There was no one at home but the woman of the house and some of the 
 servants. She said her husband was gone out, and she did not know 
 whether he would return that night or not ; and that he would be very 
 angry if she suffered any one to sleep there when he was absent. From 
 the current of the poor woman's discourse, I perceived her husband was 
 jealous of her ; and as there was no other plantation near this place, I 
 wished, both for her sake and my own, that he would arrive. Whilst I 
 was putting up this pious ejaculation, who should appear at the gates but 
 the very man himself; and as this removed all the charms of bolts and 
 bars, I unpacked my horse, and led him away to the pasture. As to my- 
 self, I returned and made such another meal as I did last night ; and that 
 done, I took my blankets out of doors, and lay down in the open air till 
 morning, 
 
 " Friday, August Wh, — When I started pretty early, and got to Major 
 Blackamoor's (three miles) to breakfast. Here I found a good pasture for 
 my horses, and tolerably good accommodations for myself; and the people 
 of the house appearing very civil, I resolved upon stopping here for a week 
 or ten days in order to relieve my horses. 
 
 " The Major was one of those early emigrants who had come here at 
 the first settling of the country ; he had got a good deal of land about him, a 
 great part of which was in a rude state of cultivation. His house remained 
 the same as when it was first built, and of course cut no very striking 
 figure ; but as it was like all the rest in this country, its uncouth appear- 
 ance and rough accommodation escape particular attention. Its situation 
 was about two or three miles to the northward of the Cumberland river, 
 and the soil consisted of a rich earth lying on a bed of limestone, which 
 pervades the whole of this country. Mr. Blackamoor is a major in the 
 militia, and possesses several negroes under him, who work upon the 
 plantation : in fact, the whole drudgery (both of house and field) is com- 
 mitted to the slaves, under the superintendence of the master. I have 
 already observed to you that there are few or no taverns in these newly- 
 settled countries ; but that almost all the farmers who live near the road 
 will take in strangers and travelers, giving them what is called c dry en- 
 tertainment,' that is, board and lodging, but without any spirituous liquors. 
 For this entertainment they generally take care to charge enough, as I 
 have also remarked elsewhere. 
 
 u Major Blackamoor was one of these gentlemen, though I must con- 
 
1797.] THE TENNESSEE WILDERNESS. 185 
 
 fess that his charges were more moderate than many* I had witnessed. 1 
 stopped here about a week, when on 
 
 " Thursday, August 10th, a Mr. Davidson, of Kentucky, happened to 
 8top to dine here ; and informed me that he was on his way to Knoxville, 
 and wished for some one to accompany him. As this was the route I was 
 pursuing, I embraced the opportunity, and told him we had better proceed 
 together, to which he consented ; and having mentioned it to our host, he 
 promised to get us some provisions ready for our journey ; for we were 
 now arrived at a point on the road where we could not expect to derive 
 much assistance in this way from the inhabitants, as they were all new 
 settlers, and had scarcely sufficient to keep themselves. Accordingly, the 
 next morning, — 
 
 "Friday, August 11th, — having put up a sufficient quantity of beef, 
 bacon, flour, &c, (the common provisions upon such occasions,) we started 
 together rather early. We had not proceeded many miles ere we stopped 
 at a house where Davidson met with some of his relations, who prevailed 
 upon him to stop with them a few days, and said that they would accom- 
 pany him. He consented, and told me that he could not proceed on with 
 me unless I would wait for him ; but I (not wishing to delay any longer) 
 took my leave of him, and continued on my way by myself, determined to 
 cross the wilderness alone, if I should not meet with any one to accom- 
 pany me. I traveled on till about half-past five, when I came to a small 
 creek which I was told (when I set out) was eight miles from the ferry. 
 As I had now passed all the settlements except the one at the ferry, (which 
 I could not reach that night,) I determined to halt here, as there was a 
 ' nice clear stream, and plenty of cane and grass for my horses. I accord- 
 ingly crossed the creek, and alighted at a spot which I observed had been 
 used for the same purposes before. The first thing I did was to collect 
 plenty of wood together and to kindle a fire : this I soon accomplished. 
 I then went to the stream, and filling my tin cup with water, hung it over 
 the fire and made me some coffee, at the same time opening my wallet, 
 and laying out all my provisions. I then sat me down upon the ground, 
 and made a hearty and a comfortable meal ; and after roving about to en- 
 joy the wildness of the place, returned to my fire, and spreading my blan- 
 
 * None of the houses in this part of the world are built higher than tne 
 ground floor ; and the flooring (if any) is made of very rough boards laid on the 
 ground, sometimes on joists, and sometimes not ; but always with great holes 
 between the planks. "When I was at this man's house, one of the slaves saw an 
 enormous snake gliding under my bed, and passing through one of these holes 
 in the floor. The Major, to my comfort, told me that they sometimes got into 
 the bed, but that they would not hurt me. So soon does custom get the better 
 of these things, that he did not seem to care much about it. 
 
186 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1797 
 
 ket, lay me down to rest. This was the first night I had ever slept out in 
 the woods alone ; I therefore could not but remark my own feelings upon 
 the occasion. I expected that it would have appeared more dismal and 
 melancholy than it really did ; but, whether I had become callous to all 
 those ideal apprehensions which we are too often disposed to anticipate 
 without any cause, or whether I was in that temper of mind not to regard 
 the gloominess and loneliness of the place in which I was, I cannot pretend 
 to say ; but certain it is, that I laid down with all the composure imagina- 
 ble, and slept very soundly, without ever once waking, till the morning. 
 
 " Saturday, August \2th. — Started by daylight on my journey, and 
 proceeded on to the ferry. When I came within two miles of the place I 
 was brought to the brow of the high lands on which I had been traveling 
 all this time. From this spot I had a most delightful view of the surround- 
 ing country, and of the distant hills which border upon the Cumberland, 
 presenting a wild, mountainous appearance, which could not fail to interest 
 the spectator. Having descended into the bottom, I passed one or two 
 habitations, and at last came to the ferry house, where I stopped, and giv- 
 ing my horses some corn, took breakfast with my host, who furnished me 
 with coffee and some fried rashers of bacon, served up with Indian bread : 
 a common breakfast in this part of the country, where nothing better is to 
 be had. This man's house stands immediately upon the banks of the 
 river ; and to the advantage of cultivating his own plantation, he unites 
 the profits of the ferry. The river is here one hundred and seventy yards 
 wide ; and a little distance below the house a stream called " The Caney 
 Fork" comes in. This is a considerable branch of the Cumberland river, 
 and is so called from the quantity of cane brakes on its banks. This spot 
 is sixty-two miles from Nashville by land, though by water it is one hun- 
 dred and thirty. I was ferried across here about ten o'clock I paid one 
 eighth of a dollar for each horse, though at Nashville I only paid one six- 
 teenth. It is customary not to charge any thing for the passenger, only 
 for his horses. I was landed on the opposite shore, exactly on the point 
 of land where the two rivers met. The prospect from the middle of the 
 stream was delightful : you appeared in the centre of three grand rivers, 
 whose banks were everywhere formed of lofty eminences, towering over- 
 each other with a kind of majestic pride, and covered with verdure to their 
 very summits. 
 
 " On leaving this mansion, I took my farewell of all kind of society till 
 I arrived at the opposite side of the wilderness. I ascended tie banks 
 with my two horses, and striking into the woods, directed my steps the> 
 nearest way to my desired port. I had now no prospect before me but oi> 
 traversing the howling desert by myself, and of wandering alone and un- 
 protected through this dreary wilderness. Owing to the frequent com-i 
 niumcation which is commonly kept up between the eastern and western 
 
1797.] THE TENNESSEE WILDERNESS. 187 
 
 parts of this State, I found no great difficulties in ascertaining the right 
 path, though sometimes I have been in very disagreeable dilemmas on 
 this head. Not far from the ferry, I met with a party of travelers going 
 to Nashville. We stopped and had some little conversation together, and 
 then separated, and each pursued his destined route. They wondered 
 very much to see me by myself in the woods, and recommended me to 
 wait for company. 
 
 " Towards the afternoon I ascended one of those high lulls with which 
 these rivers are surrounded. I had understood it was a very long and a 
 very difficult one ; and that I should find but one spring of water through 
 out the whole distance of it, which if I passed, I should not meet with any 
 more till I descended a considerable way into the valley. The day was 
 very hot, and both my horses and myself consequently very dry. I 
 watched very narrowly for the spring, which issued from the side of the 
 mountain, and actually descended several paths which appeared to lead 
 me down to it ; but, fruitless in my search, I determined to pursue my 
 journey, and not to stop till I reached the brook in the valley. 
 
 "Night came on, and I had not yet reached the brow of this moun- 
 tain ; but in about an hour after dark I found myself on the descent, and, 
 soon after, reached the valley below. Overcome with the fatigue of this 
 troublesome journey, I would willingly have laid me down to rest at the 
 foot of the mountain, and suffered my horses to have refreshed themselves 
 with the pasture they should find there ; but the pains of extreme thirst, 
 which had not been allayed since the morning, were too powerful to be 
 neglected ; I was therefore obliged to proceed. The afternoon had been 
 beautifully fine, and gave reason for indulging the hope of an equally pro- 
 pitious day on the morrow ; but alas ! scarce had the sun set below the 
 horizon ere I perceived the clouds begin to assemble together and to indi- 
 cate an approaching storm ; to heighten the scene, also, I heard the rumb- 
 ling noise of distant thunder, and, soon after, perceived the faint flashes of 
 the fiery lightning. I thought the elements were very unkind to me the 
 first night of my embarking in the wilderness alone ; yet, as I had long 
 before this learned to bear the sports of fortune, I resolved, also, not to 
 suffer this little deviation from the smooth track to ruffle my temper. I 
 therefore pursued my course without an unpleasant or discordant thought. 
 
 " I continued on till I found the thunder and lightning increase upon 
 me, It was now near ten o'clock, and dark as pitch, save when the vivid 
 flashes kindly lent me a ray of light to help me on my way. I had observed 
 no signs of water, and, fearful that I should not be able to kindle a fire if I 
 continued on till the rain descended, I determined, parched as I was with 
 thirst, to stop and take up my abode for the night. 
 
 " I got together all the wood I could discover near me, and, kindling a 
 fire large enough to roast an ox, and which I thought might be able to 
 
188 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1797. 
 
 withstand any rain which might fall, spread my blanket and lay down to 
 rest. I had scarce accomplished all this ere the storm approached upon 
 me. The lightning began to be more frequent, and the rain to descend, 
 and in such torrents did it come down, that this vast flame, whioh I" had 
 so lately kindled, was soon extinguished. The rain refreshed me very 
 much, and, regardless, of all the bustle about me, and the state of darkness 
 in which I was now left, I fell fast asleep, wrapped up in my blanket, and 
 having my head reclining upon a log of wood for a pillow. In this situ- 
 ation, overcome with fatigue, and ' indifferent in my choice to live or die,' 
 I weathered out this storm, and slept very soundly till three or four o'clock 
 in the morning, when I awoke and found the elements had not ceased their 
 contest, but were still warring against each other in all the impetuosity 
 and rage of two discordant enemies. As to myself, I observed that I was 
 nearly covered with water, for I had chosen a hollow place, which served 
 as a bed for both me and the water, and, had I continued there much 
 longer, it would have approached my head. You will naturally conceive 
 that this drove away all sensations of thirst : it did so, and I awoke very 
 much relieved from that inconvenience ; and, rising from my bed and 
 wringing my blankets, went and lay down on a higher spot of ground, and 
 slept very soundly till morning, 
 
 " Sunday, August 132A, — When I awoke and found every cloud dis- 
 persed, and the sun rising beautifully in the east. This agreeable contrast 
 with the preceding night induced me to say, with Othello, 
 
 *" If after every Btorm there comes such calm,' etc., 
 
 and I ' proceeded on my course rejoicing.' I had not gone far before I 
 came to the little rivulet which I had been seeking so long ; but now, as 
 all thirst was departed, I passed it without scarcely deigning to look at it. 
 
 "About nine or ten o'clock I ascended the Cumberland mountains. 
 These mountains are a spur from the Alleghany, and separate from them 
 about the middle of Virginia, proceeding in a south-western direction, and 
 giving rise to several famous rivers, all of which flow into the Ohio, and 
 water the new States of Tennessee and Kentucky. They are not quite so 
 high as the Alleghany mountains, and, at the place where I passed over 
 them, they are about fifty miles across, and, in some places, are perfectly 
 level at top, watered with fine streams, and affording many excellent situ- 
 ations for plantations, agreeably to what I have already said of the Alle- 
 ghany mountains. There is one place in particular, called the Crab Orchard, , 
 which is ten miles from the east foot of the mountains, and at the west foot 
 of the Spenser's Hill, which I will describe when I arrive at it. 
 
 " My first approach to these mountains was along a plain almost void 
 of trees, and covered entirely with grass; and at the termination I saw the- 
 base of the mountains, ranged in majestic order before me, bidding defiance | 
 
1797.] THE TENNESSEE WILDERNESS. 189 
 
 o my approach, and indicating the difficulties I should have to encounter 
 m the accomplishment. I was obliged to dismount from my horse to 
 ascend these steep eminences. I observed the soil to be composed of a 
 red earth, which made the hill appear as if there had been a quantity of 
 bricks broken and scattered about. The rain had made it very slippery, 
 which rendered it very unpleasant. It was near an hour before I got to 
 the top of this first hill, which was a prelude to what I had to encounter , 
 for I observed, at some distance, the tops of other eminences whose sides 
 I had to mount, and, these ascended, still more at a greater distance, which 
 reminded me of Pope's line in his Essay on Criticism : 
 
 " * Hills peep o'er hills, and Alps on AlpB arise.' 
 
 " The sun had shone very bright ever since he had risen, and dried up 
 what little moisture the rain had kindly distributed last night. It was 
 now between eleven and twelve o'clock, and time for me to rest both 
 myself and my horses ; but as I could observe no water anywhere, I was 
 obliged to proceed. I continued on for some little distance, and at last 
 observed a hollow in the ground, where some rain water had lodged on the 
 day preceding. Here I alighted, and, kindling a fire, made some coffee, 
 and fared sumptuously on some bread and butter and mutton which I had 
 brought with me from Mr. Blackamoor's. Here, being all alone, I saun- 
 tered about the woods to observe the fine romantic views which my pecu- 
 liarly elevated situation afforded me. I then returned to my encamp- 
 ment, and reclined under the shade of some lofty trees for an hour or two, 
 and, after giving my horses time to graze about the woods, pursued my 
 journey. 
 
 " I continued on my way this afternoon without meeting with any 
 thing very remarkable. The agreeable diversity of hill and dale with 
 which this State is favored, together with the delightful views of a fine 
 romantic country, served to dissipate that ennui and wearisomeness which, 
 perhaps, I might otherwise have experienced. There had been an army 
 aoross this place about two or three years ago, and I took a pleasure in 
 observing their track through the woods, and in tracing out their different 
 encampments as they went along. In some places I could hardly discover 
 any remains of their march ; in others, it was distinctly visible. I deter- 
 mined upon halting early this evening, not only that I might thereby 
 rest my horses from the fatigue of ascending such steep eminences, but 
 also that I might be enabled to kindle a fire and take my repast before the 
 night set in. Just before six I came to a brook, which I followed some 
 little way into the woods, in order that I might get off the path and avoid 
 discovery, and (having singled out a convenient spot surrounded by a 
 thicket on evflty side) I unpacked my horses, and determined to tarry 
 here all night. Thus you behold me a third time encamped out in the 
 VOL. I. — 13 
 
190 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1797 
 
 woods by myself. I was by this time got pretty well used to it, so that I 
 lay down with as little concern as if I had been surrounded by a rumerous 
 party. My sleep was undisturbed till the morning — 
 
 11 Monday, August lUh, — When I awoke, and pursued my journey 
 alone. As I was proceeding on my way on foot up one of the steep emi- 
 necces among these mountains, whom should I discover (on turning round) 
 at some distance behind me, but Mr. Davidson, whom I had left a few 
 days ago in the settlements. I immediately stopped my horses and halted 
 till he came up. It was a joyful meeting to us both, as we were each trav- 
 eling alone. He informed me that his friends having declined accompany- 
 ing him, he had made the best of his way to overtake me ; that he had 
 passed two nights alone in the desert, and had tracked me to the very 
 spot in which we were then speaking. We compared notes respecting our 
 situation on the stormy night of the Saturday, and found that we could 
 not have been a great way from each other. Under such circumstances 
 it would have been fortunate to have found a companion. 
 
 "Our conversation now beguiled the path amazingly, and we reached 
 the summit of the mountain without having experienced any toil or fatigue. 
 Our course lay now over a smooth plain, and the agreeableness of the place 
 would have induced us to halt, had we found any water near ; but there 
 being a scarcity of that article, we were obliged to pursue our journey still 
 further. At length, finding that our search was fruitless, we sat us down 
 and finished our repast without any liquid whatever to appease the press- 
 ing calls of thirst, which the heat of the climate and the labor of the journey 
 induced. As I was wandering about, according to my custom, to observe 
 the beauties of the country, I saw in some few places the tracks of deer 
 or other animals on the ground, which were filled with water, the last re- 
 mains of the storm on the twelfth. These tracks hardly contained a wine- 
 glass full apiece, and were so shallow that we could not take up the water 
 with a spoon which we had with us without mixing it with the dirt at the 
 bottom ; we therefore cut a flat stick, and hollowing it out somewhat in 
 the middle, took it up drop by drop, and placed it in a tin cup till we had 
 nearly filled it, and having collected sufficient for a draught, drank it up, 
 and thus appeased the pressing calls of nature. We then pursued our 
 journey, and were continually delighted with the romantic scenery of the 
 country, a fine view of which we gained when we reached the summit of 
 the various eminences with which this part of the country abounds. 
 About four o'clock we arrived at Oba's river ; it was a pretty wide stream, 
 but very shallow, and full of large stones, or rather rocks, which, together 
 with its craggy sides, contrasted with the surrounding woods, formed a 
 picturesque and pleasant appearance. I should have been surprised to find 
 so large a stream at the top of the mountains ; but as I observed the same 
 thing on the Albghany mountains, and justly concluded that this was the 
 
1797.] THE TENNESSEE WILDERNESS. 191 
 
 source of all the large navigable streams that water this country, my sur- 
 prise was somewhat abated. We did not proceed far beyond this place 
 ere we encamped ; and we had scarcely kindled our fire, before we were 
 joined by a party of three other persons who were traveling the same way 
 as pe were, and who, observing our fire, had made toward the place 
 where we encamped, with an intent of passing the night with us. We 
 were happy to see them, as it not only strengthened our party, but also 
 enlivened a few hours which otherwise we might have passed very dull for 
 want of company. We set our new visitors to collect wood for the fire ; 
 and there being an appearance of rain, we formed a curious kind of Indian 
 tent out of the bark of some trees which we saw scattered about. This 
 appeared to be an old e.icamping place, as there were the remains of sev- 
 eral fires and camps on a ery side of the little stream of water on whose 
 banks we halted. Our fears were, however, groundless; for the night 
 passed away very pleasantly, and the next morning — 
 
 " Tuesday, August 15th, — We continued our journey. We had not met 
 a single person in the wilderness all this time, since I took leave of the 
 few travelers I met with on the banks of the Cumberland river. However, 
 this morning we met with a party of emigrants who were traveling to the 
 western division of this State, and who had got a wagon along with 
 them, together with a few cows and other cattle. They appeared heartily 
 fatigued with the labors of the journey, and inquired of us how far it was 
 to the termination of the wilderness. We gave them but a bad account 
 of the roughness of the roads, of which they said they had encountered 
 enough already. In return we asked them concerning the state of the 
 paths which we were pursuing, of which they also could give no flattering 
 account ; in particular, they told us that we were approaching toward a 
 part where we should find great scarcity of grass in the woods ; and con- 
 sequently that we ought to take advantage of those spots where we should 
 ODserve any. Having delayed some little time in conversation, we pro- 
 ceeded on, and soon after halted to take our morning's repast. We did not 
 continue here so long as we had used to do, as we wished to reach the 
 Crab Orchard in the evening. We accordingly hurried on ; and having 
 passed two small rivers, or rather creeks, we arrived at that spot about five 
 o'clock. 
 
 " Here we halted some time in order to admire the beauties of the 
 place. It is a fine large plain, or natural meadow, containing many hun 
 dred acres, and covered throughout its whole extent with a tall, rich grass, 
 surrounded on every side by the neighboring mountains, and watered with 
 several fine springs, which flow from one end to the other. The scenery 
 of the craggy mountains, covered with trees to their very top, contrasted 
 with the smooth level of the plain, afforded us a view highly picturesque, 
 no^el, and enchanting ; and one which we could not but dwe.tt on with 
 
192 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1797. 
 
 pleasure. Near one end of it, and not far from the road, is a very great 
 natural curiosity. • It is a subterraneous cavity in a rock under the moun- 
 tains, down which you descend, by some steps cut in the stone, into a large 
 spacious room, through which runs a clear, limpid stream of spring water, 
 which rises from the rock at one end and flows out at the other, through a 
 passage under ground, and disgorges itself in the open air, not far from the 
 entrance to the cave. I thought within myself, that this would form an 
 admirable situation for a settlement, and this subterraneous cavity would 
 afford an excellent convenience for a spring house* being always cool even 
 in the hottest seasons. 
 
 " With regret we left this delightful spot, and proceeded on about one 
 mile and a half further, to the foot of Spenser's Hill, where there was an 
 excellent spring of water, and plenty of grass and pea- vine for our horses, 
 Just before we reached this spot we met a party of horsemen, who were 
 bound also to the western division of this State. The number of persons 
 whom we now met surprised me very much, never having before noticed 
 anything of the kind in a desert wilderness ; but it must be observed that, 
 since the Indians have been at peace, traveling has been more secure, and 
 small parties have not feared to trust themselves along the wilderness ; and 
 as emigration is increasing very fast, there is great probability that this 
 road will, in the course of a few years, be as secure as any in the United 
 States. 
 
 " We endeavored to persuade this party to join us this evening ; but as 
 they were in a hurry to proceed they soon left us, and we presently after 
 reached the place of our destination. 
 
 " As we had experienced great want of water in our journey across 
 these mountains, anything which partook of the nature of a stream would 
 have been acceptable to us : how much more then must it be to meet with 
 one of the finest springs the earth ever produced ! We drank of it as if 
 it were nectar, and had it possessed any spirit, we should have lain down 
 overcome with its fumes. We kindled a fire for the night, and then led 
 our horses away to a neighboring spot abounding with rich grass and pea- 
 vine. We then returned to our encampment, and passed away the remain- 
 ing part of the day in observing the beauties of the place. We were now 
 at the termination of the smooth plain I have been mentioning, and (after 
 having made some circuitous turnings) were arrived at the foot of one of 
 the highest ridges of these mountains, the ascent of which is remarkably 
 steep and difficult. As I was wandering about, admiring the beauties of 
 the place, and embosomed in the woods and mountains, I could not but 
 reflect what an insignificant creature I appeared among these magnificent 
 
 * A spring house is a very common appendage to an American farmer's es- 
 tablishment, even in these rough countries. It is a substitute for an ice-house. 
 
1797.] THE TENNESSEE WILDERNESS. 193 
 
 works of the divine Creator ; and it threw me into a train of thought 
 somewhat similar to what I should conceive Addison was in, when he 
 penned certain numbers of the Spectator. We strolled about here till it 
 was quite dark, and returning to the rest of our company (by the light of 
 the fire they had kindled), spread our blankets and lay us down to rest ; 
 and the next morning, 
 
 " Wednesday, August 16$, — Awoke pretty early, in order to surmount, 
 before the heat of the day, the difficult path which lay before us. This 
 was no less than one of the steepest and longest mountains I remember to 
 have passed over. It was with difficulty our pack-horses could ascend it, 
 and we were obliged to halt several times, or they would not have been 
 able to proceed. Having reached the summit, we proceeded on pretty 
 well afterwards, as the descent was by no means so rapid; and when we 
 reached the foot of the mountain on the other side, we halted at the first 
 stream of water to refresh ourselves and our horses. Coming down from 
 these mountains, we had a most delightful view of the surrounding country. 
 The spurs or ridges of mountains which projected from the side of this vast 
 base, formed an agreeable variety of hill and dale immediately under us ; 
 and the distant plain, or sea of woods beyond, formed a delightful and 
 enchanting contrast. 
 
 " We did not stop long at our breakfast, but (wishing to proceed on 
 our journey) saddled our horses, and made the best of our way to Clinch 
 river, where we arrived about three o'clock. Here we took leave of the 
 wilderness, and observed once more the marks of civilized life. On the 
 banks of the Clinch river we remarked a small Indian encampment, where 
 a few Indian women were dressing some victuals : they told us their hus- 
 bands were gone out to hunt. Whilst our horses were ferrying across in 
 the boat (which belongs to a man who has a plantation on the opposite 
 shore) we entered into conversation with them, and exchanged some salt 
 and gunpowder for some mockasons which they had got. 
 
 " Clinch river, where we crossed it, was two hundred and eighty yards 
 wide, and was within sight of its junction with the Tennessee, of which it 
 is one of the principal branches. It is thirty miles below the junction of 
 the Holstein and Tennessee rivers. We paid for our ferriage one eighth of 
 a dollar for each horse. It will be observed, by an inspection of the map, 
 that from the time we took the Cumberland mountains to this place we 
 have been traveling within the Indian country. The Indians keep this 
 tract of land in full sovereignty, and have not yet parted with their title to 
 it to the United States. But soon after we leave the banks of the Clinch 
 river, we get once more within the proper limits of the State of Tennessee. 
 After refreshing ourselves at the ferry we continued our journey, intending 
 to reach this evening an encampment of men, women and children, which 
 was formed between this place and Knoxville. These people were wait- 
 
194 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1797. 
 
 ing to set out to settle some lands on the Tennessee river, but (as there 
 lately had been a dispute with the Indians with respect to the running the 
 line which divided their territory from the United States) they thought it 
 best to wait the issue of the negotiation which was pending. The limits a* 
 the Indian territory had been fixed by the treaty of Holstein ; but it being 
 some years after ere the line was actually run, they found (when they came 
 to survey that part of the country) that a number of inhabitants had 
 encroached and settled on the Indian territory. This was not at all to be 
 wondered at, as it is almost impossible to know exactly where a line 
 (drawn only upon paper) will actually strike when it comes to be 
 measured. As the United States (agreeably to the policy which they 
 have universally adopted) were determined that the Indians should have 
 no just cause of complaint, they ordered all the families which had so 
 encroached to remove within the limits of the United States, and the 
 President actually sent a detachment of the army into the country to 
 enforce his commands. This was the bone of contention which was the 
 subject of conversation in every place I went into. The inhabitants firmly 
 opposed being removed from their settlements, and they were supported 
 in their opposition by the encouragement of those who were within the 
 limits of the United States, as they all hate the Indians, and think a little 
 deviation from justice is a thing to be overlooked where their two interests 
 clash with each other. So far does prejudice carry us 1 And I believe the 
 inhabitants were prepared to defend themselves against the soldiery with 
 the point of the sword. Happily, things did not come to these extremi- 
 ties, for it was discovered that the line which had been drawn by the sur- 
 veyors was not agreeable to the treaty ; that, if it had been drawn right, it 
 would not have cut off any of the inhabitants of the State within the Indian 
 limits. Accordingly, a representation of this case was made to the Gen- 
 eral Assembly at Knoxville, who forwarded a remonstrance to the Presi- 
 dent of the United States ; and, at the same time, formed a number of 
 resolutions indicative of their determination not to suffer the inhabitants to 
 be turned out of their possessions. Such was the state of the country when 
 I was in it. We reached the encampment about sunset, and, having kin- 
 dled a fire among them and turned our horses into the woods to search for 
 pasture, went round to visit the different parties we saw there. They were 
 scattered over a rising ground, near which were some fine springs of water. 
 They seemed to lament their situation, in being deprived of going to settle 
 the land which they had justly and fairly bought, and were so worked up 
 by the apparent hardness of their case that, had things taken a contrary 
 turn, I believe they would have forced their way by the point of the 
 bayonet. We strolled about among them till it was quite dark. The sight 
 of any kind of society quite enlivened us, and we returned to our grassy 
 bed in health and spirits. In the morning, 
 
1797.] THE TENNESSEE WILDERNESS. 19$ 
 
 " TJiursday, August 17th, — We rose again to pursue our journey. It 
 was some time before we could find our horses, as they had strayed further 
 into the woods than we had ever known them to do before. By the 
 assistance of some of our kind companions, we soon recovered them, and, 
 taking leave of this little society, directed our steps toward Knoxville, the 
 capital of the State. Soon after we started, I took leave of my compan- 
 ions, as they were going another road from the one I was pursuing. I 
 therefore jogged on by myself, admiring, in silence, the different agreeable 
 objects which were continually presenting themselves to my eyes. About 
 one o'clock I stopped at a plantation which I saw on the road, and, having 
 alighted from my horse and given him some corn, walked into the house 
 to get some tiling for myself; for at all these places you may take this 
 liberty if you pay them well for it. I found the family just set down to 
 some soup or kind of broth, which was made by boiling Indian corn and 
 bacon together, or in some such way. It was to me very good, as I was 
 extremely hungry, though at any other time or place I might have rejected 
 it with disgust. Having tarried here about an hour, I pursued my journey, 
 and, within about a mile or two of Knoxville, passed through the detach- 
 ment of the army which had been sent down here to enforce the President's 
 command. The band was just playing a military air, and a number of 
 people had come from the town to hear and to see. It was an agreeable 
 sight to me, as I found myself emerged at once from the bosom of the 
 wilderness to all the charms of civilized life. I stopped a little here, and 
 recognized some of the officers whom I had seen before on the Ohio. 
 Soon after, I left them, and, at six, reached the town of Knoxville, which is 
 forty miles from Clinch river. Coetera desunt."* 
 
 Here Mr. Baily's journal abruptly ends. He accom- 
 plished the journey from Nashville in fifteen days. His 
 diary gives us a lively idea of the country which Andrew 
 Jackson went to Philadelphia to represent. If, however, 
 he had gone that way in the autumn months, when emi- 
 grants were wont to journey westward, he would have found 
 the road less lonely. In a New York paper of November, 
 1796, I find a paragraph which states that a gentleman had 
 met, in four days' travel from Nashville to Knoxville, one 
 hundred and seventy-five wagons, and ten times that number 
 
 * Journal of a Tour in the Unsettled Parts of the United States of JSortb 
 America in 1796 and 179Y. By the late Francis Baily, F. R. S., President of 
 the Royal Astronomical Society. London, 1851. 
 
196 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1797 
 
 of " bat horses," on their way to the Cumberland settlements. 
 Another paragraph, of about the same date, mentions, as a 
 remarkable item of intelligence, that the road through the 
 Cumberland Gap was then safe for wagons containing a ton 
 of merchandise ! 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 FILTHY DEMOCRATS. 
 
 Jackson reached Philadelphia about the first of Decem- 
 ber — The Honorable Andrew Jackson of Tennessee. Albert 
 Gallatin, a leading member of Congress at that time, remem- 
 bered him, in after years, as " a tall, lank, uncouth-looking 
 personage, with long locks of hair hanging over his face, and 
 a queue down his back tied in an eel skin ; his dress singular, 
 his manners and deportment those of a rough backwoods- 
 man ;"* a description which no friend of Jackson's later 
 years will admit to be correct. Nevertheless, so he may have 
 appeared to the sedate and European Gallatin, looking back 
 through a long vista of years at a man whose character and 
 opinions he deplored. Philadelphia, then a city of sixty-five 
 thousand inhabitants, was the center of all that the young 
 republic could boast of the intelligent and the refined. 
 
 The period during which Jackson served in Congress has 
 recently received such frequent illustration that it must be 
 fresh in the recollection of the reading public. Mr. Irving's 
 Fifth Volume, which relates the rise of the democratic party 
 (with more truth than sympathy) is the fifth volume of a 
 household work. The reader, therefore need only be briefly 
 reminded of two or three features of the time, which must 
 have made a particular impression upon the young represent- 
 ative from Tennessee. 
 
 * Hildreth's History of the United States. 
 
1796.] FILTHY DEMOCRATS. 197 
 
 We have heard, in our own day, of the Great Unwashed. 
 From an anecdote related of Mrs. Washington, it may be in- 
 ferred that Democrats have had a reputation of that kind 
 from a very early period of their existence as a Power in the 
 world. One day in the second term of her husband's presi- 
 dency, Mrs Washington's watchful ear observed that the 
 harpsicord of her niece, Nelly Custis, ceased playing. It wag 
 the young lady's time for practice, and her aunt was too 
 strict a disciplinarian to allow her to waste those hours 
 The music was not resumed for some time, and in the midst 
 of the untimely pause, the mistress of the presidential man- 
 sion heard some one leave the room in which the young 
 maiden was. She went in to learn his name. The young 
 lady not volunteering the information, the attention of Mrs. 
 Washington was suddenly attracted to a disfiguring mark on 
 the wall, which had been painted a delicate cream color. 
 
 "Ah," cried she, "it was no Federalist. None but a 
 filthy Democrat would mark a place on the wall with his 
 good-for-nothing head in that manner."* 
 
 There are representative anecdotes, as well as representa- 
 tive men, and this appears to be one of them. Whether true 
 or false, or half true, is not of the slightest consequence : 
 it correctly indicates the drawing-room sentiment of the 
 period, and has a special interest for us, inasmuch as An- 
 drew Jackson was a "filthy Democrat." A filthy Demo- 
 crat of that day was one who sympathized with, and be- 
 lieved in, the French Revolution ; who thought the United 
 States doubly bound — bound by gratitude and by community 
 of principles — to aid the French republic in her struggle 
 with the " leagued despotisms ;" who thought it due to the 
 human race that the Mistress of the Seas should be humbled, 
 and that the United States ought to assist in that undertak- 
 ing ; who opposed the conciliatory measures of Washington's 
 administration, and held in abhorrence Hamilton's finan- 
 cial system, the funding of the Public Debt, the National 
 
 * Griswold's Republican Court 
 
198 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1796. 
 
 Bank, and its issues of Paper Money ; who hated kings, 
 nobles, and all privileged orders, with a peculiar warmth of 
 animosity ; and who believed in Republicanism, pure and 
 simple, as established by the Constitution, and as expounded 
 by Jefferson. 
 
 But why continue the enumeration, when before me lies 
 the list of toasts given at the Evacuation Day banquet of the 
 Tammany Society of the city of New York, on the twenty- 
 fifth of November, 1796, just as Andrew Jackson was reaching 
 Philadelphia ? These will give the reader an idea of what 
 the filthy Democrats were then thinking about. Every toast 
 was a hit at the Federal party, either in its form or its sub- 
 stance : — 
 
 " 1. The people of the United States and their President. 
 
 " 2. The virtuous Congress of 1776, who decreed the freedom of three 
 millions of their fellow-citizens, thousands of whom afterwards sealed it 
 with their blood. (Three cheers.) 
 
 " 3. The republic of France. May the wisdom and energy of her 
 counsels confound and dismay, while her armies and navy overwhelm and 
 annihilate her enemies. 
 
 " 4. Spain and the other powers who have acknowledged the republics 
 of America, France and Holland. May they be an example to the des- 
 pots of the world, who are yet blind to the happiness of the human race. 
 
 " 5. A lasting peace, founded on the basis of equal rights, to the bel- 
 ligerent powers of Europe ; may they never more unsheath the sword in 
 defense of despotism. 
 
 "6. Citizens Jourdan, Buonaparte, Moreau, Bournonville, and the other 
 brave officers and soldiers of the French armies ; success to their arms, and | 
 may their exertions secure the constitution and liberties of the French re- 
 public. (Six cheers.) 
 
 " 7. Success and prosperity to all who contend for the equal rights of 
 man. (Nine cheers.) 
 
 " 8. May the late infamous British treaty be expunged from the laws 
 
 of our land, and the blank filled up with Here was written the first and | 
 
 last act of American ingratitude and pusillanimity. (Twelve cheers.) 
 
 " 9. Eternal love and gratitude to the French nation ; may the men 
 who would connect us with Great Britain justly incur the resentment of 
 every genuine American. (Twelve cheers.) 
 
 " 10. The voluntary exiles of our city and country, who sacrificed theil 
 all, to establish ou~ freedom and independence. (Six cheers.) 
 
1796.] FILTHY DEMOCRATS. 199 
 
 " 11. The memory of those American citizens who fell martyrs to the 
 cause of our country; may we never forget to celebiate their victorious 
 deeds. 
 
 "12. May the ' exercise of heels' so nobly displayed on the 25th No- 
 vember, 1783, be for ever improved to the advantage of republicans. 
 
 " 13. The American fair. May their smiles be propitious to the cause 
 of Freedom, and their approbation be only bestowed on the friends of their 
 country. 
 
 "14. A speedy evacuation of this city by all the tories, royalists and 
 British emissaries ; may their retreat be to the tune of 'Yankee Doodle.' 
 (Fifteen cheers.) 
 
 " 15. May the tricolor flag soon wave in triumph on the Tower of Lon- 
 don, and may the oppressed citizens of Britain regain their lost rights and 
 enjoy perpetual freedom. 
 
 " 16. The day we celebrate ; may we ever remember the greasy flag- 
 staff and the triumph of Liberty."* 
 
 Jackson reached Philadelphia at a peculiarly interesting 
 moment. The country had just passed through the agonies 
 of the first contested presidential election, and every one was 
 waiting with baited breath to learn the result. As Jackson 
 was always a great reader of newspapers, we may be sure that 
 he read in republican Greenleaf, a few mornings after his 
 arrival, the following article, explanatory of the hour, as well 
 as expressive of his own ardent feelings : — 
 
 " The day before yesterday, the dye was cast, and the ballots for Presi- 
 dent and Vice President irrevocably sealed up in the respective districts of 
 the United States. Every citizen will acknowledge the great importance 
 of this election ; and that the future prospects of this great people will be 
 materially affected by the issue, none will deny. 
 
 " Jefferson and Adams are fairly on the ground, but which, or whether 
 either of them, will come out first at the stake, is problematical in the 
 opinion of many. Pinckney and Burr are candidates for Yice President, 
 and should there not be a uniformity in voting for these gentlemen, the 
 chair, mayhap, will fall to the lot of one of them. We do not, however, 
 admit this probability to outweigh the first, and look forward with steady 
 eye in expectation that Jefferson or Adams will be the man. If neither 
 
 * Greenleaf's New York Journal and Patriotic Register, of November 
 29th, 1796. 
 
200 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1796 
 
 should be elected, it is probable neither of them would accep' the second 
 seat, and electioneering will not yet be done with. 
 
 " Wherein would the true interests of the United States be differently 
 pursued by Jefferson and Adams ? 
 
 " Jefferson believing it in the power of man to render their state happier, 
 would naturally persevere in the support of those pure republican principles 
 with which we began our glorious career. 
 
 " Adams believing man incorrigible, but with iron bands, would as nat- 
 urally lead on to kings, lords and commons, and soon bring the people into 
 such a happy bondage, that, like the lambs that were led to the slaughter, 
 they would smile on the hand which raised them to such eminence, and 
 inure their souls to pure servility." 
 
 All of which was gospel to the Honorable Mr. Jackson 
 and his fellow-Kepublicans. This first contested presidential 
 election exhibited the same revolting phenomena as those with 
 which the present generation is familiar. It was a strife of 
 loud-contending Lies. One party said: "Fellow-citizens, 
 Monarchy or Kepublicanism is the question at issue, Those 
 who desire monarchy and a war with France, our sister re- 
 public and glorious ally, to whom we owe our liberty, will 
 vote for Mr. John Adams, who is known to be a monarchist 
 and an enemy to France." To .which the other party replied : 
 "All who wish to see the horrors of the French Kevolution 
 reenacted in America, the guillotine set up in our streets 
 and a Kobespierre in the chair of state, will vote for Thomas 
 Jefferson, the Infidel, the leveler, the agrarian, the calumnia- 
 tor of Washington, the crack-brained enthusiast." Nor were 
 the less conspicuous characters spared. In the Kepublican 
 papers I see Hamilton accused of fomenting the Whisky In- 
 surrection, in order that he might have an opportunity of 
 showing his prowess in suppressing it. It was also insinuated! 
 that he was in the habit of laughing in his sleeve at the Presi- 
 dent, while the language of adulation was ever on his lips* 
 when he approached him. Poor Burr, upon whom such a heavy- 
 odium has since fallen, appears to have escaped with less than 
 his fair share of vituperation. " British Guineas" was a fre- 
 quent rallying cry of the Kepublicans, as "British Gold" 
 was in subsequent elections. There was little mincing oil 
 
1796.] FILTHY DEMOCRATS. 201 
 
 words either. When the Gazette of the United States pre- 
 dicted that the licentiousness of the Kepublicans would end 
 in the guillotine, the Aurora wanted to know whether the man 
 who said so was " more a fool or a beast ?" The jokes of the 
 campaign, however, were exceedingly mild compared with 
 those of more modern days. " Do you know the reason," 
 asked one gentleman of another, "why vessels are making such 
 short voyages this summer to England ?" Of course, the 
 gentleman addressed did not know. " The reason is," re- 
 sumed the other, " that since the ratification of Jay's treaty, 
 we have been draiving nearer England!' Prodigious ! This 
 is given in a New York paper, in a paragraph by itself, 
 headed " Anecdote." 
 
 Tennessee had taken a particular interest in this election, 
 for two reasons : it was the first in which she had ever taken 
 part ; and, secondly, she saw in it the means of punishing 
 I the party that had opposed and delayed her admission into 
 the Union. I have a letter,* written by William Blount, 
 Senator elect from Tennessee, dated Philadelphia, September 
 26th, 1796, addressed to Governor Sevier, which, I think, is 
 worth inserting here, as showing the state of feeling among 
 leading Tennesseeans during that campaign : — 
 
 " I request you," wrote Mr. Blount, " to send my commission on by 
 my colleague, Mr. Cocke. Permit me to say that it is my opinion that it 
 will be the true interest of Tennessee in particular, and of the Union in 
 general, to promote the interest of Jefferson and Burr for President and 
 Vice President at the ensuing election, and it is my opinion, founded upon 
 the best information that the nature of the case admits of, that they will be 
 elected. I hope they will meet your approbation and receive your sup~ 
 port. 
 
 " That Jefferson is a friend of our country I suppose nobody in Ten- 
 nessee doubts, and I pronounce positively that Mr. Burr, from a combina- 
 tion of circumstances, may be ranked among its very warmest friends. 
 I None of the southern States, except South Carolina, will vote for Mr. 
 I Pinckney for Vice President, but generally for Burr, and it is generally 
 i believed that such of the northern States as talk of Mr. Pinckney mean 
 
 * From Autograph Collection of Gordon L. Ford, Esq., of New York. 
 
202 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1796. 
 
 only thereby to promote Mr. Adams' election, and in the end not vote Mr. 
 Pinckney. Perhaps this business had best not be spoke of aloud, at least 
 I would not like to have it understood that there was any premeditated 
 plan in the business. Mr. Fiske, who will have the honor to deliver you 
 this letter, I believe, is with us in his wishes as to President and Vice 
 President, but I would advise you not to speak freely with him on this 
 subject. From me he knows nothing of it, and there are but few who do. 
 Truth is, that I have taken a great agency in this election, and have been 
 induced so to do by the part the adverse party took against the admission 
 of Tennessee. I believe I have before told you that Benjamin Hawkins 
 was appointed agent to the four southern nations of Indians ; he left that 
 place yesterday, and goes to the Tuckabatchees, where he means to reside, 
 by way of General Pickens'. His appointment is only temporary, and he 
 may or may not be confirmed by the succeeding President. Do not sup- 
 pose I have had any agency in his appointment, for I have not; he 
 did not need it, for he is a favorite of the present President. Pray pre- 
 serve peace at all events this year, as it is desirable in every point of view. 
 You can't conceive what a puppy of a Secretary of War we have ; he was 
 by the author of creation intended for a diminutive taylor. This is not 
 an official letter. Yours, sincerely, 
 
 " Wm. Blount. 
 
 " P. S. — It is here believed that Spain has declared war against Britain. 
 The French are going on with their successes as their most sanguine 
 friends could wish. Britain must be humbled, and that she should be so is 
 the interest of all nations. For the current news of this place, I refer you 
 to the bearer, Mr. Fiske." 
 
 One other circumstance remains to be noted. Jackson 
 came to Philadelphia at one of those periods of commercial 
 depression to which the country has always been liable. The 
 financial reader is aware that the suspension of specie pay- 
 ments by the Bank of England, which lasted twenty-two 
 years, began in February, 1797, about two months after 
 Jackson's arrival in Philadelphia. The depression in Phila- 
 delphia was already severe, and the failures were numerous, 
 though the great crash was still a year distant. In all times 
 of public disaster, one of the first of public necessities is a 
 scapegoat, and never so much as when the cause of the gen- 
 eral distress is something so simple, and, therefore, so puz- 
 zling, as paralysis of business. When the government has- 
 
1796.] INTHEHOUSE. 203 
 
 anything to do with the pecuniary affairs of the nation, — 
 when the government is the proprietor or manager of the 
 controlling bank, for example, then the government is inva- 
 riably the scapegoat. It was so when Jackson, for the first 
 time, came in contact with the great world. He saw the 
 general prostration of credit ; and when he sought to know 
 the cause of this dire effect, whether he sought it in conversa- 
 tion with Republican members, or in the flaming and confi- 
 dent organs of his party, he heard and read but this : Ham- 
 ilton — Paper Money — Over-issues — National Bank ! 
 
 CHAPTER XV III. 
 
 IN THE HOUSE. 
 
 Among the fifty-six members of the House of Repre- 
 sentatives who were present on the first day of the session, 
 December 5th, 1796, was Andrew Jackson, the sole repre- 
 sentative of a State that has since sent twelve members to 
 that House. The arrivals of the next few days increased the 
 number of members present to eighty-nine. Few of their 
 names have escaped oblivion. These only are remembered by 
 any considerable number of the present generation : Fisher 
 Ames, of Massachusetts ; Chauncey Goodrich, of Connecti- 
 cut ; Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania ; James Madison, of 
 Virginia ; Edward Livingston, of New York. And Chauncey 
 Goodrich is known more as Peter Parley's uncle than as a 
 member of Congress. John Adams, the Vice President of 
 the United States, and President elect, was in the chair of 
 the Senate, the list of whose members presents but one name 
 that retains to this day a national celebrity : Aaron Burr. 
 
 The first business transacted in the House shows the sim- 
 plicity of the times. A member presented a petition from 
 Thomas Lloyd, who offered to take short-hand reports of the 
 
204 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1796 
 
 proceedings of the House at the rate of three cents per half 
 sheet, or at a salary of a thousand dollars per session, and to 
 furnish each member with five copies of the proceedings, 
 printed and bound, for an additional sum of five hundred and 
 forty dollars. This modest proposition was referred to a 
 special committee, who reported favorably upon it ; but the 
 House, after an animated debate, rejected it. " The debates 
 are printed well enough in the newspapers," said the opposing 
 members, " and if each member should be furnished with five 
 copies of the proposed report at the public expense, the mails 
 of the whole country will be burthened* with their transpor- 
 tation !" One gentleman remarked that members might as 
 well be furnished, at the public expense, with the works of 
 Peter Porcupine (William Cobbett) or the Eights of Man. 
 To all of which the new member from Tennessee listened 
 with a mind unprophetic of the Congressional Globe. 
 
 On the third day of the session, a quorum of the Senate 
 having reached Philadelphia, and both Houses being assem- 
 bled in the Kepresentatives' chamber, Jackson saw General 
 "Washington, an august and venerable form, enter the cham- 
 ber and deliver his last speech to Congress ; heard him 
 recommend the gradual creation of a navy for the protection 
 of American commerce in the Mediterranean against the 
 pirates of Algiers ; heard him modestly — almost timidly — 
 suggest that American manufactures ought to be at least so 
 far encouraged and aided by government as to render the 
 country independent of foreign nations in time of war ; heard 
 him recommend the establishment of boards of agriculture, a 
 national university and a military academy ; heard him 
 mildly expose the stupidity of paying low salaries to high 
 officers, to the exclusion from high office of all but men of 
 fortune ; heard him denounce the spoliations of our com-* 
 merce by cruisers sailing under the flag of the French 
 
 c " There is now a clerk in the New York post office who used to carry the j 
 whole of the southern mail, from the Battery to the post office, on his back."— • 
 Evening Post, April, 1859." 
 
1796.] IN THE HOUSE. 205 
 
 republic; heard liim conclude his fifteen minutes' address 
 with these words : 
 
 " The situation in which I now stand, for the last time, 
 in the midst of the representatives of the people of the 
 United States, naturally recalls the period when the present 
 form of government commenced ; and I can not omit the oc- 
 casion to congratulate you and my country on the success of 
 the experiment ; nor to repeat my fervent supplications to 
 the supreme Kuler of the universe and sovereign Arbiter of 
 nations, that his providential care may still be extended to 
 the United States ; that the virtue and happiness of the peo- 
 ple may be preserved ; and that the government which they 
 have instituted for the protection of their liberties may be 
 perpetual." 
 
 When, amidst the profoundest silence, the President had 
 linished his speech, he presented a copy of it to the President 
 of the Senate, and another to the Speaker of the House. He 
 then withdrew, and the Senators returned to their owr 
 chamber. 
 
 At that day, it was customary for each House to prepare, 
 and in person deliver, a formal reply to the President's open- 
 ing speech. It was in connection with the reply of the Kep- 
 I resentatives to the President on this occasion, that the new 
 member from Tennessee is said to have voted to censure Gen- 
 eral Washington ; a charge upon which all the changes were 
 rung in the presidential campaigns of 1824, 1828, and 1832. 
 Let us see how much truth there was in the accusation. I 
 \ use the words charge and accusation, because the vote re- 
 ii ferred to has always been viewed in that light ; as though it 
 i- were not meritorious in a representative to censure a popu- 
 [ lar hero if he honestly deemed his conduct censurable. 
 
 A committee of five, Messrs. Ames, Baldwin, Madison, Sit- 
 
 j.igreaves and William Smith, were appointed to draw up an 
 
 iaddress to the President. It was expected, and it was proper, 
 
 ., that an address which was to be the farewell of the House to 
 
 „ the first man in the nation, should be more elaborate and 
 
 warm than any previous response to an annual speech. Ac- 
 
 vol. i. — 14 
 
206 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1796. 
 
 cordingly, on Monday, December 11th, when members came 
 into the chamber, they found lying on their desks the follow- 
 ing draft of the address prepared by the committee : — 
 
 'address to the president." 
 
 " Sir, — The House of Kepresentatives have attended to your communi- 
 cation respecting the state of our country, with all the sensibility that the 
 contemplation of the subject and a sense of duty can inspire. 
 
 " We are gratified by the information that measures calculated to en- 
 sure a continuance of the friendship of the Indians, and to maintain the 
 tranquillity of the interior frontier, have been adopted ; and we indulge the 
 hope that these, by impressing the Indian tribes with more correct con- 
 ceptions of the justice, as well as power of the United States, will be 
 attended with success. 
 
 " While we notice, with satisfaction, the steps that you have taken in 
 pursuance of the late treaties with several foreign nations, the liberation of 
 our citizens who were prisoners at Algiers, is a subject of peculiar felicita- 
 tion. We shall cheerfully cooperate in any further measure that shall ap- 
 pear, on consideration, to be requisite. 
 
 " We have ever concurred with you in the most sincere and uniform 
 disposition to preserve our neutral relations inviolate ; and it is, of course, 
 with anxiety and deep regret we hear that any interruption of our har- 
 mony with the French republic has occurred ; for we feel with you and 
 with our constituents the cordial and unabated wish to maintain a per- 
 fectly friendly understanding with that nation. Your endeavors to fulfill 
 that wish, can not fail, therefore, to interest our attention. And while we 
 participate in the full reliance you have expressed on the patriotism, self- 
 respect, and fortitude of our countrymen, we cherish the pleasing hope 
 that a spirit of justice and moderation on the part of the republic will en- 
 sure the success of your perseverance. 
 
 " The various subjects of your communication will, respectively, meet 
 with the attention that is due to their importance. 
 
 " When we advert to the internal situation of the United States, we 
 deem it equally natural and becoming to compare the tranquil prosperity 
 of the citizens with the period immediately antecedent to the operation of 
 the government, and to contrast it with the calamities in which the stat« 
 of war still involves several of the European nations, as the reflection de 
 duced from both tend to justify, as well as excite, a warmer admiration o1 
 our free Constitution, and to exalt our minds to a more fervent and grate 
 ful sense of piety towards Almighty Grod for the beneficence of His provi 
 dences by which this admin stration has been hitherto so remarkably disj 
 tinguished. 
 
1796.] I ft THE HOUSE. 207 
 
 " And while we entertain a grateful conviction that your wise, firm, 
 patriotic administration has been signally conducive to the success of the 
 present form of government, we can not forbear to express the deep sen- 
 sations of regret with which we contemplate your intended retirement 
 from office. 
 
 " As no other suitable occasion may occur, we can not suffer the 
 present to pass without attempting to disclose some of the emotions which 
 it can not fail to awaken. 
 
 " The gratitude and admiration of your countrymen are still drawn to 
 the recollection of those resplendent virtues and talents which were so 
 eminently instrumental to the achievement of the Revolution, and of which 
 that glorious event will ever be the memorial. Your obedience to the 
 voice of duty and your country, when you quitted reluctantly a second 
 time the retreat you had chosen, and first accepted the presidency, afforded 
 a new proof of the devotedness of your zeal in its service, and an earnest 
 of the patriotism and success which has characterized your administration. 
 As the grateful confidence of the citizens in the virtue of their chief magis- 
 trate has essentially contributed to that success, we persuade ourselves 
 that the millions whom we represent participate with us in the anxious 
 solicitude of the present occasion. 
 
 " Yet we can not be unmindful that your moderation and magnanimity, 
 twice displayed by retiring from your exalted stations, afford examples no 
 less rare and instructive to mankind than valuable to a republic. 
 
 " Although we are sensible that this event, of itself, completes the 
 luster of a character already conspicuously unrivaled by the coincidence of 
 virtue, talents, success and public estimation, yet we conceive that we owe 
 it to you, sir, and still more emphatically to ourselves and to our nation, (of 
 the language of whose hearts we presume to think ourselves at this mo- 
 ment the faithful interpreters,) to express the sentiments with which it is 
 contemplated. 
 
 " The spectacle of a whole nation, the freest and most enlightened in 
 the world, offering by its representatives the tribute of unfeigned appro- 
 bation to its first citizen, however novel and interesting it may be, de- 
 rives all its luster — a luster which accident or enthusiasm could not bestow, 
 and which adulation would tarnish — from the transcendent merit of which 
 it is the voluntary testimony. 
 
 " May you long enjoy that liberty which is so dear to you, and to 
 which your name will ever be so dear. May your own virtue and a na- 
 tion's prayers obtain the happiest sunshine for the decline of your days 
 and the choicest of future blessings. For your country's sake — for the 
 Bake of republican liberty — it is our earnest wish that your example may 
 be the guide of your successors ; and thus, after being the ornament and 
 safeguard of the presrnt age, become the patrimony of our descendants.'' 
 
208 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1796 
 
 The friends of the administration endeavored to have this 
 address read and acted upon immediately ; but the opposition, 
 after a debate in which all the party passions of the day were 
 unlisted, succeeded in postponing its consideration until the 
 day following. It was then read, paragraph by paragraph, 
 and debated for two days ; the opposition striving to reduce 
 its glowing panegyric, and damn the administration with 
 faint praise. Every prominent debater spoke ; both days of 
 the debate were field days. The outline of one opposition 
 speech, that of William B. Giles, of Virginia, will suffice to 
 show the leading grounds of objection to the address, and the 
 spirit in which it was opposed. Mr. Giles in substance said : — 
 
 " I do not object to a respectful and complimentary address to the 
 President, yet I think we ought not to carry our expressions beyond the 
 bounds of moderation. I hope we shall adhere to truth. I observe many 
 parts of the address which are objectionable. It is unnatural and unbe- 
 coming in us to exult in our superior happiness, light, wisdom or advan- 
 tages, and thus reflect on the unhappy situation of other nations in their 
 troubles. It is insulting to them. If we are thus happy, it is well for us, 
 and we should enjoy our happiness without boasting of it to all the world. 
 
 " As to those parts of the address which speak of the wisdom and firm- 
 ness of the President, I must object to them also. On reflection, I can see 
 a want of wisdom and firmness in the administration during the last six 
 years. I may be singular in my ideas, but I believe our administration has 
 neither been wise nor firm. I believe, sir, that a want of wisdom and 
 firmness has brought this country into its present alarming situation." I 
 (Danger of war with France ; exchanges deranged ; business depressed I 
 panic.) " If, after such a view of the administration, I were to come into , 
 this House and show the contrary by a quiet acquiescence in such expres- ' 
 sions, gentlemen would think me a very inconsistent character. If we take 
 a view of our foreign relations we shall see no reason to exult in the wis-} 
 clom or firmness of the administration. I think that nothing, so much as a \ 
 want of wisdom and firmness, has brought us to the situation in which we » 
 now stand. 
 
 u If gentlemen had been satisfied with placing the President in the 
 highest possible point of respect among men, the vote of the House would 
 have been unanimous ; but the proposal of such adulation could never 
 expect success. Take a view of our internal situation. Behold the ruined :j 
 state of public and private credit, which has never before been so deranged. 
 What a sha neful scene this city alone exhibits, owing, as I suppose, to the 
 
1796.] IN THE HOUSE. 209 
 
 immense quantify of paper issued." {Intense approval on the part of the 
 gentleman from Tennessee) "Surely this could afford no ground for admi- 
 ration of the administration that caused it I 
 
 " I must acknowledge that I am one of those who do not think so 
 much of the President as some others do. When the President retires 
 from his present station I wish him to enjoy all possible happiness. I wish 
 him to retire. I wish that this was the moment of his retirement. I think 
 that the government of the United States can go on very well without 
 him, and I think he will enjoy more happiness in his retirement than he 
 possibly can in his present situation. What calamities would attend the 
 United States, and how short the duration of its independence, if but one 
 man could be found fitted to conduct the administration. I think there 
 are thousands of citizens in the United States able to fill that high office, 
 and fill it with credit to themselves and advantage to the country. Much 
 has been said, and by many people, about the President's intended retire- 
 ment. For my own part, I must acknowledge that I feel no uncomforta- 
 ble sensations about it. I am perfectly easy in the prospect of that event. 
 It will be very extraordinary if gentlemen, whose names in the yeas and 
 nays are found in opposition to certain prominent measures of the admin- 
 istration, should now come forward and approve those measures. 
 
 " To return to the last paragraph but one, where we call ourselves the 
 \ freest and most enlightened people in the world.' Indeed, the whole 
 paragraph is objectionable. I disapprove the whole of it. If I am free, if 
 I am happy, if 1 am enlightened more than others, I wish not to proclaim 
 it on the house top. If we are free and enlightened, it is not the duty of 
 this House to trumpet it to the world." 
 
 And much more to similar effect. The debate was con- 
 tinued. Some unimportant emendations were made in the 
 address. The passage declaring that we are the most free and 
 enlightened nation was changed by omitting the superlative. 
 At length, toward the close of the second day, Edward Liv- 
 ingston brought the debate to a crisis, and to an end, by dis- 
 tinctly moving to strike out the words, "wise, firm and 
 patriotic administration ;" and to insert in their place 
 Your firmness, wisdom and patriotism." The very brief 
 debate which ensued on this motion will both interest the 
 reader and prepare him for the yeas and nays : — 
 
 " Mr. Livingston could not say that all the acts of the President had 
 oeen wise and firm; but he would say that he believed the firmness, wis- 
 
210 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1796 
 
 dom and patriotism of the President, had been signally conducive to the 
 success of the present form of government He was willing to give him 
 every mark of respect possible, but he believed some of his public acts ol 
 late had rendered the present motion necessary.' 
 
 "Mr. William Smith, of South Carolina (one of the committee who had 
 drawn up the address), opposed the amendment, as he thought the gentle- 
 man who proposed it, conceded the words to imply more than was meant 
 by them — they are not meant to include every act of the Executive. He 
 thought that the administration in general had been wise, firm and pa- 
 triotic ; that the wisdom and firmness of the President had been conducive 
 to the present form of government. Had not the words been put in the 
 reported address, he thought it would not have been of consequence whether 
 they were ever inserted. But the difference is very great, now that they 
 are inserted. They are made public ; and, to erase them now, and substi- 
 tute words in any manner deficient in sentiment to them, would be to carry 
 censure and not respect. 
 
 " Mr. Giles observed, that he thought the administration had been 
 deficient in wisdom. Many gentlemen, he said, were very particularly 
 opposed to the British treaty, and to the great emission of transferable 
 paper. Could it then be supposed these gentlemen could, in this instance, 
 so change their opinions ? He believed that the President possessed both 
 wisdom and firmness. He was willing to compliment the President as 
 much as possible in his personal character, but he could not think it appli- 
 cable to his administration. 
 
 " Mr. Gilbert hoped and presumed that the motion of his colleague 
 would not obtain. He understood that the House addressed the President 
 in answer to his speech, always as a public man, and not in his private ca- 
 pacity. How extraordinary, then, will it appear in this House to refer 
 only to his private conduct ! It is, in substance, complimenting him as a 
 private man, while the very words reprobate him in his public station. 
 We are now to address him as the President of the United States. We 
 may tell him of his wisdom and his firmness, but what of all that unless we 
 connect it with his administration ? 
 
 " Mr. Isaac Smith. — The sin of ingratitude is worse than the sin of 
 witchcraft ; and we shall damn ourselves to everlasting fame if we with- 
 hold the mighty tribute due to the excellent man whom we pretend to ad- 
 dress. Posterity, throughout all future generations, will cry out shame on 
 us. Our sons will blush that their fathers were his foes. If excess w ere 
 possible on this occasion, it would be a glorious fault, and worth a dozen 
 of little, sneaking, frigid virtues. I abhor a grudging bankrupt payment, 
 where the debtor is much more benefited than the creditor. The gentle- 
 man from Virginia misrepresents his own constituents — I am sure he does 
 all the rest of the Union. On the present occasion we ought not to con- 
 
1796.] IN THE HOUSE. 211 
 
 Bult our own little feelings* and sensibilities. We should speak with the 
 heart and in the voice of millions, and then we should speak warm and 
 loud. What ! ' damn with faint praise,' and suppress, or freeze the 
 warm, energetic, grateful sensations of almost every honest heart from 
 Maine to Tennessee 1 I will not do it ! Every line shall burn ! This is a 
 left-handed way of adoring the people. 
 
 " Mr. Dayton (the Speaker) said, the motion then before them was of 
 great importance, and every man who thought favorably of the President's 
 administration should there make a stand. For, if the words were struck 
 out, it would convey an idea to the world that it was the opinion of that 
 House that the administration of the President had neither been wise nor 
 patriotic. Gentlemen might very well concur in the address in its present 
 form, who did not think that every single act of the President had been 
 wise or firm, since it was his administration in general which was referred 
 to, and not each individual act He hoped, therefore, the amendment 
 offered would be decidedly opposed, and that the words proposed to be 
 struck out would be retained. 
 
 " Mr. Gallatin spoke to the same, or similar purport. He did not 
 approve all the acts of the administration. The British treaty he could not 
 call a successful measure. But as to the funding and banking systems 
 that had been adopted, whatever evils had come from them, they were 
 legislative acts, for which the administration could not be held accountable. 
 He should vote for the original address." 
 
 The question was taken on Mr. Livingston's amendment, 
 and decided in the negative. The whole address was then 
 read with the slight amendments previously ordered, and the 
 question was about to be submitted as to its final acceptance, 
 when Mr. Thomas Blount of North Carolina demanded the 
 yeas and nays, in order that posterity might see that he did 
 not consent to the address. Posterity, which has nearly for- 
 gotten Mr. Blount, will doubtless oblige him so far. The 
 yeas and nays were then taken, with this result : For ac- 
 cepting the address, sixty-seven votes ; against its accept- 
 ance, twelve. The following gentlemen voted against it : 
 Thomas Blount, Isaac Coles, William B. Giles, Christopher 
 Greenup, James Holland, Andrew Jackson, Edward Liv- 
 ingston, Matthew Locke, William Lyman, Samuel Maclay, 
 Nathaniel Macon, and Abraham Venable. 
 
 Jackson's vote on this occasion merely shows that in 
 
212 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1796. 
 
 1796 he belonged to the most radical wing of the Jefferso- 
 nian party, the " Mountain" of the House of Representatives. 
 His vote does honor to his courage and independence, if not 
 to his judgment. It was impossible for a natural fighting 
 man, such as he, to approve Jay's treaty, or sympathize with 
 England against France, or forgive the administration for its 
 seeming tolerance of the Indian massacres in Tennessee. 
 
 On the day following, at two in the afternoon, the mem- 
 bers of the House, as the courteous custom then was, marched 
 in procession to the residence of the President, who received 
 them in his long dining-room, where they formed a semicir- 
 cle round him, as he stood before the fire-place. The Speaker 
 read the address which had cost so much trouble. The Pres- 
 ident briefly replied. The members then returned to their 
 chamber, and this great business was done. 
 
 Jackson's next vote was also Jeffersonian. Savannah, 
 then called a " frontier town of Georgia," was nearly de- 
 stroyed by fire, and Congress was asked for an appropriation 
 in aid of the sufferers. The appropriation was refused by a 
 majority of fifty-five to twenty-four ; Andrew Jackson voting 
 against it. 
 
 On Thursday, December 29th, 1796, the member from 
 Tennessee first addressed the House. In 1793, while Ten- 
 nessee was still a Territory under the federal government, 
 General Sevier, induced thereto by extreme provocation and 
 the imminent peril of the settlements, led an expedition 
 against the Indians without waiting for the authorization of 
 the general government. One of those who served on this 
 expedition was a young student by the name of Hugh L. 
 White, afterwards Judge, Senator, and candidate for the 
 presidency. Young White killed a great chief, the King- 
 fisher, in battle. After the return of the expedition, it 
 became a question whether the government would pay the 
 expenses of an expedition which it had not authorized. To 
 test the question, Hugh L. White sent a petition to Con- 
 gress asking compensation for his services. On the day named 
 above, the subject came before the Committee of the Whole 
 
1796.] IN THE HOUSE. 213 
 
 House ; when a report on Mr. White's petition, from the Sec- 
 retary of War, was read. The report recounted the facts, and 
 added, that it was for the House to decide whether the prov- 
 ocation and danger were such as to justify the calling out of 
 the troops. Whereupon, " Mr. A. Jackson" rose and said : — 
 
 " Mr. Chairman : I do not doubt that, by a recurrence to 
 the papers presented, it will appear evident that the meas- 
 ures pursued on the occasion, were both just and necessary. 
 When it was seen that war was urged upon the State ; that 
 the knife and the tomahawk were held over the heads of wo- 
 men and children, and that peaceable citizens were murdered, 
 it was time to make resistance. Some of the assertions of 
 the Secretary of War are not founded in fact, particularly 
 with respect to the expedition having been undertaken for 
 the avowed purpose of carrying the war into the Cherokee 
 country. Indeed, those assertions are contradicted by a ref- 
 erence to General Sevier's letter to the Secretary of War. I 
 trust it will not be presuming too much when I say, that, 
 from being an inhabitant of the country, I have some knowl- 
 edge of this business. From June to the end of October, the 
 militia acted entirely on the defensive, when twelve hundred 
 Indians came upon them and carried their station, and threat- 
 ened to carry the seat of government. In such a state of 
 things, would the secretary, upon whom the executive power 
 rested in the absence of the governor, have been justified, had 
 he not adopted the measure he did of pursuing the enemy ? 
 I believe he would not. I believe the expedition was just and 
 necessary, and that the claim of Mr. White ought to be 
 granted. I, therefore, propose a resolution to the following 
 effect :— 
 
 "Resolved, That General Sevier's expedition into the 
 Cherokee nation, in tho year 1793, was a just and necessary 
 measure, and that provision ought to be made by law for pay- 
 ing the expenses thereof." 
 
 Some debate ensued, during which it was proposed to 
 refer the subject to the Committee on Claims, to which Mr, 
 Jackson objected. 
 
214 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1796. 
 
 " I own/' said he, " that I am not very well acquainted 
 with the rules of the House ; but from the best idea I can 
 forrn, this would be a very circuitous mode of doing busi- 
 ness. Why now refer it to the Committee on Claims, when 
 all the facts are stated in this report, I know not. If this 
 is the usual mode of doing business, I hope it will not be 
 referred." 
 
 The further consideration of the subject was soon after 
 deferred, and the House adjourned. 
 
 On the day following, Mr. Andrew Jackson presented a 
 petition from George Colbert, a Chickasaw chief, who asked 
 compensation for supplies furnished by his tribe to a detach- 
 ment of Tennessee volunteers. The petition was referred to 
 the Committee on Claims. After which, the petition of Mr. 
 Hugh L. White again came up. The resolution offered on 
 the previous day was read, and the mover thereof, Mr. Jack- 
 son, again addressed the House. 
 
 " Already/' said he, " the rations found for the troops of 
 this expedition have been paid for by the Secretary of War, and 
 I can see no reasonable objection to the payment of the whole 
 expense. As the troops were called out by a superior officer, 
 they had no right to doubt his authority. Admit a contrary 
 doctrine, and it will strike at the very root of subordination. 
 It would be saying to soldiers, i Before you obey the com- 
 mand of your superior officer, you have a right to inquire 
 into the legality of the service upon which you are about to 
 be employed, and until you are satisfied, you may refuse to 
 take the field/ This, I believe, is a principle which can not 
 be acted upon. General Sevier was bound to obey the orders 
 he had received to undertake the expedition. The officers 
 under him were obliged to obey him. They went with full 
 confidence that the United States would pay them, believing 
 that the United States had appointed such officers as would 
 not call them into the field without proper authority. If 
 even the expedition had been unconstitutional, which I am 
 far from believing, it ought not to affect the soldier, since he 
 had no choice in the business, being obliged to obey his su- 
 
1796.] IN THE HOUSE. 215 
 
 perior. Indeed, as the provisions have been paid for, and as 
 the ration and pay rolls are always considered as a check 
 upon each other, I hope no objection will be made to the reso- 
 lution which I have moved." 
 
 A gentleman having remarked that he could see no con- 
 nection between the resolution and the petition, Mr. Jackson 
 explained : — 
 
 " By referring to the report, it will be seen that the Sec- 
 retary of War has stated that to allow the prayer of this 
 petition would be to establish a principle that will apply to 
 the whole of the militia in that expedition. If this petition- 
 er's claim is a just one, therefore, the present petition ought 
 to go to the whole, as it is unnecessary for every soldier em- 
 ployed on that expedition to apply personally to this House 
 for compensation." 
 
 The question was debated at considerable length. Mr. 
 James Madison spoke strongly on Jackson's side. The sub- 
 ject was finally referred to a select committee of five, Mr. A. 
 Jackson chairman ; who reported, of course, in favor of the 
 petitioner, and recommended that the sum of twenty-two 
 thousand eight hundred and sixteen dollars be appropriated 
 for the payment of the troops, which was done. 
 
 The member from Tennessee did not again address the 
 House of Representatives. His name appears in the records 
 thenceforth only in the lists of yeas and nays. 
 
 In a debate on direct taxation, the question was warmly 
 contested whether slaves should be taxed, as well as land. 
 Jackson voted for taxing them, as did a large majority of the 
 members, including those from the South. Mr. Benton* 
 explains this vote by saying, that in the slave States the peo- 
 ple were used to the taxation of both slaves and land, and 
 that to have omitted slaves would have seemed to them like 
 sparing the rich, and burdening the poor with the whole 
 weight of direct taxation. 
 
 On the eighth of February, 1797, Jackson saw Mr. Vice 
 
 * Benton's Abridgment, ii. 56. 
 
216 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1797. 
 
 President Adams, in the presence of both Houses of Con- 
 gress, open the packets containing the electoral votes for a 
 successor to General Washington. For Adams, seventy-one ; 
 Jefferson, sixty-eight ; Thomas Pinckney, fifty-nine ; Burr, 
 thirty ; with scattering votes for Samuel Adams, Jay, Clin- 
 ton, and others. The Vice President modestly announced 
 that the " person" who had received seventy-one votes was 
 elected President. A few weeks later, I presume, the honor- 
 able member from Tennessee witnessed the inauguration ; 
 " scarcely a dry eye but Washington's ;" " the sublimest 
 thing yet exhibited in America," said the chief actor in the 
 scene. 
 
 Jackson's other votes during the session were these : for 
 finishing the three frigates, United States, Constellation, and 
 Constitution ; against the continuance of the system of buy- 
 ing peace with Algiers ; against an appropriation of fourteen 
 thousand dollars for the purchase of furniture for the new 
 presidential mansion at Washington ; against the removal of 
 the restriction which confined the expenditure of public 
 money to the specific objects for which each sum was appro- 
 priated. 
 
 Congress adjourned on the third of March, and Andrew 
 Jackson took a final farewell of the House ; for at the war 
 session of the following summer he did not appear. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 IN THE SENATE. 
 
 Jackson's conduct in the House of Representatives was 
 keenly approved by Tennesseeans. Senator Cocke wrote 
 home during the session : " Your representative, Mr. Jack- 
 Bon, has distinguished himself by the spirited manner in 
 which he opposed the report (of the Secretary of War, upon 
 
1797.] IN THE SENATE. 217 
 
 the petition of Hugh L. White). Notwithstanding the mis- 
 representations of the Secretary, I hope the claim will be 
 allowed ; if it is, a principle will be established for the pay- 
 ment of all services done by the militia of the Territory."* 
 When, therefore, the news came, soon after, that Mr. Jack- 
 son had been completely successful, and that, in consequence 
 of his exertions, every man in Tennessee, who had done ser- 
 vices or lost property in the Indian wars, might hope for 
 compensation from the general government, it may be con- 
 cluded that the representative was a very popular man. 
 
 Accordingly, a vacancy in the Senate of the United States 
 occurring this year, Andrew Jackson received the appoint- 
 ment, and returned to Philadelphia in the autumn of 1797, 
 a Senator. The session began on the thirteenth of Novem- 
 ber. On the twenty-second, " Andrew Jackson, appointed a 
 Senator by the State of Tennessee, produced his credentials, 
 which were read ;" whereupon, " the oath required by law 
 was administered" to him and other new members, by the 
 temporary chairman of the Senate ; Vice President Jefferson 
 not having yet arrived. 
 
 And that is nearly all we know of the career of Andrew 
 Jackson in the Senate at that time. His record is a blank. 
 In the list of yeas and nays, his name never occurs, though 
 that of his colleague is never wanting. 
 
 The business of that session was so late in reaching the 
 Senate that four months passed before there was a single 
 division of sufficient importance to be recorded in Mr. Ben- 
 ton's voluminous Abridgment. Congress was waiting, the 
 President was waiting, the new army was waiting, the coun- 
 try was waiting, to learn the issue of negotiations with France ; 
 to learn whether it was necessary to legislate for peace or for 
 war. The Senators from Tennessee, meanwhile, were occu- 
 pied, so far as they were occupied at all, with the arrange- 
 ment of the dispute between Tennessee and the general 
 government on the subject of the Cherokee boundary, re- 
 
 * Ramsev's* Tennessee, page 677. 
 
218 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1798. 
 
 specting which the new State had sent to Congress a weighty 
 memorial. 
 
 We have one letter written during this session by Senator 
 Jackson to General Kobertson, the father of the Cumberland 
 settlements, with whom Jackson was afterward on terms of 
 cordial intimacy. The allusion to Bonaparte in this letter is 
 very noticeable. We shall see, later, that Jackson was an 
 ardent Bonapartist down to the end of that conqueror's 
 career : — 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON TO GENERAL JAMES ROBERTSON. 
 
 Philadelphia, January 11th (or 21st), 1798. 
 "Sir: — Congressional business progresses slowly; all important ques- 
 tions postponed until we are informed of the result of our negotiation with 
 France. , 
 
 The Tennessee memorial has attracted the attention of the two 
 Houses for some time. Many difficulties presented themselves, and many 
 delays thrown in the way. Policy dictated to us that the only thing that 
 could strike at the root of opposition, and secure success, was a nomination 
 of commissioners by the President for the purpose of holding a treaty with 
 the Cherokees. This was fortunately brought about, and, I believe, will 
 have the desired effect. Opposition is on the decline, and I have no doubt 
 but a treaty will be ordered. The Senate agree in the expediency of the 
 measure, but differ with the President in the number of commissioners 
 necessary. This has occupied the Senate to delay in agreeing to the nomi- 
 nation of the President; and as those in nomination may be withdrawn, 
 and others presented, I am not at liberty to give you their names. 
 
 It appears to be the wish of the President, by the treaty contempla- 
 ted, to purchase all the land from the Indians that they will sell ; and I do 
 hope that Tennessee river will become the line. When this is completely 
 icted upon by both Houses, I will write you more in detail ; and should it 
 be carried into effect, of which I have no doubt, I trust it will be acknowl- 
 edged that the delegation have done their duty so far as related to that 
 object. 
 
 France has finally concluded a treaty with the Emperor and the King 
 of Sardinia, and is now turning her force toward Great Britain. Bona- 
 parte, with one hundred and fifty thousand troops (used to conquer), is 
 ordered on the coast, and called the army of England. Do not then be 
 surprised if my next letter should announce a revolution in England. 
 Should Bonaparte make a landing on the English shore, tyranny will be 
 humbled, a throne crushed, and a republic will spring from the wreck, and 
 
1798.] IN THE SENATE. 219 
 
 millions of distressed people restored to the rights of man by the con- 
 quering arm of Bonaparte. I am, sir with sincere respect, your most 
 obedient servant, 
 
 Andrew Jackson.* 
 
 In April, 1798, Senator Jackson asked and obtained leave 
 of absence for the remainder of the session. He went home 
 to Nashville, and immediately resigned his seat in the Senate. 
 This he did partly because he was worn out with the tedium 
 of that honorable idleness ; partly because he felt himself out 
 of place in so slow and " dignified" a body ; partly because 
 he was disgusted with the administration and its projects ; 
 partly because it was " understood" that, if he resigned, his 
 connection, General Daniel Smith, would be appointed to the 
 vacated seat ; but chiefly for reasons, personal and pecuniary, 
 which will be explained hereafter. 
 
 What, then, becomes of Mr. Webster's oft-quoted report 
 of Jefferson's recollections of Senator Jackson ? In 1824 Mr. 
 Webster spent some days at Monticello, and noted down the 
 substance of what he heard and saw there. He represents Mr. 
 Jefferson as saying, " I feel much alarmed at the prospect of 
 seeing General Jackson President. He is one of the most 
 unfit men I know of for such a place. He has very little 
 respect for law or constitutions, and is, in fact, an able mili- 
 tary chief. His passions are terrible. When I was President 
 of the Senate, he was Senator, and he could never speak on 
 account of the rashness of his feelings. I have seen him 
 attempt it repeatedly, and as often choke with rage. His 
 passions are, no doubt, cooler now ; he has been much tried 
 since I knew him, but he is a dangerous man." 
 
 All of Mr. Webster's Monticello notes have been called in 
 question, and some of them are known to be incorrect. Mr. 
 Randall, the biographer of Jefferson, prints a letter from "one 
 as familiar with Mr. Jefferson, with his views and modes of 
 expression, as any one ever was," which letter contains the 
 following passage : — " You ask me if Mr. Webster has not too 
 strongly colored the Jackson portrait. I can not pretend to 
 
 * Putnam's History of Middle Tennessee, page 544. 
 
220 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1798. 
 
 know what my grandfather said to Mr. Webster, nor can I 
 believe Mr. Webster capable of misstatement. Still, I think 
 the copy of the portrait incorrect, as throwing out all the lights 
 and giving only the shadows. I have heard my grandfather 
 speak with great admiration of Greneral Jackson's military 
 talent. If he called him a ' dangerous man/ ' unfit for the 
 place' to which the nation eventually called him, I think it 
 must have been entirely with reference to his general idea 
 that a miltary chieftain was no proper head for a peaceful 
 republic, as ours was in those days. I do not myself remem- 
 ber to have heard him say any thing about Greneral Jackson 
 in connection with this subject except that he thought his 
 nomination a bad precedent for the future, and that a suc- 
 cessful soldier was not the sort of candidate for the presiden- 
 tial chair. He did not like to see the people run away with 
 ideas of military glory." 
 
 Still, Mr. Jefferson's words may have been correctly re- 
 ported. And, indeed, there were moments, during that ses- 
 sion of Congress, when a fighting man of the Jackson stamp 
 may have choked with fury. The insolence of the French 
 Directory, and Mr. Adams' wise and humane reluctance to 
 appeal to arms were enough to excite the ire of the Senator 
 from Tennessee. The reader need only be reminded that this 
 was the time when Chief Justice Marshall, C. C. Pinckney, 
 and Elbridge Gerry, the most imposing embassy ever sent by 
 the United States to a foreign country, were refused recogni- 
 tion by the French government, with peculiar circumstances 
 of indignity and insult ; while the spoliations upon Amer- 
 ican commerce by French privateers continued. And yet 
 President Adams did not recommend a declaration of war ! 
 Even Washington wondered at the President's forbearance. 
 This noble hesitation on the part of Mr. Adams, this refusal 
 to regard the conduct of the corrupt and bankrupt Directory 
 as the act of France was something most uncongenial to the 
 feelings of an ardent and young lover of his country. 
 
 * Randall's Jefferson, voL UL, page 507. 
 
1798.] IN THE SENATE. 221 
 
 There was a President, forty years later, who brought a 
 dispute with France to a crisis in a most summary manner. 
 The time had come for summary measures. It is probable 
 that the insight which that President obtained into French 
 character at this exciting time, had much to do with his 
 course in the days of Louis Philippe. It is, perhaps, a coin- 
 cidence worth noting, that Louis Philippe, a young fugitive 
 then from distracted France, passed through Tennessee and 
 visited Nashville just as Jackson was returning home from 
 his first visit to Philadelphia. The French prince was at 
 Nashville in May, 1797.* 
 
 Of Jackson's mode of life in Philadelphia during his two 
 sessions, we know scarcely anything. From his letters of a 
 later period I learn that he became acquainted there with 
 that truly remarkable character, William Duane, of the 
 Aurora, most potent of Republican journals. Nothing is 
 more likely than that he was attracted by Mr. Duane's prom- 
 ising son, William, whom he was destined, one day, to make 
 a cabinet minister. He formed a very high idea of Mr. 
 Duane' s character and talents. Born to fortune in the State 
 of New York, disinherited for marrying a lady of a religion 
 different from that of his family, young Duane had wandered 
 off to the East Indies, where he edited a paper, and took the 
 part of the Sepoys in one of their rebellions against British 
 authority. He was forced to leave the country, and went to 
 England, where he procured employment on the newspaper 
 which is now known as the London Times. Returning to 
 his native land, he threw himself into the politics of that 
 
 * " He (king Louis Philippe) inquired from what States we came, and said he 
 had been as far west as Xashville, Tennessee, and had often slept in the woods 
 quite as soundly as he ever did in more luxurious quarters. He begged pardon 
 of Mr. Carr, who was from South Carolina, for saving that he had found the 
 •outhern taverns not particularly good. He preferred the Xorth. . . He speaks 
 cue language with all the careless correctness and fluency of a vernacular tongua 
 We were all surprised at it It is American English however. He has not a 
 particle of the cockney drawl, half Irish and half Scotch, with which many En- 
 glishmen speak."-— Pencillings by the Way. By X. P. Willis. Letter XVII. 
 VOL. I. 15 
 
222 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1798. 
 
 turbulent period which followed the French ^Revolution. He 
 wrote a history of the French Kevolution. He wrote learn- 
 edly on military subjects. He joined Mr. Bache in the editor- 
 ship of the Aurora, and wrote so powerfully in behalf of 
 Jefferson and Kepublicanism, that he long enjoyed the credit 
 of having effected the first national triumph of the Kepublican 
 party. 
 
 With Aaron Burr, who had taken a leading part in ad- 
 vocating the prompt admission of Tennessee into the Union, 
 and who then ranked next to Jefferson in the esteem of Ke- 
 publicans, Jackson became acquainted, as a matter of course. 
 Burr was omnipotent with your honest Country Member. 
 That Jackson was pleased with the man and gratified with his 
 attentions, there is abundant reason to believe* I imagine, 
 too, that the Tenneeseean caught from Burr something of that 
 winning courtliness of manner for which he was afterwards 
 distinguished above all the gentlemen of his time, except 
 Tecumseh and Charles X.* Occasionally, I presume, the 
 member from Tennessee might have been seen at the house 
 of Vice President Jefferson, the great chief of the party to 
 which he was attached. From later letters of Jackson's, it 
 is to be inferred that his acquaintance with Mr. Jefferson, at 
 this time, was somewhat intimate. 
 
 His most admired acquaintance among the public men of 
 the day appears to have been Edward Livingston, the Kepub- 
 lican member of the House of Kepresentatives from New 
 York ; one of the intellectual young men of that time who 
 went along with Jefferson heart and soul in his political opin- 
 ions. A true Democrat, a lover of Jackson — we shall meet 
 him again ere long, and often, and get better acquainted with 
 him before we part. There is a notice in an old number oil 
 the Democratic Review of this early intimacy between Edward 
 Livingston and Andrew Jackson ; but it is, unfortunately for 
 our purpose, written in the style which official organs are) 
 wont to employ when they discourse of Presidents and Secre- 
 
 * These two exceptions alone I have heard made by those competent to ju^e 
 
1798.] IN THE SENATE. 223 
 
 taries of State. Nevertheless, as it is the only glimmer of 
 light now attainable on this part of Jackson's career, the 
 reader may care to avail himself of it : — 
 
 " It was while Livingston was in Congress, that was formed that inti- 
 mate friendship between him and Andrew Jackson, which lasted for nearly 
 half a century. Never were two natures more totally unlike attracted 
 toward each other by those inexplicable sympathies which often link men 
 the more closely together by reason of the very causes which would seem 
 to tend to create a reciprocal repulsion. The one, of a contemplative spirit, 
 speculative, endowed with a great power of analysis, but judging slowly — 
 studying man, but from his studious habits mingling but rarely among their 
 masses, and then rather in their state of aggregation than in the isolated 
 individual — born of an opulent family, and educated in the midst of the 
 most polished society of the country, and among some of the most distin- 
 guished men in France — fond of the arts, and of letters, having cultivated 
 with equal zeal that science which gives force and accuracy to thought, and 
 that polite literature which teaches to clothe it in the forms that adorn its 
 manifestations to the minds of others. 
 
 " The other, sprung from the ranks of the democracy in the broadest 
 sense of the word — owing to himself, and to himself alone, both his educa- 
 tion and his fortune — having encountered nothing but obstacles in his path, 
 owing to the people alone his advancement, and cherishing a perpetual 
 remembrance of their patronage — marching straight up to difficulty, and 
 trampling it under foot, without ever turning it — in all that regards science 
 and letters having had leisure only to study elementary books, but," — 
 etc., etc., etc. 
 
 " This high and bold spirit exercised upon me, from the first interview, 
 the power of an irresistible spell. I loved to hear him relate to me the 
 struggles of his youth with poverty and ignorance ; his childish and pa- 
 triotic delight on the day when, like a young courser, he bounded into the 
 forest, rifle in hand, to seek the continental troops encamped on the eve of 
 the first battle in which he felt the movement of his warlike instinct. In 
 Congress he spoke but rarely ; but when he did rise, shaking his hair, and 
 surveying the assembly with his eagle glance, the most profound silence 
 reigned throughout it. 
 
 " I once had the opportunity of hearing Jackson speak of the origin of his 
 intimacy with Livingston. ' I felt myself suddenly attracted toward him,' 
 he said, 'by the gentleness of his manners; the charm of his conversation, 
 gay without frivolity, instructive without the ostentation of instructing ; by 
 the profound acquaintance he already possessed of the theories of society, 
 and of the laws in their relation to the characters of nations ; by his un- 
 limited confidence in the sagacity of the people, and of their capability of 
 
224 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1798 
 
 self-government, through the agency of representatives specially instructed 
 to express the opinion of their constituents on great questions of general 
 interest, still more than on those of local concern ; and above all, by that 
 lovely and holy philanthropy, which impelled him from his youth to miti- 
 gate the severity of those penal laws whose cruelties serve only to inspire 
 in the masses a ferocity that always maintains an equilibrium with that of 
 the laws which govern them.' "* 
 
 There is a basis of truth in this high-flown fragment. 
 The two men had a cordial esteem for one another, and re- 
 tained it as long as they lived. At this moment, a bust of 
 Edward Livingston adorns the hall of the Hermitage, and a 
 portrait of Jackson, the gift of the General to his aid-de- 
 camp, is among the most cherished treasures of Mr. Living- 
 ston's family. 
 
 Philadelphia was a gay place at that time, and particu- 
 larly during the sessions of Congress. Country members must 
 have deplored the removal of the seat of government to the 
 wilderness on the banks of the Potomac. The advertisements 
 in the papers of that day show an unexpected variety of pub- 
 lic amusements. On the 3d of January, 1797, according to 
 "Claypoole's American Daily Advertizer," the people of 
 Philadelphia, besides having the privilege of visiting Mr. 
 Peale's New Museum, had their choice of visiting the follow- 
 ing entertainments : — 
 
 At the " Old Theater, Cedar street," there was the famous 
 Signor Falconi, who bound himself to perform marvelous 
 feats, as per advertisement : " This evening, Signor Falconi 
 will give another of his philosophical performances, when, by 
 particular desire, will be exhibited the so much admired ex- 
 periment which was performed the first night, viz., the Dove. 
 The performer will request any person to write any question 
 they please on paper, who will be at liberty to put it into a 
 loaded pistol, and discharge it out of the window ; the exhib- 
 itor will neither see nor touch the paper ; and, to the aston- 
 ishment of the spectators, a dove will instantly appear with- 
 
 * Democratic Review, vol. viii., p. 368. 
 
1798.] IN THE SENATE. 225 
 
 the answer in his hill — with other new experiments. Signor 
 Falconi, heing ambitious to contribute as much as is in his 
 power to the amusement of the generous citizens, takes this 
 opportunity of improving his performance by a lively represent- 
 ation of an engagement between two Frigates, or a Sea Fight. 
 This exhibition will undoubtedly be very entertaining to the 
 spectators ; they will be able to distinguish the maneuvering of 
 the two ships, the sight of the guns as they are firing, with the 
 concomitants, the rigging and sails made ragged by the shot ; 
 the continuation of the battle, with the one losing her main 
 topmast ; the roaring of the sea, and the smoking of the guns, 
 the view of the boats and wounded men on the surface of the 
 water, will give to any person who has not seen one, a perfect 
 idea of a sea fight ; while the conclusion of it, together with the 
 ingenuity of the performance, must be highly pleasing to every 
 American ; with other scenery equally entertaining. To con- 
 clude with the celebrated Dancing Master. To begin pre- 
 cisely at half past six. Tickets to be had of Mr. North, next 
 door to the Theater. N. B. Box, three quarters of a dollar ; 
 pit, half a dollar ; gallery, one quarter of a dollar." 
 
 If this failed to tempt the gentleman from Tennessee, he 
 could hardly resist the attractions of the " Pantheon, and 
 Rickett's Amphitheater," which announced exercises ia 
 " Horsemanship :" " This evening, The Hums of Troy, or 
 the World turned upside down. A song by Miss Sully. 
 Between the intervals of the stage, Mr. Ricketts will exhibit 
 various feats in the equestrian exercises. Preceding the 
 Poney Races a dance called the Merry Jockies or Sports of 
 New Market. Poney races with real ponies. The whole to 
 conclude with the grand pantomime of the Death of Captain 
 Cook. Boxes One dollar. Pit half a dollar. Doors open at 
 5, and performance to commence at a quarter after six 
 o'clock. Days of performance this week to be Tuesday, 
 Thursday and Saturday." 
 
 Then there were " Readings and Recitations at College 
 Hall, Moral, Critical and Entertaining." " Mr. Fennell re- 
 spectfully informs the Public that this Evening, Jan. 3rd at 
 
226 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1798. 
 
 7 o'clock, will be delivered — 1st part, prefatory observations, 
 including selections from Dr. Young, on Time, Man, Life. 
 Part 2d. The effects of Sorrow, exemplified in the distresses 
 of a daughter ; McKenzie. The Prisoner ; Sterne. Maria 
 1st and 2d part, Sterne. The Beggar's Petition, Dr. Perci- 
 val. Part 3d. The effects of virtue as exemplified in the 
 character of a good man ; Young — The Country Clergy- 
 man ; Goldsmith ; Domestic Happiness, Thomson ; with 
 occasional remarks on the authors. " Tickets (half a dollar 
 each) to be had of Mr. Poulson, jun. at the Library — at 
 Mr. McElwee's Looking glass store, No. 70 South Fourth 
 Street, and at Mr. Carey's, bookseller, Market Street. Sub- 
 scriptions are received by Mr. Zachariah Poulson, Jun. at the 
 Library, where the ladies and gentlemen who may be inclined 
 to honor the undertaking with their patronage, are respect- 
 fully requested to send their names and receive their tickets." 
 
 And as if all this were not enough, there was to have 
 been a concert, but — " The subscribers to the Ladies' Con- 
 cert are respectfully informed that the Concert is postponed 
 till Tomorrow fortnight, Mrs. Grattan being so indisposed 
 with a cold as to render it impossible for her to perform." 
 
 From pleasures such as these, and all the other delights 
 of metropolitan life, Jackson turned away, longing to be em- 
 ploying his time to better advantage in wild Tennessee, and 
 believing, as he said, that his friend and neighbor, Daniel 
 Smith,* could serve the State better in the Senate than he 
 could. Early in the summer of 1798, he was at home again, 
 a private citizen, and intending to remain such. 
 
 * Eaton's Life of Jackson, page 19. 
 
 i 
 
1798.] JUDGE OF THE SUPREME COURT. 227 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 JUDGE OF THE SUPREME COURT. 
 
 But it seems lie could not yet be spared from public life 
 Soon after his return to Tennessee, he was elected by the 
 Legislature to a seat on the bench of the Supreme Court of 
 the State ; a post which he said he accepted in obedience to 
 his favorite maxim, that the citizen of a free commonwealth 
 should never seek and never decline public duty. The office 
 assigned him was next in consideration, as to emolument, to 
 that of governor ; the governor's salary being seven hundred 
 and fifty dollars a year, and the judge's six hundred. He re- 
 tained the judgeship for six years, holding courts in due suc- 
 cession at Jonesboro, Knoxville, Nashville, and at places of 
 less importance; dispensing the best justice he was mas- 
 ter of. 
 
 Not a decision of Judge Jackson's is on record. The re- 
 corded decisions of the court over which he presided began 
 with those of Judge Overton, Jackson's successor. To the 
 present bar of Tennessee, therefore, it is as though no Judge 
 Jackson ever sat on the bench ; for he is never quoted, nor 
 referred to as authority. Tradition reports that he main- 
 tained the dignity and authority of the bench, while he was 
 on the bench ; and that his decisions were short, untechnical, 
 unlearned, sometimes ungrammatical, and generally right. 
 Integrity is seven tenths of a qualification for any trust. 
 When not blinded by passion, by prejudice, or by gratitude, 
 Judge Jackson's sense of right was strong and clear. More- 
 over, the cases that came before the courts of Tennessee at 
 that day were usually such as any fair-minded man was com- 
 petent to decide correctly. Jackson, I believe, wore a gown 
 while in court, as did also the lawyers of that period, even in 
 far-off Tennessee. This I infer from an entry in the old 
 records of Davidson Academy, which orders the students to 
 
228 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1798. 
 
 wear a gown of light, black stuff, over their clothes, similar 
 to those worn by " professional gentlemen/' 
 
 Lord Eldon assumed the judge's wig very nearly at the 
 time when our lawyer of the wilderness held his first court at 
 Jonesboro and arrested the redoubtable rifle-maker, Kussell 
 Bean. What extreme varieties of the same character ! 
 Eldon, staggering under the load of his own learning, able to 
 do anything rather than make up his mind, or change it ; 
 Jackson, comprehending a thing at a glance, or never ; one 
 sitting aloft in grand old Westminster Hall ; the other 
 holding his rude court beneath the grander and older Tennes- 
 see woods ; one, the last result and perfect representative of 
 old-world legal science ; the other, a new man in a new 
 world, with little to guide him but the interior sense of right 
 of which legal science is the imperfect expression ; Eldon 
 pondering for weeks over a technicality ; Jackson dispatch- 
 ing fifty cases in fifteen days. Neither was a perfect judge, 
 even in his own sphere ; but swift Jackson in the woods may 
 have been a truer ally and abler promoter of right than 
 solemn Eldon in Westminster. 
 
 The Russell Bean anecdote, which, with variations, has 
 been going the rounds of the papers for about forty years, is 
 a good illustration of the gradual development of a popular 
 story. The truth of it has already been related by Colonel 
 Avery.* The anecdote, founded on that truth, is infinitely 
 more amusing : — 
 
 " Judge Jackson was holding court at a shanty at a little village in Ten- 
 nessee, and dispensing justice in large and small doses, as seemed to him 
 to be required in the case before him. One day during court, a great hulk- 
 ing fellow, armed with pistol and bowie knife, took it upon himself to 
 parade before the shanty court house, and cursed the judge, jury, and all 
 there assembled, in set terms. 
 
 " ' Sheriff,' sang out the judge, l arrest that man for contempt of court, 
 and confine him.' 
 
 " Out went the sheriff, but soon returned with the word to the judge 
 that he had found it impossible to take the offender. 
 
 * See page 167 of this volume. 
 
1798.] JUDGE OF THE SUPREME COURT. 229 
 
 " • Summon a posse, then,' said the judge, ' and bring him before me.' 
 
 " The sheriff went out again, but the task was too difficult ; he could not, 
 or dared not, lay his hands on the man, nor did any of the posse like the 
 job any better than he did, as the fellow threatened to shoot the first 
 skunk that come within ten feet of him.' 
 
 u At this the judge waxed wroth, to have his authority put at defiance 
 before all the good people of that vicinity ; so he cried out, ' Mr. Sheriff, 
 since you can not obey my orders, summon me ; yes, sir, summon me.' 
 
 " ' Well, judge, if you say so, though I don't like to do it ; but if you 
 will try, why I suppose I must summon you.' 
 
 " ' Very well,' said Jackson, rising and walking toward the door, ' I 
 adjourn this court ten minutes.' 
 
 " The ruffian was standing a short distance from the shanty, in the cen- 
 ter of a crowd of people, blaspheming at a terrible rate, and flourishing his 
 weapons, and vowing death and destruction to all who should attempt to 
 molest him. 
 
 " Judge Jackson walked very calmly into the center of the group, with 
 pistols in hand, and confronted him. 
 
 " 'Now,' said he, looking him straight in the eye, ' surrender, you in- 
 fernal villain, this very instant, or I'll blow you through 1' 
 
 " The man eyed the speaker for a moment, without speaking, and then 
 put up his weapons, with the words, 'There, judge, it's no use, I give in,' 
 and suffered himself to be led by the sheriff without opposition. He was 
 completely cowed. 
 
 u A few days after the occurrence, when the man was asked why he 
 knocked under to one person, when he had before refused to allow himself 
 to be taken by a whole company, he replied : 
 
 " ' Why,' said he, ' when he came up, I looked him in the eye, and I 
 jaw shoot, and there wasn't shoot in nary other eye in the crowd ; and so 
 [ says to myself, says 1, 4ioss, it's about time to sing small, and so I did.' " 
 
 This story I have in several different versions, cut from 
 lewspapers of various dates, which show that, like the steam 
 jngine, it is a growth, rather than an invention, each period 
 jontributing some little addition to the delightful whole. It 
 vas reserved for this ingenious generation to add the crowning 
 )aragraph, which alludes to the vocalization of the noblest of 
 [uadrupeds. 
 
 It was while Jackson was judge of the Supreme Court of 
 ?ennessee that his feud with Governor Sevier came to an 
 ssue. This affair, considering that one of the belligerents 
 
230 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1798. 
 
 was Governor of the State, and the other its supreme judge, 
 must be pronounced one of the most extraordinary of " dif- 
 ficulties." 
 
 John Seviar was a man after a pioneer's own heart. Past 
 fifty at the time of which we are writing, he was still the 
 handsomest man in Tennessee ;* of erect, military bearing ; 
 a man of the Hunting Shirt ; easy, affable, generous, and 
 talkative ; fond of popularity, and an adept in those arts by 
 which it is won ; a Prince. of the Backwoods ! For twenty 
 years he was the fighting man of Tennessee, the hope and 
 trust of beleaguered emigrants, and the terror of the maraud- 
 ing savage. He fought in thirty-five battles, and was never 
 wounded and never defeated. Mr. Eamsey tells us that " the 
 secret of his success was the impetuosity and vigor of his 
 charge." "Himself/' adds the annalist, "an accomplished 
 horseman, a graceful rider, passionately fond of a spirited 
 charger, always well mounted at the head of his dragoons, he 
 was at once in the midst of the fight. His rapid movements, 
 always unexpected and sudden, disconcerted the enemy, and 
 at the first onset decided the victory. He was the first to in- 
 troduce the Indian war-whoop in his battles with the savages, 
 the tories, and the British. More harmless than the leaden 
 missiles, it was not less efficient, and was always the precursor 
 and attendant of victory. The prisoners at King's Mountain 
 said, i We could stand your fighting, but your cursed hallo- 
 ing confused us ; we thought the mountains had regiments 
 instead of companies/ Sevier's enthusiasm was contagious ; 
 he imparted it to his men. He was the idol of the soldiery, 
 and his orders were obeyed cheerfully, and executed with pre- 
 cision. In a military service of twenty years, one instance is 
 not known of insubordination on the part of the soldiers, or 
 of discipline by the commander." 
 
 When the fighting times were over, and Tennessee be- 
 came a State, Sevier was elected the first governor, and he 
 
 * MSS. Notes of Colonel A. W. Putnam. Colonel Putnam (great grand- 
 Jon of " Old Put") is a son-in-law of one of Governor Sevier's sons. 
 
1798.] JUDGE OF THE SUPREME COURT. 231 
 
 was reelected every two years until lie had served three terms. 
 Then he was out of office for two years, because, by the con- 
 stitution of the State, no man could serve as governor for 
 more than three successive terms. But as soon as he was 
 eligible again, he was again elected, and served for a second 
 period of six years, at the end of which he was transferred to 
 Congress. 
 
 With this man, so entrenched in popular esteem, Judge 
 Jackson was at deadly feud. The remote cause of the dif- 
 ference, was, perhaps, their similarity of position, both being 
 men of a popular cast, and both having a number of friends 
 zealous for their honor and advancement. Perhaps the veteran 
 Sevier did not relish the rapid rise to popularity and high of- 
 fice of so young a man as Jackson. Perhaps, at that time, 
 as later in his life, Jackson was too quick to believe evil of 
 one who stood to him in the relation of competitor and rival ; 
 a fault of human nature. 
 
 But the immediate occasion of the rupture was this : on 
 his way to Philadelphia in the fall of 1796, Jackson fell in 
 with a young traveler, who told him that there was a com- 
 pany of land speculators in Tennessee, who were forging 
 North Carolina land- warrants, and selling, on various other 
 pretexts, Tennessee lands to which they had no right. Jack- 
 son, always strenuous for fair dealing and fair play, thought 
 proper to write to the Governor of North Carolina, giving 
 him an account of the young man's statement ; and the gov- 
 ernor laid the letter before the Legislature. An investigation 
 ensued. It was found that the information was not without 
 foundation, and it led to measures which interfered with land 
 speculation in Tennessee, threw some doubt on all land titles, 
 and caused large numbers of Tenneeseeans to look upon 
 Jackson as a man who had done an officious and injurious 
 action. The affair made a great clamor at the time. One 
 man, Stockley Donelson, a connection of Jackson's by mar- 
 riage, was indicted for conspiracy and fraud, and the torn 
 remains of the indictment are still preserved in the collection 
 of the president of the Tennessee Historical Society. Among 
 
232 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1801. 
 
 those who had unsuspectingly bought and sold the lands said 
 to have been fraudulently obtained, was no less a personage 
 than John Sevier, Governor of the State. And among the 
 quarrels that grew out of the business, was a most fierce one 
 between him and the innocent cause of all the trouble, Judge 
 Jackson. 
 
 First, there was a coolness between the two men ; then al- 
 tercations ; then total estrangement ; then loud, recriminating 
 talk on both sides, reported to both ; then various personal 
 encounters, of which I heard in Tennessee so many different 
 accounts, that I was convinced no one knew anything about 
 them. At last, in the year 1801, Jackson gained an advan- 
 tage over Sevier which was peculiarly calculated to wound, 
 disgust, and exasperate the impetuous old soldier, victor in so 
 many battles. 
 
 Sevier was then out of office. The major generalship of 
 militia was vacant, and the two belligerents were candidates 
 for the post, which at that time was keenly coveted by the 
 very first men in the State. Nor was it then merely an affair 
 of title, regimentals, and showy gallopings on the days of 
 general muster. There were then Indians to be kept in awe, 
 as well as constant rumors and threatenings of war with 
 France or England. The office of Major General was in the 
 gift of the field officers, who were empowered by the consti- 
 tution to select their chief. The canvassings and general agi- 
 tation which preceded the election on this occasion may be 
 imagined. The day came. The election was held. There 
 was a tie, an equal number of votes being cast for Jackson 
 and Sevier. In such a conjuncture, the Governor of the 
 State, being, from his office, commander-in-chief of the mili- 
 tia, had a casting vote. Governor Roane gave his vote for 
 Jackson, who thus became the Major General, to the discom- 
 fiture of the other competitor. 
 
 A year or two later, Sevier was a candidate for the govern- 
 orship again, and a campaign ensued which revived and in- 
 flamed all the old animosities. East Tennessee was full of 
 Sevier's partisans, who, in the course of the canvass, imbibed 
 
1803.] JUDGE OF THE SUPREME COURT. 233 
 
 the antipathy of their chief to the favorite of "West Ten- 
 nesee. 
 
 In the fall of 1803, while Jackson was on his way from 
 Nashville to Jonesboro, where he was about to hold a court, 
 he was informed by a friend, who met him on the road, that 
 a combination had been formed against him, and that on his 
 arrival at Jonesboro he might expect to be mobbed. He was 
 sick, at the time, of an intermittent fever, which had so 
 reduced his strength that he was scarcely able to sit on his 
 horse. But, on hearing this intelligence, he spurred forward, 
 and reached the town ; but so exhausted that he could not 
 dismount without help. Burning with fever, he lay down 
 upon a bed in the tavern. A few minutes after, a friend 
 came in and said that Colonel Harrison and a "regiment of 
 men" were in front of the tavern, who had assembled for the 
 purpose of tarring and feathering him. His friend advised 
 him to lock his door. Jackson rose suddenly, threw his door 
 wide open, and said, with that peculiar emphasis which won 
 him so many battles without fighting, 
 
 " Give my compliments to Colonel Harrison, and tell him 
 my door is open to receive him and his regiment whenever 
 they choose to wait upon me, and that I hope the colonel's 
 chivalry will induce him to lead his men, not follow them."* 
 
 The regiment, either because they were ashamed to harm 
 a sick man, or afraid to attack a desperate one, thought bet- 
 ter of their purpose, and gradually dispersed. Judge Jackson 
 recovered from his fever, held his court as usual, and heard 
 nothing further of any hostile designs at Jonesboro. 
 
 His next court was at Knoxville, the capital of the State, 
 the residence of Governor Sevier, where the Legislature was in 
 session. The presence of the Legislature, and the convening 
 of the Supreme Court, had filled the town with people. The 
 land fraud excitement was at its height, as the subject was 
 about to come before the Legislature. Judge Jackson arrived 
 in due time, and opened his court without molestation ; but 
 
 * Kendall, page ] 06. 
 
234 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1803. 
 
 as lie was leaving the court house at the end of the first day's 
 session, he found a great crowd assembled in the square before 
 the door, in the midst of which he observed his. enemy, the 
 governor, sword in hand, haranguing the excited multitude. 
 The moment Jackson appeared upon the scene, Sevier turned 
 upon him, and poured upon him a volley of vituperation ; to 
 which Jackson- promptly responded. A wild altercation 
 ensued, in the course of which, it is said, Sevier frequently 
 defied Jackson to mortal combat. They separated at length; 
 and Jackson sent the governor a challenge, which was 
 accepted ; but as they could not agree as to the time and 
 place of meeting, the negotiation ended by Jackson suddenly 
 posting Sevier as a coward — the absurd act of an angry man. 
 
 In those mad, fighting times there was in vogue, besides 
 the duel, a kind of informal combat, which was resorted to 
 when the details of a duel could not be arranged. A man 
 might refuse the " satisfaction" of a duel, and yet hold him- 
 self bound to meet his antagonist at a certain time and place, 
 either alone or accompanied, and "have it out" with him 
 in a rough-and-tumble fight. So, on this occasion, there was 
 an " understanding" that the belligerents were to meet at a 
 designated point just beyond the borders of the State. Jack- 
 son was there at the appointed time, accompanied by one 
 friend. The governor, accidentally detained, did not arrive 
 in time. Jackson waited near the spot for two days ; but 
 no irate governor appearing above the horizon, he deter- 
 mined to return to Knoxville and compel Sevier to a hostile 
 interview. 
 
 He had not gone a mile toward the capital before he 
 descried Governor Sevier approaching on horseback, accom- 
 panied by mounted men. Eeining in his steed, he sent his 
 friend forward to convey to Sevier a letter which he had pre- 
 pared during the two days of waiting ; in which he recounted 
 their differences from the beginning, stating wherein he con- 
 ceived himself to have been injured. Sevier declined to receive 
 the letter. On learning this, Jackson appeared to lose all 
 patience, and resolved to end the matter then and there, cost 
 
1798.] JUDGE OF THE SUPREME COURT. 235 
 
 what it might. He rode slowly toward the governor's party 
 until he was within a hundred yards of them. Then, level- 
 ing his cane, as knights of old were wont to level their lances, 
 he struck spurs into his horse, and galloped furiously at the 
 governor. Sevier, astounded at this tremendous apparition, 
 and intending, if he fought at all, to fight fairly and on terra 
 Jlrma, dismounted ; but, in so doing, stepped upon the scab- 
 bard of his sword, and fell prostrate under his horse. Jack- 
 son, seeing his enemy thus vanish from his sight, reined in 
 his own fiery steed, and gave time for the governor's friends 
 to get between them and prevent a conflict. Through the 
 efforts of some gentlemen in Sevier's party who were friends 
 of both the belligerents, the affair was patched up upon the 
 spot, and the whole party rode toward Knoxville together in 
 amity. Nor was there any renewal of the combat. The 
 anger of the antagonists and their friends found vent in news- 
 paper statements, and after a brief paper war, exhausted 
 itself.* 
 
 About this time, too, Jackson quarreled with his old 
 friend, Judge McNairy, with whom he had emigrated to 
 Tennessee, an affair only noticeable from the nature of the 
 provocation. McNairy had caused the removal of General 
 Kobertson from the Chickasaw agency, which lost their 
 friend Searcy his office of clerk of the agency. Jackson 
 was exceedingly indignant at this, and expressed his indig- 
 nation in terms which made a breach between McNairy and 
 himself that was never entirely healed. 
 
 * " The principals," writes Colonel A. W". Putnam, "although never recon- 
 ciled at any personal meeting or correspondence, ceased to talk of the difficulty, 
 and, we think, ceased to cherish enmity towards each other. In some of Gov- 
 ernor Sevier's children the feeling of bitterness towards General Jackson was 
 long perpetuated, and perhaps in the bosom of no one so intense as in that of 
 Colonel George W. Sevier (my father-in-law) ; but even he visited the Hermitage, 
 and I think dined there with the General, after his retirement from the presi- 
 dency. They had each become members of the Presbyterian church, and the 
 second son of Colonel Sevier had married Sarah Knox, a niece of Mrs. Jackson 
 (and who had been partly educated or raised in the family, at the Hermitage.)" 
 
236 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1803 
 
 During one of the latter years of his judgeship, a ne^ 
 county of Tennessee, in the Cumberland valley, was namec 
 Jackson. That name now occurs on the map of the Unitec 
 States one hundred and ninety-one times. Fourteen State* 
 of the Union rejoice in a Jackson county, and each State haj 
 an average of half a dozen towns so called. Forty places ii 
 the United States are named Hickory, not all of which wen 
 so designated from the prevalence of the timber of that name 
 But Jackson county, Tennessee, was the first of these geo- 
 graphical honors. There is but one name upon our maj 
 which occurs more frequently than that of Jackson — Wash- 
 ington — which may be counted one hundred and ninety-eighl 
 times. The other popular favorites fall far below these ii 
 geographical distinction. We have but a hundred and thirty- 
 six Franklins, a hundred and ten Jeffersons, ninety-one 
 Monroes, seventy-six Madisons, sixty-four Adamses, forty-twc 
 Clays, thirty-four Lafayettes, sixteen Calhouns, and fourteen 
 Websters. Geography, without being one of the exacl 
 sciences, seems to have reflected the popular judgment pretty 
 accurately in this distribution ; which, republican geography, 
 of course, was bound to do. 
 
 After the explosion of his feud with Governor Sevier, 
 Judge Jackson, never pleased with his office, nor feeling him- 
 self adapted to it, became more dissatisfied than ever, and 
 longed to exchange the bench for a place demanding less con- 
 finement, and more action. In 1803, the purchase of Louisiana 
 was completed, and Jackson had an expectation of receiving 
 from President Jefferson the appointment of Governor oi 
 that Territory. A letter which he wrote in the spring oi 
 1804 to his friend George W. Campbell, member of Congress 
 from Tennessee, explains his feelings and wishes with regard 
 to the office. To afford the reader an opportunity of judging 
 of Judge Jackson's orthography, I leave this letter uncor- 
 rected. It was written at the city of Washington, April 
 28, 1804. For what purpose the writer was there at that 
 time will appear hereafter. 
 
1804.] JUDGE OF THE SUPREME COURT. 237 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON TO GEORGE W. CAMPBELL. 
 
 "Dear Sir, I reached this place on last evening — I have been detained 
 on my journey since I had the pleasure of meeting you, four days by high 
 waters and an inflamation in my leg — which has in a great measure sub- 
 sided but I am not free from pain. 
 
 The President is at Montcello, he ha? lost his daughter Mrs. Epps — 
 Not a hint who is to be appointed to the government of New Orleans — 
 I did not call to see the President — my reasons I will I will concisely state 
 and leave you to Judge whether they are, or not founded upon Just prem- 
 ises — It was not known to me wither he had made the appointment, in case 
 I had waited upon him and the office of Governor of New Orleans not 
 filled it would have been perhaps construed as %h.e call of a courteor — and 
 of all chacters on earth my feelings despise a man capable of cringing to 
 power for a benefit or office — and such characters that are capable of bend- 
 ing for the sake of an office is badly calculated for a representative system, 
 when merit alone should lead to preferment — these being my sensations — 
 and believing that a call upon him under present existing circumstances 
 might be construed as the act of a courteor, I traviled on enjoying my 
 own feelings — And let me declare to you that before I would violate my 
 own ideas of propriety, I would yeald up any office in the government was 
 I in possession of the most honorable and lucrative — Who the choice is to 
 fall upon is not known here unless to the secretary of State — but I have 
 reason to conclude that Mr. Claibourn will not fill that office, I have also 
 reason to believe that if a suitable character can be found who is master 
 of the French Language that he will be prefered — I think that, a proper 
 qualification for the Governor of that country to possess, provided it is 
 accompanied with other necessary ones — I never had any sanguine expec- 
 tations of filling the office. — If I should it will be more than I expect — But 
 permit me here again to repeat, that the friendly attention of my friends, 
 and those particularly that I am confident acted from motives of pure friend- 
 ship towards me, (among whom I rank you,) never shall be forgotton, 
 gatitude is always the concomitant of a bosom susceptable of true friend- 
 ship, and if I know myself, my countenance never says, to a man that I 
 am his friend but my heart beats in unison with it. Permit m^ here with 
 that candor that you will always find me to possess, to state that I am truly 
 gratified to find that you constituents alone are not the only part of the 
 inion that think highly of your Legislative conduct, it extends as far as 
 pour speeches have been read, and you are known as a member of the rep- 
 •esentative branch — May you continue to grow in popularity on the basis 
 of your own merit — And as long as you are guarded by your own Judg't 
 iris will continue to be the case, this is in my opinion the only road to a 
 asting popularity, for the moment a man yealds his Judgt to popula** whim, 
 
 VOL. I, 16 
 
238 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1804 
 
 he may be compared to a ship without its ruder, in a gale — he is sure to b< 
 dashed against a rock — accept my dear sir, my warmest wishes for youi 
 welfare. Andrew Jackson.* 
 
 July the 24th, 1804, Jackson's resignation of his judgeship 
 was accepted by the Legislature, and he found himself, to his 
 unfeigned relief, once more in private life, free to devote him- 
 self to his own affairs, which urgently called for his attention 
 For some years after his retirement from the bench, he wai 
 sometimes called, and called himself, Judge Jackson. So, a 
 least, I conclude from a pleasant little narrative received fron 
 a venerable and most estimable lady of Nashville, which shal 
 conclude and alleviate this warlike chapter. 
 
 " It was in 1808," began Mrs. K., " when I was a girl oi 
 sixteen, that I first saw General Jackson. It was in Eas 
 Tennessee, at the house of Captain Lyon, whose family myseli 
 and another young lady were visiting. We were sitting a 
 work one afternoon, when a servant, who was lounging at th< 
 window, exclaimed, l Oh, see what a fine, elegant gentlemai 
 is coming up the road !' We girls ran to the window, oi 
 course, and there, indeed, was a fine gentleman, mounted oi 
 a beautiful horse, an upright, striking figure, high jack-boo ti 
 coming up over the knee, holsters, and every thing handsom< 
 and complete. He stopped before the door, and said to * 
 negro whom he saw there : 
 
 " ' Old man, does Captain Lyon live here ?' 
 
 " The old man gave the desired information. 
 
 " ' Is he at home.?' inquired the stranger. 
 
 " He was not at home. 
 
 " ' Do you expect him home to-night ?' 
 
 " Yes ; he was expected every moment. The old man wai 
 there waiting to take his horse. 
 
 " ' Well, my good boy/ continued the stranger, ' I have 
 come to see Captain Lyon ; and, as he is coming home to* 
 night, I will alight and walk in/ 
 
 " The old negro, all assiduity and deference, led the hors« 
 
 * From MSS. left by Hon. George W. Campbell, in possession of his family. 
 
1804.] JUDGE OF THE SUPREME COURT. 239 
 
 to the stable, and the stranger entered the house, where we 
 girls were sitting as demurely as though we had not been 
 peeping and listening. We all rose as he entered the room. 
 He bowed and smiled, as he said : 
 
 " ' Excuse my intruding upon you, ladies, in the absence 
 of Captain Lyon. I am Judge Jackson. I have business 
 with Captain Lyon, and am here by his invitation. I hope I 
 do not incommode you/ 
 
 " We were all captivated by this polite speech, and the 
 agreeable manner in which it was spoken. Soon after, Captain 
 Lyon entered, accompanied by two officers of the army, one of 
 whom was Doctor Bronaugh. We had a delightful evening. 
 I remember Jackson was full of anecdote, and told us a great 
 deal about the early days of Tennessee. Dr. Bronaugh, as it 
 happened, sat next to me, and paid me somewhat marked at- 
 tentions. The party broke up the next morning, and we saw 
 Judge Jackson ride away on his fine horse, and all agreed 
 that a finer looking man or a better horseman there was not 
 in Tennessee. Years passed before I saw him again. I was a 
 married woman, though he knew it not. He recognized me 
 in a moment, and so well did he remember the incidents of 
 this evening, that the first salutations were no sooner over, 
 than he said, laughing, 
 
 " i Well, Miss , and how is that handsome young of- 
 ficer who was so attentive to you at Captain Lyon's ?' 
 
 " i General/ said I, f permit me to present to you my 
 husband, Captain K/ 
 
 " Not another word was said about the handsome young 
 officer." 
 
240 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON! [1804 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 MAN OF BUSINESS. 
 
 The aristocracy of a country are they who wield it 
 •esources. In the United States, therefore, the business mai 
 is lord. 
 
 Was it for this reason that democratic gentlemen, wh 
 have written of General Jackson, have so sedulously slurre< 
 over the fact that, during several years in the prime of hi 
 life, he kept a store ? The silence on this subject of all thosi 
 who could have told us something about it from persona 
 knowledge, has made it a task of extreme difficulty to obtaii 
 the desired information. The following account of his bus 
 iness career, compiled from many sources, personal, manu 
 script and printed, may not be entirely correct in mino: 
 particulars, but is so, I believe, in essential ones : — 
 
 Some trade was carried on between the Cumberland set- 
 tlements and the Atlantic provinces almost from the first 
 Salt was brought, on pack horses, all the way from Kich- 
 mond, in Virginia, and from Augusta in Georgia, and was 
 sold in Tennessee at ten dollars a bushel. At that day, w< 
 are told, the salt gourd was the treasure of every cabin 
 Iron also was brought, on pack horses, from the East, and 
 sold at fabulous prices ; so that it was used only in the 
 repairing of plows and such other farming utensils as could 
 not be made wholly of wood. Only wooden nails, latches 
 and hinges were known in the settlements for many years. 
 The hunting shirts of skins or home-spun cloth, moccasins, 
 hats of home-dressed fur, were generally worn, and rendered 
 dry goods brought from the East unnecessary. But when 
 Jackson came to the Cumberland, in 1788, Nashville was 
 already the center of an active trade, not only with the eastern 
 States, but with Natchez and New Orleans. " Ten horses, 
 packed with goods from Philadelphia, traveling by slow 
 stages through the length of Virginia, and arriving at the 
 
1804.] MAN OF BUSINESS. 241 
 
 Bluff in the fall of the year 1786, was a sight worth looking 
 at, and proves that Nashville was not then a ' one horse 
 town/"* 
 
 There is some slight reason to believe that Jackson dabbled 
 in trade as soon as he had been long enough in his new home 
 to get any thing to trade upon. Among the collections of 
 the Tennessee Historical Society may be seen a note addressed 
 by J. C. Montflorence to Andrew Jackson, dated July 23d, 
 1790, which reads as follows : — " Dear Sir : Please to ac- 
 count with Captain Anthony Hart for the little venture of 
 Swann skins which you were so obliging as to take down to 
 the Natchez for me. And you will oblige very much, dear 
 sir," etc., etc. 
 
 There are no means of elucidating this writing, preserved 
 by chance so long while so many things of greater value have 
 been lost. We at least learn from it that when Jackson 
 accompanied Kachel Kobards to Natchez in 1791, he per- 
 formed the journey not for the first time. If Mr. Montflor- 
 ence, who was also an active lawyer, sent his " little venture" 
 down to Natchez, it is likely enough that Jackson did so too. 
 But his absorbing business, during the first ten years of his 
 residence in Tennessee, was the practice of the law. Land 
 3eing then almost a legal tender, he became, as we have 
 ?efore remarked, the owner of large tracts, which, rising in 
 value every year, and rising rapidly after the Nickajack expe- 
 dition, made him comparatively rich. Land which he bought 
 for half a dollar an acre in 1790 was worth five dollars an acre 
 in 1798 ; in which year he owned, I presume, not less than 
 ifty thousand acres. 
 
 We have seen him abruptly resigning the honorable post 
 )f Senator of the United States. To be a member of Con- 
 gress, at that day, from a State so remote as Tennessee, (six 
 weeks' journey from Philadelphia) absorbed nearly the whole 
 rear ; and this alone would have rendered such a man as 
 Tackson, formed for activity and keen in the pursuit of for- 
 
 * Putnam's History of Middle Tennessee, page 174. 
 
242 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1804. 
 
 tune, averse to filling the office. Nor was there ever a man' 
 less inclined than he to pass the best hours of every day for 
 seven successive months, quiescent in a red morocco chair, 
 playing Senator. In 1798, while still holding his seat in the 
 Senate, he succeeded in selling to a merchant of Philadelphia, 
 who desired to invest money in western lands, some thou- 
 sands of his own wild acres, for the sum of six thousand six 
 hundred and seventy-six dollars.* The purchaser was David 
 Allison, then one of the most extensive merchants in the 
 country, a man whose paper, had he lived in our day, would 
 have been styled " gilt-edged." Allison paid for the land in 
 three promissory notes, which were payable, as I conjecture, 
 at intervals of a year, or a year and a half. But so high was 
 the credit of Allison, that Jackson was able with these long; 
 notes, endorsed by himself, to buy in Philadelphia a stock of 
 goods suitable for the settlements on the Cumberland river. 
 He then resigned his seat in the Senate ; sent on his goods 
 by wagons to Pittsburg, by flat-boat down the Ohio to 
 Louisville, by wagons again, or pack horses, across the coun- 
 try to the neighborhood of Nashville ; and went home him- 
 self to sell them. 
 
 He lived then upon a plantation called Hunter's Hill, 
 about thirteen miles from Nashville, and two miles from the 
 " Hermitage" that was to be. He owned there a tract of j 
 many thousand acres, of which a part was the subsequent 
 Hermitage farm. A small portion only of his estate was! 
 under culture, but his importance in the neighborhood was j 
 attested by his living in a frame house, at a time when ai 
 house not made of logs was a curiosity. Long ago this man-: 
 sion was burnt, but there is still standing, or recently was,j 
 a small block house near Hunter's Hill, which Jackson is said 
 to have used as a store, and from a narrow window of which 
 he sold goods to the Indians ; whose thieving propensities- 
 obliged him to exclude them from the interior of the estab-j 
 
 * Papers in the suit of Andrew Jackson against Andrew Erwin. Nash 
 ville, 1813. 
 
1804.] MAN OF BUSINESS. 243 
 
 rnaj lishment. In the selling of his goods and the general man- 
 agement of his business, he was, for some years, assisted by 
 John Hutchings, a near relation of Mrs. Jackson. 
 
 Jackson, as we have seen, accepted the judgeship of the 
 Supreme Court ; intending to continue his little store in 
 operation, and to snatch time enough between his courts to 
 make an occasional swift journey to Philadelphia for the pur- 
 chase of a fresh supply of goods. For a while all went well 
 with him. But, before the first Allison note was due, came 
 the crash and panic of 1798 and 1799, during which David 
 Allison failed. Notice was forwarded to Jackson to provide 
 for the payment of the notes with which he had bought his 
 stock of goods. This was a staggering blow ; not only be- 
 cause the amount of the loss was large, but because the notes 
 had to be paid in money, real money, money that was cur- 
 rent in Philadelphia, which, of all commodities, was the one 
 most scarce in the new States of the far West. To the honor 
 of Andrew Jackson be it recorded, that each of these large 
 notes was paid, principal and interest, on the day of its ma- 
 turity. To do this cost him a long and desperate effort, one 
 more severe, perhaps, than any other of his whole life, public 
 or private. But it was done. In doing it, however, he be- 
 came involved in various ways. He was an embarrassed and 
 anxious man during the whole period of his judgeship, and 
 found himself, after six years of public service, embarrassed 
 and anxious still. 
 
 Andrew Jackson was a man singularly averse to anything 
 complicated ; and of all complications the one under which 
 he was most restive was Debt. He hated Debt. So, about 
 the year 1804, he resolved upon simplifying, or " straighten- 
 ing out" his affairs, and commencing life anew. He resigned 
 his judgeship. He sold his house and improved farm on 
 Hunter's Hill. He sold twenty-five thousand acres, more or 
 less, of his wild lands in other parts of the State. He paid 
 off all his debts. He removed, with his negroes, to the place 
 now known as the Hermitage, and lived once more in a house 
 of logs. He went more extensively into mercantile business 
 
 Hi! 
 it 
 t of 
 
 n 
 
 Til 
 
 lan- 
 
244 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1805, 
 
 than ever. Soon, we find him connected in business with 
 John Coffee ; the firm now being, Jackson, Coffee & Hutch- 
 ings. Coffee had before been engaged in business in a neigh- 
 boring village, and, says tradition, had failed. The store 
 occupied by the firm of Jackson, Coffee & Hutchings was a 
 block house, standing then, and standing now, on Stone's 
 Kiver, at a place called Clover Bottom, four miles from the 
 Hermitage, and seven from Nashville. The old block house 
 is now a pile without inhabitant ; the mortar is falling out 
 of the interstices ; the windows are broken ; the roof is rotting 
 away. Coffee (not yet married to Mrs. Jackson's niece) lived 
 in the block house then, as well as sold merchandise therein, 
 and Jackson rode over in the morning from the Hermitage, 
 served in the store all day, and rode home at night, with the 
 regularity of a man of business. Need I add, that this John 
 Coffee, the partner of Andrew Jackson, was afterwards his 
 faithful comrade in the wars — General Coffee, the Hero of the 
 Twenty-third of December 1814 ! 
 
 Jackson was now a man with many irons in the fire. 
 First, there was his farm, cultivated by slaves, superintended 
 by Mrs. Jackson, in the absence of her lord. The large fam- 
 ily of slaves, one hundred and fifty in number, of which he 
 died possessed, were mostly descended from the few that he 
 owned in his storekeeping days. He was a vigilant and suc- 
 cessful farmer. To use the language of the South, " He 
 made good crops." He was proud of a well-cultivated field. 
 Every visitor was invited to go the rounds of his farm, and 
 see his cotton, corn, and wheat, his horses, cows, and mules. 
 He had, also, a backwoodsman's skill in repairing and con- 
 triving, and spent many a day in putting an old plow in order, 
 or finishing off a new cabin. 
 
 On his plantation he had a cotton-gin, a rarity at that 
 day,* upon which there was a special tax of twenty dollars a 
 year. The tax books of Davidson county show that in 1804 
 
 * The cotton-gin was invented by Eli Whitney of Massachusetts, about 
 1793. So that the invention' made rapid progress. 
 
1805.] MAN OF BUSINESS. 245 
 
 there were but twenty-four gins in the county, of which An- 
 drew Jackson was the owner of one. This cotton-gin served 
 to clean his own cotton, the cotton of his neighbors, and that 
 which he took in exchange for goods. 
 
 The business of his store was of several kinds. He sold 
 goods brought from Philadelphia, such as cloth, blankets, 
 calico, and dry goods generally ; prices on the Cumberland 
 being about three times those of Philadelphia. Broadcloth 
 bought in Philadelphia for five dollars a yard, Jackson, Cof- 
 fee & Hutchings sold in their store for fifteen dollars.* They 
 also dealt in salt, grindstones, hardware, gunpowder, cow bells, 
 and whatever else the people of the neighborhood wanted. 
 In payment for these commodities, they took, not money, but 
 cotton, ginned and unginned, wheat, corn, tobacco, pork, skins, 
 furs, and, indeed, all the produce of the country. This pro- 
 duce they sent in flat-boats down the Cumberland, the Ohio, 
 and the Mississippi to Natchez, where it was sold for the 
 market of New Orleans. It appears, also, that the firm made 
 it a business to build boats for other traders, their situation 
 
 * The following Price Current is copied from the Impartial Review, of Nash- 
 ville, of January 17, 1807. It may serve to show the nature of mercantile busi- 
 ness at Nashville at the time when Andrew Jackson was a merchant in the 
 vicinity : — 
 
 WHOLESALE PEICE8 CUBBENT AT NASHVILLE, JANUARY 17, 180T. 
 
 $ CtS. $ cts. 
 
 Ashes, Pearl and Pot none. Furs, small 25 
 
 Bacon none. Feathers, per lb 50 
 
 sf, per cwt 3 Hogs' Lard, per lb 9 
 
 Butter, perlb 16 1-2 Lead, per cwt 10 
 
 Bees' Wax, per lb 25 Leather, soal '.. 27 
 
 Bear Skins, from 75 cts to 2 Lime, per bush 16 
 
 Beaver Fur, per lb 1 Meal, Indian, from 42 cts. to 50 
 
 Bar Iron, per cwt 10 Pork, per cwt 3 50 
 
 Bricks, per 1000 8 Potatoes, per bush 37 1-2 
 
 Cotton, loose, per cwt 15 Rice, per lb 9 
 
 Cotton, baled 17 Salt, per bush, by the bbl 2 
 
 Cotton Baling, per yd 38 Staves, per 1000 3 
 
 Cotton Cordage, per lb 16 Tobacco, per cwt 3 
 
 Candles, per lb 18 1-2 Tallow, per lb 10 
 
 Corn, per bbl 1 Tar, per gall 66 2-3 
 
 Castings, per cwt 10 Twine, per lb 58 
 
 Deer Skins, per cwt 16 Wheat none, 
 
 | Flour, country, per cwt 3 Whisky, per gall 75 
 
 Flour, imported, per bbl 8 
 
246 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1805. 
 
 on a branch of the Cumberland giving them facilities for 
 that. At one time, too, probably before Coffee joined them, 
 Jackson and Hutchings had a branch of their store at Galla- 
 tin, the capital of Sumner county, Tennessee, twenty-six miles 
 from Nashville.* 
 
 * The following are advertisements from the Impartial Review, of January 17, 
 1807:— 
 
 I am authorized by a respectable mercantile house in New Orleans to pur- 
 chase one thousand bales of COTTON, also $1000 worth of BEAR SKINS, for 
 which approved BILLS on New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, will be given 
 in payment. A. Foster. 
 
 T. OVERTON has Negroes to hire, among which are several mechanics. 
 Also LANDS for sale in various parts of the State. 
 Soldiers' Rest, January 9, 1807. 
 
 CAUTION. — The subscriber having been at very considerable expense of in* 
 closing that bend of Cumberland river, known by the name of Robertson's Bend, foi 
 the purpose of confining and raising stock ; and finding that private remonstrance 
 will not prevent individuals from going into it repeatedly with guns and dogs, 
 interrupting his stock, leaving his fences down, and even riding through his cot- 
 ton fields, to the considerable injury of his crops, is compelled to take this method 
 to caution all persons from entering said inclosure, on any pretense whatever, 
 with gun or dog, as he is determined to deal with them (if detected) according to 
 law. Any person wishing to go in quest of stock supposed to be within the in- 
 closure can call at my house and obtain permission. James Robertson. 
 
 December 17, 1806. » 
 
 Bills of Exchange. — On Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, Boston, and Lon- 
 don ; also Pennsylvania Bank POST BILLS. Apply to 
 
 M. G-. Cullen & Co., New Orleans. 
 
 "Who will advance four fifths of the amount of all Cotton, and a proportion- 
 able part of the value of all other produce addressed to their House in Liverpool. 
 For sale, BILLS on London, at sixty days. 
 
 THE subscriber wishes to inform the citizens of Nashville and its vicinity 
 that he intends carrying on the House Painting Business in all its various 
 branches (equal to any in Europe). He also intends guilting, glazing, ana all 
 other works which may come before him in his line. He hopes the small per- 
 formance which he has made at Wm. T. Lewis' may meet the approbation of 
 the community. Ezekiel Hudnall. 
 
 January 9, 1807 
 
 MARRIED.— On Thursday evening last, Mr. STEPHEN CANTREL, to the 
 agreeable and justly admired Miss JULIET WINDLE, both of this placa 
 
1805.] MAN OF BUSINESS. 247 
 
 General Jackson's fine horses were also a source of profit 
 to him. At that period a good horse was among the pio- 
 neer's first necessities and most valued possessions ; and, to 
 this day, the horse is a creature of far more importance at 
 the South, where every one rides and must ride on horse- 
 back, than at the North, where riding is the luxury of 
 the few. 
 
 In the southern States, too, the horse is chiefly used for 
 the saddle ; there being a servile class of quadrupeds, mules, 
 namely, to perform the more laborious and less honorable 
 work of the plantation. The consequence is, that the quali- 
 ties prized in the horse are those which fit him to bear his 
 master along with grace, spirit and speed ; the qualities which 
 are summed up in the expression, thorough-bred. At an 
 early day, therefore, we find the Tennesseeans devoting great 
 attention to the rearing of high-bred horses — a business after- 
 wards stimulated by their passion for the turf. Soon after 
 Jackson left the bench, he set off for a tour in Virginia, then 
 universally renowned for her breed of horses, for the sole 
 object of procuring the most perfect horse in the country.* 
 The far-famed Truxton was the result of this journey ; 
 Truxton — winner of many a well-contested race, and pro- 
 genitor of a line of Truxtons highly prized in Tennessee to 
 this hour. 
 
 The horses of Nashville and its vicinity have not deteri- 
 orated, The spectacle of a perfectly developed, undiminished 
 Man, mounted on a faultless Horse, all gentleness and fire, 
 mighty in size, swift of pace, and magnificent in form, is one 
 which often delights and shames the pale northener in the 
 neighborhood of Nashville. There is a gentleman living near 
 that pleasant city an owner of many horses, not one of which 
 has a pedigree less than two hundred years long. 
 
 To all these sources of profit — farm, cotton-gin, store, flat- 
 boat and horse — was added, it is said, an occasional transac- 
 
 * Many of these particulars were derived from "William Donelson, Esquire, a 
 younger brother of Mrs. Jackson, who lives and has lived all his life near the 
 Hermitage, and speaks of these things from personal knowledge. 
 
248 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1805. 
 
 tion in negroes. There is an odium attached to this business 
 in the slave States, as is well known ; and, consequently, the 
 alleged negro trading of General Jackson has excited a great 
 deal of angry controversy. I was myself informed, in a mys- 
 terious whisper, by a southern gentleman in high office, that 
 this was the only " blot" on the character of the General. It 
 is not necessary to investigate a subject of this nature. The 
 simple truth respecting it, I presume, is, that having corre- 
 spondents in Natchez, and being in the habit of sending down 
 boat-loads of produce, the firm of which he was a member 
 occasionally took charge of negroes destined for the lower 
 country, and, it may be, sold them on commission, or other- 
 wise. 
 
 The following letter was published in the newspapers of 
 1828, for the purpose of drawing votes from General Jack- 
 son. It was written by a Mr. S. K. Blythe, of Ash Grove, 
 Tennessee : — 
 
 " Sir : In reply to your inquiry as to my knowledge of General Jack- 
 son being concerned in buying and selling slaves, I will briefly state that 
 about the year 1805 or 1806 General Jackson and a Mr. Hutchings, his 
 nephew by marriage, had a store in Granatin. About that time, they pur- 
 chased, of Dr. Rollins, a negro boy, and sent him to the lower country to 
 sell. The negro had been previously in the hands of Dr. Rollins, to cure a 
 sore leg, and was sold by Rollins to them, with a knowledge, by both par- 
 ties, of that fact, as I understood at the time. Some time afterward, I had 
 been up the Ohio, and on my return by the way of Smithland, I came to 
 the place called the Horse Ford, below Eddyville, where boats were com- 
 pelled to stop by reason of low water, where I saw the negro above alluded 
 to, in a barge on his return from the lower country, where they had been 
 unable to sell him by reason of his leg breaking out afresh. When the 
 negro came home, he was put under Dr. Ward, and died. Jackson and 
 Hutchings sued Rollins for a fraud in the negro. The suit was pending 
 several years, and finally decided in favor of Rollins. I was- summoned as 
 a witness in the case. I have heard that there were other slaves purchased 
 by Jackson and Hutchings, and sent to the lower country for sale ; but it 
 is so long since, that I do not recollect any other particular case than the 
 one named, and this one is impressed on my memory from the circum- 
 stance of the long and vexatious lawsuit to which Dr. Rollins was subjected, 
 and the other facts related as above." 
 
1805.] MAN OF BUSINESS. 249 
 
 No importance is to be attached to this letter. The pur- 
 pose for which it was written, the length of time that elapsed 
 between the transaction and the time when the account of it 
 was drawn up, destroy its value as evidence. I may state 
 here, that General Jackson took slavery for granted. In no 
 etter of his, of the hundreds I have perused, is there a sen- 
 tence indicating that he had ever considered the subject as a 
 question of right or wrong. His slaves loved him, and revere 
 his memory. He was the most indulgent, patient, and gen- 
 erous of masters ; so indulgent, indeed, that the overseers 
 employed by him in later years, often complained of the con- 
 sequent laxity of discipline on the estate. 
 
 Kespecting General Jackson's mode of dealing, we have 
 agreeable information. "A cool, shrewd man of business," 
 remarked a venerated citizen of Nashville.* " He knew the 
 value of an article. He knew his own mind. Hence, he was 
 prompt and decided. No chaffering, no bargaining. c I will 
 give or take so much ; if you will trade, say so, and have done 
 with it ; if not, let it alone/ A man of soundest judgment, 
 utterly honest, naturally honest ; would beggar himself to 
 pay a debt, and did so ; could not be comfortable if he thought 
 he had wronged any one. He was swift to make up his mind ; 
 yet was rarely wrong ; but whether wrong or right, hard to be 
 shaken. Still, if convinced that he was in the wrong, no man 
 so prompt to acknowledge and atone. He was a bank hater 
 from an early day. Paper money was an abomination to him, 
 because he regarded it in the light of a promise to pay, that 
 was almost certain, sooner or later, to be broken. For his 
 Own part, law or no law, he would pay what he owed ; he 
 would do what he said he would." 
 
 The credit of General Jackson was remarkably high in 
 Tennessee at this time, and continued so to the end of his 
 life. There was never a day when his name to paper did not 
 
 * Dr. FelLx Kobertson, son of General James Robertson. Dr. Robertson, as 
 Defore stated, was the first boy born in Nashville. He remembers Jackson from 
 1800. 
 
250 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. . [1805. 
 
 make it gold. The anecdote relating to this, which has been 
 afloat in the papers so long, may not be true, but it might 
 have been : " Some time in 1838 or 1839, a gentleman in 
 Tennessee became involved and wanted money ; he had prop- 
 erty and owed debts. His property was not available just 
 then, and off he posted to Boston, backed by the names of 
 several of the best men in Tennessee. Money was tight, and 
 Boston bankers looked closely at the names. ' Very good/ 
 said they ; ( but, but — do you know General Jackson ?' ' Cer- 
 tainly/ c Could you get his endorsement ?' ' Yes, but he is 
 not worth a tenth as much as either of these men whose names 
 I offer you/ l No matter ; General Jackson has always pro- 
 tected himself and his paper, and we'll let you have the money 
 on the strength of his name/ In a few days the papers with 
 his signature arrived. The moment these Boston bankers 
 saw the tall A and long J of Andrew Jackson, our Ten- 
 nesseean says he could have raised a hundred thousand dol- 
 lars upon the signature without the slightest difficulty ." 
 
 The store of Jackson, Coffee & Hutchings, it appears, did 
 not prove very profitable. Some bad debts were made, and 
 as there was then no mail between Nashville and the lower 
 sountry, there was no way of ascertaining beforehand the 
 market price of the commodities bought for transportation to 
 New Orleans. Sometimes the boat-loads of produce reached 
 a glutted market and there was a heavy loss. Moreover, the 
 enormous cost of bringing goods from Philadelphia to the 
 Cumberland narrowed the " margin" for profit, besides absorb- 
 ing a large amount of money. The tradition is, that, after 
 some years of storekeeping, Jackson sold out to Coffee, 
 taking notes payable at long intervals in payment for his 
 share ; that Coffee floundered on awhile by himself and lost 
 all he had in the world ; that, afterwards, Coffee gave up the 
 business, resumed the occupation of surveying, prospered, and 
 married a niece of Mrs. Jackson ; that, on the wedding day, 
 General Jackson did the handsome and dramatic thing- 
 brought out Coffee's notes from his strong box, tore them in 
 halves, and presented the pieces to the bride, with a magni 
 
1805.] MAN OF BUSINESS. 251 
 
 ficent bow. Which latter incident has the merit of being 
 entirely probable ; for his generosity to the relatives of his 
 wife was boundless. 
 
 Once, during these years of business activity, General 
 Jackson came within an ace of total ruin, and all through his 
 ignorance of law. When David Allison failed, he owed one 
 Norton Prior twenty thousand dollars or more, which was 
 secured by a mortgage on a tract of eighty-five thousand 
 acres of land in Tennessee, the property of Allison. Prior, 
 desiring to foreclose the mortgage, engaged Joseph Anderson, 
 a noted Tennessee lawyer, to transact the business for him. 
 Anderson was elected United States Senator, and being, 
 therefore, unable to attend to the matter, engaged Andrew 
 Jackson, who was about to retire, as he supposed, to private 
 life, to procure the foreclosure. If successful, Jackson was 
 to have as his fee ten thousand acres of the land. Upon 
 reaching Tennessee, Jackson, as we have seen, was elected 
 Judge of the Supreme Court ; which excluded him from 
 practice at the bar. He accordingly confided the matter to 
 his old friend John Overton, agreeing to divide his fee of ten 
 thousand acres equally with Overton on the completion of the 
 foreclosure. Suit was brought in the United States District 
 Court. The mortgage was foreclosed. Jackson received his 
 iive thousand acres, which, during his subsequent embarrass- 
 ments he sold out in small parcels to settlers, giving them 
 warranted titles. That is to say, he bound himself, in case 
 the titles ever proved unsound, to buy back the land, not at 
 the price at which he sold it, but at the price it might be 
 worth in the market at the time when the defect in the title 
 appeared. Such was the law of Tennessee at that day. 
 
 Years passed ; the lands had trebled, quadrupled in value, 
 and were covered with houses, barns, cotton-gins, and all the 
 improvements of the growing country ; when lo ! a lawyer, 
 who was interested in a portion of the Allison lands, discov- 
 ered that the court which had decreed the foreclosure of the 
 mortgage had no jurisdiction in the matter ! It was a fed- 
 eral court. Neither Prior nor Allison were citizens of the 
 
252 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1805. 
 
 State in which the suit was brought, and both were citizens 
 of Pennsylvania. Such was the ignorance, at that day, even 
 among leading lawyers, of the laws growing out of the two- 
 fold sovereignty, the State and the United States ! 
 
 Upon hearing the whispered doubt as to the jurisdiction 
 of the court, Jackson hurried away to his friend, George W. 
 Campbell, at Nashville, and laid the case before him. Camp- 
 bell told him at once that the proceedings in the foreclosure 
 were void, and the titles to the lands worthless. Jackson 
 saw ruin staring him in the face ; since the redemption of 
 the lands at their enhanced value, and the purchase of all 
 the improvements upon them, would require an amount of 
 money, the payment of which would leave him penniless and 
 in debt beyond hope of extrication. Nor was he alone in- 
 volved. Every owner of the original tract of eighty-five 
 thousand acres held his land by the same worthless title ; and 
 those owners could then be numbered by hundreds ! 
 
 " What's to be done ?" asked Jackson of his friend Camp- 
 bell, when all the horrors of the situation broke upon him. 
 " If our titles are void, whose title is good ? Whose are the 
 lands ?" 
 
 To which Judge Campbell replied, that the foreclosure 
 not having occurred, the lands belonged to the heirs of David 
 Allison, though it was still subject to the twenty thousand 
 dollar mortgage. 
 
 "Go to the heirs of Allison," said Campbell in substance, 
 "armed with your claim against the Allison estate, which 
 now must amount to nearly fourteen thousand dollars. They 
 are in your power ; you are in theirs. Exchange claims with 
 them. Give up their father's notes held by you. Get from 
 them in return, first, a renunciation of their merely technical 
 claim to this land ; and, secondly, the legal right to pay off* 
 the mortgage. That done, your titles are sound, and you 
 can make such terms with the other owners of the lands as 
 will secure you the payment of your old claims upon David 
 Allison. They will be only too happy to pay their just pro- 
 
1805 J MAN OF BUSINESS. 253 
 
 portion of the price you will pay for securing them in their 
 possessions." 
 
 The next morning's dawn saw the prompt Jackson 
 mounted for a ride of four hundred miles through an Indian 
 wilderness into Georgia, where the impoverished heirs, of 
 Allison were living. He found them, stated his business, 
 accomplished his object by the payment of a small sum in 
 cash, and returned a happy man, rescued from the jaws of 
 ruin. In arranging terms, however, with the other proprietors 
 of the tract, disputes arose, as might have been expected. A 
 lawsuit of twelve years' duration was the result, which ended 
 at last in compromise. 
 
 Jackson was still a keen lover of sport. The people about 
 Nashville increased very rapidly both in numbers and wealth 
 after the new century began. It became a gay and somewhat 
 dissipated place. Billiards, for example, were played to such 
 excess, that the game was suppressed by act of the Legislat- 
 ure. The two annual races were the great days of the year. 
 Cards were played wherever two men found themselves to- 
 gether with nothing to do. Betting in all its varieties was 
 carried on continually. Cock-fights were not unfrequent. 
 The whisky bottle — could that be wanting ? 
 
 In all these sports — the innocent and less innocent — An- 
 drew Jackson was an occasional participant. He played bil- 
 liards and cards, and both for money. He ran horses and bet 
 upon the horses of others. He was occasionally hilarious 
 over his whisky or his wine, when he came to Nashville on 
 Saturdays. At the cock-pit no man more eager than he. 
 There are gentlemen of the first respectability now living at 
 Nashville who remember seeing him often at the cock-pit in 
 the public square adjoining the old Nashville inn, cheering on 
 lis favorite birds with loudest vociferation. 
 
 " Hurrah ! my Dominica ! Ten dollars on my Dominica \" 
 )r, " Hurrah ! my Bernadotte ! Twenty dollars on my Ber- 
 ladotte ! Who'll take me up ? Well done, my Bernadotte ! 
 \Iy Bernadotte for ever \" 
 vol. i. — 17 
 
254 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806. 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 FIGHTING ANECDOTES. 
 
 The wilderness does not fall before the backwoodsman's 
 brawny arm, and become a pleasant habitable land, without 
 leaving behind in the heart of its subduer something of its 
 own wildness. Nor can the civilized man contend with the 
 savage in deadly warfare for life and home, without ex- 
 changing qualities, usages, and arts with the foe. The west- 
 ern man of the olden time had much of the Indian in him. 
 He caught the Indian's stealthy footstep ; imbibed some- 
 thing of his passion for revenge ; abandoned himself like him 
 to the carouse, and learned to dispense with nearly all that 
 the Indian does not use. And this was peculiarly the case 
 in the south-western States ; where, as soon as the settlers 
 began to prosper, they began to be relieved from labor by 
 slaves ; and were almost as free to wander and amuse them- 
 selves as the Indian is who has a toiling squaw at home. 
 
 The slaves, too, were not the docile creatures we see their 
 descendants now. Southern newspapers of that day, I ob- 
 serve, abound in advertisements of "new negroes;" negroes 
 raw and savage from the African coast. The same papers, 
 naturally enough, teem with advertisements of runaway 
 slaves. From looking over a file of Georgia papers of 1790 
 to 1800, one would infer that the insertion of such advertise- 
 ments was the chief end of the paper's existence, and the 
 principal source of the printer's revenue. 
 
 General Sam Houston, a Tennesseean of the old school, 
 had this state of things in his memory, perhaps, when hej 
 wrote his recent letter against reopening the African slave 
 trade. " If this were once done," writes the old soldier,; 
 " the South would be overrun by African barbarians, andj 
 our lives, and, what is worse, our homes and our families,] 
 would be subject to their barbarities." Inevitably. Thei 
 
1806.] FIGHTING ANECDOTES. 255 
 
 present generation knows nothing of the terrible process by 
 which African savages were converted into patient and sub- 
 missive servants. Still less can the southern man of to-day 
 perceive that his own race has been most powerfully influ- 
 enced by the servile one. The traveler sees clearly enough 
 that the white man, in exchanging qualities with the black, 
 has not made a very good bargain. The black man has im- 
 bibed some of the white man's best qualities ; the white man 
 has caught some of the negro's worst. 
 
 Civilization was in the minority at that day. Every thing 
 was against it. Abundance — Idleness — Indians — Africans — 
 Isolation — Whisky ! Is it surprising that the combined in- 
 fluence of these, where there was little to counteract their 
 effect, should have converted large numbers of the conquering 
 race into savages, and made almost every man a savage in 
 some degree ? 
 
 We have now to do with one phase of this savageism 
 — fighting. The revolutionary war introduced among the 
 people of rustic America the practice of resorting to arms for 
 the settlement of quarrels. Every man who had worn a sash 
 or even shouldered a musket in that contest, seems to have 
 hugged the delusion that he was thenceforth subject to the 
 Code of Honor. He retained the title and affected the tone 
 of a soldier. I call it affectation ; believing that no man 
 with Saxon blood dominant in his veins ever yet fought a 
 duel without being distinctly conscious that he was doing a 
 very silly thing. Yet there never existed a people so given 
 to dueling and other domestic battling as the people of the 
 South and West from 1790 to 1810. In Charleston, about 
 the year 1800, we are told, there was a club of duelists, in 
 which every man took precedence according to the number of 
 times he had been "out ;"* so difficult was it for the duelists 
 to support the reproaches of their own good sense. " I be- 
 lieve," says General W. H. Harrison, " that there were more 
 duels in the north-western army between the years 1791 and 
 
 * Fry's National Gazette, Philadelphia, 1826. 
 
256 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806 
 
 1795 than ever took place in the same length of time, and 
 amongst so small a body of men as composed the commis- 
 sioned officers of the army, either in America or any ether 
 country."* 
 
 As late as 1834, Miss Martineau tells us, there were more 
 duels fought in the city of New Orleans than there are days 
 in the year : " Fifteen on one Sunday morning ;" " one hun- 
 dred and two between the 1st of January and the end of 
 April/'f 
 
 In the interior settlements, if dueling was rarer, fighting 
 of a less formal and deadly character was so common as to 
 excite scarcely any notice or remark. It was taken for 
 granted, apparently, that whenever a number of men were 
 gathered together for any purpose whatever, there must be 
 fighting. The meetings of the Legislature, the convening 
 of courts, the assemblages out of doors for religious purposes, 
 were all alike the occasion both of single combats and general 
 fights. " The exercises of a market day," says the Kev. Mr. 
 Milburn, "were usually varied by political speeches, a sheriff's 
 sale, a half a dozen free fights and thrice as many horse 
 swaps." 
 
 David Crockett was a member of the Tennessee Legislat- 
 ure about this time — a green and gawky gentleman from one 
 of the remote counties. He tells us how he behaved to a 
 brother member, who had alluded to the new-comer as the 
 " gentleman from the cane." His story shows that private 
 combat was then regarded as a thing entirely of course when 
 men differed : — 
 
 " Well," says Crockett, " I had never made a speech in my life. I 
 didn't know whether I could speak or not ; and they kept crying out to me 
 ' Crockett, answer him — Crockett, answer him : — why the deuce don't you 
 answer him ?' So up I popped. I was as mad as fury ; and there I stood 
 and not a word could I get out. Well, I bothered, and stammered, and 
 looked foolish, and still there I stood ; but after a while I began to talk. I 
 
 * Montgomery's Life of Harrison, page 319. 
 \ Society in America, ii., p. 189. 
 
1806.] FIGHTING ANECDOTES. 257 
 
 don't know what I said about my bill, but I jerked it into him. I told 
 him that he had got hold of the wrong man ; that he didn't know who he 
 was fooling with ; that he reminded me of the meanest thing on God's 
 earth, an old coon dog barking up the wrong tree. 
 
 " After the House had adjourned, seeing Mr. M 1 walking off alone, 
 
 I followed him and proposed a walk. He consented, and we went some- 
 thing like a mile, when I called a halt. Said I, ' M 1, do you know 
 
 what I brought you here for ?' ' No.' ' Well, I brought you here for the 
 express purpose of whipping you, and I mean to do it.' But the fellow 
 said he didn't mean anything, and kept 'pologising, till I got into a good 
 humor. We then went back together ; and I don't believe anybody ever 
 knew anything about it. 
 
 " I'll tell you another story of this same man : 'Twan't long after my 
 
 difficulty with M 1, before he got into a fight with a member of the 
 
 Senate, in which he was worsted — for he had his ruffle torn off, and by 
 accident it remained on the battle ground. I happened to go there next 
 morning, and having heard of the circumstance, knew how the ruffle came 
 
 there. I didn't like M 1 much, and I determined to have some fun. 
 
 So I took up his fine cambric ruffle and pinned it to my coarse cotton shirt 
 — made it as conspicuous as possible, and when the House met, strutted in. 
 
 I seated myself near M 1 ; when the members, understanding how it 
 
 was, soon filled the House with a roar of laughter. M 1 couldn't stand 
 
 it, and walked out. I, thinking he might want a fight, though I had tried 
 him, followed after ; but it didn't take place ; and after a while he came 
 up and asked me if that wasn't his ruffle. I told him yes, and presenting 
 it, observed that I looked upon it as the flag of the lower House, which, in 
 battle, had been borne off by the Senate ; and, that being a member of the 
 lower House, I felt it my duty to retake it."* 
 
 The same facetious narrator tells us of another legislator 
 who, on being accused of corrupt practices, mounted the 
 stump for the purpose of refuting the calumny. But his 
 rage was such that he could not utter a coherent sentence. 
 So he jumped down, saying, ." I won't explain ; but I'm 
 
 d d if I can't whip the man that started the report," and 
 
 ran off in search of him. He could find no author ; but, 
 added David, his willingness to fight was taken as fair proof 
 of his innocence. Those were the days when the Legislature 
 convened at seven o'clock in the morning, and when the 
 
 * Sketches and Eccentricities of David Crockett of West Tennessee, p. 90. 
 
258 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806. 
 
 neighbors of David Crockett so disdained the trammels of 
 custom as to name their girls, Tom, Jack, and Harry, and 
 their boys, Mary, Jane, and Susan.* 
 
 We should not naturally look into the biography of a 
 clergyman for illustrations of the fighting habits of a people. 
 We find, however, some of the most characteristic and aston- 
 ishing of Tennessee fights recorded in the autobiography of 
 glorious old Peter Cartwright, who fought and preached this 
 region through in the early part of the century. It is a 
 question, which converted most sinners, his fighting or his 
 preaching. Here is a scene, among the most curious and sug- 
 gestive, as well as amusing, of any ever described. It was a 
 camp meeting in the woods : — 
 
 " We had a great many tents, and a large turn-out for a new country, 
 and, perhaps, there never was a greater collection of rabble and rowdies. 
 They came drunk, and armed with dirks, clubs, knives, and horsewhips, 
 and swore they would break up the meeting. After interrupting us very 
 much on Saturday night, they collected early on Sunday morning, deter- 
 mined on a general riot. At eight o'clock I was appointed to preach. 
 About the time I was half through my discourse, two very fine-dressed 
 young men marched into the congregation with loaded whips, and hats on, 
 and rose up and stood in the midst of the ladies, and began to laugh and 
 talk. They were near the stand, and I requested them to desist and get 
 off the seats ; but they cursed me, and told me to mind my own business 
 and said they would not get down. I stopped trying to preach, and called 
 for a magistrate. There were two at hand, but I saw they were both 
 afraid. I ordered them to take these men into custody, but they said they 
 could not do it. I told them, as I left the stand, to command me to take 
 them, and I would do it at the risk of my life. I advanced towards them. 
 They ordered me to stand off, but I advanced. One of them made a pass 
 at my head with his whip, but I closed in with him, and jerked him ofl 
 the seat. A regular scuffle ensued. The congregation by this time were 
 all in commotion. I heard the magistrates give general orders, command- 
 ing all friends of order to aid in suppressing the riot. In the scuffle I 
 threw my prisoner down, and held him fast ; he tried his best to get loose ; 
 I told him to be quiet, or I would pound his chest well. The mob rose, 
 and rushed to the rescue of the two prisoners, for they had taken the other 
 
 * Sketches and Eccentricities, p. 40. 
 
1806.] FIGHTING ANECDOTES. 259 
 
 young man also. An old and drunken magistrate came up to me, and 
 ordered me to let my prisoner go. I told him I should not. He swore if 
 I did not, he would knock me down. I told him to crack away. Then 
 one of my friends, at my request, took hold of my prisoner, and the drunken 
 justice made a pass at me ; but I parried the stroke, and seized him by the 
 collar and the hair of the head, and fetching him a sudden jerk forward, 
 brought him to the ground, and jumped on him. I told him to be quiet, 
 or I would pound him well. The mob then rushed to the scene ; they 
 knocked down seven magistrates, and several preachers and others. 1 
 gave up my drunken prisoner to another, and threw myself in front of the 
 friends of order. Just at this moment the ringleader of the mob and I 
 met ; he made three passes at me, intending to knock me down. The last 
 time he struck at me, by the force of his own effort he threw the side of 
 his face toward me. It seemed at that moment I had not power to resist 
 temptation, and I struck a sudden blow in the burr of the ear and dropped 
 him to the earth. Just at that moment the friends of order rushed by hun- 
 dreds on the mob, knocking them down in every direction. In a few 
 minutes the place became too strait for the mob, and they wheeled and 
 fled in every direction ; but we secured about thirty prisoners, marched 
 them off to a vacant tent, and put them under guard till Monday morning, 
 when they were tried, and every man was fined to the utmost limits of the 
 law. The aggregate amount of fines and costs was near three hundred 
 dollars. They fined my old drunken magistrate twenty dollars, and re- 
 turned him to court, and he was cashiered of his office." 
 
 A scene without a parallel; in which ancient Law and new 
 Lawlessness are curiously contrasted. How remarkable, that 
 when there was enough regard for law to secure such ample 
 and prompt punishment, there should also have been so much 
 rampant barbarism ! At another of these outdoor gatherings 
 the brave preacher had a hot altercation with a notorious sin- 
 ner, who rejoiced in the title of Major, a leading man in the 
 neighborhood : — 
 
 " He flew into a desperate rage, and said if he thought 1 would fight 
 
 him a duel, he would challenge me. 
 
 " ' Major,' said I, very calmly, ' if you challenge me I will accept it.' 
 
 " ' Well, sir,' said he, ' I do dare you to mortal combat.' 
 
 " ' Very well, I '11 fight you ; and, sir,' said I, ' according to the laws of 
 
 honor, I suppose it is my right to choose the weapons with which we are 
 
 to fight " 
 
260 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [180G. 
 
 " { Certainly/ said he. 
 
 " ' Well,' said I, l then we will step over here into this lot, and get a 
 couple of corn stalks ; I think I can finish you with one.' 
 
 " But 0, what a rage he got into. He clenched his fists and looked ven- 
 geance. Said he, ' If I thought I could whip you, I would smite you in a 
 moment.' 
 
 " 'Yes, yes, Major L.,' said I, 'but, thank God, you can't whip me; 
 but don't you attempt to strike me, for if you do, and the devil gets out 
 of you into me, I shall give you the worst whipping you ever got in all 
 your life,' and then walked off and left him." 
 
 Observe this story, too, and the mighty Peter's manner of 
 telling it : — 
 
 " There were two young men in this settlement, of wealthy and respect- 
 able parentage, who were distantly related. They both were paying at- 
 tention to a very wealthy young lady. Some jealousy about rivalship 
 sprung up between them; they were mutually jealous of each other, and 
 it spread like an eating cancer. They quarreled, and finally fought ; both 
 armed themselves s and each bound himself in a solemn oath to kill the 
 other. Thus sworn, and armed with pistols and dirks, they attended camp 
 meeting. I was acquainted with them, and apprised of the circumstances 
 of this disagreeable affair. On Sunday, when I was addressing a large con- 
 gregation, and was trying to enforce the terrors of the violated law of God, 
 there was a visible power more than human rested on the congregation. 
 Many fell under the preaching of the word. In closing my discourse I 
 called for mourners to come into the altar. Both of these young men were 
 in the congregation, and the Holy Spirit had convicted each of them ; their 
 murderous hearts quailed under the mighty power of God, and with dread- 
 ful feelings they made for the altar. One entered on the right, the other 
 on the left. Each was perfectly ignorant of the other being there. I went 
 deliberately to each of them, and took their deadly weapons from their 
 bosoms, and carried them into the preachers' tent, and then returned and 
 labored faithfully with them and others (for the altar was full) nearly all the 
 afternoon and night. These young men had a sore struggle ; but the great 
 deep of their hearts was broken up, and they cried hard for mercy, and while 
 I was kneeling by the side of one of them, just before the break of day, the 
 Lord spoke peace to his wounded soul. He rose in triumph, and gave some 
 thrilling shouts. I hastened to the other young man, at the other side of 
 the altar, and in less than fifteen minutes God powerfully blessed his soul, 
 and he rose and shouted victory ; and as these young men faced about they 
 saw each other, and starting simultaneously met about midway of the altar, 
 
1806.] FIGHTING ANECDOTES. 261 
 
 and instantly clasped each other in their arms. What a shout went up to 
 heaven from these young men, and almost the whole assembly that were 
 present." 
 
 So much for the gallant pioneer preacher., whom, how- 
 ever, we shall meet again, preaching valiantly to General 
 Jackson, and sitting at the table of the Hermitage, an honored 
 guest, because he had done so. 
 
 Nolte, the New Orleans broker and banker, author of 
 "Fifty Years in both Hemispheres," not the most veracious 
 work that could be named, tells us, among other things, that 
 "A frightfully cruel practice prevailed at that time among 
 the greater part of the rude inhabitants of the western States. 
 It consisted in allowing the finger-nails to grow so long, that, 
 by cutting them, you could give them the form of a small 
 sickle ; and this strange weapon was used, in the broils that 
 constantly occurred, to cut out the eyes of the hostile party. 
 This barbarous action was called gouging. Upon this excur- 
 sion through Kentucky I saw several persons who lacked an 
 eye, and others, both of whose eyes were disfigured. The ex- 
 asperation then reigning throughout the United States, in 
 relation to the difficulties with England, was much greater 
 in the western provinces than along the sea coast, and the 
 feeling was very intense. As I passed through Frankfort, on 
 my way from Lexington to Louisville, I was told that the 
 Legislature of Kentucky was just then in session. I had 
 scarcely entered the legislative hall, when I heard a very en- 
 thusiastic orator dealing forth a violent diatribe against En- 
 gland, with the following words : ' We must have war with 
 Great Britain — war will ruin her commerce — commerce is the 
 apple in Britain's eye — there we must gouge her !' This 
 flower of oratory was received with great applause." 
 
 The same author- relates another and more striking anec- 
 dote : " Young Baring (the banker) was traveling through 
 the western part of Virginia, which was at that time peopled 
 by the roughest class of Americans, and the vehicle he used 
 was a very handsome and newly-varnished traveling carriage. 
 En accordance with the favorite custom of these wild fellows, 
 
262 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806. 
 
 who usually carried a pen-knife or a nail in their pockets, one 
 of the idlers, who stood and leaned about the door of the tav- 
 ern, where he had alighted for refreshment, amused himself 
 by scratching with a nail all sorts of ridiculous figures on the 
 varnish of the carriage doors. Baring, who came out of the 
 inn, and caught our friend engaged in this agreeable and polite 
 occupation, the instant he saw what was going on, very sharply 
 expressed his disapprobation. The loiterer responded, ' Look 
 here, sir, don't be saucy ; we make no ceremony. T'other 
 day we had a European fellow here, like yourself, who was 
 mighty saucy, so I pulled out my pistol and shot him dead, 
 right on the spot. There he lies !' Baring rejoined, in the 
 coolest manner imaginable, by asking, c And did you scalp 
 him, too ?' The American was so struck with this, and felt 
 this reproach upon his savage rudeness so keenly, that, after 
 gazing at Baring suddenly and earnestly for a moment in 
 silence, he exclaimed, ' By God ! sir, you must be a clever 
 fellow ! let's shake hands !' " 
 
 It does not seem to have occurred to the narrator of this 
 story, that the wild Virginian had not killed any " European 
 fellow," but was merely testing the mettle of the stranger in 
 his own wild way ; or, as he might have expressed it, was 
 " feeling around for a fight." 
 
 Perhaps no anecdote of this description conveys a more 
 vivid idea of the love of combat which animated some of the 
 early settlers, than the famous one which opens the volume, 
 entitled "Georgia Scenes." It is one of the best managed 
 anecdotes we have. The narrator was traveling in that se- 
 cluded part of Lincoln county, Georgia, which was formerly 
 called " The Dark Corner," a region noted for its natural i 
 beauty : — 
 
 " Rapt with the enchantment of the season and the scenery around me, 
 I was slowly rising a slope, when I was startled by loud, profane, and 
 boisterous voices, which seemed to proceed from a thick covert of under- 
 growth about two hundred yards in the advance of me, and about one 
 aundred to the right of my road. 
 
 " 'You kin, kin you?' 
 
1806.] FIGHTING ANECDOTES. 263 
 
 " ' Yes, I kin, and am able to do it ! Boo-oo-oo ! Oh, wake snakes, 
 
 and walk your chalks ! Brimstone and fire ! Don't hold me, Nick 
 
 Stoval ! The fight's made up, and let's go at it. my soul if I don't 
 
 jump down his throat, and gallop every chitterling out of him before you 
 can say ' quit !' 
 
 " ■ Now, Nick, don't hold him ! Jist let the wild-cat come, and I'll 
 tame him. Ned'll see me a fair fight ; won't you, Ned ?' 
 
 " ' Oh, yes ; I'll see you a fair fight, blast my old shoes if I don't.' 
 " l That's sufficient, as Tom Haynes said when he saw the elephant. 
 Now let him come.' 
 
 u Thus they went on, with countless oaths interspersed, which I dare 
 not even hint at, and with much that I could not distinctly hear. 
 
 " In Mercy's name ! thought I, what band of ruffians has selected this 
 holy season and this heavenly retreat for such Pandsemonian riots! I 
 quickened my gait, and had come nearly opposite to the thick grove 
 whence the noise proceeded, when my eye caught indistinctly, and at in- 
 tervals, through the foliage of the dwarf oaks and hickories which inter- 
 vened, glimpses of a man or men, who seemed to be in a violent struggle ; 
 and I could occasionally catch those deep-drawn, emphatic oaths which 
 men in conflict utter when they deal blows. I dismounted and hurried to 
 the spot with all speed. I had overcome about half the space which sep- 
 arated it from me, when I saw the combatants come to the ground, and, 
 after a short straggle, I saw the uppermost one (for I could not see the 
 other) make a heavy plunge with both his thumbs, and at the same instant 
 [ heard a cry in the accent of keenest torture, ' Enough ! My eye's out!' 
 u I was so completely horror-struck, that I stood transfixed for a mo- 
 nent to the spot where the cry met me. The accomplices in the hellish 
 leed which had been perpetrated had all fled at my approach ; at least I 
 upposed so, for they were not to be seen 
 
 " ' Now, blast your corn-shucking soul,' said the victor (a youth about 
 ighteen years old) as he rose from the ground, ' come cutt'n your shines 
 bout me agin, next time I come to the court house, will you ? G-et your 
 >wl-eye in agin if you can 1' 
 
 " At this moment he saw me for the first time. He looked excessively 
 mbarrassed, and was moving off, when I called to him in a tone embold- 
 ned by the sacredness of my office and the iniquity of his crime, ' Come 
 iack, you brute ! and assist me in relieving your fellow-mortal whom you 
 tave ruined for ever !' 
 
 " My rudeness subdued his embarrassment in an instant ; and, with a 
 aunting curl of the nose, he replied, ' You needn't kick before you're 
 ourr'd. There a'nt nobody there, nor ha'nt been nother. I was jist seeirC 
 ow I could 'a font.' So saying, he bounded to his plow, which stood in 
 le corner of the fence about fifty yards beyond the battle ground. 
 
264 LIFE OF ANDBEW JACKSON. [1806. 
 
 u And, would you believe it, gentle reader ! his report was true. All 
 that I had heard and seen was nothing more nor less than a Lincoln re- 
 hearsal ; in which the youth who had just left me had played all the parts 
 of all the characters in a court house fight 
 
 " I went to the ground from which he had risen, and there were the* 
 prints of his two thumbs, plunged up to the balls in the mellow earth, 
 about the distance of a man's eyes apart ; and the ground around was 
 broken up as if two stags had been engaged upon it" 
 
 But to resume. The reader will not be misled by these 
 and other stories of frontier battlings. The majority of the 
 pioneers, doubtless, lived in peace with their neighbors all 
 the days of their lives.* Nor was there any necessity, even 
 for a public man, to fight duels. There was Judge Hugh L. 
 White of Tennessee, a man of proved courage, who set higi 
 face against the practice of dueling from the beginning of hig< 
 career, and lost nothing either of the good will or the respect 
 of his neighbors thereby. In 1817, he procured the passage- 
 of a stringent law which almost put an end to duels in Ten- 
 nessee. It must be added, however, that Judge White waa 
 an exceptional character. Such was his tenderness of feeling; 
 such his horror of shedding human blood, that he would nol 
 permit the annalist of Tennessee to so much as record hisi 
 youthful exploit of killing the Indian chief, the King-fisher.f 
 
 For a man of General Jackson's blood and principles to 
 
 * The present frontier region of the United States exhibits a state of society 
 similar to that which once prevailed in Tennessee, Georgia, and Kentucky. 
 
 There is a fighting class among the settlers in the Rocky Mountains. But 
 " this class," writes Mr. Horace Greeley, in June, 1859, " is not numerous." H* 
 adds, however, that it is " more influential than it should be in giving tone to thi 
 society of which its members form a part. Prone to deep drinking, soured ill 
 temper, always armed, bristling at a word, ready with the rifle, revolver, ON 
 lowie-knife, they give law and set fashions which, in a country where the regm 
 far administration of justice is yet a matter of prophecy, it seems difficult to overt 
 rule or disregard. I apprehend that there have been, during my two weekw 
 sojourn, more brawls, more fights, more pistol shots with criminal intent, in thi* 
 log city of one hundred and fifty dwellings (Danver), not three fourths complete* 
 nor two thirds inhabited, nor one third fit to be, than in any community of m 
 greater numbers on earth." — K 7. Tribune, June, 1859. 
 
 f Memoirs of H. L. White, by Nancy N. Scott. 
 
1806.] JACKSON "CANES" MR. T. SWANN. 265 
 
 have lived in the Tennessee of that day without fighting, was 
 impossible. His blood was hot, and his principles were those 
 of a soldier of fifty years ago ; principles, remember, to which 
 he was a convert, not an heir ; and a convert is apt to be 
 over zealous. His good traits, no less than his bad ones, in- 
 volved him in disputes which, there and then, could end only 
 in fighting. He could not have been Andrew Jackson and 
 not fought. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON "CANES" MR. THOMAS SWANN. 
 
 An industrious citizen of Tennessee, during a certain 
 residential campaign, made a collection of General Jack- 
 jon's fights and quarrels, devoting himself to the work with 
 ;he zeal which belongs to a collector, and never giving up the 
 learch till his cabinet contained, to use his own language, 
 ' nearly one hundred fights, or violent and abusive quarrels." 
 Then, resting from his labors, he published, after the manner 
 )f collectors, a descriptive catalogue of the most remarkable 
 )f his treasures, numbered from one to fourteen. * 
 
 Another Tennesseean, professing to be actuated only by a 
 .esire for knowledge, arranged the subject in the form of a 
 atechism, or series of questions, which he contrived to draw 
 ut to the number of seventeen, as thus : Bid General Jack- 
 on get into an affray with one Macklin, and receive a cudgel- 
 ng from that unknown individual ? What was the nature 
 f the castigation which the Hero of two Wars received from 
 lugh Montgomery ? For what offense did Robert Weakly, 
 
 * Reminiscences ; or, an Extract from the Catalogue of General Jackson's 
 Juvenile Indiscretions" between the ages of Twenty-three and Sixty. New 
 ork, 1828. 
 
266 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806. 
 
 justice, bind Andrew Jackson to keep the peace toward Lewis 
 Kobards in 1790 ? Was General Jackson second in a duel 
 between two boys of eighteen, Alexander Donelson and J. 
 Winsted, and did he set them up at six feet ? Did John 
 Brown die in jail at the suit of General Jackson for debt, and 
 if he did, why such rigor ? Was there a mysterious funeral 
 at the Hermitage last summer ? Did General Jackson, 
 when he was second to Thomas Overton in his duel with 
 John Dickerson, call out to a carpenter, as they were going 
 to the ground, to get a coffin ready for Dickerson ? What 
 about General Jackson's quarrels with John McNairy, David 
 McGavock, William Polk, Kobert Weakly, John Strother 
 and Kobert Hayes ? How came the Hero to run Sam Jack- 
 son through the body in the streets of Nashville ? and so on 
 as far as number seventeen. 
 
 We need not rake over the ashes of all these extinct quar- 
 rels. Andrew Jackson lived seventy-eight years. Granting 
 that he had in his life a hundred quarrels, it does not make 
 the average per annum unreasonably high, considering that 
 it was his principle to make his friend's quarrel his own, and 
 considering, too, that during the first fifteen years of his resi- 
 dence in Tennessee he held offices which necessarily brought 
 him into collision with the entire rascality of the State. 
 
 With regard to the personal violence to which some of 
 these controversies led, the reader must be aware that, in 
 Tennessee, when Andrew Jackson was a young man, people 
 of warm temperament seldom quarreled without fighting. 
 They thought it best to bring disputes to the swift arbitra- 
 ment of battle, and so end them. They felt as valiant old 
 Cartwright felt when some one threatened to " whip" him. 
 " Well, sir," said the fighting preacher, " I never like to live 
 in dread. If you really intend to whip me, come and do it 
 now." The man continuing to bluster and threaten, the 
 indomitable Peter got off his horse, and thus addressed the 
 man : " Now, sir, you have to whip me, as you threatened, 
 or quit cursing me, or I will put you in the river, and baptize 
 vou in the name of the devil, for surely you belong to him/' 
 
1806.] JACKSON "CANES" MR. T. SWANN. 267 
 
 " This settled him/' remarks Cartright ; and soon after, 
 when the preacher was a candidate for office, the would-be 
 whipper voted for him, and remained, ever after, his warm 
 friend. That was the true western method — Jackson's 
 method — to let a quarrel blaze itself out as soon as pos- 
 sible, not smolder for years, souring and corroding two 
 lives. 
 
 Let most of the old Jacksonian quarrels pass into oblivion. 
 Some of them, however, were of such a nature, and % are so 
 notorious, that they can not be omitted in any fair account 
 of his career. We have now arrived at one of these. The 
 series of trivial and absurd events which led to the horrible 
 tragedy of the Dickinson duel — events which, but for that 
 tragic ending, would be nothing more than amusing illustra- 
 tions of the manners of a past age — now claim our serious 
 attention. 
 
 It all grew out of a projected horse race that was never 
 run. 
 
 General Jackson, always fond of the turf, as all men of 
 his temperament were, are, and will always be, was in these 
 years particularly devoted to it, because it was a source of 
 profit to him as well as pleasure. The Nashville race-course, 
 too, was then at Clover Bottom, close to his own store, a 
 superb circular field on Stone's river, famous as being the 
 place where old Colonel Donelson, after his adventurous 
 river-voyage, planted his first corn ; famous, too, for having 
 borne fine crops of corn for sixty years without rotation. A 
 beautiful field it is, just large enough for a mile course, with 
 the requisite margin for spectators and their vehicles. Here 
 Jackson trained his racing colts ; here he tried the paces of 
 his renowned horse, Truxton, when he first brought him home 
 from Virginia ; here, every spring and autumn, he attended 
 the races, among the most eager of the motley throng which 
 those great occasions assembled. The ownership of Truxton 
 rendered General Jackson a leader of the turf for some years, 
 as that horse was conceded to be superior to any other in that 
 part of the great West. 
 
268 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806. 
 
 The name of this animal indicates the feelings of Jackson 
 at that time. Commodore Truxton was then in the zenith 
 of his popularity, as he had added to his revolutionary re- 
 nown, by overcoming, with his frigate Constellation, the 
 French ships L'Insurgente, in 1799, and La Vengeance, in 
 1800, both, after a well-fought action, and with a heavy loss 
 on the part of the enemy. Truxton and the Constellation 
 were magic names in the early part of the century. General 
 Jackson could boast that he had voted for the completion of 
 the Constellation at a time when the Navy was regarded as a 
 federal creation, an aristocratical device of John Adams. 
 
 For the autumn races of 1805, a great race was arranged 
 between General Jackson's Truxton and Captain Joseph Er- 
 vin's Plow Boy. The stakes were two thousand dollars, pay- 
 able on the day of the race in notes, which notes were to be 
 then due ; forfeit, eight hundred dollars. Six persons were 
 interested in this race : on Truxton's side, General Jackson, 
 Major W. P. Anderson, Major Terrell,, and Captain Pry or ; on 
 the side of Plow Boy, Captain Ervin and his son-in-law, 
 Charles Dickinson. Before the day appointed for the race 
 arrived, Ervin and Dickinson decided to pay the forfeit and 
 withdraw their horse, which was done, amicably done, and 
 the affair was supposed to be at an end. 
 
 About this time a report reached General Jackson's ears 
 that Charles Dickinson had uttered disparaging words of 
 Mrs. Jackson, which, as Colonel Avery has told us, was with 
 Jackson the sin not to be pardoned. Dickinson was a 
 lawyer by profession, but, like Jackson, speculated in produce, 
 horses, and (it is said) in slaves. He was well connected, 
 possessed considerable property, and had a large circle of gay 
 friends. He is represented as a somewhat wild, dissipated 
 young man ; yet not unamiable, nor disposed wantonly to 
 wound the feelings of others. When excited by drink, or by 
 any other cause, he was prone to talk loosely and swear vio- 
 len tly — as drunken men will. He had the reputation of being 
 the best shot in Tennessee. Upon hearing this report, Gen- 
 eral Jackson called on Dickinson and asked him if he had 
 
1806.] JACKSON "CANES" MR. T. SWANN. 269 
 
 used the language attributed to him. Dickinson replied that 
 if he had, it must have been when he was drunk. Further 
 explanations and denials removed all ill feeling from General 
 Jackson's mind, and they separated in a friendly manner. 
 
 A second time, it is said, Dickinson uttered offensive words 
 respecting Mrs. Jackson in a tavern at Nashville, which were 
 duly conveyed by some meddling parasite to General Jackson. 
 Jackson, I am told,* then went to Captain Ervin, and ad- 
 vised him to exert his influence over his son-in-law, and in- 
 duce him to restrain his tongue, and comport himself like a 
 gentleman in his cups. " I wish no quarrel with him," said 
 Jackson ; " he is used by my enemies in Nashville, who are 
 urging him on to pick a quarrel with me. Advise him to stop 
 in time." It appears, however, that enmity grew between 
 these two men. In January, 1806, when the events occurred 
 that are now to be related, there was the worst possible feel- 
 ing between them. 
 
 I give this account of the origin of the enmity as I have 
 received it from General Jackson's surviving associates. Not 
 that they received it from him. General Jackson was so 
 averse to talking of a finished quarrel, that many of his most 
 intimate friends — friends of years' standing — never heard him 
 once allude to this sad business. 
 
 An affray in a Nashville tavern, between General Jackson 
 and a Mr. Thomas Swann was the first act of the tragedy. 
 Swann was a very young man, recently from Virginia, where 
 he had completed his legal studies, and whence he had mi- 
 grated to Tennessee, with excellent letters of introduction in 
 his pocket. Two accounts of this affray are before me ; one 
 prepared by Mr. Swann, the other by . General Jackson. The 
 reader shall have the substance of both of them, as published 
 in the Nashville newspaper of the time, called by the impos- 
 ing name of the Impartial Review and Cumberland Reposi- 
 tory, edited by Thomas Eastin, one of Mrs. Jackson's innu- 
 merable relatives. 
 
 , g * By General Sam Houston. 
 
270 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806. 
 
 Mr. Swarm states Iris case thus : — 
 
 11 Patten Anderson" (warm friend to Jackson) " had observed in Messrs. 
 George & Eobert Bell's store, in presence of George Bell, Samuel Jackson 
 and myself, that the notes offered by Captain Joseph Ervin, at the time 
 of paying the forfeit between Truxton and Plow Boy, were different from 
 those which General Jackson agreed to receive. Mr. Samuel Jackson dis- 
 closed this remark to Mr. Charles Dickinson, who called on me at King, 
 Carson & King's store, for a confirmation of the report. I assured him 
 that the information received from Samuel Jackson was correct. A few 
 days after this, I met with General Jackson at his own store, and had with 
 him the following conversation : — 
 
 " ' Did Captain Ervin or Mr. Dickinson (I asked) offer to you in pay- 
 ment of the forfeit, different notes from those which you had agreed to 
 receive at the time of making the race ?' 
 
 " His answer was, that Dickinson's notes were the same ; but that 
 Captain Ervin's were different, and assigned this reason, that the notes 
 which Captain, Ervin was to have staked, and which he (Jackson) agreed 
 to receive, were due, and on demand ; but when he came forward to pay 
 the forfeit, he offered him notes, not one (as well as I can recollect the 
 expression) of which was due. 
 
 " Not many days after this, Captain Ervin and myself were riding from 
 Nashville to Cloverbottom ; Ervin asked me whether I had heard Patten 
 Anderson make the statement above spoken of. I informed him I had. 
 He then asked, 
 
 " ' Did you ever hear General Jackson say anything about it?' 
 
 " I then related to him the conversation betwixt General Jackson and 
 myself. Ervin denied the statement made by Jackson to be correct ; and 
 said he would prove by the affidavits of Mr. Dickinson, Mr. Carson and 
 Captain "Wright, that they were the same ; that he tendered to General 
 Jackson no note but what he had offered in stake ; nor did he retain any 
 from him but one on Eobert Thompson, for which he gave his own to the 
 house of King & Carson. I advised Captain Ervin first to speak with Gen- 
 eral Jackson on the subject, and we parted without further conversation. 
 
 " On Saturday, the 28th day of December, 1805, Captain Ervin, Mr. 
 Dickinson and General Jackson met in Nashville, when a conversation was 
 introduced by Mr. Dickinson relative to the identity of the notes offered by 
 himself and Captain Ervin in payment of the forfeit. Mr. Dickinson 
 informed me that General Jackson did, to him and Captain Ervin, acknowl- 
 edge that the notes offered by them at the time of paying the forfeit were 
 the same which he had agreed to receive ; and further asserted, that who- 
 ever was the author of a report, that he (General Jackson) had stated 
 
1806.] JACKSON CC CANES" MR. T. SWANN. 271 
 
 them to be different, was ' a damned liar.' On the day after receiving this 
 information from Mr. Dickinson, I wrote this note : — 
 
 "Nashville, January 3d, 1806. 
 
 " General Andrew Jackson : — Sir, I was last evening informed by Mr. 
 Dickinson that, when called on by Captain Ervin and himself at Mr. 
 Winn's tavern, on Saturday last, to say whether the notes offered by them, 
 Or either of them, at the time the forfeit was paid in the race between 
 Truxton and Plow Boy, were the same received at the time of making 
 the race, you acknowledged they were, and further asserted that whoever 
 was the author of a report that you had stated them to be different, was a 
 damned liarl The harshness of this expression has deeply wounded my 
 feelings ; it is language to which I am a stranger, which no man, acquainted 
 with my character, would venture to apply to me, and which, should the 
 information of Mr. Dickinson be correct, I shall be under the necessity of 
 taking proper notice of. I shall be at Rutherford court before you will 
 receive this, from whence I shall not return to Nashville before Thursday 
 or Friday, at which time I shall expect an answer. I am, sir, your obedi- 
 ent servant, 
 
 "Thomas Swann. 
 
 " To this note General Jackson replied in a letter couched in the fol- 
 lowing ambiguous expressions : — 
 
 "Hermitage, January 7th, 1806. 
 
 "Thomas Swann, Esq.: — Sir, late last evening was handed me, 
 among my returns from Haysborough, a letter from you, of the 3d inst., 
 stating information from Dickinson, etc., etc., etc, Was it not for the 
 attention due to a stranger, taking into view its tenor and style, I should 
 not notice its receipt. Had the information, stated to have been received 
 from Mr. Dickinson, stated a direct application of harsh language to you — 
 had you not known that the statement, as stated in your letter, was not 
 correct — had it not taken place in the same house where you then were — ■ 
 had not Mr. Dickinson been applied to by me to bring you forward when 
 your name was mentioned, and he declined — had I not the next morning had 
 a conversation with you on the same subject, and, lastly, did not your let- 
 ter hold forth a threat of f proper notice,' I should give your letter a direct 
 answer. Let me, sir, observe one thing : that I never wantonly sport with 
 the feelings of innocence, nor am I ever awed into measures. If incau- 
 tiously I inflict a wound, I always hasten to remove it ; if offense is taken 
 where none is offered or intended, it gives me no pain. If a tale is listened 
 to many days after the discourse should have taken place, when all parties 
 are under the same roof, I always leave the person to judge of the motives 
 that induced the information, and leave them to draw their own conclu- 
 sions, and act accordingly. There are certain traits that always accompany 
 
272 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806. 
 
 the gentleman and man of truth. The moment he hears harsh expressions 
 applied to a friend, he will immediately communicate it, that explanation 
 may take place; when the base poltroon and cowardly tale-bearer will 
 always act in the background. You can apply the latter to Mr. Dickinson, 
 and see which best fits him. I write it for his eye, and the latter I em- 
 phatically intend for him. But, sir, it is for you to judge for yourself j 
 diaw your own conclusions, and, when your judgment is matured, act 
 accordingly. When the conversation dropt between Mr. Dickinson and 
 myself, I thought it was at an end. As he wishes to blow the coal, I am 
 ready to light it to a blaze, that it may be consumed at once, and finally 
 extinguished. Mr. Dickinson has given you the information, the subject 
 of your letter. In return, and in justice to him, I request you to show him 
 this. I set out this morning for South-west Point. I will return at a short 
 day, and, at all times, be assured I hold myself answerable for any of my, 
 conduct, and should any thing herein contained give Mr. Dickinson the 1 
 spleen, I will furnish him with an anodine as soon as I return. I am, sir 
 your obedient servant, 
 
 " Andrew Jackson. 
 
 "P. S. — There were no notes delivered at the time of making the* 
 race, as stated in your letter ; nor was the meeting between me and Mr. 
 Dickinson at Mr. Winn's tavern on that subject. The subject of the notesi 
 was introduced by Mr. Dickinson as an apology for his conduct, the subject! 
 of conversation." 
 
 Mr. Swann indulges in a variety of comments on General 
 Jackson's letter, which are not important. He resumes hia 
 narrative : — 
 
 " We will now take a view of the heroic General's conduct subsequent 
 to the diction of his ambiguous letter, ' and let it be remembered,' thai 
 the Sunday after its reception he came to town, and after having devoted 
 the greater part of the evening* to the pleasures of Bacchus, he desired Mr- 
 John Coffee to tell me if I wished to speak with him to do so immediately, 
 as he was then ready to return home. An interview was accordingly re- 
 quested, in which, contrary to my expectation, abuse was substituted fon 
 explanation. I told him I should demand that satisfaction which, as i 
 gentleman, I was entitled to receive. His reply was, that if I challengec 
 him he would cane me. I rejoined that his threats I despised, and if ha 
 dared to execute them I would put him instantly to death. He went into 
 the public room at Mr. Winn's tavern, and there, in the presence of a num-i 
 
 * At the South the word evening means afternoon. 
 
1806.] JACKSON U CANES" MR. T. SWANN. 273 
 
 ber of gentlemen, publicly proclaimed that if I dared to challenge him he 
 would cane me, and then give me satisfaction ; boasted that he would not 
 wish a better breakfast than to kill fifty such men, and insinuated that it 
 would be presumption in me to challenge a man of his age and standing in 
 society. In a few days he received from me a note, of which the fallowing 
 is a copy: — 
 
 " General Andrew Jackson. — Think not that I am to be intimidated 
 by your threats. No power terrestrial shall prevent the settled purpose of 
 my souL The statement I have made in respect to the notes is substan- 
 tially correct The torrent of abusive language with which you have as- 
 sailed me is such as every gentleman should blush to hear ; your menaces 
 [ set at defiance ; and now demand of you that reparation which one gen- 
 tleman is entitled to receive of another. My friend the bearer of this is 
 authorized to make complete arrangements in the field of honor. 
 
 " Thomas Swann. 
 "Nashville, January 12th, 1806. 
 
 " To this he refused giving a direct answer, saying to my friend that 
 ae must first know me to be a gentleman. He then introduced a conver- 
 sation relative to the cause which produced the note, stating, that the ob- 
 servations made to Charles Dickinson were not intended to have applica- 
 tion to me, and that I could not by any possible fair construction make 
 ;hem apply to myself : but if I thought proper to trim or pare my head to 
 it the cap, he could not help it, but he did not intend it for me ; he con- 
 jluded by saying he would not answer my note, but would be in town on 
 -he next day. 
 
 " From a report of these observations I was induced to believe that 
 jeneral Jackson's intentions were pacific, and expected on his arrival in 
 X)wn to receive from him overtures of accommodation. Then, judge of 
 ny surprise (being thrown entirely off my guard to repel any hostile attack) 
 vhen, on the next day, passing through the public room in the tavern, (not 
 mowing that General Jackson was in town) he, surrounded by his friends, 
 ;vith a large bludgeon and a brace of pistols, assailed me, without giving 
 ne a moment's warning to defend myself! The affray being ended, I 
 igain demanded that reparation which the day before he had refused to 
 rive ; and upon this ground, that having shown a disposition to execute 
 ;he first part of a threat made a few days before, viz., to cane and then 
 jive me satisfaction, he would now comply with the latter part of his 
 Dromise ; but the ingenious General had discovered another pretext to 
 shield himself from the dangers of an equal combat — ' he did not know me 
 is a gentleman.' Can he produce the testimony of a single witness to 
 )rove one solitary act of my life a departure from this character ? I defy 
 
274 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806 
 
 hiiri to do it. But perhaps, being a stranger, it may be said he did not 
 know whether I was or not. To those who propose this query I answer, 
 he was told I had letters of introduction, and could procure certificates to 
 prove I was entitled to that character. But the General is forty-five years 
 of age 1 1 1 Ergo, the laws of his country exempt him from the perform- 
 ance of military duty. In honor's code no such privileges are to be found. 
 In a court of honor no such pleas are offered." 
 
 Such was the Swann version of this affray, to which may 
 be properly added an important fact which Mr. Swann omits. 
 General Jackson, in his " ambiguous" letter, made some as- 
 persions upon Charles Dickinson which were the contrary of 
 ambiguous, and notified Mr. Swann that those remarkably 
 unambiguous expressions were designed for Dickinson's own 
 eye. Swann accordingly showed the -letter to Dickinson, 
 who immediately wrote to General Jackson the following 
 response : — 
 
 "January 10, 1806. 
 
 " General Andrew Jackson, Sir : — Last evening was shown me by 
 Mr. Thomas Swann a letter from you in answer to a letter he had written 
 you respecting a conversation that took place between you and myself at 
 Mr. Winn's tavern, etc., etc. 
 
 " I there informed you of a report that Patten Anderson had given 
 publicity to, that a different list was produced when we were about paying 
 the forfeit, from the one we were to make our stake out of, and that he 
 had it from you, which you denied ever sanctioning. I then informed you 
 I had another author who said he did hear you say that a different list was 
 brought by Captain Erwin, which, as soon as I mentioned, and before I 
 could give my author, you declared the author had told a damned lie; 
 that so far from saying so, you had never intimated such a thing to any 
 one, and immediately asked, ' Who was the author ?' to which I answered, 
 'Thomas Swann.' You wished Mr. Swann to be called forward, which I' 
 declined, lest Mr. Swann might think I wished to throw the burden off my 
 shoulders on his ; and the business being then entirely between Mr. Swann 
 and yourself — Mr. Swann asserting that you had told him that a different 
 list was produced by Captain Erwin, and you as positively denying it. 
 
 " After the report was circulated by Patten Anderson, Mr. Swann (as 
 he informed me) was anxious to know if Patten Anderson was your her- 
 ald ; and further, as he had been introduced to Captain Erwin as a gentle- 
 man, he was desirous of knowing if any improper conduct had been at- 
 
1806.] JACKSON "CANES" Mil. T. SWANN. 275 
 
 tempted, and after he had mentioned the business to you, you answered 
 concerning the stake and forfeit as stated above. 
 
 " Your letter is so replete with equivocations that it is impossible for 
 me to understand you. But in one part of your letter you say, ' had you 
 not known that the statement of Mr. Dickinson was not correct,' which is 
 denying that you contradicted what Mr. Swann had asserted. Should that 
 De your meaning, I can prove it, not only by the assertions, but oaths of 
 Mr. Samuel Jackson and Captain Ervin, whom I shall have sworn, that the 
 world may know who can prove himself the gentleman and man of truth. 
 Why should you have wished to have Mr. Swann called had you not de- 
 nied what he had asserted ? And do you pretend to call a man a tale- 
 bearer for telling that which is truth and can be proved ? Mr. Swann, 
 after he understood an interview was to take place between you and my- 
 self, gave me liberty to make use of his name ; and on our meeting, which 
 was a few days after, he asked me if I had made use of his name and what 
 you had said, an impartial statement of which I detailed to him. As to the 
 word, coward, I think it as applicable to yourself as any one I know", and 
 I shall be very glad when an opportunity serves to know in what manner 
 you give your anodines, and hope you will take in payment one of my 
 most moderate cathartics. 
 
 " Yours at command, . 
 
 "Charles Dickinson." 
 
 Dickinson, when lie wrote this letter, was on the eve of a 
 fiat-boat voyage to New Orleans. By the time it reached 
 General Jackson's hands, he had started down the river, and 
 was miles beyond the reach of a reply. The tradition in 
 Tennessee is, that all the way to New Orleans and back again 
 he spent every leisure moment in practicing with the pistol, 
 expecting on his return to be called out by General Jackson. 
 Whether this was true or not, Jackson was so informed, and 
 believed the story. 
 
276 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON REPLIES TO MR. SWANN. 
 
 Upon reading Mr. Swann's communication in the Impar- 
 tial Review and Cumberland Repository, General Jackson 
 set about preparing a reply that should overwhelm and crush 
 his youthful antagonist. He seems to have bestirred him- 
 self mightily. Unable to complete his reply in one week, he 
 inserted a note in Mr. Eastin's newspaper to inform an ex- 
 pectant public that in the next issue of the paper he would 
 bestow proper attention upon a late communication signed 
 Thomas Swann. 
 
 This reply of Jackson's is surcharged with the very essence 
 of biography, and is curiously characteristic of the time and 
 scene. If it were not so, there would still be a kind of neces- 
 sity for the insertion here of a great part of it ; for who other- 
 wise could believe that grown men could have been betrayed 
 by their angry feelings into such boyish behaviour ? Who 
 could suppose that consequences so deadly could come of a 
 dispute so petty ? Who could believe that men who, at other 
 times and on other scenes, appear in a light altogether noble 
 and captivating, could ever have seriously occupied themselves 
 with an affair like this ? And who could imagine that such 
 scenes as this correspondence reveals ever occurred in a town 
 which has grown to be the polite city of Nashville ? — a city 
 in which northern vigor and southern generosity combine to 
 please and win the visitor. 
 
 General Jackson thus began his communication : — 
 
 " Mr. Eastin : The respect I owe to the world makes it necessary that 
 a publication under the signature of ' Thomas Swann/ in your Impartial 
 Review of the 1st instant, should be noticed. 
 
 " To impose upon the public attention, through the medium of your 
 useful paper, is not my wish ; but as Mr. Swann has endeavored to exhibit 
 to the public eye a statement of his case and character, an impartial public 
 
1806.] JACKSON REPLIES TO MR. SWANN. 277 
 
 will indulge such supplementary remarks as may be necessary to complete 
 the caricature. In justice to Mr. Swann, and lest the figure when finished 
 may appear the work of different artists, the groundwork, and even the 
 various materials of which his drawing is composed, shall be carefully 
 attended to. 
 
 " Not, however, in the new-invented style of support adopted by his 
 friends, Mr. N. A. McNairy and Samuel Jackson— one the accredited agent 
 of Mr. Swann, and the other invoked in his support. To a perfect under- 
 standing of the case of the complainant, let it briefly be premised, that a 
 course race was made between Captain Ervin and myself, for 2,000 dollars 
 in cash notes, payable at the day of the race. It was suggested that all 
 Captain Ervin's notes were not payable precisely at the day. An accom- 
 modation was proposed, and a schedule of the notes, and Charles S. Carson's 
 verbal assumpsit (being present) was offered for 440 dollars, or thereabouts, 
 which was accepted. Mr. Ervin was previously informed that I had not 
 any power over one half of the bet, as Major Verrell and Captain Pryor, 
 who were interested in the other half, were about to leave the country ; 
 that one half must be payable at the day of the race, the other, which 
 respected myself and Major W . P. Anderson, was not material. 
 
 " Mr. Charles Dickinson is the son-in-law to Captain Ervin, and was 
 interested in the race, as it is understood. This race was afterward drawn 
 on account of the indisposition of Captain Ervin's horse, upon an agree- 
 ment to pay eight hundred dollars as a forfeit. The payment of this forfeit 
 is the circumstance which gave rise to the conduct of Mr. Swann — his pub- 
 lication, the following certificates, and the subjoined remarks. The fact to 
 be decided by the public is, whether Mr. Swann, in his solicitude to 
 ' know the true statement,' though unconcerned, has omitted, in his asser- 
 tion to Mr. Dickinson and the public, some material fact, or, in other words, 
 whether I asserted that which was untrue ? 
 
 " Mr. Hutchings has truly stated the assertion to which I have uniformly 
 adhered, upon which Mr. Swann and myself were at issue ; that issue has 
 been decided — whether in a moral manner, casuists must determine — upon 
 the following certificates and analysis : — 
 
 AFFIDAVIT OF JOHN HUTCHINGS. 
 
 " Being called on by G-eneral Andrew Jackson to state a conversation 
 that took place, on a certain Saturday, in his store, when Thomas Swann 
 was present, with myself and a number of other gentlemen, relative to the 
 payment of the forfeit by Captain Ervin in the race between Plow Boy 
 and Truxton, do certify that the subject was introduced by Captain P. 
 Anderson, who was stating that, on that occasion, Captain Ervin had pro- 
 duced a different memorandum or schedule of notes than that which was 
 
278 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806 
 
 produced at the time the accommodation of the race took place in Nash- 
 ville. General Jackson replied, 
 
 " ' In that you are incorrect. Instead of producing a different sched- 
 ule, he produced none at all.' 
 
 " Some person in the room, perhaps Mr. Swann, stepped toward the 
 General, and said he had heard something on this subject, and wished to 
 know the true statement To which General Jackson observed that when 
 Captain Ervin asked him up to Captain Hoggatt's to receive the forfeit, he, 
 Captain Ervin, produced to, and offered him notes, none of which were due 
 and payable at the time ; that he, the General, refused to receive them because 
 one half were not due and payable ; his reason being that one half were the 
 property of Major Verrel and Captain Pryor, who were about to leave the 
 country immediately. Captain Ervin said they were part of the same notes 
 exhibited in the schedule at Nashville. The General then asked Captain 
 Ervin for that schedule. He put his hands in his pockets, and, after some 
 search, said it was lost or mislaid, but that Mr. Dickinson had his notes and 
 memorandum or schedule (that he might be called in), out of which the 
 forfeit could be paid. Mr. Dickinson was then called in, produced his notes 
 and memorandum, out of which, with an order on King, Carson & King, 
 the forfeit was paid. When the General had finished his statement, Mr. 
 Anderson said, l Then I have taken up a wrong idea, and am mistaken,' or 
 words to that import, and the subject ended. 
 
 " February 5th, 1806. John Hutchings." 
 
 JOHN COFFEES AFFIDAVIT. 
 
 "I do hereby certify that on or about the 12th day of January last I 
 was in company with General Andrew Jackson, at Nashville, in Mr. 
 Winn's tavern, when the General mentioned to me that some communica- 
 tions had come from Mr. Thomas Swann to him some days previous to 
 that, in consequence of which perhaps Mr. Swann, from the pompous airs 
 he put on, might wish to say something on the subject. He requested me 
 to say to Mr. Swann, who was then in the house, that if he had any busi- 
 ness with him (General Jackson), to make it known immediately, as he was 
 about to leave Nashville. I complied with his request. Mr. Swann 
 replied he was just waiting to speak with the General, and immediately 
 stepped up to him. They walked out of the house together. After some 
 minutes General Jackson came into the room (Mr. Swann passed by the 
 door), and observed to him, as he passed on, and to the gentlemen in the 
 house, that if Mr. Swann did attempt to support a statement made in a 
 letter addressed from Mr. Swann to General Jackson (which letter the 
 General showed the company), that he would cane him, inasmuch that 
 the statement was false, that the author could not be a gentleman, and 
 
1806,] JACKSON REPLIES TO MR. SWANN. 279 
 
 that such would be the treatment he deserved. He observed he would 
 probably be in town the next day, or in a few days, as his business would 
 permit, and if Mr. Swann put on any airs with him he would cane him. 
 He then left town. 
 
 " The General's business prevented him from returning to Nashville for 
 some days, in which time Mr. Swann addressed another letter, by his 
 friend, Mr. Nathaniel A. McNairy, to the General, observing that the 
 statements made were substantially correct, etc. The General then was 
 under a promise to cane him on sight. The day after the receipt of the 
 last letter mentioned, General Jackson and myself went into Nashville to- 
 gether, he, under a determination to make good his promise. We stopped 
 at Mr. Winn's tavern ; had not been in the house but a few minutes when 
 Mr. Swann came walking into the room. As soon as the General saw 
 him he rose from his chair, observing, he was glad to meet with him, drew 
 up his cane and gave him a very severe blow, which appeared to stagger 
 Mr. Swann forward. The General gave back, as I supposed, to repeat his 
 blows, came in contact with some chairs that stood behind him, and fell 
 backwards over them towards the fire or hearth ; but before he was down, 
 the gentlemen present caught him and prevented further blows. 
 
 " Mr. Swann stepped back, put his hand behind him under his coat, as 
 I supposed, to draw a pistol. Some person forbade his drawing. The 
 General leplied to the company, ' Let him draw and defend himself.' The 
 General put his hand behind him and drew a pistol. The company all im- 
 mediately gave back, and I supposed that a fire would immediately take 
 place. But when Mr. Swann saw the General draw a pistol, he withdrew 
 his hand, observing that he had no such intention. The General observed 
 to him, that such was the treatment he deserved, and such he would always 
 give young men, conducting themselves as he had done ; that had he acted 
 in a proper manner to him, he would have treated him otherwise. Mr. 
 Swann observed, that he had just learned that he (the General) was come 
 into the house, and that he had come down stairs to speak with him to 
 pave the way for accommodation, or words to that purpose. Mr. Swann 
 then withdrew from the room. 
 
 " Some short time after, in the same day, I was called on to hear a con- 
 versation between General Jackson and Mr. Nathaniel A. McNajry, the 
 friend of Mr. Swann, as he expressed himself. The General observed to 
 Mr. McNairy, that he knew not Mr. Swann as a gentleman; that he 
 would not degrade himself by accepting his challenge ; that he was a 
 stranger to him ; that his conduct towards him had been ungentlemanly. 
 Consequently, he would not have any correspondence with him ; but if 
 Mr. Swann was dissatisfied with him from the treatment he had received, 
 that he would accommodate him thus far : that he would ride with him 
 anywhere, on any ground he would name ; he would meet him in any 
 
280 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806. 
 
 sequestered grove he would point out ; or he would see him in any way 
 he would suggest, through him, Mr. McNairy. He further observed, that 
 if Mr. Swann had any friend, that was known to be a gentleman, who 
 would step forward, in his behalf, that he there pledged himself to meet 
 him on any gentlemanly ground. Mr. McNairy observed that his own 
 knowledge of Mr. Swann would not justify his supporting him as a gen-, 
 tleman, but urged that a court of honor should be called ; that he would 
 produce such certificates as he thought would support his friend. General 
 Jackson referred him to me for further proceedings on the occasion, and 
 withdrew. 
 
 " My reply to Mr. McNairy was, that I thought that gentleman's honor 
 and feelings were too delicate to arbitrate ; that, under the existing circum- 
 stances, I thought the General's proposals were as far as he ought to go, and 
 that further satisfaction he might not expect. He, Mr. McNairy, declined 
 accepting the proposition. In the meantime he observed, his only wish 
 was to do justice ; that if Mr. Swann's papers did not hold him out to be 
 the gentleman, he would withdraw himself from the business. He said it 
 was unfortunate the General had been so rash, as he was fully convinced 
 had a conversation taken place between the parties, before the General 
 had struck Mr. Swann, that the thing would have been easily settled ; in- 
 asmuch as he, Mr. McNairy, and Mr. Swann, on mature reflection, had 
 discovered they had misconstrued the statements that were the original 
 cause of dispute; that Mr. Swann, on seeing General Jackson ride into 
 town, came to see him to have an explanation. Had this have been done, 
 he said, a reconciliation would, in all probability, have taken place, but the 
 General's caning him was now the only cause of complaint. 
 
 " Some hours after, in the same day, I called on Mr. McNairy, to 
 know if they would accede to the proposition made him by General 
 Jackson, assuring him it was the only one he would get. He declined, 
 saying he supposed the thing would end with a publication in Mr. 
 Swann's defense. 
 
 " Some two or three days after, when in Nashville in Mr. Winn's tav- 
 ern, I was called on by General Jackson to hear a conversation between 
 himself and Mr. McNairy, when General Jackson observed to Mr. Mc- 
 Nairy that he had learned since he had just come to town, that McNairy 
 had reported, and caused to be circulated, that when General Jackson 
 refused to treat Mr. Swann as a gentleman, that he, Mr. McNairy, had 
 observed that if Mr. Swann was not known as a gentleman, that he was 
 one, and would meet him in behalf of his friend. Mr. McNairy replied, he 
 had never said it, nor wished such an idea to go out ; that he had said if 
 General Jackson had a wish to fight him, he would see him ; but denied 
 ever offering or wishing to meet him. General Jackson said, Major Robert 
 Purdy was his author, and he would call on him. He accordingly 3alled 
 
1806.] JACKSON REPLIES TO MR. SWANN. 281 
 
 Major Purdy, who asserted firmly that Mr. McISTairy had made wSuch a 
 statement to him. Mr. McNairy observed, that Major Purdy must have 
 misconstrued his meaning. The Major replied, there could be no miscon- 
 struction ; that the words were plain and construed themselves. Mr. Mc- 
 Nairy observed, he never intended to have said such a thing, neither did 
 he wish such an idea to go forth. General Jackson observed to Mr. Mc- 
 Nairy, that ' too much had been said on the subject, and for the future, let 
 there be no misunderstanding. I now pledge you my word and my honor, 
 if any gentleman on a standing with myself will come forward as the friend 
 of Mr. Swann, I will at all times meet him on any gentlemanly ground.' 
 Thus the thing rested, so far as the same came to my knowledge. 
 
 •'John Coffee." 
 
 statement of robert hats tending to show that mr. swann was not 
 a gentleman. 
 
 " I certify that, some time in the month of January last, Mr. Samuel 
 Jackson stated to me that Mr. Thomas Swann had (without being asked) 
 proffered him the loan of some cash, and that he would furnish him with 
 as much as 200 dollars or more, if he wished it. Mr. S. Jackson replied 
 (after thanking him), that he would perhaps call on him in a few days for 
 a loan, which he did in a day or two following, and observed that 100 dol- 
 lars would answer him. Mr. Thomas Swann observed that he might have 
 it at any time. The said S. Jackson called on him the day following for it, 
 and the said Swann answered he had loaned it out, and he could not fur- 
 nish him with any. The said S. Jackson further observed to me, that he 
 had found out Mr. Thomas Swann, and that he had not acted the gentle- 
 man with him ; to which I observed, if he acted in that manner, he treated 
 you like a rascal, and said S. Jackson made answer, he did. 
 
 " Eobert Hays. 
 " Haysborough, February 3, 1806." 
 
 LETTER OF ROBERT BUTLER, SHOWING THAT SAMUEL JACKSON THOUGHT THAT 
 MR. SWANN WAS NOT A GENTLEMAN. 
 
 "Haysborough, February 3d, 1806. 
 
 " General Andrew Jackson : — Sir, agreeable to your request, the fol- 
 lowing certificate is a correct statement of a conversation that passed from 
 Mr. Samuel Jackson, in the street of Haysborough, in my presence : — 
 
 " I certify that, on or about the 24th day of January, 1806, when 
 standing in the street of Haysborough, with two or three gentlemen, 
 
 Samuel Jackson, Esq., and Mr. Lee rode up to the place where we were 
 
 standing, and the conversation taking a turn to the subject of General An- 
 drew Jackson's and Mr. Thomas Swann's quarrel, Samuel Jackson, Esq., 
 
282 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806 
 
 did state in my presence, that Mr. T. Swann treated him very rascally, and 
 commenced the statement of the circumstances ; but was interrupted 
 through some cause unknown to me. The day or two following, the said 
 S. Jackson having returned to Haysborough, and renewing the conversa- 
 tion, stated to me, that Mr. Thomas Swann had proffered him the loan of 
 some money, without being questioned by said S. Jackson on the subject ; 
 his (Mr. Samuel Jackson's) answer was (after thanking him), if he really 
 stood in need of it, he would call on him for 100 dollars. Said S. Jack- 
 son, finding necessity for making the application, did so (on the day follow- 
 ing), and was answered by Mr. Swann that he had loaned his money out 
 
 "Robert Butler." 
 
 robert purdt's statement. 
 
 " Some time since Mr. Thomas Swann and myself had a conversation 
 respecting Mr. Samuel Jackson. Mr. Swann asked me if I did not suppose 
 that Mr. Jackson was one of the damnedest rascals on earth, and observed 
 he, Jackson, was a damned rascal. Some further conversation took place, 
 which I can not recollect. 
 
 "Robert Purdy. 
 
 "February 8, 1806." 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON RESUMES. 
 
 " Mr. Swann, in his letter and publication in your paper of the 1st in- 
 stant, states ' that the notes offered by Captain Joseph Ervin at the time 
 of paying the forfeit, etc., were different from those General Jackson 
 agreed to receive.' What does Dickinson, his informant, state ? That Swann 
 said a different list was produced. Mr. Swann should have recollected that 
 the list of notes and notes offered were different. The first was produced 
 when an accommodation was proposed respecting the commutation of notes 
 not payable for those that were ; the second, to the payment of the forfeit, 
 a fact which took place some time after the accommodation. By the ac- 
 commodation, one half was payable ; when the notes were offered, no list 
 was produced. 
 
 " How does Mr. Swann prove the position he has taken, that different 
 notes from the list were produced ? 
 
 " 1st. By his own assertion. Mr. Hutchings was present ; see his affi- 
 davit. 
 
 "2d. Mr. Charles Dickinson's information is referred to; see Mr. Dick- 
 inson's letter. He states no such thing, but refers to a different list. These 
 two correctative informants speak — one of different notes actually offered, the 
 other of a different list of notes. Happy concordance I These two gentle- 
 men possess the key of consistency. 
 
1806.] JACKSON REPLIES TO MR. SWANN. 283 
 
 " 3d. Mr. Samuel Jackson is next referred to. Mr. Swann has not been 
 so obliging as to give us any certificate, nor even a quotation from Mi. 
 Jackson, of whom he was so polite as to say in the presence of Major 
 Purdy that he was a damned rascal! (an appropriate witness for Mr. 
 Swann). It is to be lamented that he did not, but it is to be hoped that 
 Colonel Hays' and Mr. Robert Butler's certificates may ease Mr. Swann of 
 the labor of vindicating his friend Samuel from any imputation. No doubt 
 of their having well understood each other. Mr. Jackson flatly calls Mr. 
 Swann a rascal. That they have confidence in each other we have no 
 doubt. Mr. Jackson, in his opinion of Mr. Swann, has disclosed the ground 
 on which this good understanding rests. Upon principles of reason and of 
 law, a man can not discredit his own witness. 
 
 " 4th. Mr. Nathaniel A. McNairy is quoted by Mr. Swann in support 
 of his assertion of my inconsistency. This young man has industriously 
 acquired such a reputation as to make it an arduous task to add to it. But 
 as the selected supporter of Mr. Swann in the cause of consistency and 
 bravery, it would be doing injustice to omit him. His certificate, which is 
 only marked by a quotation, is introduced with triumph ; his /without date 
 or signature. This hopeful youth, who forgets to-day what he has uttered 
 yesterday, thinks himself secure ; but read Messrs. Baird and Purdy's cer- 
 tificates and Mr. Coffee's affidavit, and see what credit can or ought to be 
 attached to the statement of such a character. 
 
 " Mr. Coffee states in substance that I would cane Mr. Swann, if he 
 attempted to support the statement he had made; that he understood Mr. 
 Swann afterwards wrote me that the statement was substantially correct; 
 that, agreeable to promise, I did cane him ; that Mr. Swann said, after this 
 chastisement, that he had wished to pave the way for an explanation ; that 
 he was present at a conversation immediately afterwards between Mr. N. 
 A. McNairy, the friend of Mr. Swann, and myself, when, among other 
 things, Mr. McNairy proposed a court of honor, saying at the same time that 
 his acquaintance with Mr. Swann would not justify his supporting him as a 
 gentleman ; and if Mr. Swann's papers did not support that character, he 
 would withdraw himself. Note, Mr. Baird and Major Purdy state in sub- 
 stance that this young squire of high renown told them, he observed to me 
 that if Swann's character as a gentleman was not known, he would meet 
 me. Mr. Coffee further states that this friend of Mr. Swann expressed much 
 concern that this affair had terminated in so rash a manner ; that Mr. 
 Swann had wished to see me for the purpose of an explanation ; that Mr. 
 Swann and himself had misconstrued the statement made, or, in other 
 words, found out that they were in an error. How shameful is it, then, to 
 persist in it. 
 
 '* But Mr. McNairy tells Mr. Coffee that the caning was the only cause 
 of complaint. Then why bring the points of veracity and consistency into 
 
284 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806. 
 
 view in the publication ? When Mr. Coffee called on Mr. McNairy to 
 know what he thought of my proposition for redress, observing to him it 
 was all he might expect, he declined taking any further part in the affair, 
 and observed, he supposed it would end in a publication in Mr. Swann'a 
 defense. The squire had recourse to the same method on a former occa- 
 sion, and what effect it produced 'the world might judge.' Mr. Coffee 
 further tells us, that he was present when I called on Mr. McNairy to 
 know if he had made use of the language stated in Major Purdy's certifi- 
 cate. Here the valiant squire's memory failed him ; he denies that he ever 
 said it, nor ' did he wish such an idea to go forth.' Major Purdy, being con- 
 venient, was called on. He told the squire what he had asserted, to which 
 he answered, Major Purdy must have misunderstood him. Modest youth I 
 But the Major tells him he could not, for he gave his own words. Misua • 
 derstood ? How ? This young man has either a vicious habit of deviat- 
 ing from the truth, or a natural weakness of memory, either of which is 
 equally pernicious to society, and renders him a fit compeer for his friend. 
 It is difficult to find an appropriate epithet for a character who descends to 
 state falsehoods, where the honor of a man is at stake ; where truth and 
 justioe ought to be the order of the day, with a person chosen to accom- 
 pany another on the field of honor ; and, in many cases, where integrity is 
 the only shield of innocence. However, the squire's conduct is in perfect 
 unison with a recent act on the field of honor ; he fired before the word ; 
 it was declared to be an accident ; and this prevarication, or whatever you 
 may please to call it, I suppose he will declare to be another. Combine 
 these two acts with the whole military feats of this young squire, and his 
 deviations from the path of candor and truth in civil life. He is in my opin- 
 ion (and I think the world will agree with me) deprived of that privilege 
 in society which the gentleman and man of honor ought, in all cases, in 
 justice to obtain. 
 
 " Thus, reader, I have endeavored to finish the picture. The ground- 
 work only appears to be conceived by the author of the publication. The 
 materials existing in the statements of his witnesses may with propriety 
 be said to have been selected by the author. They are, however, the 
 natural result of those chosen by himself; an application of such as were 
 offered have only been made. It is true that the drapery sometimes ex- 
 hibits black instead of white ; but this the reader will excuse when he con- 
 siders that, consistently with the plan I adopted, no other material could 
 be had. A little more indulgence whilst a few other parts of the publica- 
 tion are noticed. 
 
 " Mr. Swann states in substance he was attacked in a defenseless situ- 
 ation, and off his guard ; read the certificates of Messrs. Coffee and Clai- 
 borne. Judge for yourselves. His own declaration shows that he came 
 into the room, knowing I was there, for the purpose (to make use of his 
 
1806.] JACKSON REPLIES TO MR. SWANN. 285 
 
 own words) ' to pave the way for an accommodation? These gentlemen 
 state that Mr. Swann was about drawing a pistol ! Why did he not do 
 it ? Any man can answer this question. Recollect, reader, his boast of 
 a certain death in case I attempted to cane him. He had previously every 
 assurance that I would not treat him like the gentleman, but that a caning 
 would be given him in return for a challenge. 
 
 " Here then the hero steps forward with all the ostensible bravery of a 
 duelist. The faithful promise was executed. And notwithstanding his 
 gasconading expressions, ' that no power terrestrial should prevent the settled 
 purpose of his soul' he shrunk at the sight of a pistol, and dropped his 
 hands for quarter, although one of them was placed on, and in the act of 
 drawing his own. Is this like the man of courage who said, ' that instant 
 death should be the consequence V Or is it like the coward when his settled 
 purpose fails him % When true bravery is assailed or attacked in any way, 
 it will show to the world its genuineness. Yes, as much bravery is neces- 
 sary in the act of self-defense in all cases as in the act of dueling — see Mr. 
 Coffee's affidavit. 
 
 " Mr. Swann, on this occasion, has impertinently and inconsistently ob- 
 truded himself. He has .acted the puppet and lying valet for a worthless, 
 drunken, blackguard scoundrel, who is now at war with 3 and flatly contra- 
 dicts, and gives Mr. Swann the lie. Here the reader can compare Charles 
 Dickinson's letter with Mr. Swann's publication. 
 
 " Mr. Swann states his desire to obtain satisfaction; 'but an ingenious 
 evasion had been discovered.' How does this agree with the evidence of 
 Mr. Coffee and Major Purdy ? He is told he can have satisfaction in any 
 manner, in any way or situation, but that I will not degrade myself by 
 the acceptance of a challenge from a stranger whose acts and conduct had 
 been inconsistent with that of the gentleman — from a man who was capa- 
 ble of acting and writing to me in the manner Mr. Swann had done in his 
 letters of the 3d and 12th of January. 
 
 " But Mr. Swann complains I would not acknowledge him a gentle- 
 man, and calls for proof of the contrary. If, therefore, I have not shown 
 sufficiently that he has no just claim to the appellation of a gentleman, let 
 him bring forth his letters introductory, or certificates, so much talked of. 
 I was badly advised the day I chastised Mr. Swann, if those vouchers 
 were not given by men in Virginia of known immoral and disreputable 
 character. 
 
 " Is it worth while before I take my everlasting farewell of this group. 
 to notice the last falsehood asserted by Mr. Swann in his publication ? 
 The fact is, I am only thirty-nine years of age, and if G-od should permit 
 me to live thirty-nine years more, I will never again be caught before the 
 public in competition with Mr. Swann or any of his auxiliaries. 
 
 " February 10th, 1806. Andrew Jackson." 
 
 VOL. I. — 19 
 
286 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 DUEL BETWEEN COFFEE AND MoNAIRY. 
 
 Dickinson being still absent from Tennessee, the insult- 
 ing language applied to him by General Jackson passed, for 
 the time, without notice. But young McNairy, the " squire 
 of high renown," was prompt to respond to that part of Jack- 
 son's communication which related to him. The Impartial 
 Beview, of the next week, contained the following sarcastic 
 epistle from that young gentleman : — 
 
 " Mr. Eastin : — I would presume, from a view of the famous General a 
 answer to Mr. Swann's publication in your last number, that part of the 
 verdict to be expected from the public would be that the brave General 
 is much more pleased in shedding bushels of ink than one ounce of blood, pro- 
 vided there is an equal chance that that one ounce should be extracted from 
 his own dear carcase. But give him an advantage, and he is as brave as 
 Julius Caesar ; such as this : give him a large brace of rifle-barreled pistols, 
 and he will race a superannuated governor on the road as he travels, or he 
 will meet Mr. Swann in some sequestered spot, that the alert General may 
 obtain some dishonorable advantage when no eye can see him ; or let him 
 have a pistol, and he will shoot at a man that has none, and drive him off 
 to Kentucky. God knows for what offense. / apprehend the General 
 knows, too. 
 
 " Fie, fie upon it ! General I Come out. You can make boys fight at 
 six feet distance ; risk yourself for once on equal terms, at least at ten 
 yards. The risk is not great when you consider that your opponent will 
 be under the impression that he has come in contact with the brave, mag- 
 nanimous, invincible and honorable Major General Andrew Jackson, of Ten- 
 nessee, but not commander of the navies. 
 
 " Let this suffice as a relish for the gentleman General until I shall have 
 time to answer the charges exhibited by the braggadocio General ; espe- 
 cially as it regards his honorable certifier, Mr. Coffee, who was under the 
 necessity of being sworn, because he is not only honorable, but religious. 
 The sagacious General would fain turn the public eye from the case of Mr. 
 Swann and himself. Mr. Swann has a right to reply ; after that, the pure 
 General and myself will join issue ; or I rather expect the General wiU 
 
1806.] DUEL OF COFFEE AND MCNAIRY. 287 
 
 demur, for all he has got to do is to say a man is no gentleman. Perhaps 
 he is right ; the community can not well spare such men. In due time the 
 public shall have all the documents in my power to afford, and I wish them, 
 if they please, to suspend an opinion as far as regards the statement made 
 in his publication against me. It is none but the cowardly who are always 
 the cause of such disputes coming before the public ; they ought to be 
 transacted in conclave ; but the General knows the more noise there is 
 made, the less danger there is of his sacred person. 
 
 "Nashville, February 15th, 1806. Nathaniel A. McNairy. 
 
 " N. B. — The people of the western country may think who are gen- 
 tlemen and who are not, but it is reserved for the well born General to 
 decide that point. N. A. MoN." 
 
 The gauntlet thus thrown down was taken up by Mr. 
 John Coffee, and a duel was the immediate result. The 
 events that transpired at this duel had an influence upon the 
 more serious combat that followed it. Coffee's second on this 
 occasion was Major Eobert Purdy, who thus relates what 
 occurred on the ground : — 
 
 " On the 1st day of March, 1806, Mr. N. A. McNairy met Mr. Coffee in 
 the State of Kentucky, agreeable to promise, to render Mr. Coffee satisfac- 
 tion for an insult given by him (McNairy) in his publication in Mr. Eastin's 
 Impartial Review of the 22d ultimo ; Mr. McNairy accompanied by his 
 friend, Mr. George Bell, and Mr. Coffee by myself. 
 
 " Mr. Bell being requested by me to name for his friend the distance and 
 mode of fighting, Mr. Bell observed, ' the usual distance, thirty feet,' which 
 was agreed to. Mr. Bell pointed out the mode, which is as follows : first, 
 the word, ' Make Ready ;' at which time the parties were to raise their 
 pistols ; then, distinctly count, ' one, two, three, 1 and then the word ' Fire ;* 
 at which time the parties were to fire ; a snap or flash to be considered as 
 a fire. Should either of the pistols go off before the word ' make ready' is 
 given, it is to be considered as an accident, and at liberty to load again 
 previous to the other's firing. Should either of the parties fire after the 
 word is given, ' Make Ready,' and before the word ' Fire,' the other is to 
 fire at the word, should he think proper, or reserve his fire ; all of which 
 was agreed to by me. 
 
 " The ground was then laid off by Mr. Bell and myself, and we then 
 threw up who was to give the word. I won it. We threw up for the 
 choice of positions. I won it. Mr. Bell observed to me, that if either of 
 the gentlemen fired before the word, it would be a hard case to shoot them. 
 I answered, it would be equally disagreeable to me ; but should either of them 
 
288 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1800 
 
 fire before the word, they would be disgraced, which they must well know 
 We then proceeded to load the pistols, and called the gentlemen up, tc 
 whom the stipulations agreed to were read over by me, and fully explained 
 and both the gentlemen said they understood them perfectly. I then cau- 
 tioned them to be careful not to tire before the word. 
 
 " The gentlemen then took their positions, and I repeated to them once 
 or twice how the word would be given, and cautioned them again not to 
 fire before the word. Mr. Bell and myself took our positions, with a 
 loaded pistol in our hands. I proceeded to give the word, ' Make Ready, 1 
 at which time both the gentlemen raised their pistols, and appeared per- 
 fectly calm and deliberate. I then proceeded to count ' one,' and about 
 the word ' two,' Mr. MeNairy fired, and shot Mr. Coffee through the 
 thigh. Mr. Coffee fired immediately after; but I am clearly of opinion 
 it was in consequence of the wound he had received, that extracted 
 his fire. 
 
 " I immediately walked up to Mr. MeNairy with my pistol cocked, and 
 observed to him (MeNairy) that he ought to be shot ; and also observed to 
 him, that was it not for the agreement between Mr. Bell and myseltj I 
 would shoot him. Mr. MeNairy observed, it was an accident. I replied 
 to him, that accidents of this kind on the field were inadmissible. Mr. Bell 
 observed, that Mr. Coffee had also fired before the word. Mr. Coffee 
 answered Mr. Bell, that he was wounded through the thigh, which caused 
 his pistol to go off". Mr. Bell admitted it might be the case. Mr. Coffee 
 then advanced towards Mr. MeNairy, and said to him, ' G— d d — n you, this 
 is the second time you have been guilty of the same crime' I told Mr. 
 Coffee to desist ; that this was an improper place to have words. Mr. Bell 
 observed that they were ready to take another fire. I replied, that I would 
 not suffer Mr. Coffee to take another fire; that he had no right to do so, 
 owing to the conduct of Mr. McNairy's firing before the word. Mr. BelJ 
 then applied to me for a compromise. 1 then observed that Mr. Coffee 
 would not, unless Mr. MeNairy would disavow every thing he had said of 
 Mr. Coffee in the public prints, and suffer this day's transaction to be 
 published, which I supposed Mr. MeNairy would not do. Mr. Bell also ob- 
 served, that Mr. MeNairy would not. Mr. MeNairy and myself had some 
 conversation on the subject of a compromise between Mr. Coffee and 
 himself. I answered him in the same way I did Mr. Bell. Mr. MeNairy 
 observed to me, that he always had a good opinion of Mr. Coffee, and 
 that Coffee had been dragged into the business as well as himself. We then 
 retired." 
 
 Mr. George Bell, the second of MeNairy, also published 
 a statement not materially differing from the above, except 
 with regard to what followed the accidental fire. "Mi 
 
1806.] DICKINSON RETURNS 289 
 
 McNairy," said Bell, " appeared to be very much hurt at his 
 firing before the word, and insisted on me to tell Mr. Coffee 
 that he would lay down his pistol, and that he (Coffee) might 
 load his pistol, and stand at the proper distance, and have 
 one shot at him, if that would satisfy him. I told Mr. Mc- 
 Nairy that I did not think Mr. Coffee would do that, and this 
 I think, I mentioned to Major Purdy, and he also observed 
 that Mr. Coffee would not do it. As it has always been my 
 wish to see men who have once been in habits of intimacy, as 
 Mr. McNairy and Mr. Coffee had been, if possible, to become 
 so again, I then mentioned to Major Purdy, if we could not 
 bring about a compromise between Mr. Coffee and Mr. Mc- 
 Nairy, at least, that they should be on speaking terms, and 
 do business together as gentlemen. Major Purdy observed 
 that we could not, except Mr. McNairy would disavow every 
 thing that he had said of Mr. Coffee in the public prints. I 
 then told Major Purdy that Mr. McNairy would never do 
 that. We then parted." 
 
 A peppery note from Major Purdy concluded this business : 
 " I have been informed," said Purdy, " by Mr. George Bell, 
 that a report has been in circulation, that when Mr. Coffee 
 and Mr. McNairy were on the field of honor, that Mr. Bell 
 had a great deal of difficulty to keep me from shooting Mr. 
 McNairy, and that said McNairy had begged his life, and 
 given a certificate of his improper conduct. Whoever stated 
 such conduct as respects Mr. McNairy, is a liar and rascal." 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 DICKINSON RETURNS. 
 
 To General Jackson's communication Mr. Swann pub- 
 lished a reply of prodigious length, the main object of which 
 was to prove, by certificates and affidavits, that Thomas 
 Swann was a gentleman, and General Jackson a coward. 
 
290 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806. 
 
 Among the eminent Virginians who certified to Mr. Swann's 
 gentlemanliness were Edmund Kandolph and Edward Car- 
 rington. Mr. Kandolph said : "I commit to paper with 
 great pleasure what I know and what I believe with respect 
 to Thomas Swann, Esq. He studied the law under my ad- 
 vice ; and manifested the most steady attention to it during 
 the time. I had no hesitation in anticipating that he would 
 become an able lawyer ; and I can with truth assert the ac- 
 knowledged purity of his character." 
 
 Eleven other men of known character testified in similai 
 terms to Mr. Swann's entire respectability. 
 
 Mr. Swann concluded his long communication with the 
 following remarks : " The renowned General's famous publi- 
 cation is fraught with rancorous abuse, and slanderous de- 
 famation ; and contains charges which are not only unfounded, 
 but entirely irrelevant to the point at issue ; one of which 
 made by Samuel Jackson (a character which perhaps bears 
 as great an affinity to him in disposition as in name), although 
 amply in my power to disprove, I conceive it would be too 
 condescending to stoop to a serious refutation of, when 1 
 reflect it was made by a man whose conduct has rendered 
 him unworthy the notice of a gentleman. I shall now con- 
 clude this address to the public by assuring General Andrew 
 Jackson (to use a favorite expression of his own) ' that I 
 shall at all times hold myself answerable for any of my con- 
 duct/" 
 
 Mr. Swann might have spared himself the labor of pre- 
 paring his voluminous reply, for while it was yet in the com- 
 positor's hands, events were transpiring which turned the 
 attention of the public away from the subordinate belligerents, 
 and fixed it upon the principals. Dickinson was at home 
 again. He reached Nashville about the 20th of May. 
 
 On the 22d of May, General Thomas Overton rode out 
 to General Jackson's store at Clover Bottom with the in- 
 formation that Dickinson had written a most scurrilous attack 
 upon Jackson, which he had placed in Mr. Eastin's hands for 
 publication, and it would appear in the n xt number of the 
 
1806.] DICKINSON RETURNS. 291 
 
 paper. Jackson asked Overton to hasten back to town, get a 
 sight of the article, bring him an account of its contents, and 
 come prepared to give an opinion as to whether it was an 
 article requiring "notice." Overton complied with the re- 
 quest. 
 
 " It's a piece that can't be passed over," reported Overton. 
 " General Jackson, you must challenge him." 
 
 To which Jackson replied, " General, this is an affair of 
 life and death. I'll take the responsibility myself. I'll see 
 the piece and form my own judgment of it." 
 
 He mounted his horse, and rode to the office of the Im- 
 partial Review. The article was shown him as afterward 
 published. The following is a copy of it : — 
 
 " Mr. Eastin : — In looking over the tenth number of your Impartial 
 Review I discover that a certain Andrew Jackson has endeavored to induce 
 the public to believe that some inconsistency had been attempted by me 
 relative to his dispute with Mr. Thomas Swann. My letter to Andrew 
 Jackson, as published by Mr. Joseph Ervin, is, I consider, a sufficient an- 
 swer with any impartial person. 
 
 " I should have never condescended to have taken any notice of An- 
 drew Jackson or his scurrilous publication had it not been promised by Mr. 
 John Ervin, when he published my letter at length, which Mr. Jackson, 
 for some cause unknown but to himself, had not the generosity to have 
 published but in part. 
 
 " I shall take notice but of those parts of his publication which are 
 intended for myself. The first is in his publication of the 8th of February, 
 which reads thus : ' Mr. Charles Dickinson's information is referred to ; see 
 Mr. Dickinson's letter. He states no such thing, but refers to a different 
 list. These two correctative informants speak, one of different notes actu- 
 ally offered, the other of a different list of notes. Happy concordance 1 
 These two gentlemen possess the key of consistency.' 
 
 "I have no such accommodating disposition as to compare what I 
 intend to offer to the public with that of any witness whatever, and, if it 
 should differ, to correct in such manner as to correspond. What any per- 
 son offers for publication, if called on, I think it is his duty to swear to. 
 Andrew Jackson has had several disputes, which have appeared in different 
 prints of this State, and, if his mode of publishing his thoughts on his dif- 
 ferent quarrels is such as to alter his publications to make them answer 
 with those of his witnesses, I can only exclaim, tempora ! mores ! 
 
 " Another part of his publication, of the same date, is as follows : ' He,' 
 
292 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806. 
 
 alluding to Mr, Thomas Swann, ' has acted the puppet and lying valet for 
 a worthless, drunken, blackguard scoundrel,' etc., etc. Should Andrew 
 Jackson have intended these epithets for me, I declare him, notwithstand- 
 ing he is a Major General of the militia of Mero district, to be a worthless 
 scoundrel, : a poltroon and a coward' — a man who, by frivolous and evasive 
 pretexts, avoided giving the satisfaction which was due to a gentleman 
 whom he had injured. This has prevented me from calling on him in the 
 manner I should otherwise have done, for I am well convinced that he is 
 too great a coward to administer any of those anodines he promised me in 
 his letter to Mr. Swann. His excuse I anticipate, that his anodines have 
 been in such demand since I left Tennessee that he is out of the necessary 
 ingredients to mix them. I expect to leave Nashville, the first of next 
 week, for Maryland. Yours, etc., 
 
 "May 21st, 1806. Charles Dickinson."* 
 
 One glance at this article revealed to General Jackson the 
 nature of its contents. He hesitated not a moment. An 
 hour later General Overton placed in Dickinson's hands the 
 following letter : — 
 
 " Charles Dickinson, Sir : — Your conduct and expressions relative to 
 me of late have been of such a nature and so insulting that it requires and 
 shall have my notice. Insult may be given by men, and of such a kind 
 that they must be noticed and treated with the respect due a gentleman, 
 although (in the present instance) you do not merit it. 
 
 " You have, to disturb my quiet, industriously excited Thomas Swann 
 to quarrel with me, which involved the peace and harmony of society for 
 awhile. 
 
 "You, on the 10th of January, wrote me a very insulting letter, left 
 this country, caused this letter to be delivered after you had been gone 
 some days, and viewing yourself in safety from the contempt I held you, 
 have now in the press a piece more replete with blackguard abuse than any 
 of your other productions. You are pleased to state that you would have 
 noticed me in a different way, but my cowardice would have found a pre- 
 text to evade that satisfaction if it had been called for, etc., etc. 
 
 "I hope, sir, your courage will be an ample security to me that I will 
 obtain speedily that satisfaction due me for the insults offered, and in the 
 way my friend who hands you this will point out. He waits upon you for 
 that purpose, and with your friend will enter into immediate arrangements 
 for this purpose. I am, etc., Andrew Jackson." 
 
 * From the Impartial Review of May 24th, 1806. 
 
1806.] DICKINSON RETURNS. 293 
 
 Before the day closed, Jackson received, through Dr. Han- 
 son Catlet, a reply to his challenge. " Your note of this morn- 
 ing," wrote Dickinson, " is received, and your request shall be 
 gratified. My friend who hands you this will make the neces- 
 sary arrangements/' 
 
 The seconds immediately conferred, agreed upon the time 
 and place of meeting, and drew up their agreement in writ- 
 ing : — " On Friday, the 30th instant, we agree to meet at 
 Harrison's Mills, on Eed river, in Logan county, State of 
 Kentucky, for the purpose of settling an affair of honor be- 
 tween General Andrew Jackson and Charles Dickinson, Esq. 
 Further arrangements to be made. It is understood that the 
 meeting will be at the hour of seven in the morning." 
 
 Upon reading this over to his principal, Overton found 
 him most averse to postponing the meeting for a whole week. 
 Catlet had given as a reason for the delay that Dickinson had 
 not a pair of dueling pistols, and it would require time to pro- 
 cure a pair. This seemed a mere subterfuge to Jackson, who 
 would, if he could, have fought that night. So he prompted 
 his second to write the following note to Dr. Catlet : " Sir, 
 the affair of honor to be settled between my friend General 
 Jackson and Charles Dickinson, Esq., is wished not to be 
 postponed until the 30th instant (say Friday) agreeable to 
 your time appointed, if it can be done sooner. In order that 
 no inconvenience on your part may occur, if you can not ob- 
 tain pistols, we pledge ourselves to give you choice of ours. 
 Let me hear from you immediately." 
 
 No answer came that night, nor early the next morning. 
 The impetuous Jackson urged Overton to write a second note 
 to his adversary's second : " Sir, I pressed you in favor of 
 my friend General Jackson for immediate satisfaction for the 
 injury that his feelings had received from a publication of 
 Charles Dickinson. You replied that it might not be in your 
 power to obtain pistols. In my note of yesterday, in order to 
 remove any obstacles as it respected pistols, I agreed to give 
 you choice of ours, the other we pledged ourselves to make 
 use of. For God's sake, let this business be brought to an 
 
294 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806 
 
 issue immediately, as I can not see, after the publication, why 
 Mr. Dickinson should wish to put it off till Friday." 
 
 This produced a brief and barely civil note from Dr. Cat- 
 let : " Sir, I have received your notes of yesterday and this 
 date, and can only answer that it will not now be convenient 
 to alter the day from that already agreed upon." 
 
 This settled the point in dispute. On the same day the 
 seconds met again, and agreed upon the following : " It is 
 agreed that the distance shall be twenty-four feet ; the par- 
 ties to stand facing each other, with their pistols down per- 
 pendicularly. When they are ready, the single word, fire, 
 to be given ; at which they are to fire as soon as they please. 
 Should either fire before the word is given, we pledge our- 
 selves to shoot him down instantly. The person to give the 
 word to be determined by lot, as also the choice of position. 
 We mutually agree that the above regulations shall be ob- 
 served in the affair of honor depending between General An- 
 drew Jackson and Charles Dickinson, Esq." 
 
 This was Saturday, May 24th, 1806. The duel was not 
 to take place till the Friday following. The quarrel thus 
 far had excited intense interest in Nashville, and the succes- 
 sive numbers of the Impartial Review had been read with 
 avidity. The coming duel was no secret, though the time 
 and place were not known to any but the friends of the par- 
 ties. Bets, I am informed, were laid upon the result of the 
 meeting, the odds being against Jackson. Dickinson himself 
 is said to have bet five hundred dollars that he would bring 
 his antagonist down at the first fire. Another informant 
 says three thousand. But I have small belief in any of the 
 ill things said of this man. 
 
1806.] THE DUEL. 295 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 THE DUEL. 
 
 The place appointed for the meeting was a long day's 
 ride from Nashville. Thursday morning, before the dawn of 
 day, Dickinson stole from the side of his young and beautiful 
 wife, and began silently to prepare for the journey. She 
 awoke, and asked him why he was up so early. He replied, 
 that he had business in Kentucky across the Ked river, but 
 it would not detain him long. Before leaving the room, he 
 went up to his wife, kissed her with peculiar tenderness, and 
 said : 
 
 " Good bye, darling ; I shall be sure to be at home to- 
 morrow night/' 
 
 He mounted his horse and repaired to the rendezvous, 
 where his second and half a dozen of the gay blades of Nash- 
 ville were waiting to escort him on his journey. Away they 
 rode, in the highest spirits, as though they were upon a party 
 of pleasure. Indeed, they made a party of pleasure of it. 
 When they stopped for rest or refreshment, Dickinson is said 
 to have amused the company by displaying his wonderful 
 skill with the pistol. Once, at a distance of twenty-four 
 feet, he fired four balls, each at the word of command, into a 
 space that could be covered by a silver dollar. Several times 
 he cut a string with his bullet from the same distance. It is 
 said that he left a severed string hanging near a tavern, and 
 said to the landlord as he rode away, 
 
 " If General Jackson comes along this road, show him 
 that r 
 
 It is also said, that he laid a wager of five hundred dollars 
 that he would hit his antagonist within half an inch of a cer- 
 tain button on his coat. I neither believe nor deny one of 
 these stories ; but so many of the same kind are still told in 
 the neighborhood, that it is safe to conclude that, on this 
 
296 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806, 
 
 fatal ride, Dickinson did affect much of that recklessness of 
 manner which was once supposed to be an evidence of high 
 courage. The party went frisking and galloping along the 
 lonely forest roads, making short cuts that cautious travelers 
 never attempted, dashing across creeks and rivers, and mak- 
 ing the woods ring and echo with their shouts and laughter. 
 Very different was the demeanor of General Jackson and 
 the party that accompanied him. General Thomas Overton, 
 an old revolutionary soldier, versed in the science, and famil- 
 iar with the practice of dueling, had reflected deeply upon the 
 conditions of the coming combat, with the view to conclude 
 upon the tactics most likely to save his friend from Dickin- 
 son's unerring bullet. For this duel was not to be the amus- 
 ing mockery that some modern duels have been. This duel 
 was to be real. It was to be an affair in which each man 
 was to strive with his utmost skill to effect the purpose of the 
 occasion — disable his antagonist and save his own life. As 
 the principal and the second rode apart from the rest, they 
 discussed all the chances and probabilities with the single 
 aim to decide upon a course which should result in the dis- 
 abling of Dickinson and the saving of Jackson. The mode of 
 fighting which had been agreed upon was somewhat peculiar. 
 The pistols were to be held downward until the word was 
 given to fire ; then each man was to fire as soon as he pleased. 
 With such an arrangement, it was scarcely possible that both 
 the pistols should be discharged at the same moment. There 
 was a chance, even, that by extreme quickness of movement, 
 one man could bring down his antagonist without himself 
 receiving a shot. The question anxiously discussed between 
 Jackson and Overton was this : Shall we try to get the first 
 shot, or shall we permit Dickinson to have it ? They agreed, 
 at length, that it would be decidedly better to let Dickinson 
 fire first. In the first place, Dickinson, like all miraculous 
 shots, required no time to take aim, and would have a far 
 better chance than Jackson in a quick shot, even if both fired 
 at once. And in spite of anything Jackson could do, Dick- 
 inson would be almost sure to get the first fire. Moreover, 
 
1806.] THE DUEL. 297 
 
 Jackson was certain he would be hit ; and he was unwilling 
 to subject his own aim to the chance of its being totally de- 
 stroyed by the shock of the blow. For Jackson was resolved 
 on hitting Dickinson. His feelings toward his adversary were 
 embittered by what he had heard of his public practicings and 
 boastful wagers. " I should have hit him, if he had shot me 
 through the brain/' said Jackson once. In pleasant discourse 
 of this kind, the two men wiled away the hours of the long 
 journey. 
 
 A tavern kept by one David Miller, somewhat noted in 
 the neighborhood, stood on the banks of the Ked river, near 
 the ground appointed for the duel. Late in the afternoon of 
 Thursday, the 29th of May, the inmates of this tavern were 
 surprised by the arrival of a party of seven or eight horsemen. 
 Jacob Smith, then employed by Miller as an overseer, but now 
 himself a planter in the vicinity, was standing before the 
 house when this unexpected company rode up. One of these 
 horsemen asked him if they could be accommodated with 
 lodgings for the night. They could. The party dismounted, 
 gave their horses to the attendant negroes, and entered the 
 tavern. No sooner had they done so, than honest Jacob was 
 perplexed by the arrival of a second cavalcade — Dickinson 
 and his friends, who also asked for lodgings. The manager 
 told them the house was full ; but that he never turned 
 travelers away, and if they chose to remain, he would do the 
 best he could for them. Dickinson then asked where was 
 the next house of entertainment. He was directed to a house 
 two miles lower down the river, kept by William Harrison. 
 The house is still standing. The room in which Dickinson 
 slept that night, and slept the night following, is the one now 
 used by the occupants as a dining-room. 
 
 Jackson ate heartily at supper that night, conversing in a 
 lively, pleasant manner, and smoked his evening pipe as usual. 
 Jacob Smith remembers being exceedingly pleased with his 
 guest, and, on learning the cause of his visit, heartily wish- 
 ing him a safe deliverance. 
 
 Before breakfast on the next morning the whole party 
 
298 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806, 
 
 mounted and rode down the road that wound close along the 
 picturesque banks of the stream. 
 
 About the same hour, the overseer and his gang of negroes 
 went to the fields to begin their daily toil ; he, longing to 
 venture within sight of what he knew was about to take place. 
 
 The horsemen rode about a mile along the river ; then 
 turned down toward the river to a point on the bank where 
 they had expected to find a ferryman. No ferryman appear- 
 ing, Jackson spurred his horse into the stream and dashed 
 across, followed by all his party. They rode into the poplar 
 forest, two hundred yards or less, to a spot near the center of 
 a level platform or river bottom, then covered with forest, 
 now smiling with cultivated fields. The horsemen halted and 
 dismounted just before reaching the appointed place. Jack- 
 son, Overton, and a surgeon who had come with them from 
 home, walked on together, and the rest led their horses a 
 short distance in an opposite direction. 
 
 " How do you feel about it now, General ?" asked one of 
 the party, as Jackson turned to go. 
 
 " Oh, all right," replied Jackson, gayly ; "I shall wing 
 him, never fear." 
 
 Dickinson's second won the choice of position, and Jack- 
 son's the office of giving the word. The astute Overton con- 
 sidered this giving of the word a matter of great importance, 
 and he had already determined how he would give it, if the 
 lot fell to him. The eight paces were measured off, and the 
 men placed. Both were perfectly collected. All the polite- 
 nesses of such occasions were very strictly and elegantly 
 performed. Jackson was dressed in a loose frock-coat, but- 
 toned carelessly over his chest, and concealing in some degree 
 the extreme slenderness of his figure. Dickinson was the 
 younger and handsomer man of the two. But Jackson's tall, 
 erect figure, and the still intensity of his demeanor, it is said, 
 gave him a most superior and commanding air, as he stood 
 under the tall poplars on this bright May morning, silently 
 awaiting the moment of doom. 
 
 " Are you ready ?" said Overton. 
 
1806.] THE DUEL. 299 
 
 " I am ready/' replied Dickinson. 
 
 " I am ready," said Jackson. 
 
 The words were no sooner pronounced than Overton, with 
 a sudden shout, cried, using his old-country pronunciation, 
 "Fere!" 
 
 Dickinson raised his pistol quickly and fired. Overton, 
 who was looking with anxiety and dread at Jackson, saw a 
 puff of dust fly from the breast of his coat, and saw him 
 raise his left arm and place it tightly across his chest. He is 
 surely hit, thought Overton, and in a bad place, too ; but 
 no ; he does not fall. Erect and grim as Fate he stood, his 
 teeth clenched, raising his pistol. Overton glanced at Dick- 
 inson. Amazed at the unwonted failure of his aim, and ap- 
 parently appalled at the awful figure and face before him, 
 Dickinson had unconsciously recoiled a pace or two. 
 
 " Great God !" he faltered, " have I missed him ?" 
 
 " Back to the mark, sir !" shrieked Overton, with his 
 hand upon his pistol. 
 
 Dickinson recovered his composure, stepped forward to 
 the peg, and stood with his eyes averted from his antagonist. 
 All this was the work of a moment, though it requires many 
 words to tell it. 
 
 General Jackson took deliberate aim, and pulled the trig- 
 ger. The pistol neither snapped nor went off. He looked at 
 the trigger, and discovered that it had stopped at half cock. 
 He drew it back to its place, and took aim a second time. 
 He fired. Dickinson's face blanched ; he reeled ; his friends 
 rushed toward him, caught him in their arms, and gently 
 seated him on the ground, leaning against a bush. His trow- 
 sers reddened. They stripped off his clothes. The blood was 
 gushing from his side in a torrent. And, alas ! here is the 
 ball, not near the wound, but above the opposite hip, just 
 under the skin. The ball had passed through the body, be- 
 low the ribs. Such a wound could not but be fatal. 
 
 Overton went forward and learned the condition of the 
 wounded man. Rejoining his principal, he said, " He won't 
 want anything more of you, General," and conducted him 
 
SCO LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806. 
 
 from the ground. They had gone a hundred yards, Over- 
 ton walking on one side of Jackson, the surgeon on the other, 
 and neither speaking a word, when the surgeon observed 
 that one of Jackson's shoes was full of blood. 
 
 " My God ! General Jackson, are you hit ?" he ex- 
 claimed, pointing to the blood. 
 
 " Oh ! I believe," replied Jackson, " that he has pinked 
 me a little. Let's look at it. But say nothing about it 
 there" pointing to the house. 
 
 He opened his coat. Dickinson's aim had been perfect. 
 He had sent the ball precisely where he supposed Jackson's 
 heart was beating. But the thinness of his body and the 
 looseness of his coat combining to deceive Dickinson, the ball 
 had only broken a rib or two, and raked the breast-bone. It 
 was a somewhat painful, bad-looking wound, but neither 
 severe nor dangerous, and he was able to ride to the tavern 
 without much inconvenience. Upon approaching the house, 
 he went up to one of the negro women who was churning, 
 and asked her if the butter had come. She said it was just 
 coming. He asked for some buttermilk. While she was get- 
 ting it for him, she observed him furtively open his coat and 
 look within it. She saw that his shirt was soaked with 
 blood, and she stood gazing in blank horror at the sight, dip- 
 per in hand. He caught her eye, and hastily buttoned his 
 coat again. She dipped out a quart measure full of butter- 
 milk, and gave it to him. He drank it off at a draught ; 
 then went in, took off his coat, and had his wound carefully 
 examined and dressed. That done, he dispatched one of his 
 retinue to Dr. Catlett, to inquire respecting the condition of 
 Dickinson, and to say that the surgeon attending himself 
 would be glad to contribute his aid toward Mr. Dickinson's 
 relief. Polite reply was returned that Mr. Dickinson's case 
 was past surgery. In the course of the day, General Jack- 
 son sent a bottle of wine to Dr. Catlett for the use of his 
 patient. 
 
 But there was one gratification which Jackson could not, 
 even in such circumstances, grant him. A very old friend of 
 
1806.] THE DUEL. 301 
 
 General Jackson writes to me thus : " Although the General 
 had been wounded, he did not desire it should be known 
 until he had left the neighborhood, and had therefore con- 
 cealed it at first from his own friends. His reason for this, 
 as he once stated to me, was, that as Dickinson considered 
 himself the best shot in the world, and was certain of killing 
 him at the first fire, he did not want him to have the gratifi- 
 cation even of knowing that he had touched him?' 
 
 Poor Dickinson bled to death. The flowing of blood was 
 stanched, but could not be stopped. He was conveyed to the 
 house in which he had passed the night, and placed upon a 
 mattrass, which was soon drenched with blood. He suffered 
 extreme agony, and uttered horrible cries all that long day. 
 At nine o'clock in the evening he suddenly asked why they 
 had put out the lights. The doctor knew then that the end 
 was at hand ; that the wife, who had been sent for in the 
 morning, would not arrive in time to close her husband's 
 eyes. He died five minutes after, cursing, it is said, with 
 his last breath, the ball that had entered his body. The 
 poor wife hurried away on hearing that her husband was 
 " dangerously wounded," and met, as she rode toward the 
 scene of the duel, a procession of silent horsemen escort- 
 ing a rough emigrant wagon that contained her husband's 
 remains.* 
 
 The news created in Nashville the most profound sensa- 
 tion. " v On Tuesday evening (afternoon) last," said the Im- 
 partial Review of the following week, " the remains of Mr. 
 Charles Dickinson were committed to the grave, at the resi- 
 dence of Mr. Joseph Ervin, attended by a large number of 
 citizens of Nashville and its neighborhood. There have been 
 few occasions on which stronger impressions of sorrow or tes- 
 
 * This account of the duel was compiled from many sources, verbal and 
 printed; but most of the incidents which occurred on the field I received from an 
 old friend of General Jackson, who heard them related, and saw them acted, by 
 General Overton. In narrating some of the minor events, I have had to cnooso 
 between conflicting statements ; yet I feel confident that this account contains 
 ao error of importance ; no error affecting the moral quality of the principal 
 nets. 
 
 VOL. I. — 20 
 
302 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806. 
 
 timonies of greater respect were evinced than on the one we 
 have the unwelcome task to record. In the prime of life, and 
 blessed in domestic circumstances with almost every valuable 
 enjoyment, he fell a victim to the barbarous and pernicious 
 practice of dueling. By his untimely fate the community is 
 deprived of an amiable man and a virtuous citizen. His 
 friends will long lament with particular sensibility the de- 
 plorable event. Mr. Dickinson was a native of Maryland, 
 where he was highly valued by the discriminating and good ; 
 and those who knew him best respected him most. With a 
 consort that has to bear with this, the severest of afflictions, 
 and an infant child, his friends and acquaintances will cor- 
 dially sympathize. Their loss is above calculation. May 
 Heaven assuage their anguish by administering such con- 
 solations as are beyond the power of human accident or 
 change." 
 
 But the matter did not rest here. Charles Dickinson had 
 many friends in Nashville, and Andrew Jackson many ene- 
 mies. The events preceding, and the circumstances attending 
 the duel were such as to excite horror and disgust in many 
 minds. An informal meeting of citizens was held, who could 
 hit upon no better way of expressing their feelings than send- 
 ing the following memorial to the proprietors of the Impartial 
 Beview : — " The subscribers, citizens of Nashville and its 
 vicinity, respectfully request Mr. Bradford and Mr. Eastin to 
 put the next number of their paper in mourning as a tribute 
 of respect for the memory, and regret for the untimely death 
 of Mr. Charles Dickinson." 
 
 Seventy-three names, many of which were of the high- 
 est respectability, were appended to this document. Mr, 
 Eastin had no hesitation in promising to comply with the 
 request. 
 
 Upon his couch at the Hermitage General Jackson heard 
 of this movement. With his usual promptitude, he dispatched; 
 to the editor the following letter : — " Mr. Eastin : — I ami 
 informed that at the request of sundry citizens of Nash- 
 ville and vicinity, you are about to dress your paper iiu 
 
1806.] T H E D U E L . 303 
 
 mourning 'as a tribute of respect for the memory and re- 
 gret for the untimely death of Charles Dickinson/ Your 
 paper is the public vehicle, and is always taken as the 
 public will, unless the contrary appears. Presuming that 
 the public is not in mourning for this event, in justice to 
 that public, it is only fair and right to set forth the names 
 of those citizens who have made the request. The thing is 
 so novel that names ought to appear that the public might 
 judge whether the true motives of the signers were ' a tribute 
 of respect for the deceased/ or something else that at first 
 sight does not appear." 
 
 The editor, with equal complaisance and ingenuity, con- 
 trived to oblige all parties. He placed his paper in mourning, 
 he published the memorial, he published General Jackson's 
 letter, and he added to the whole the following remarks : — 
 " In answer to the request of General Jackson I can only 
 observe that, previously, the request of some of the citizens 
 of Nashville and its vicinity had been put to type, and as 
 soon as it had transpired that the above request had been 
 made, a number of the subscribers, to the amount of twenty- 
 six,* called and erased their names. Always willing to sup- 
 port, by my acts, the title of my paper — always willing to 
 attend to the request of any portion of our citizens when they 
 will take the responsibility on themselves, induced me to 
 comply with the petition of those requesting citizens, and 
 place my paper in mourning. Impartiality induces me also 
 to attend to the request of General Jackson." 
 
 * The following were the names actually published : Hanson Catlett, Thomas 
 E. Wagaman, Thomas G-. "Watkins, Boyd McNairy, John McNairy, William Tait, 
 Duncan Robertson, John H. Smith, Thomas Williamson, William T. Lewis, John 
 Nichols, Thomas C. Clark, Daney McCraw, John Maclin, Jeremiah Scales, Timo- 
 thy Demonbrum, Elisha Johnston, James P. Downes, William B. Robertson, 
 William Lytle, D. Moor, Robert Stoteart, J. Gordan, J. B. Craighead, P. Bonm, 
 Alexander Craighead, John Read, Robert P. Currin, Roger B. Sappington, 
 Roger B. Currey, Thomas Swann, Ernst Benior, William Y. Probert, C. Wheston, 
 J. Baird, Hervey Lane, Samuel Finney, William Black, R. Hewett, Thomas 
 Ramsey, Nathaniel McCairys, Thomas Napier, Robert Hughes, James King, 
 Robert Bell, Felix Robertson. 
 
304 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806 
 
 A week or two later, Captain Ervin, the father-in-law of 
 the unfortunate Dickinson, published a brief recapitulation 
 of the quarrel from the beginning, incorporating with his 
 article a final statement by Mr. Thomas Swann. Swann 
 exculpated Dickinson wholly. " I do avow," said he, " that 
 neither Mr. Dickinson nor any other person urged me for- 
 ward to quarrel with Jackson." He asserted in the most 
 solemn manner that every thing had occurred just as in the 
 published correspondence and affidavits it had appeared to 
 occur. He admitted, however, that there was enmity be- 
 tween Jackson and Dickinson before his own quarrel with 
 Jackson began. 
 
 Captain Ervin objected to Jackson's conduct in the field. 
 "It may not," said he, "be improper to inquire whether 
 General Jackson had a right, according to the laws of duel- 
 ing, to recock his pistol after having snapped it ? It is said 
 it was agreed that a snap should not be considered a fire. 
 Granted ; but was it not also agreed that nothing which was 
 not committed to writing should be considered as binding or 
 having effect ? A snap not to be considered as a fire was not 
 committed to writing. Consequently, it was not one of the 
 stipulations in the agreement ; neither was it warranted by 
 the usual practice ; yet such was the cruel fate of the unfor- 
 tunate Dickinson. He gallantly maintained his ground, and 
 fell a victim to this unguarded, illiberal and unjust advan- 
 tage. Peace be to his manes ! respect to his memory, which 
 will be ever dear to his friend, Joseph Ervin." 
 
 To this the seconds replied in a joint card, certifying that 
 the duel was conducted fairly, according to the conditions 
 agreed upon beforehand. 
 
 General Jackson's wound proved to be more severe and 
 troublesome than was at first anticipated. It was nearly 
 a month before he could move about without inconvenience, 
 and when the wound healed, it healed falsely ; that is, some 
 of the viscera were slightly displaced, and so remained. 
 Twenty years after, this forgotten wound forced itself upon 
 his remembrance, and kept itself there for many a year 
 
1806.] THE DUEL. 305 
 
 It was Dickinson's bullet that killed Andrew Jackson at 
 last. 
 
 The reader is now in possession of all the attainable infor- 
 mation which could assist him in forming a judgment of this 
 sad, this deplorable, this shocking, this wicked affair. Un- 
 fortunately, the evidence which makes against Jackson is 
 indubitable, while the extenuating circumstances rest upon 
 tradition only. It is evident that he was deeply embittered 
 against Dickinson before the affair with Swann began. No 
 man is competent to pronounce decisively upon Jackson's 
 conduct in this business, who does not know precisely and 
 completely the cause of that original enmity. A very slight 
 observation of life is sufficient to show that the party most 
 injured is the one that often appears to be most in the wrong. 
 A chronic grinding Wrong extorts, at length, the wrathful 
 word or the avenging blow. The by-stander hears the impre- 
 cation, sees the stroke, and knowing nothing that has gone 
 before, condemns the victim and pities the guilty. That 
 Jackson was singularly morbid upon the subject of his pecu- 
 liar marriage, we shall often observe. 
 
 It is not true, as has been alleged, that this duel did not 
 affect General Jackson's popularity in Tennessee. It followed 
 quick upon his feud with Governor Sevier ; and both quar- 
 rels told against him in many quarters of the State. And 
 though there were large numbers whom the nerve and cour- 
 age which he had displayed in the duel blinded to all consider- 
 ations of civilization and morality, yet it is certain that 
 at no time between the years 1806 and 1812, could General 
 Jackson have been elected to any office in Tennessee that 
 required a majority of the voters of the whole State. Al- 
 most any well-informed Tennesseean, old enough to remem- 
 ber those years, will support me in this assertion. Beyond 
 the circle of his own friends, which was large, there existed a 
 very general impression that he was a violent, arbitrary, 
 overbearing, passionate man ; but that it was safest not to 
 mention the circumstance. Of his own circle, however, he 
 
306 LIFE OF ANDREW JAoKSON. [1806. 
 
 was as much the idol then as he was when he was his country's 
 idol.* 
 
 * The following, cut from a leading Democratic organ in 1859, is a good ex- 
 ample of the way in which a popular hero's most doubtful actions are made to 
 minister to his popularity : — 
 
 JACKSON ANP iHCKINSON. 
 
 "Jackson settled at Nashville between the years 1790 and 1800, and began 
 the practice of the law. Dickinson was already there, following the same profes- 
 sion. He was a great duelist, having killed several in duels, and almost certain 
 to kill the first fire. His mode of firing was very uncommon. Instead of raising 
 his pistol from his side to fire at the word, he would bring it down from above 
 until he got it to the proper level, and then fire. All of the merchants in Nash- 
 ville had Dickinson retained in their behalf, and he being the only lawyer there 
 until General Jackson came, no redress could be obtained by the opposite side. 
 General Jackson refused to be retained by these merchants to the exclusion of all 
 other parties. The consequence was, that he issued fifty writs at the first term 
 of the court at Nashville. 
 
 " He issued writs against the merchants, who until then had gone scott free. 
 This irritated them, and they (being desirous of getting General Jackson out of 
 the way) incited Dickinson to provoke a duel. He began by acting on trials 
 offensively to the General. 
 
 " He remonstrated with Dickinson, and plainly informed him that he would 
 not submit to such disrespectful treatment. 
 
 " Dickinson persisted, and General Jackson challenged him. The time and 
 place for the combat were fixed upon, and the news spread for miles around. 
 There were at least two hundred people on the ground, and bets were made as 
 if it were a horse race. 
 
 " Dickinson himself bet that he would kill Jackson on the first fire. Dickin- 
 son fired first, and his ball hit General Jackson on the right pap, and peeled his 
 breast. He had a callous lump there until the day of his death. As soon as the 
 smoke of Dickinson's pistol blew away, and he saw General Jackson still stand- 
 ing, he exclaimed : ' Haven't I killed the damned rascal ?' General Jackson told 
 General Eaton that until then he meant to give him his life ; but on hearing 
 these words, he raised his pistol, fired and killed Dickinson instantly." 
 
1806.] JACKSON ENTERTAINS BURR. 307 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON ENTERTAINS AARON BURR. 
 
 It is a relief to turn from these revolting scenes to others 
 in which our hero appears in a light altogether pleasing ; 
 showing himself the faithful citizen and the faithful friend. 
 
 General Jackson, as we have already mentioned, removed 
 from Hunter's Hill, about the year 1804, to the adjoining 
 estate, which he named the Hermitage. The spacious man- 
 sion now standing on that estate, in which he resided during 
 the last twenty-five years of his life, was not built until 
 about the year 1819. 
 
 A square, two story block house was General Jackson's 
 first dwelling-place on the Hermitage farm. This house, 
 like many others of its class, contained three rooms ; one on 
 the ground floor, and two up stairs. To this house was soon 
 added a smaller one, which stood about twenty feet from the 
 principal structure, and was connected with it by a covered 
 passage. This was General Jackson's establishment from 
 1804 to 1819. These houses are still standing at the Her- 
 mitage, though not so close together as they were formerly. 
 The larger block house stands where it stood when occupied 
 by General Jackson ; but has been cut down into a one story 
 house, and used for the last thirty years as a negro cabin. 
 It does not differ, in any respect, from the ordinary block 
 negro cabins of the South. The interior, never ceiled, is now 
 as black as ebony with the smoke of sixty years. There is 
 the usual trap door in fhe middle of the floor for the con- 
 venience of stowage under the house, for cellar there is none. 
 There is the usual vast fire-place, capable of a cord of wood : 
 from which Jackson went forth to the wars, haggard and 
 anxious ; to which he returned, still haggard, but with the 
 light of victory in his face. The smaller house has been 
 
308 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806. 
 
 drawn up near the present Hermitage ; where it also serves 
 as a negro cabin, and shows its ring of little ebony faces 
 round the generous fire as the stranger peeps in. The build- 
 ing which formerly connected these two stands near by, and 
 is used as a store-house. " There is nothing but plunder in 
 it," explained one of the negro women. 
 
 Jackson was abundantly satisfied with his little group of 
 block houses, and built the Hermitage mansion at last solely 
 as a testimonial of his regard for his wife. In that pleasant 
 climate, with its eight months of summer, and its thirty days 
 of decided winter, a House is not the important affair it is in 
 regions less genial. It is rather a luxury than a necessity ; 
 a better umbrella than a tree in a long rain ; on cold nights 
 a slight improvement upon camping out ; a convenience for 
 mothers with young children ; an article well enough to have 
 on a farm, but very far from being the terribly indispensable 
 thing it is in countries where to be houseless is death. It 
 astounds northern people to see what inferior houses south- 
 eners are content to occupy who could build palaces if they 
 would. The truth is, they do not live in their houses. Their 
 life is on horseback, in the fields, in the woods, out of doors. 
 On the coldest days they do not feel comfortable unless the 
 door stands wide open to let in the sun ; the air rushing in 
 by a thousand apertures, and keeping the northern visitor in 
 a shiver. 
 
 In an establishment so restricted, G-eneral Jackson and 
 his good-hearted wife continued to dispense a most generous 
 hospitality. A lady of Nashville tells me that she has often 
 been at the Hermitage in those simple old times, when there 
 was in each of the four available rooms, not a guest merely, 
 but a family ; while the young men and solitary travelers 
 who chanced to drop in disposed of themselves on the piazza, 
 or any other half shelter about the house. " Put down in 
 your book," said one of General Jackson's oldest neighbors, 
 " that the General was the prince of hospitality ; not because 
 he entertained a great many people ; but because the poor, 
 belated peddler, was as welcome as the President of the 
 
1806.] JACKSON ENTERTAINS BURR. 309 
 
 United States, and made so much, at his ease that he felt as 
 though he had got home." (It is " put down," you observe, 
 Mr. William Donelson.) 
 
 We have now to contemplate General Jackson performing 
 the rites of hospitality to a distinguished person. 
 
 May 29th, 1805, Colonel Burr, then making his first tour 
 of the western country, visited the thriving frontier town of 
 Nashville. For several reasons Burr was extremely popular 
 in Tennessee. He had powerfully advocated the cause of the 
 young State when difficulties arose respecting her admission 
 into the Union in 1796 ; a service Tennessee bore in mind 
 when she voted for Jefferson and Burr in 1800, and had not 
 forgotten in 1805. Colonel Burr's duel with Hamilton, which 
 occurred thirteen months before this visit, would not, in any 
 circumstances, have injured his standing in the Tennessee of 
 that day. Hamilton was odious to the western Bepublicans, 
 and dueling was an institution of their own. The killing of 
 Hamilton restored Burr to his former standing with the 
 Republican party in the western States, and the " ostracism" 
 to which that act had subjected him in his own State gave 
 him, in the wild West, the additional regard which we award 
 to a man who is persecuted for an act that flatters our own 
 customs, and assists us to forgive our own sins. Moreover, 
 Burr had just descended from the office of Vice President with 
 more than the eclat that ordinarily attends the assumption 
 of that office. The long trial of Judge Chase by the Senate 
 had attracted universal attention ; Burr conducting it, as a 
 spectator remarked, with the impartiality of an angel and 
 the rigor of a devil. Colonel Burr's farewell speech to the 
 Senate, just then circulating in the remoter newspapers, 
 was also exceedingly admired. 
 
 Throughout the West, therefore, Burr was received as 
 the great man, and nowhere with such distinction as at 
 Nashville. People poured in from the adjacent country to 
 see and welcome so renowned a personage. Flags, cannons 
 and martial music contributed to the eclat of his reception. 
 A.n extemporized but superabundant dinner concluded the cer 
 
310 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806. 
 
 emonies, in the course of which Burr addressed the multitude 
 with the serious grace that usually marked his demeanor in 
 puhlic. Could Jackson be absent from such an ovation — 
 Jackson, who had been with the great man in Congress, and 
 worked in concert with him for Tennessee ? Impossible ! 
 
 On the morning of this bright day General Jackson 
 mounted one of his finest horses, and rode to Nashville 
 attended by a servant leading a milk-white mare. In the 
 course of the dinner General Jackson gave a toast : " Mil- 
 lions for defense, but not one cent for tribute ;" and when 
 Colonel Burr retired from the apartment, General Overton 
 proposed his health to the company. General Jackson 
 returned home at the close of the day accompanied by 
 Colonel Burr, who was to be his guest during his stay in 
 that vicinity. Burr remained only five days at the Hermit- 
 age, but promised to make a longer visit on his returD. In 
 the hasty outline of a journal which he kept for the amuse- 
 ment of his daughter, he made this entry concerning his first 
 visit to Nashville : — " Arrived at Nashville on the 29th of 
 May. One is astonished at the number of sensible, well- 
 informed and well-behaved people found here. I have been 
 received with much hospitality and kindness, and could stay 
 a month with pleasure ; but General Andrew Jackson, hav- 
 ing provided us a boat, we shall set off on Sunday, the 2d of 
 June, to navigate down the Cumberland, either to Smithland, 
 at its mouth, or to Eddyville, sixty or eighty miles above ; at 
 one of which places we expect to find our boat, with which 
 we intend to make a rapid voyage down the Mississippi to 
 Natchez and Orleans. Left Nashville, on the 3d of June, in 
 an open boat. Came down the Cumberland to its mouth, 
 about two hundred and twenty miles, in an open boat, where 
 our ark was in waiting. Beached Massac, on the Ohio, six- 
 teen miles below, on the 6th. Here found General Wilkin- 
 son on his way to St. Louis. The General and his officers 
 fitted me out with an elegant barge, sails, colors and ten oars, 
 with a sergeant and ten able, faithful hands." 
 
 " Where our ark was in waiting." says Burr. We per- 
 
1806.] JACKSON ENTERTAINS BURR. 311 
 
 ceive from this remark, that he had made a detour for the 
 express purpose of visiting Nashville, leaving his ark on the 
 Ohio, and rejoining it lower down. General Wilkinson, I 
 may also observe, was probably an old acquaintance of Jack- 
 son's. Years before, Wilkinson had been a Kentucky store- 
 keeper ; and the people of Nashville used sometimes to ride 
 all the way to Wilkinson's store in Kentucky, for the pur- 
 pose of procuring some article not obtainable at their own 
 scantily supplied repositories. Burr's acquaintance with 
 Wilkinson dated from the Revolution, when they were fellow- 
 soldiers. 
 
 August the^th, 1805, Burr visited the Hermitage again, 
 on his return from New Orleans, as he had promised. Of 
 this visit, which lasted eight days, we have no knowledge ex- 
 cept that derived from Burr's too brief diary : — " Arrived at 
 Nashville on the 6th August. You now see me safe through 
 the wilderness, though I doubt (hussey) whether you knew 
 that I had a wilderness to pass in order to get here. Yes, 
 about four hundred and fifty miles of wilderness. The hos- 
 pitality of these people will keep me here till the 12th in- 
 stant, when I shall partake of a public dinner, given, not to 
 the Vice President, but to A. B. I shall be at Lexington on 
 the 19th. I have directed Bradley's new map of the United 
 States to be sent to you ; this will enable you to trace my 
 route, and I pray you to study the map attentively. I am 
 still at Nashville (August 13th). For a week I have been 
 lounging at the house of General Jackson, once a lawyer, 
 after a judge, now a planter ; a man of intelligence, and one 
 of those prompt, frank, ardent souls whom I love to meet. 
 The General has no children, but two lovely nieces* made a 
 visit of some days, contributed greatly to my amusement, 
 and have cured me of all the evils of my wilderness jaunt. 
 If I had time I would describe to you these two girls, for 
 they deserve it. To-morrow I move on towards Lexington." 
 
 There is no doubt as to the topic upon which Colonel 
 
 * Nieces of Mrs. Jackson. 
 
312 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806. 
 
 Burr and General Jackson chiefly conversed on this occasion. 
 There was but one topic then in the western country, — the 
 threatened war with Spain. 
 
 Antipathy to Spaniards had been for twenty years a 
 ruling passion with that portion of the western people whose 
 prosperity depended upon their possessing free access to the 
 mouth of the Mississippi. The Spanish authorities on the 
 great river comported themselves so as to keep alive this ill 
 feeling. They were arrogant, mean and dishonest. Even the 
 placid and philosophic Baily, whose adventures in Tennessee 
 we have followed in a previous chapter, lost his temper in 
 dealing with them. Having been treated with singular and 
 most obvious injustice by a Spanish magistrate, Baily, (who 
 passed for an American,) asked him to point out the law by 
 which he was guided to a decision so extraordinary. " Never/' 
 says Mr. Baily, " shall I forget the looks of the man at this 
 (what he called impertinent) question ; for, wondering at my 
 assurance, and threatening me with the horrors of the Calli- 
 bouse if I any longer disputed his authority, he laid his hand 
 upon his breast and told me that he was the law ; and thai 
 as lie said the case was to be determined. I could not helj 
 laughing at the insulting effrontery of the man when he made 
 this speech, at which he seemed more than ever enraged ; 
 and, I believe, had it not been for the neighboring situation 
 of the American commissioner and commander, together with 
 the general revolting spirit of the district, that I should have 
 been hurried off to immediate imprisonment, if not to the 
 mines" 
 
 This was in 1797. A long course of irritating behavior 
 had, at length, brought Spain and the United States to the 
 verge of war. The whole country expected it. The West 
 longed for it. And, perhaps, no man then residing in the 
 valley of the Mississippi looked forward to it with such inten- 
 sity of desire as Andrew Jackson. No news would have been 
 more welcome at the Hermitage than that General Wilkin- 
 son had marched into Texas and begun the war. Meanwhile, 
 between Burr and Jackson, as between every other two men 
 
1806.] JACKSON ENTERTAINS BURR. 313 
 
 that found themselves together, the question was still re- 
 newed : Shall we have war with Spain ? 
 
 Colonel Burr returned to the East. Months passed, dur- 
 ing which Jackson and Burr occasionally corresponded. The 
 following is one of Burr's letters to his friend Jackson, writ- 
 ten during this interval. It is a letter adapted with wonder- 
 ful skill to move and rouse a man like Jackson, who was an 
 ardent, and therefore a jealous lover of his country : — 
 
 AARON BURR TO ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 "Washington City, March 24, 1806. 
 
 "Dear Sir: — Your letter of the 1st January arrived here whilst I was 
 in South Carolina, and was not received till about two months after its 
 date. 
 
 " You have doubtless before this time been convinced that we are to 
 have no war if it can be avoided with honor, or even without. The object 
 of the administration appears to be to treat for the purchase of the Floridas ; 
 and the secret business which so long occupied Congress is believed to be an 
 appropriation of two millions of dollars for that purpose. This secret is a 
 secret to those only who are best entitled to know it — our own citizens. 
 
 " But notwithstanding the pacific temper of our government, there is 
 great reason to expect hostility, arising out of the expedition under General 
 Miranda. This expedition was fitted Out at New York, and the object is 
 pretty well known to be an attempt to revolutionize the Caraccas, which is 
 the native country of Miranda. Though our government disavows all knowl- 
 edge of this proceeding, which, however, is not justified to the entire satis- 
 faction of the public, yet foreign courts will hold it responsible for the con- 
 duct of an armament composed of American citizens, and openly fitted out 
 in an American port ; and it would not surprise me if on a knowledge of 
 these facts at Paris- and Madrid our vessels in the ports of those kingdoms 
 should be seized and measures taken for the reduction of Orleans. 
 
 " If these apprehensions should be justified by events, a military force 
 on our part would be requisite, and that force might come from your side 
 of the mountains. It is presumed that "West Tennessee could not spare 
 more than two regiments. 
 
 "I am glad to learn that you have had your division reviewed; but 
 you ought not to confine your attention to those men or officers who ac- 
 cidentally bear commissions. Your country is full of fine materials for an 
 army, and I have often said a brigade could be raised in West Tennessee 
 which would drive double their number of Frenchmen off the earth. I take 
 the liberty of recommending to you to make out a list of officers from colonel 
 
314 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806 
 
 down to ensign for one or two regiments, composed of fellows fit for busi- 
 ness, and with whom you would trust your life and your honor. If you 
 will transmit to me that list, I will, in case troops should be called for, rec- 
 ommend it to the Department of War, and I have reason to believe that 
 on such an occasion my advice would be listened to. 
 
 " But Mr Randolph's denunciation of the President and the Secretary 
 of State engage at present more of public attention than all our collisions 
 with foreign powers, or than all the great events on the theater of Europe. 
 I did not hear Mr. Randolph, but am told that he charged the President 
 with duplicity and imbecility ; that he (the President) used bold language 
 in his message to the two Houses to amuse the public, and secretly exer- 
 cised his influence to prevent any vigorous measure, alluding to the busi- 
 ness transacted with closed doors for the purchase of the Floridas. I will 
 send you Mr. Randolph's speeches as soon as published, but presume that 
 the acrimony which was manifested on the floor will not appear without 
 some qualification in print. 
 
 " You will herewith receive two documents respecting Barbary affairs. 
 It deserves to be remarked that though these facts were all known to the 
 administration before the meeting of Congress, yet Colonel Lear still holds 
 office and enjoys the confidence and support of the Executive. Neverthe- 
 less, it is thought that the treaty with Tripoli will not be ratified by the 
 Senate. 
 
 " All these things, my dear sir, begin to make reflecting men to think, 
 many good patriots to doubt, and some to despond. I am, dear sir, grate- 
 fully and affectionately, your friend and servant, 
 
 « A. Burr."* 
 
 Upon the receipt of this letter, General Jackson hastened 
 to comply with the request it contained with regard to pre- 
 paring lists of officers for two imaginary regiments. For this 
 purpose, he consulted with General James Robertson and 
 several other friends at Nashville. The lists were soon dis- 
 patched. 
 
 A few days after, a considerable packet from Colonel Burr 
 reached General Jackson through the mail, accompanied by a 
 brief note addressed to the " Hon'ble Andrew Jackson, Esq'r." 
 Burr had the franking privilege, but these letters to Jackson, 
 I observe, are not franked, but charged the usual " twenty- 
 five" cents on the outside; perhaps, because the franking 
 
 * From MSS. of Major William B. Lewis. 
 
1806.] JACKSON ENTERTAINS BURR. 315 
 
 privilege was not granted to the retiring Vice President by 
 the unanimous vote of the body over which he had presided. 
 f Agreeably to my promise/' wrote Burr, in the note accom- 
 panying the packet, " you will find herewith inclosed a copy 
 of Mr. Kandolph's speech. It is accompanied by one of Mr. 
 Swan, a Quaker farmer from New Jersey. Since these speeches 
 have been published the injunction of secrecy has been taken 
 off, and a copy of the journal of the proceedings with closed 
 doors is also inclosed. Though you may not be immediately 
 able to answer, yet I beg you will not delay to acknowledge 
 the receipt of my letter of last month. I am about to visit 
 Philadelphia, but you may continue to address me at this 
 place (Washington). My letters will be carefully forwarded." 
 
 This note, dated " Ap. 5th, '06," reached General Jack- 
 son when he was in the midst of his affair with Swann. 
 That bloody and infernal duel was subsequently fought. 
 Jackson, suffering much from his wound, suffering more from 
 excitement and the coolness of friends, was an unhappy man 
 during the summer of 1806, and, perhaps, in his secret soul, 
 a repentant one. He, probably, thought little of Burr, or 
 the Spanish difficulties, as he lay on his settee at the Her- 
 mitage, waiting for the healing of his wound. With Septem- 
 ber, however, came cooler days, restored health, reviving 
 spirits, and — Aaron Burr. Burr had brought to the western 
 country, and left on Blennerhassett Island, his daughter, 
 Theodosia ; intending never again to return to the eastern 
 States. He was in the full tide of preparation for descending 
 to the lower country. 
 
 The morning after his arrival at the Hermitage, General 
 Jackson, on hospitable thoughts intent, wrote to a friend in 
 Nashville the following note : — " Colonel Burr is with me ; 
 he arrived last night. I would be happy if you would call 
 and see the Colonel before you return. Say to General 0. 
 that I shall expect to see him here on to-morrow with you. 
 Would it not be well for us to do something as a mark of 
 attention to the Colonel ? He has always and is still a true 
 and trusty friend to Tennessee. If General Bobertston is 
 
316 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806 
 
 with you when you receive this, be good enough to say tc 
 him, that Colonel Burr is in the country. I know that Gen- 
 eral E. will be happy in joining in anything that will tend to 
 show a mark of respect to this worthy visitant." 
 
 The note produced all the effects desired. General Kob- 
 ertson, General Overton, Major W. P. Anderson, and many 
 others of the leading men at Nashville, rode out to the Her- 
 mitage to pay their respects to Colonel Burr, and to invite 
 him to their houses. a He dined with me," says General 
 Eobertson, in one of his letters, " and I was several times in 
 his company. He told me he expected to make settlements 
 with his son-in-law on the western waters. I endeavored to 
 find how the Executive of our government was held with, but 
 he was so guarded, I gained but little satisfaction." To 
 private attentions was added the honor of an invitation to a 
 public ball. Already, however, some rumors were afloat, 
 attributing to Burr unlawful designs ; and there were not 
 wanting those who questioned the propriety of this invitation. 
 But the popularity of Burr and the influence of General 
 Jackson prevailed, and the invitation was given. There are 
 still a few persons living at Nashville who remember this 
 famous ball ; remember the hush and thrill attending the 
 entrance of Colonel Burr, accompanied by General Jackson in 
 the uniform of a Major General ; and how the company lined 
 the sides of the room, and looked intently on while the two 
 courtliest men in the world made the circuit of the apart- 
 ment, General Jackson introducing his guest with singular 
 grace and emphasis. It was a question with the ladies which 
 of the two was the finer gentleman. 
 
 After a stay of a few days, Colonel Burr left Tennessee 
 to take up the threads of his enterprise in Kentucky and 
 Ohio. 
 
 October passed by. On the 3d of November, General 
 Jackson, in his character of business man, received from Burr 
 gome important orders ; one for the building, on Stone's river 
 at Clover Bottom, of five large boats, such as were then used 
 for descending the western rivers, and another for the gradual 
 
1806.] EXPLOSION OF burr's project. 317 
 
 purchase of a large quantity of provisions for transportation 
 in those boats. A sum of money, in Kentucky bank notes, 
 amounting to three thousand five hundred dollars, accom- 
 panied the orders. General Jackson, nothing doubting, and 
 never reluctant to do business, took Burr's letter of directions 
 and the money to his partner, John Coffee, and requested 
 him to contract at once for the boats, and prepare for the 
 purchase of the provisions. Coffee proceeded forthwith to 
 transact the business. I notice, also, that Patten Anderson, 
 one of Jackson's special intimates, was all activity in raising 
 a company of young men to accompany Burr down the river. 
 I observe, too, that Anderson's expenses were paid out of the 
 money sent by Burr to Jackson ; at least in the account ren- 
 dered to Burr by Jackson and Coffee at the final settlement, 
 there is an item of seven hundred dollars cash paid to Ander- 
 on. Anderson succeeded in getting seventy-five young men 
 to enlist in his company. 
 
 What with the mustering of recruits, the building of 
 )oats and the accumulation of provisions, Clover Bottom — so 
 ilent and deserted now, its old wooden bridge across the deep 
 avine of a river seldom thundering under a vehicle, Jackson's 
 )ld store standing lone and desolate in a field — must have 
 >resented a lively scene in the autumn of 1806. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 EXPLOSION OF BURR'S PROJECT. 
 
 It was not until the 10th of November, a week after the 
 eceipt of Burr's orders and money, that General Jackson, 
 .ccording to his own account, began to think there might be 
 ome truth in the reports which attributed to Burr unlawful 
 esigns ; reports which he had previously regarded only a» 
 vol. i. — 21 
 
318 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1806 
 
 new evidences of the malice of Burr's political enemies and 
 his own. 
 
 To Jackson, as to all others in Nashville, Burr had repre- 
 sented that his first object was the settlement of a great tract 
 of land on the Washita river ; but that, if war broke out 
 between Spain and the United States, it was his intention to 
 head an expedition into Texas and Mexico. For his own 
 part, he said, he had little doubt that war was impending ; it 
 might be expected at any moment ; it might already have 
 began. The administration, he would insinuate, knew per- 
 fectly well where he was, what he was doing and what he 
 intended, though, for reasons of policy, they would not yet 
 suffer their hand to appear. He said nothing about the 
 means he had employed to precipitate the war ; nothing of 
 Samuel Swartwout's secret mission to General Wilkinson's 
 camp ; nothing of the letters in cipher designed to act 
 upon Wilkinson's cupidity and fears ; nothing, in fact, of 
 any part of his plans that could excite distrust in the minds 
 of these honest and patriotic pioneers. 
 
 But about the 10th of November, while General Jackson 
 and his partners were full of Burr's business, a friend of 
 Jackson's visited the Hermitage, who succeeded in convincing 
 him that some gigantic scheme of iniquity was on foot in the 
 United States ; a conspiracy for the dismemberment of the 
 Union ; and that it was possible, nay, almost probable, that 
 Colonel Burr's extensive preparations of boats, provisions and 
 men had some connection with this nefarious plan. General 
 Jackson's own narrative of his conversations with this anony- 
 mous friend shall be laid before the reader in a momentl 
 Suffice it here to say that his suspicions were aroused by them 
 early in the month of November. 
 
 He took the proper measures without loss of time. H« 
 told Coffee that the boats contracted for and begun must b« 
 finished, and the provisions bought must be paid for ; bui 
 that no new transaction must be entered into by their firm 
 for Aaron Burr until these suspicions were completely re 
 moved. He wrote to Burr, acquainting him with what hi 
 
1806.] EXPLOSION OF burr's project. 319 
 
 had heard, and demanding to know the truth. Having been 
 informed by his friend that New Orleans was the preliminary 
 object of the conspirators, he wrote a warning letter to Wil- 
 liam C. C. Claiborne, the Governor of the Orleans Territory, 
 couched in language most mysterious. The letter to Gov- 
 ernor Claiborne, dated November 12th, was as follows : — 
 
 " Sir : — Although it is a long time since I wrote you, still that friend- 
 ship that once existed remains bright on my part ; and although since I 
 have had the pleasure of seeing you I have waded through difficult and 
 disagreeable scenes, still I have had that fondness for my old and former 
 friends that I ever had ; and their memory has been more endeared to me 
 by the treachery I have experienced, since I saw you, by some newly- 
 acquired ones. Indeed I fear treachery has become the order of the day. 
 This induces me to write to you. Put your town in a state of defense. 
 Organize your militia, and defend your city as well against internal ene- 
 mies as external My knowledge does not extend so far as to authorize 
 me to go into detail ; but I fear you will meet with an attach from quarters 
 you do not at present expect. Be upon the alert ; keep a watchful eye upon 
 our General (Wilkinson) and beware of an attack as well from our own 
 country as Spain. I fear there is something rotten in the state of Denmark. 
 You have enemies within your own city that may try to subvert your 
 government and try to separate it from the Union. You know I never 
 hazard ideas without good grounds, and you will keep these hints to your- 
 self. But I say again, be on the alert ; your government I fear is in danger. 
 I fear there are plans on foot inimical to the Union. 
 
 "Whether they will be attempted to be carried into effect or not, I 
 can not say ; but rest assured they are in operation, or I calculate boldly. 
 Beware of the month of December. I love my country and government. 
 I hate the Dons ; I would delight to see Mexico reduced ; but I will die in 
 the last ditch before I would yield a foot to the Dons, or see the Union dis- 
 united. This I write for your own eyes, and for your own safety ; profit 
 by it, and the ides of March remember." 
 
 Besides this truly awful epistle, he wrote a letter to 
 President Jefferson, offering the services of his division of 
 militia : — 
 
 u To the President of the United States: — 
 
 " Sir, — In the event of insult or aggression made on our government 
 and country from any quarter, I am well convinced that the public senti- 
 
320 LIFE OF ANDKEW JACKSON, [1806 
 
 ment and feeling of the citizens within this State, and particularly within 
 my division, are of such a nature and such a kind that I take the liberty oi 
 tendering their services, that is, under my command ; and at one moment's 
 warning, after your signification that this tender is acceptable, my orders 
 shall be given conformably. 
 
 " I beg leave to offer to your view the enclosed orders some short time 
 ago issued by me, since which time I have not been furnished with com- 
 plete returns of the volunteer companies ; but from the information I pos- 
 sess, I have no doubt that three regiments of volunteers (to be commanded 
 by their own officers, and such as may be recommended by their General) 
 can be brought into the field, ready to march, in twenty days from the 
 receipt of orders. 
 
 " Accept assurances of my high consideration and respect, etc." 
 
 To other friends and officials he communicated his sus- 
 picions without reserve ; particularly to General Overton and 
 General Kobertson. 
 
 A month went by ; during which occurred Burr's arrest 
 in Kentucky, his defense by Henry Clay, and his triumphant 
 acquittal. December 14th Burr was once more in Nashville, 
 intending there to load his boats, and drop down the Cum- 
 berland to its mouth, where he was to meet his flotilla from 
 Blennerhassett island. Thence they were all to float down 
 together to Natchez—to Wilkinson — to Texas — to the halls 
 of the Montezumas — to the throne of Spanish America — to 
 an empire bounded, if bounded at all, by the limits of the 
 valley of the Mississippi ; New Orleans its capital, Aaron 
 the First its emperor, the brilliant Theodosia and her boy to 
 succeed him ! 
 
 Colonel Burr called at the Hermitage ; its master was 
 absent. He found Mrs. Jackson cool and constrained. Re- 
 turning to Clover Bottom he mentioned this unwonted cool- 
 ness to Coffee, and asked him the reason of it. Coffee ex- 
 plained. "At Clover Bottom," says Coffee, in a formal 
 statement of these affairs, " there was a tavern ; and to this 
 place Colonel Burr came and remained about a week, until 
 he had got every thing in readiness for his departure down 
 the river. On his first arrival General Jackson was absent 
 from home ; having returned within a few days afterwards,, 
 
1806.] EXPLOSION OF burr's project. 321 
 
 the General came, in company with General Overton, to the 
 Clover Bottom, where Colonel Burr resided. An interview 
 took place between them and Colonel Burr, at which they 
 informed him of the suspicions and distrust that were enter- 
 tained against him. Burr repelled them, and expressed deep 
 regret that there should be any such ; and remarked, that he 
 could and would be able to satisfy every dispassionate mind, 
 that his views and objects were friendly to the government, 
 and such as he had represented them to be. In a few days 
 after, he left the country. A son of Colonel Hays, about 
 seventeen years of age, as has been represented, nephew to 
 Mrs. Jackson, went along. His father had become reduced 
 in his circumstances ; had been personally known to Colonel 
 Burr, during the Eevolution ; and his son was a young man 
 of promise. It had been proposed to the old gentleman, that 
 le should take him, and aid him in his education, which was 
 jonsented to by his father. General Jackson gave him letters 
 bo Governor Claiborne, and instructed young Mr. Hays, as I 
 understood at the time, that should he discover Colonel 
 Burr's views to be at all inimical to the United States, or 
 idverse to the designs of government, to leave him, and place 
 limself under the protection and care of Governor Claiborne." 
 This nephew of Mrs. Jackson, Stokely D. Hays by name, 
 3ublished an explanation of his connection with Burr. " In 
 ;he winter of 1806-7," he says, "the Colonel came to Nash- 
 ville, and sent for me when at school near there, and on meet- 
 ng him, he claimed the promise which had been made to him 
 )n his first visit — but stated he was going by the way of the 
 Mississippi, and that I must accompany him, and that he 
 lad seen my father and obtained his consent ; that he re- 
 ceived me as a son, and I must consider him in the character 
 )f a father. I observed to him, that I must see and consult 
 ny friends, before I gave my final consent. On advising 
 with, them, some doubt of Mr. Burr's object was suggested. 
 mt he having pledged his word of honor that he had nothing 
 n view hostile to the best interests of the United States, I 
 letermined to go with him. Mr. C. C. Claiborne was at that 
 
322 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1807, 
 
 time Governor of Louisiana, and an old friend of my father's, 
 and had requested him to permit me to go to New Orleans as 
 his private secretary. To him General Jackson wrote a let- 
 ter, and gave me to deliver, urging it on me, in the most 
 earnest manner, to leave Burr, if at any time I should dis- 
 cover he had any views or intentions inimical to the interests 
 or integrity of the government." 
 
 On the 22d of December, in two unarmed boats, Burr 
 and his few followers left Clover Bottom. Coffee explains in 
 an affidavit the nature of the final settlement between the 
 adventurer and the firm of which himself was a member : — 
 " The report of his acting in opposition to the wishes of the 
 government, prevented his procuring supplies of provisions ; 
 and he had not use for all the boats that had been made for 
 him. Two, I believe, was the number he made use of for 
 himself and those with him. The balance of the boats — the 
 number I do not recollect — were left by Mr. Burr ; and after- 
 ward, by virtue of his order in favor of Patten Anderson, the 
 boats, or the proceeds thereof, were paid over to Mr. Ander- 
 son. When Mr. Burr was at Clover Bottom, General Jack- 
 son and myself made a settlement with him, the said Burr ; 
 and, after charging him with the boats and other articles fur- 
 nished him for his voyage down the river, I returned him all 
 the balance of his money ($1725 62) in the very same notes 
 first sent by him, and the accounts were then completely 
 closed and paid on both sides, as I understood."* 
 
 Burr had not been gone many hours before the President's 
 proclamation denouncing him reached Nashville, and threw 
 that peaceful town, and all the country round about, into a 
 delirium of excitement. Burr was immediately burnt in 
 effigy in the public square. There was contention which 
 man should surpass all others in the fury of his patriotic 
 zeal. All this can be imagined. We have only to do with 
 the performances of General Jackson on this great occasion. 
 
 On the 1st of January, he received special communica- 
 
 * Affidavit of Colonel John Coffee, in action of Blennerkassett vs: Andrew 
 Jackson, Natchez, 1815. 
 
1807.] EXPLOSION OF BURR'S PROJECT. 323 
 
 tions from the President and Secretary of War, ordering him 
 to hold his command in readiness to march, and to use all 
 means in his power to frustrate the designs of the traitors. 
 To issue the requisite orders to his division, and to dispatch 
 a messenger to alarm the lower country, was the work of a 
 very few hours. Let the following correspondence and papers 
 attest his zeal and activity. 
 
 By a special messenger, John Murrell, he sent, among 
 other letters, a note of warning to Captain Bissell, of the 
 United States army, commandant of Fort Massac, on the 
 Ohio, past which the mighty flotilla was expected to go. 
 " Sundry reports," he wrote to Bissell, " which has reached 
 me, state that there are a number of armed men, with boats 
 loadad with arms and ammunition, assembled en the Ohio, 
 at, or near the mouth of Cumberland, with intentions hostile 
 to the peace and interest of the United States. I have no 
 doubt but you have received the President's proclamation, 
 and orders from the Secretary of War, to intercept and bring 
 to justice all men engaged in any enterprise contrary to the 
 laws or orders of our government. If these you have not re- 
 ceived, should it come to your knowledge that there is an 
 assemblage of men and boats, who have illegal enterprises in 
 view, it is expected that you will exert your force to take and 
 bring to justice all such. You will be also good enough to 
 give me information of and concerning such assemblage of 
 armed men and boats loaded with warlike stores, their num- 
 ber, and point of rendezvous ; and dispatch the bearer back 
 without delay, with such information as you may have in 
 your power to communicate." 
 
 The messenger returned in a few days with the informa- 
 tion that no warlike flotilla could be found or heard of in the 
 lower country. Captain BisselPs reply to Jackson's note 
 reads like satire. " This day, January 5th, per express," he 
 wrote, " I had the honor to receive your very interesting let- 
 ter of the 2d inst., and shall pay due respect to its contents ; 
 as yet, I have not received the President's proclamation al- 
 luded to, nor have I received any orders from the Department 
 
324 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1807 
 
 of War relative to the subject-matter of your letter. There 
 has not, to my knowledge, been any assembling of men or 
 boats at this, or any other place, unauthorized by law or 
 presidency, but should any thing of the kind make its appear- 
 ance which carries with it the least mark of suspicion as hav- 
 ing illegal enterprises or projects in view hostile to the peace 
 and good order of government, I shall, with as much ardor 
 and energy as the case will admit, endeavor to bring to justice 
 all such offenders. For more than two weeks past I have 
 made it a point to make myself acquainted with the loading 
 and situation of all boats descending the river ; as yet, there 
 has nothing the least alarming appeared. On, or about the 
 31st ult., Colonel Burr, late Vice President of the United 
 States, passed this with about ten boats, of different descrip- 
 tions, navigated with about six men each, having nothing on 
 board that would even suffer a conjecture more than a man 
 bound to a market ; he has descended the rivers toward Or- 
 leans. Should any thing to my knowledge transpire interest 
 ing to government I will give the most early notice in my 
 power." 
 
 Meanwhile the panic in Nashville was unabated. The 
 revolutionary veterans, all over fifty years of age, headed by 
 General James Kobertson, tendered their services to General 
 Jackson in a formal address. " This is an important crisis," 
 said these old men, " when the limits of legal active exertion 
 ought not to be sought with a microscopic eye. So far as our 
 bodily powers will admit, we cheerfully submit to the rigors 
 of military institutions. Our country will require nothing 
 unnecessarily of us. The thread of age will not be broken, 
 but it will be used to the extent of its strength. Under 
 these impressions we agree to embody ourselves, and, aged 
 and infirm as we may be, offer our services and fortunes to 
 our country in support of its laws and constituted authori- 
 ties." 
 
 To this address, which seems to have made a profound 
 impression, General Jackson sent a reply which was highly 
 Jacksonian : — 
 
1807.] EXPLOSION OF burr's project. 325 
 
 " General James Robertson and the Corps of Invincibles you have 
 the Honor to command : — The tender of your services at this serious crisis, 
 when our government has warned us to be watchful, is honorable, not only 
 to yourselves, but the country in which we live. It is interesting and 
 grateful at the present moment. The Executive of the Union, in whom we 
 all have confidence, will not only receive it with pleasure, as a mark of 
 attachment to the government and laws ; but the faithful historian of pass- 
 ing times can not avoid noticing it as an instance of patriotism to be found 
 only in republics ; for their support they rest on the opinion and affections 
 of the people, and, above all governments, union of sentiments and action 
 is necessary. 
 
 " Though all citizens must be sensible of the inestimable blessings we 
 enjoy, yet your generous expression of them has filled me with emotions of 
 ardor as extraordinary as the occasion which gave birth to them. May all 
 men cherish such sentiments, is my sincere wish. Age, in* a government 
 of laws and freedom, is entitled to a claim of patriotism, but it is usually 
 entitled to the highest respect from youth. The frost of age and experi- 
 ence is as necessary in the moral as in the physical world. The dissipated 
 attention of men is collected, and the natural relaxation of youth invigo- 
 rated. Hence our union of sentiments in the position that all men ought to 
 contribute their mite, in some mode, to the public good. But when age, 
 in its wisdom, bounds beyond its ordinary limits of counsel and admonition 
 into the hardy field of exertion, my God ! how can I express my sensa- 
 tions! 
 
 "Age, from the immutable principles of the law of nature, is entitled to 
 an exemption from continued bodily exertion; but should the danger 
 which threatens our country require your service in the field, it is hoped 
 that the occasion may be temporary, and that you only will be wanting in 
 the field of battle, where your years and meritorious services will be duly 
 considered. There your commander well knows that your former services, 
 presence and bravery will be equal to a regiment of men. 
 
 " Accept the thanks of the government, and of your General to whom 
 you have so generously offered your services, with the sentiments of my 
 grateful respect." 
 
 The militia were furbishing their arms and hastening to 
 the rendezvous. The first troops in readiness to march were 
 the two Nashville companies, who were reviewed by the Major 
 General amid the enthusiasm of the town. " On Saturday 
 last," says the Impartial Review of January 17th, " two com- 
 panies of the militia of this county were reviewed by Major 
 General A. Jackson, at this place. We can not but express 
 
326 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1807, 
 
 our satisfaction at the promptness with which this rendezvous 
 was attended, and the patriotism displayed by the major 
 general ; likewise the brigadier generals, among whom were 
 Brigadier General Isaac Roberts, who, on his return from 
 Duck river, received his orders and immediately hastened to 
 obey them. The unity of sentiment which pervaded every 
 breast on this occasion, and the general flame of indignation 
 which burst forth on all sides at the recollection of the trait- 
 orous conduct of the individuals whose expedition gave rise 
 to the orders that called them together, is a pleasing memento 
 to our fellow-citizens generally, that neither the intrigue of 
 restless ambition, nor the efforts of disorganizing demagogues, 
 can withdraw our affections from that Union on which our 
 prosperity and happiness depend." 
 
 A few days sufficed to allay the panic. The return of the 
 General's express from the Ohio, with the news that no hoe- 
 tile expedition had there been heard of, was a damper to the 
 military ardor of the militia. Upon the assembling of the 
 division, therefore, General Jackson delivered an address to 
 them, praising their patriotic promptitude, and dismissed 
 them to their homes again. This address, which was so much 
 admired, that the officers with one voice demanded its pub- 
 Hcation, was as follows : — 
 
 "Friends and Fellow-Soldiers: — The President's proclamation, as 
 well as the Secretary of War's letter to me, dated on the 19th of last month, 
 has given rise to the preparatory steps taken to have the militia under my 
 command in complete readiness. Those communications sound the tocsin 
 of alarm. They are sufficient evidence to us that the repose of our country 
 is about to be interrupted ; that an illegal enterprise has been set on foot 
 by disappointed, unprincipled, ambitious or misguided individuals ; and that 
 they are about to be carried on against the government of Spain, contrary 
 to the faith of treaties. Other reports state that the adventurers in this 
 enterprise were numerous ; that they had assembled at the mouth of Cum- 
 berland river, in considerable force and hostile array ; that they had for 
 their object a separation of the western from the eastern part of the United 
 States ; and that an attack would, in the first place, be made on New 
 Orleans. 
 
 " These things, my fellow-soldiers, gave rise to my orders of the 2d 
 
1807. J EXPLOSION OF bubr's project. 327 
 
 instant, to the end that twelve companies of volunteer corps might be pre- 
 pared to march on the 5th. I did at the same time order Brigadier Gen- 
 eral James Winchester to take the commend. As a previous and necessary 
 measure to any order to march, I dispatched a confidential express to the 
 mouth of Cumberland river and to Massac, with a letter to Captain Bissell, 
 the commanding officer at that place. This express returned on the 8th 
 instant, from whose report, together with the information given by Cap- 
 tain Bissell, we are furnished with the very pleasing news that nothing in 
 that quarter is the least alarming. The alluded to address from the com- 
 manding officer has been read to you on parade. Under all these circum- 
 stances, added to the limited point of view which the orders given me 
 must be interpreted, I have deemed proper to dismiss the corps under my 
 command, and direct them to return to their respective homes until their 
 country shall require their services, and until further orders shall be given. 
 The appearances of unanimity, the ardor displayed on this occasion, and the 
 promptness with which both the officers and men have attended to their 
 duty and orders, are sure pledges to their country and to their General, 
 that when emergercy shall require, they will fly with the winge of Patriotr 
 ism to support the united government of their country, and the liberty it 
 so bountifully affords. He also clearly sees the great physical strength of 
 our country displayed much to his satisfaction, in the promptness and 
 alacrity with which General Winchester, General Johnston and the officers 
 and men now in view, have shown in their attention to his orders. Here 
 is the bulwark of our country always sufficient to support and defend the 
 constituted authorities of our government. When the insolence or vanity 
 of the Spanish government shall dare to repeat their insults on our flag, or 
 shall dare to violate the sacred obligations of the good faith of our treaties 
 with them ; or should the disorganizing Traitor attempt the dismember- 
 ment of our country or criminal breach of our laws, let me ask what will 
 be the effects of the example given by a tender of service made by such 
 men as compose the Invincible Grays, commanded, too, by the father of our 
 infant State, General James Robertson? 
 
 " It must and will produce effects like these : The youthful patriot will 
 be invigorated to a proper sense of duty and zeal, and the vengeance of an 
 insulted country will burst upon the devoted heads of any foreign invaders, 
 or the authors of such diabolical plans. When we behold aged, deserving 
 and respectable men, whom the laws of their country exempt from com- 
 mon military duty, the very first to come forward in the event of danger, 
 and whose situation is every how comfortable at home, thus to act, what 
 must be the degree of feeling and sensibility excited ? It is beyond com- 
 prehension, but merits the highest encomium. 
 
 " Friends and fellow-soldiers, I can not dismiss you without making hon- 
 orable mention of the patriotism of Captain Thomas Williamson, displayed 
 
328 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1807. 
 
 on the present occasion, who, in twenty-four hours after the receipt of my 
 letter, notified me he was ready to march at the head of a full company of 
 volunteers. Such promptness as this will be a fit example for the hardy 
 eons of freedom, should the constituted authorities require our service. 
 
 " Keturn, fellow-soldiers, to the bosom of your families, with the best 
 wishes of your General, until your country calls, and then it is expected 
 you will march on a moment's warning."* 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON IS SUSPECTED. 
 
 These public writings of the General during the Burr 
 panic are somewhat different in tone from his private letters 
 }f the same period. He was in a fog. He knew not what to 
 make of this unexpected explosion, for which no cause could 
 be discovered. Moreover, the letter of the Secretary of War, 
 General Henry Dearborn, to himself, was couched in language 
 at once "dubious" and offensive. A note which Jackson wrote, 
 the day after the receipt of the Secretary's order, to his friend 
 Major Patten Anderson, reveals his feelings at the time, and 
 is, besides, an extremely curious epistle. This was the be- 
 ginning of his difference with the administration of Mr. Jef- 
 ferson, which had effects upon the history of the country. To 
 Patten Anderson, January 4th, he wrote : — 
 
 "I received your note: its contents duly observed. The receipts as 
 directed I have retained. The negro girl named, if likely, at a fair price, 
 I will receive. 
 
 " I have received some communications from the President and Secre- 
 tary of War ; and your presence is required at my house to-morrow even- 
 ing, or early Monday morning, to consult on means and measures, and to 
 determine the latitude of the authority. It is the merest old- woman letter 
 from the Secretary that you ever saw. Your presence on Sunday evening 
 
 * From the Impartial Review of January 10th and 17th, 1807 
 
1807.] GENERAL JACKSON IS SUSPECTED. 329 
 
 will be expected, and your presence on Monday morning at nine o'clock 
 can not be dispensed with ; you must attend. I have sent an express to 
 the mouth of the Cumberland and to Massac to see and hear and make ob- 
 servations. I have wrote to Captain Bissle ; but from information received 
 at the moment the messenger was starting gives me reason to believe that 
 Bissle is the host of Aaron Burr. Wilkinson has denounced Burr as a 
 traitor, after he found that he was implicated. This is deep policy. He 
 has obtained thereby the command of New Orleans, the gun boats armed ; 
 and his plan can now be executed without resistance. But we must be 
 there in due time, before fortifications can be erected, and restore to our 
 government New Orleans and the western commerce. You must attend. 
 Give to those officers that you see assurances that all volunteer companies 
 will be gratefully accepted of. We must have thirty, thirty-five or forty 
 companies into the field in fifteen or twenty days ; ten or twelve in four. 
 I have it from the President, I have it from Dixon, that all volunteers will 
 be gratefully accepted. To-morrow night Winchester will be with me ; I 
 wish you there. The Secretary of War is not fit for a granny. I fear John 
 Eandolph's ideas were too correct ; but dubious as he has wrote, there are 
 sufficient authority to act Act I will, and by the next mail I will give 
 him a letter that will instruct him in his duty, and convince him that I 
 know mine. If convenient, bring the girl with you; and health and 
 respect. 
 
 " A. Jackson. 
 
 " Compliments to Mrs. Anderson. I must tell you that Bonaparte has 
 destroyed the Prussian army. We ought to have a little of the emperor's 
 energy."* 
 
 At Washington, meanwhile, General Jackson was sus- 
 pected of being in league with the alleged traitors. Among 
 other letters received by the government during the panic, 
 was one from a Captain Kead, of Pittsburg, who declared 
 " upon his honor," that he was " firmly persuaded" that 
 large bodies of troops from Tennessee, with General Andrew 
 Jackson at their head, were in full march to join the traitors ! 
 
 * The Impartial Review, at this period, frequently devoted half its available 
 space to the doings of Napoleon. The number which appeared next after the 
 date of this letter had a whole page respecting the Jena campaign. " The bat- 
 tle of Jena," said the Review, " has erased the shame acquired by the battle of 
 Rosbach, and thus in seven days determined a campaign which has quenched 
 the dreadful thirst for war that tormented the court of Prussia." This shows sym« 
 pathy with Napoleon. 
 
330 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1807, 
 
 The Richmond Inquirer, too, of December 30th, 1806, con- 
 tained a hint of similar import. " We are happy," said the 
 editor of that influential journal, " to hear that General 
 Wilkinson had been tampered with unsuccessfully ; we must 
 acknowledge that we have entertained involuntary suspicions 
 of him as well as of a militia general in Tennessee, who some 
 time past issued a thundering proclamation, rousing the re- 
 sentment of the people against the Spaniards." 
 
 It was fortunately in the power of General Jackson's 
 friend, George W. Campbell, member of the House of Rep- 
 resentatives from Nashville, to refute these calumnies. Jack- 
 son was accustomed, for many years, to write long confiden- 
 tial letters to that gentleman, several of which I have had 
 the advantage of copying. Among others, one written in the 
 midst of the Burr excitement, containing comments upon 
 that affair, written in the freedom of friendship. This letter 
 Mr. Campbell laid before President Jefferson, who copied the 
 parts of it relating to Burr ; which were afterwards pub- 
 lished. The perusal of this letter it probably was that in- 
 duced Mr. Jefferson to declare so emphatically, that Tennes- 
 see was "faithful," and "particularly General Jackson." 
 The original letter, yellow with age, torn with its various 
 adventures and journeys, and bearing upon it the formal cer- 
 tificate of the facts just stated, is still preserved, and was 
 copied from the original for insertion here. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON TO GEORGE W. CAMPBELL. 
 
 " (Confidential.) — The late denunciation of Aaron Burr as a traitor has 
 excited great surprise and general indignation against Burr. Still from the 
 opinion possessed of the accuser (Wilkinson) many there are who wait for 
 the proof before they will pronounce him guilty of the charge. One thing 
 is generally believed, that if Burr is guilty Wilkinson has participated in 
 the treason. 
 
 " The public mind has been much agitated from various reports of Burr 
 having been met at the mouth of Cumberland river with one hundred boats 
 and one thousand armed men ; and it was stated as a fact, that the captain 
 at Massac and all the men were going with him. Subsequent reports stated 
 thev had gone An express which I had started on receipt of the Secre- 
 
1807.] GENERAL JACKSON IS SUSPECTED. 331 
 
 tary of War's letter of the has returned, and states that Burr was 
 
 at Fort Massac on the 30th ult, in company with ten boats, six men 
 on board of each, without arms or anything that can afford suspicion, 
 and that Captain Bessel has been doing his duty as a valiant officer. I 
 had ordered out twelve companies of volunteers on the receipt of the Sec- 
 retary of War's letter to check the adventurers, which on return of express 
 I dismissed. 
 
 " I shall send you a copy of the Secretary of War's letter to me by next 
 mail, with the remarks I intend making on it. It is couched in such offen- 
 sive terms that shows he is unfit to discharge the duties of his station, and 
 that he is devoid of all knowledge on perilous occasions that ought to com- 
 pose the general or commander. I hope I know my duty as a soldier, 
 and the first duty of a good citizen, when danger threatens, to attend to 
 the safety of his country. This being done, I will pay my respects to the 
 Secretary of War, and duly note his letter, which I will enclose you by 
 next mail, and which I hope as a brother* and a friend you will give that 
 publicity to that I may direct. 
 
 " Will you permit me to bring to your view a subject that has been 
 made known to me as a brother ? I mean the dispute that is likely to 
 arise between you and General Robertson respecting a piece of land. This 
 dispute I would advise to be left between two or three brothers to decide. 
 Should it get into court it will be expensive, and create passions that never 
 ought to exist between brothers ; and I have no doubt the dispute can be 
 as well ended, and justice be as much attained by the verdict of three 
 brothers as any other way. The land to General Eobertson is a great 
 thing ; he has sold it, and made a general warrantee, and this, he states, I 
 think, before he knew of your claim. He also states that General Arm- 
 strong is willing to return you your money, with interest, on your relin- 
 quishing to General Eobertson your claim to this tract. And there is five 
 thousand acres on Elk that can be had to satisfy the balance of the judg- 
 ment. 
 
 " I hope, sir, you will view these observations as from the heart of a 
 friend, who wishes you both equally well, and who does not wish to see 
 you in law, unless when the rules laid down by which we are united can 
 not obtain that justice that each individual is entitled to. I have never 
 heard from either how the right has been derived, neither do I know how 
 justice will decide ; but as the thing is between two brothers, and two that 
 I highly esteem, and who I do know highly esteem each other, I would 
 be truly sorry to see anything arise that would create a bitterness. And 
 if you go to law, I know it will have this effect, and have others also that 
 Would be painful to me as a friend of both to see. 
 
 * Campbell and Jackson were both Free Masons. 
 
332 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1807. 
 
 " The General appears much hurt at you making the purchase, after you 
 knew (as he states) that he had purchased; from which I am fearful, un- 
 less it is settled by two brothers or three, that it will lead on statements 
 that may do neither of you any benefit. For these reasons, I have told 
 him, as I now tell you, the proper way will be to leave it to three brethren. 
 Such you can find as are legal characters. This he states he is willing to 
 do, and I hope it will meet your wishes. 
 
 " I have no doubt but from the pains that has been taken to circulate 
 Teports, it will be rumored that I am on full march to unite with Burr. This 
 I know you never will believe until you have it from myself, or from such 
 a source that you know can not err. Should you ever hear that I am em- 
 barked in a cause inimical to my country, believe it not. Should you hear 
 that treasonable intentions have come to my knowledge, and that I have 
 been" [torn], " believe them not ; or that I would not put any man out of 
 existence that would name such a thing to me, without on the ground of 
 discovering it to the proper authorities, believe them not. And if Burr 
 has any treasonable intentions in view, he is the basest of all human beings. 
 I will tell you why. He always held out the idea of settling Washita, un- 
 less a war with Spain ; in that event, he held out the idea that from his in- 
 timacy with the Secretary of War, he would obtain an appointment ; and 
 if he did he would revolutionize Mexico. 
 
 " About the 10th of November, Captain called at my house, and 
 
 after a stay of a night and part of a day, introduced the subject of the ad- 
 venturers ; and, in part, stated these intentions were to divide the Union. 
 I sternly asked how they would effect it. He replied, by seizing New 
 Orleans and the bank, shutting the port, conquering Mexico, and uniting 
 the western part of the Union to the conquered country. I, perhaps with 
 warmth, asked him how this was to be effected. He replied, by the aid of 
 the federal troops, and the General (Wilkinson) at their head. I asked if he 
 had this from the General. He said he had not. I asked him if Colonel 
 Burr was in the scheme. He answered he did not know, nor was he in- 
 formed that he was ; that he barely knew Colonel Burr, but never had any 
 conversation. I asked him how he knew this, and from whom he got his 
 information. He said from Colonel , in New York. 
 
 " Knowing that Colonel Burr was well acquainted with him, it rushed 
 into my mind like lightning ! Considering what he had held out to me, 
 General Robertson and General Overton, and the hospitality I had shown 
 him, I viewed it as base conduct to us all, and heightened the baseness of 
 his intended crimes if he was really about to become a traitor. I sat down 
 and wrote to Governor Smith and Dr. Dixson. I wrote to Governor 
 Claiborne to put his citadel in a state of defense, without naming names, 
 except Wilkason. When this was done, I wrote Colonel Burr in strong 
 terms — my suspicions of him, and until they were clear from my mind, no 
 
]807.] GENERAL JACKSON SUSPECTED. 332 
 
 further intimacy was to exist between us. I made my suspicions known 
 to General Robertson and some others. Not long after, I received his an- 
 swer, with the most sacred pledges that he had not, nor never had ; any 
 views inimical or hostile to the United States, and whenever he was charged 
 with the intention of separating the Union, the idea of insanity must be 
 ascribed to him. After his acquittal in Kentucky he returned to this coun- 
 try, and, to all that named the subject, made the same pledges, and said he 
 had no object in view but was sanctioned by legal authority, and still said 
 that, when necessary, he would produce the Secretary of War's orders — that 
 he wanted none but young men of talents to go with him; with such he 
 wanted to make his settlement, and it would have a tendency to draw to 
 it wealth and character. For these reasons, from the pledges made, if he 
 is a traitor, he is the basest that ever did commit treason, and being tore 
 to pieces, and scattered to the four winds of heaven, would be too good for 
 him. But we will leave him for time and evidence to verify his hue. I 
 have given you the outlines, and a few weeks will give you the proof. 
 
 " I have no doubt tired your patience, but I must trespass a little far- 
 ther, and request your attention to a little private business. Some posts 
 ago I wrote to Judge Anderson to send me on a deed for six hundred and 
 forty acres of land, and enclose the courses. By same mail I wrote to Dr. 
 Dixson, and enclosed him also a copy of the courses. I am fearful these 
 letters have not went to hand, for which reason I take the liberty of send- 
 ing you the courses, and request that you will obtain a deed from Judge 
 Anderson, and send it on to me. I have sold the land, and the deed was 
 to have been made the first of this month. Thus I wrote the Judge, and I 
 know, if he received the letter, he has sent it on, and it has been lost on 
 the way. My dear sir, your attention to this business will confer a lasting 
 obligation. 
 
 " Present my compliments to Mason, Blount and any others that may 
 inquire after me. "With friendly wishes for your welfare and happiness, 
 believe me to be, with high esteem, yours, 
 
 "January 15th, 1807. Andrew Jackson. 
 
 " P. S. — This letter for your own eyes." 
 
 A few words more, and we may dismiss this Burr mystery. 
 Further reflection revived in General Jackson's breast some- 
 thing of his former friendship for Burr, and convinced him 
 that no treason had been intended. A few months later, we 
 find him at Kichmond, whither he had been summoned as a 
 witness in the trial of Burr. There he harangued the crowd 
 in the Capitol Square, defending Burr, and angrily denounc- 
 ing Jefferson as a persecutor. There are those living who 
 vol. i.— 22 
 
334 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1807. 
 
 heard him do this. He made himself so conspicuous as Burr's 
 champion at Richmond, that Mr. Madison, the Secretary of 
 State, took deep offense at it, and remembered it to Jackson's 
 disadvantage five years later, when he was President of the 
 United States, with a war on his hands. For the same rea- 
 son, I presume, it was that Jackson was not called upon to 
 give testimony upon the trial. 
 
 Burr, it seems, was equally satisfied with Jackson. Blen- 
 nerhasset, in that part of his diary which records his prison 
 interviews with Burr, says : " We passed to the topics of our 
 late adventures on the Mississippi, in which Burr said little, 
 but declared he did not know of any reason to blame General 
 Jackson, of Tennessee, for anything he had done or omitted. 
 But he declares he will not lose a day after the favorable 
 issue at the Capitol (his acquittal), of which he has no doubt, 
 to direct his entire attention to setting up his projects (which 
 have only been suspended) on a better model, ' in which work', 
 he says, ' he has even here made some progress/ " 
 
 Jackson's feelings during his detention at Richmond were 
 partly expressed in one of his letters to his friend Anderson, 
 dated June 16th, of which the following is a copy : — 
 
 " I am still detained here ; and at what time I will be able to leave it is 
 uncertain. General Wilkinson, after detaining the court for twenty days, 
 has at length arrived, and the bills against Burr are sent up to the Grand 
 Jury. Whether the testimony will be sufficient to convince the minds of 
 the Grand Jury that guilt exists, either as to treason or misdemeanor, is 
 problematical. I am more convinced than ever that treason never was 
 intended by Burr ; but if ever it was, you know my wishes — that he may 
 be hung. I am still more convinced that whatever may have been the 
 project of Burr, James Wilkinson has went hand in hand with him ; but 
 Eaton-like*, when he found that such was the integrity and virtue of the 
 western citizens, that a sufficient force could not be obtained, he becamt 
 the patriot to save himself from the frowns and indignation of an insultee 
 people ; and to bring about that event by a lawless tyranny, which h< 
 found could not be carried into effect by force. There are a variety oi 
 opinions on the subject, which a few days will furnish sufficient light for th 
 impartial mind to act on. All I wish is, that if guilt ever did exist, that aJ 
 
 * Eaton was a leading witness against Burr. 
 
1807.] GENERAL JACKSON SUSPECTED. 335 
 
 concerned may be punished ; if they are innocent, that they may be ac- 
 quitted. But I have no opinion that it is just to sacrifice one as a peace- 
 offering to policy, and permit others of equal guilt to pass with impunity. 
 I am sorry to say that this thing has, in part, assumed the shape of a po- 
 litical persecution, and for which I refer you to the papers of this place. I 
 am told you receive them. A subpoena has been sent on for the President, 
 with a duces tecum. What may be the return I know not ; but it appears 
 that Mr. Hay,* by a change, is placed in the opposite situation that he acted 
 in when Calandar was tried ; and his own doctrine is used against him. 
 As soon as the Grand Jury have acted on this thing, I will advise you 
 thereof. 
 
 " At the race, I hope you will see Mrs. Jackson ; tell her not to be 
 uneasy. I will be home as soon as my obedience to the precept of my 
 country will permit. I have only to add, as to the race, that the mare of 
 Williams is thought here to be a first-rate animal of her size ; but, if she 
 can be put up, she will fail in one heat. It will be then proper to put her 
 up to all she knows at once. — Adieu." 
 
 This letter was only a very partial revelation of Jackson's 
 feelings. In truth, he went all lengths in defense of Burr ; 
 nor was it possible for him to support any man in any other 
 way. Toward Wilkinson, whom he regarded as the betray ei 
 of Burr, his anger burned with such fury that if the two 
 men had met in a place convenient, the meeting could hardly 
 have had any other result than a — " difficulty." An incident 
 which actually did occur at Kichmond, during the trial, sug- 
 gested this remark. Samuel Swartwout, Burr's confidential 
 secretary, aid-de-camp, embassador, and factotum, was walk- 
 ing, one day, in a street of Kichmond, of which the pavement 
 was too narrow to admit of the convenient passing of two 
 persons. What should he encounter there but the portly 
 person of General James Wilkinson ! Swartwout not only 
 refused to give way to the General, but, on finding himself 
 in close proximity to him, fell into a paroxysm of disgust and 
 rage, and shouldered the great Wilkinson into the middle of 
 the street. Jackson was wild with delight when he heard of 
 it. There was no man, out of his own circle of Tennessee 
 friends, that General Jackson was more affectionately devoted 
 
 * Mr, Hay was the prosecuting attorney. 
 
336 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1807. 
 
 to than he was to Samuel Swartwout ; and this peculiar 
 fondness, sustained as it was by Mr. Swartwout's winning 
 cast of character, dated from that push. A lucky push it 
 proved for Swartwout twenty years after. 
 
 General Jackson returned home immediately after the in- 
 dictment of Burr and Blennerhasset for treason. The editor 
 of the Impartial Review thanks him for communicating the 
 news of the indictment, as he passed through Nashville, July 
 14th, on his way home from Kichmond. 
 
 From that time forward, Jackson was known as a mal- 
 content with the administration. In the presidential election 
 of 1808, he openly avowed a preference for Monroe over Mad- 
 ison, who was the candidate of the Kepublican party and of 
 Jefferson. Monroe had shared with Chancellor Livingston 
 the credit of the negotiations which ended in the purchase of 
 Louisiana ; and, on being transferred to London, had won 
 general applause by the spirited manner in which he protested 
 against the Orders in Council. Keturning to the United 
 States in 1808 he was a formidable rival to Madison for the 
 suffrages of the Republicans. In the conclaves of the party 
 his " claims" were admitted ; but postponed, with the " under- 
 standing" (useful word ! meaning nothing — meaning all) that 
 eight years later he should be the candidate of the party. 
 They had formerly an amicable and pleasant way of arrang- 
 ing these little * differences. Until recently, the presidency 
 was always bespoke twenty-four years ahead — as shall, by 
 and by, be shown. Whether General Jackson carried his 
 opposition to Madison so far as not to vote for him when he 
 became the Republican candidate is not known. It is certain, 
 however, that his preference for Monroe over Madison was 
 known to both those gentlemen, and influenced the conduct 
 of both 
 
]809.] ADOPTION OF A SON AND HEIR. 337 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 ADOPTION OF A SON AND HEIR. 
 
 The Hermitage was more a hermitage than ever after 
 these events. The enemies of the Hermit had gained a cer- 
 tain triumph over him. I observe in the list of those who 
 assisted in the burning of Burr's effigy at Nashville, the name 
 of Thomas Swann ; which favors the conjecture that the zeal 
 against Burr was, in some degree, a manifestation of enmity 
 to the man who had been so conspicuously his friend. Ill- 
 affected toward his former political associates, an object of 
 distrust or aversion, or both, to the administration, his home 
 enemies cowed, perhaps, by the late duel, but in no degree 
 conciliated, General Jackson now withdrew from commercial 
 business, and devoted himself exclusively to the affairs of his 
 fine plantation ; happy in a vocation of which he was master, 
 and which kept him always where alone he was ever con- 
 tented — at home. 
 
 He had a very happy home. Mrs. Jackson, besides being 
 an excellent manager and mistress, was also a kind and jovial 
 soul. She had a wonderful memory, which contained a great 
 store of anecdotes and tales. She could remember the Cum- 
 berland settlements from their infancy ; had shared the perils 
 of her father's famous river voyage ; had lived through that 
 eventful period when the day was exceptional in which there 
 was no alarm, and the week fortunate when no one was slain 
 by Indians ; had heard her father, and his friend, Daniel 
 Boone, and the other heroes of the wilderness, recount their 
 adventures and escapes. All these things it was her delight 
 to tell to the younger guests of the Hermitage, whose delight 
 it was to hear her. Nor was she so entirely illiterate as has 
 been alleged. I have nine of her letters in my collection, one 
 of which is eight foolscap pages long. The spelling of these 
 epistles is bad, of course, and the grammar not faultless ; 
 but their existence is at least sufficient to refute a common 
 
338 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1809. 
 
 opinion in Tennessee, that Mrs. Jackson could not write. 
 Unlearned, however, she was, in the lore of the schools, 
 though not so in that of the woods, the dairy, the kitchen 
 and the cabin. The negro women at the Hermitage, who 
 remember her ways and tastes, say that there was nothing on 
 the estate that she was so proud of as the remarkably fine 
 spring that gushed behind the old block house, and which 
 was inclosed, when the General could afford the expense, to 
 form her dairy. 
 
 It is pleasant, too, to know that she was fond of, and ex- 
 celled in, the hearty diversions of the frontier ; particularly 
 in the vigorous, old-fashioned dances. She was a short and 
 stout woman. The General was tall and slender. The spec- 
 tacle is said to have been extremely curious when they danced 
 a reel together, which they often did ; a reel of the olden 
 time that would shake to pieces the frequenters of modern 
 ball-rooms. The time came when she imbibed opinions (now 
 giving way everywhere before more enlightened ones) which 
 place a ban upon diversions which are both innocent and pre- 
 servative of innocence. But in these earlier years, she was a 
 gay, merry, natural human being ; happy herself, and a 
 source of happiness to all around her. 
 
 Her husband loved her with that entireness which belongs 
 to the love of men, and to them only, whose lives are pure, 
 from puberty to gray hairs. There was a certain stateliness, 
 or reserve, too, in their intercourse — a something as different 
 as possible from that slangy familiarity of recent times, which 
 is employed to cover up incompetence and awkwardness, and 
 which is death to the pleasure, no less than to the dignity, 
 of social converse. Self-respect, and respect for one another, 
 elevated and preserved their mutual love. It is true, never- 
 theless, that after dinner they sat by the fire, both smoking a 
 long reed pipe, of the kind still universally used in the south- 
 ern States. 
 
 Children only were wanting to complete their home. But 
 children were denied them ; a sore grief to both, for both 
 loved children, and desired ever to have them in their house. 
 
1809.] ADOPTION OF A SON AND HEIR. 339 
 
 The circle of Mrs. Jackson's relatives was so extensive that 
 some of her young nephews and nieces were almost always at 
 the Hermitage ; and all her relatives were his. He counted 
 it among the chief circumstances of his happiness that, sepa- 
 rated as he was from his own kindred by distance, he found 
 in hers all that his heart and home required. 
 
 About the year 1809 it chanced that twins were born to 
 one of Mrs. Jackson's brothers, Savern Donelson. The 
 mother, not in perfect health, was scarcely able to sustain 
 both these new comers. Mrs. Jackson, partly to relieve her 
 sister, and partly with the wish to provide a son and heir for 
 her husband, took one of the infants, when it was but a few 
 days old, home to the Hermitage. The General soon became 
 extremely fond of the boy, gave him his own name, adopted 
 him, and treated him thenceforth to the last hour of his life, 
 not as a son merely, but as an only son. This boy is the 
 present Andrew Jackson, Esq., of Louisiana, inheritor of the 
 General's estate and name, master of the Hermitage until it 
 recently became the property of the State of Tennessee. 
 
 And here we see the immense difference between a biog- 
 raphy and a life. The arrival at General Jackson's house of 
 this plump and ruddy infant was an event concerning which 
 it is impossible to say much in a work of this kind. But, to 
 Andrew Jackson, how much more important the day than 
 any 8th of January or 4th of March ! This boy, next to his 
 wife, was the delight of his life, the hope of his old age. This 
 boy was to perpetuate his name and preserve his estate after 
 his death. He was the solace of ten thousand hours when 
 victories and honors seemed but the trivial incidents of the 
 past. For this boy's little rosy face, peeping from window or 
 piazza, it was that he looked on coming in sight of his home 
 after a long absence. And this inconceivably great addition 
 to his happiness and well-being, this permanently influencing 
 fact we must pass over with little more than mention. So 
 true is it that only the masters of fiction can portray human 
 life with an approach to correctness. 
 
 A few years later another little nephew of Mrs. Jackson's. 
 
340 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1809. 
 
 the well-known Andrew Jackson Donelson, became an inmate 
 of tr_3 Hermitage, and was educated by General Jackson. 
 The visitor then could often see the General seated in his 
 rocking chair, with a chubby boy wedged in on each side of 
 him, and a third, perhaps, in his lap, while he was trying to 
 read the newspaper. This man, so irascible sometimes, and 
 sometimes so savage, was never so much as impatient with 
 children, wife or servants. This was very remarkable. It 
 used to astonish people who came for the first time to the 
 Hermitage to find that its master, of whose fierce ways and 
 words they had heard so much, was, indeed, the gentlest and 
 tenderest of men. They discovered, in fact, that there were 
 two Jacksons : Jackson militant and Jackson triumphant ; 
 Jackson crossed and Jackson having his own way ; Jackson, 
 his mastership unquestioned, and Jackson with a rival near 
 the throne. 
 
 It was astonishing, too, to notice how instantaneously he 
 could change from one Jackson to the other. He was riding 
 along one day with his wife, when some careless wagoners drove 
 their lumbering vehicle against his carriage, giving the lady a 
 somewhat violent jerk. Instantly Jackson broke forth with a 
 volley of execrations so fierce and terrific that the wagoners, 
 who were themselves the roughest of the rough, shrunk invol- 
 untarily under their wagon, amazed and speechless. They 
 drove away without attempting to reply, feeling themselves 
 hopelessly outdone in their own speciality. 
 
 On this occasion, as on many similar ones, he was not a 
 tenth part as angry as he seemed. He was never so angry as 
 to give his enemy an advantage. Another wagon story occurs 
 to me at this moment, which shows how prudent he could be 
 until it was safe to give way to his feelings. The wagoners, 
 it may be premised, were in those times what boatmen have 
 since been in the western country, a numerous, important, 
 peculiar and reckless class of men, with something of the 
 gipsy, much of the Indian, and a little of the highwayman, 
 in their composition. For many years, the great West de- 
 pended for its supplies of manufactured goods chiefly upon 
 
1809.] ADOPTION OF A SON AND HEIR. 341 
 
 wagon and pack-horse trains, conducted by these wild fellows 
 from the Atlantic ports across the mountains. One of their 
 expedients for beguiling the tedium of their long journeys was 
 to stop solitary travelers and compel him to do something for 
 their amusement. As General Jackson was riding along the 
 lonely wilderness road between Nashville and Knoxville one 
 day, he was hailed by two burly wagoners, who ordered him 
 to get out of his carriage and dance for them. Feigning sim- 
 plicity, he said he could not dance without slippers, and his 
 slippers were in a trunk strapped behind his carriage. They 
 told him to get his slippers. He opened his trunk, took out 
 a pair of pistols, and advancing before them with one in each 
 hand, said, with that awful glare in his eye before which few 
 men could stand : — 
 
 "Now, you infernal villains, you shall dance for me. 
 Dance, . . . dance \" 
 
 He made them dance in the most lively manner, and fin- 
 ished the interview by giving them a moral lecture, couched 
 in language that wagoners understood, and delivered with— 
 energy. 
 
 That curious tobacco box story, still often told in Ten- 
 nessee, and probably founded in truth, if not wholly true, 
 illustrates the same trait. The incident occurred at Clovei 
 Bottom, on the great day of the races, when the ground was 
 crowded with men and horses. It was customary for the land- 
 lord of the tavern there to prepare a table in the open air, two 
 hundred feet long, for the accommodation of the multitude 
 attending. On the day alluded to, several races having been 
 run, there was a pause for dinner, which pause was duly im- 
 proved. The long table was full of eager diners ; General 
 Jackson presiding at one end ; a large number of men stand- 
 ing along the sides of the table waiting for a chance to sit 
 down ; and all the negroes of the neighborhood employed as 
 waiters who could look at a plate without its breaking itself. 
 A roaring tornado of horse-talk half drowned the mighty 
 clatter of knives and forks. After the dinner had proceeded 
 awhile, it was observed by General Jackson and those who sat 
 
342 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1809. 
 
 near him, that something was the matter near the other end 
 of the tahle — a fight, probably. There was a rushing together 
 of men, and evident excitement. Now, " difficulties" of this 
 kind were so common at that day, whenever large numbers of 
 men were gathered together, that the disturbance was little 
 more than mentioned, if alluded to at all, at Jackson's end of 
 the table, where sat the magnates of the race. At length, 
 some one, in passing by, was heard to say, in evident allusion 
 to the difficulty : 
 
 " They'll finish Patten Anderson this time, I do expect." 
 
 The whole truth flashed upon Jackson, and he sprang up 
 like a man galvanized. How to get to the instant rescue of 
 his friend ! To force a path through the crowd along the 
 sides of the table would have taken time. A moment later 
 and the tall General might have been seen striding toward 
 the scene of danger on the top of the table, wading through 
 the dishes, and causing hungry men to pause astounded, with 
 morsels suspended in air. As he neared the crowd, putting 
 his hand behind him into his coat pocket — an ominous move- 
 ment in those days, and susceptible of but one interpretation 
 — he opened his tobacco box, and shut it with a click so loud 
 that it was heard by some of the bystanders. 
 
 " I'm coming, Patten !" roared the General. 
 
 " Don't fire," cried some of the spectators. 
 
 The cry of don't fire caught the ears of the hostile crowd, 
 who looked up, and saw a mad Colossus striding toward 
 them, with his right hand behind him, and slaughter de- 
 picted in every lineament of his countenance. They scat- 
 tered instantaneously, leaving Anderson alone and un- 
 harmed ! 
 
 Poor Anderson escaped that day, but his time was at 
 hand. No Tennesseean, who can remember as far back as 
 1810, can have forgotten the killing of Patten Anderson, and 
 the exciting trial of the murderers. I introduce it here for 
 the sake of recording a single remark that General Jackson 
 made in giving his testimony on that occasion ; a remark 
 that has clung to the memory of my informant, a lawyer who 
 
1809.] ADOPTION OF A SON AND HEIR. 343 
 
 attended the trial, though he has forgotten almost every 
 thing else that was said and done. 
 
 The two brothers Anderson had two enemies, a father 
 and son, named Magness. The feud originated in a transac- 
 tion in land ; the Magnesses, it is said, having sold to the 
 Andersons a forged warrant for a valuable tract. Be that as 
 it may, these four men were inflamed with hatred, two 
 against two. The altercations between them were frequent 
 and bitter ; until it seemed as if nothing but blood could 
 appease the wrath that burned in all their hearts. They 
 were all to meet at court on a certain day, when, it was 
 hoped, their case would be finally adjudicated, and the mat- 
 ter disposed of for ever. A foreboding of evil oppressed the 
 mind of Patten Anderson as he rode to the court, and he 
 said to his companion, " If I get safe through to-day, I'll 
 leave the country and go to Illinois, where I can live in peace 
 with my neighbors." 
 
 Near the court house, while the people were waiting for 
 the arrival of the judge, old Magness began to talk to Patten 
 Anderson on the old grievance. Both became excited. Mag- 
 ness said something extremely irritating. Anderson, over- 
 come with passion, raised his hand (with a dirk in it, say 
 some) to strike. At that moment, young Magness, who was 
 sitting near, watching (Jackson thought) for that very mo- 
 ment to arrive, drew a pistol from his breast and shot Ander- 
 son dead. He gave himself up to the authorities, averring 
 that what he had done was done to save his father from a 
 deadly stroke. 
 
 General Jackson, and the other friends of the Andersons, 
 thought they saw, in this affair, a calculated, contrived as- 
 sassination. "The trial, which took place at Franklin, in 
 Williamson county, near the center of the State, lasted two 
 weeks, and was attended by a great concourse of people. 
 Franklin, then a frontier village, boasted two small taverns, 
 one of which was occupied by General Jackson and the An- 
 dersor party, the other by the adherents of the Magnesses 
 The best lawyers in the Statb were engaged. Felix Grundy 
 
344 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1810. 
 
 was one who defended the prisoner. Thomas H. Benton, a 
 young lawyer then, was engaged on the side of the prosecu- 
 tion. The feelings of all parties were roused to the highest 
 pitch of excitement, and the affair seemed to resolve itself, at 
 last, into a contest between the partisans and the opponents 
 of General Jackson. One of my informants remembers see- 
 ing General Jackson, after dinner one day, haranguing the 
 multitude from the piazza of the tavern with fearful vehe- 
 mence, the orator being evidently a little the worse for drink. 
 One of the Magness party, going by at the time, thought 
 proper to indicate his opinion of something that General Jack- 
 son said, by shrugging his shoulders and saying, "Pshaw !" 
 Jackson paused in his speech, and looked around for the ut- 
 terer of the contemptuous interjection, saying, 
 
 " Who dares to say pshaw at me ? By ! I'll knock 
 
 any man's head off who says pshaw at me! " 
 
 The offender walked on, and General Jackson finished his 
 after-dinner speech. 
 
 But this was not the remark for the sole sake of which 
 the Magness story was revived in these pages. In giving his 
 evidence, General Jackson was asked by counsel what was the 
 character of Patten Anderson for peaceableness. This was 
 thought to be a home thrust at the witness, since every one 
 present knew that the unfortunate Patten was a man of high 
 temper, which had betrayed him, not unfrequently, into — 
 " difficulties," and General Jackson could not deny it. He 
 saw the game, however, in an instant, and, in an instant, 
 was ready with his superb reply : — 
 
 " Sir," said Jackson, with his most Jacksonian look, " my 
 friend, Patten Anderson, was the natural enemy of scoun- 
 drels !" 
 
 Every one drew the desired inference that the natural 
 enemy of scoundrels must naturally have had a good many 
 difficulties with scoundrels. 
 
 What followed this remark is not remembered. The 
 prisoner was convicted of manslaughter only, and was sen- 
 tenced to be branded in the hand. The verdict, I have been 
 
1810.] ADOPTION OF A SON AND HEIR. 345 
 
 assured, was milder than it would have been, but for the ex- 
 traordinary zeal displayed by the friends of the deceased to 
 secure a capital conviction. This seemed to rouse a spirit of 
 opposition in the minds of the jury, which is thought to 
 have saved the prisoner's life. 
 
 Mr. Benton's allusion to this trial, with some other recol- 
 lections of his, as given in the Thirty Years' View, may be 
 properly added here : — * 
 
 " The first time that I saw General Jackson was at Nashville, Tennes- 
 see, in 1799 — he on the bench, a judge of the then Superior Court, and I 
 a youth of seventeen, back in the crowd. He was then a remarkable man, 
 and had his ascendant over all who approached him, not the effect of his 
 high judicial station, nor of the senatorial rank which he had held and re- 
 signed ; nor of military exploits, for he had not then been to war ; but the 
 effect of personal qualities, cordial and graceful manners, hospitable temper, 
 elevation of mind, undaunted spirit, generosity, and perfect integrity. In 
 charging the jury in the impending case, he committed a slight solecism in 
 language which grated on my ear, and lodged on my memory, without 
 derogating in the least from the respect which he inspired ; and without 
 awakening the least suspicion that I was ever to be engaged in smoothing 
 his diction. The first time I spoke to him was some years after, at a 
 (then) frontier town in Tennessee, when he was returning from a south- 
 ern visit, which brought him through the towns and camps of some of the 
 Indian tribes. In pulling off his overcoat, I perceived on the white lining 
 of the turning-down sleeve, a dark speck, which had life and motion. I 
 brushed it off, and put the heel of my shoe upon it — little thinking that I 
 was ever to brush away from him game of a very different kind. He 
 smiled ; and we began a conversation in which he very quickly revealed a 
 leading trait of his character — that of encouraging young men in their 
 laudable pursuits. Getting my name and parentage, and learning my in- 
 tended profession, he manifested a regard for me, said he had received hos- 
 pitality at my father's house in North Carolina ; gave me kind invitations 
 to visit him, and expressed a belief that I would do well at the bar — gen- 
 erous words, which had the effect of promoting what they undertook to 
 foretell. Soon after, he had further opportunity to show his generous 
 feelings. I was employed in a criminal case of great magnitude, where 
 the oldest and ablest counsel appeared — Haywood, Grundy, Whiteside — 
 and the trial of which General Jackson attended through concern for the 
 fate of a friend. As junior counsel I had to precede my elders, and did 
 
 * Benton's Thirty Years' View, L, 736. 
 
346 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1810 
 
 my best ; and it being on the side of his feelings, he found my effort to b& 
 better than it was. He complimented me greatly, and from that time our 
 intimacy began. 
 
 " I soon after became his aid, he being a Major General in the Tennes- 
 see militia — made so by a majority of one vote. How much often depends 
 upon one vote ! — New Orleans, the Creek campaign, and all their conse- 
 quences, date from that one vote ! — and after that, I was habitually at his 
 house ; and, as an inmate, had opportunities to know his domestic life, and 
 at the period when it was least understood and most misrepresented. He 
 had resigned his place on the bench of the Superior Court, as he had pre- 
 viously resigned his place in the Senate of the United States, and lived on 
 a superb estate of some thousand acres, twelve miles from Nashville, then 
 hardly known by its subsequent famous name of the Hermitage — name 
 chosen for its perfect accord with his feelings ; for he had then actually 
 withdrawn from the stage of public life, and from a state of feeling well 
 known to belong to great talent when finding no theater for its congenial 
 employment. He was a careful farmer, overlooking every thing himself, 
 seeing that the fields and fences were in good order, the stock well at- 
 tended, and the slaves comfortably provided for. His house was the Scat 
 of hospitality, the resort of friends and acquaintances, and of all strangers 
 visiting the State — and the more agreeable to all from the perfect con- 
 formity of Mrs. Jackson's character to his own. But he needed some ex- 
 citement beyond that which a farming life can afford, and found it, for 
 some years, in the animating sports of the turf. He loved fine horses — 
 racers of speed and bottom — owned several, and contested the four mile 
 heats with the best that could be bred, or brought to the State, and for 
 large sums. That is the nearest to gaming that I ever knew him to come. 
 Cards and the cock-pit have been imputed to him, but most erroneously.* 
 I never saw him engaged in either. Duels were usual in that time, and 
 he had his share of them, with their unpleasant concomitant 13 ; but they 
 passed away with all their animosities, and he has often been seen zeal- 
 ously pressing the advancement of those against whom he had but lately 
 been arrayed in deadly hostility. 
 
 " His temper was placable as well as irascible, and his reconciliations 
 were cordial and sincere. Of that my own case was a signal instance. 
 After a deadly feud, I became his confidential adviser; was offered the 
 highest marks of his favor, and received from his dying bed a message of 
 friendship, dictated when life was departing, and he would have to pause for 
 breath. There was a deep-seated vein of piety in him, unaffectedly show- 
 ing itself in his reverence for divine worship, respect for the ministers of 
 
 * Mr. Benton is in error here, as he often is in unimportant details. Benton 
 never lived at Nashville. 
 
1810.] ADOPTION OF A SON AND HEIR. 347 
 
 the gospel, their hospitable reception in his house, and constant encourage- 
 ment of all the pious tendencies of Mrs. Jackson.* And when they both 
 afterwards became members of a church, it was the natural and regular re- 
 sult of their early and cherished feelings. He was gentle in his house, and 
 alive to the tenderest emotions ; and of this I can give you an instance, 
 greatly in contrast with his supposed character, and worth more than a long 
 discourse in showing what that character really was. I arrived at his house 
 one wet, chilly evening in February, and came upon him in the twilight, 
 sitting alone before the fire, a lamb and a child between his knees. He 
 started a little, called a servant to remove the two innocents to another 
 room, and explained to me how it was. The child had cried because the 
 lamb was out in the cold, and begged him to bring it in, which he had done 
 to please the child, his adopted son, then not two years old. The ferocious 
 man does not do that ! and though Jackson had his passions and his vio- 
 lence, they were for men and enemies — those who stood up against him — 
 and not for women and children, or the weak and helpless : for all whom 
 his feelings were those of protection and support. 
 
 " His hospitality was active as well as cordial, embracing the worthy in 
 every walk of life, and seeking out deserving objects to receive it, no mat- 
 ter how obscure. Of this I learned a characteristic incident, in relation to 
 the son of the famous Daniel Boone. The young man had come to Nash- 
 ville on his father's business, to be detained some weeks, and had his lodg- 
 ings at a small tavern towards the lower part of the town. General Jackson 
 heard of it ; sought him out ; found him ; took him home to remain as long 
 as his business detained him in the country, saying, 'Your father's dog 
 should not stay in a tavern where I have a house.' This was heart ! and I 
 had it from the young man himself long after, when he was a State senator 
 of the General Assembly of Missouri, and, as such, nominated me for the 
 United States Senate at my first election in 1820 ; an act of hereditary 
 friendship, as our fathers had been early friends. 
 
 " Abhorrence of debt, public and private, dislike of banks, and love of hard 
 money, love of justice and love of country, were ruling passions with Jack- 
 son ; and of these he gave constant evidence in all the situations of his life. 
 Of private debts, he contracted none of his own, and made any sacrifices to 
 get out of those incurred for others. Of this he gave a signal instance, not 
 long before the war of 1812, selling the improved part of his estate, with 
 the best buildings of the country upon it, to pay a debt. ... He was 
 attached to his friends and to his country, and never believed any report to 
 the discredit of either, until compelled by proof. He would not believe in the 
 first reports of the surrender of General Hull, and became sad and oppressed 
 when forced to believe it. He never gave up a friend in a doubtful case, or 
 
 * All this belongs to a later period. 
 
348 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1810. 
 
 from policy or calculation. He was a firm believer in the goodness of a 
 superintending Providence, and in the eventual right judgment and justice 
 of the people. I have seen him at the most desperate part of his fortunes, 
 and never saw him waver in the belief that all would come right in the 
 end. In the time of Cromwell, he would have been a Puritan. 
 
 "The character of his mind was that of judgment, with a rapid and 
 almost intuitive perception, followed by an instant and decisive action. 
 It was that which made him a General and a President for the time in 
 which he served. He had vigorous thoughts, but not the faculty of arrang- 
 ing them in a regular composition, either written or spoken; and in formal 
 papers he usually gave his draft to an aid, a friend, or a secretary, to be 
 written over — often to the loss of vigor. But the thoughts were his own, 
 vigorously expressed ; and without effort, writing with a rapid pen, and 
 never blotting or altering ; but, as Carlyle says of Cromwell, hitting the nail 
 upon the head as he went. I have a great deal of his writing now, some on 
 public affairs, and covering sheets of paper, and no erasures or interlineations 
 anywhere. His conversation was like his writing — a vigorous flowing cur- 
 rent, apparently without the trouble of thinking, and always impressive. 
 His conclusions were rapid and immovable, when he was under strong con- 
 victions, though often yielding on minor points to his friends. And no man 
 yielded quicker when he was convinced ; perfectly illustrating the difference 
 between firmness and obstinacy 
 
 " He had a load to carry all his life, resulting from a temper which 
 refused compromises and bargainings, and went for a clean victory or a 
 clean defeat in every case. Hence, every step he took was a contest, and, 
 it may be added, every contest was a victory 
 
 " There was an innate, unvarying, self-acting delicacy in his intercourse 
 with the female sex, including all womankind ; and on that point, my per- 
 sonal observation (and my opportunities for observation were both large 
 and various) enables me to join in the declaration of the belief expressed by 
 his earliest friend and most intimate associate, the late Judge Overton, of 
 Tennessee. The Roman general won an immortality by one act of conti- 
 nence. What praise is due to Jackson, whose whole life was continent ? 
 I repeat, if he had been born in the time of Cromwell, he would have been 
 a Puritan. Nothing could exceed his kindness and affection to Mrs. Jack- 
 son, always increasing in proportion as his elevation and culminating for- 
 tunes drew cruel attacks upon her. I knew her well, and that a more 
 exemplary woman in all the relations of life, wife, friend, neighbor, relation 
 mistress of slaves, never lived, and never presented a more quiet, cheerful, 
 and admirable management of her household. She had not education, but 
 she had a heart, and a good one ; and that was always leading her to do 
 kind things in the kindest manner. She had the G-eneral's own warm heart, 
 frank manners and hospitable temper; and no two persons could have been 
 
1811] JACKSON'S WAR WITH DINSMORE. 349 
 
 better suited to each other, lived more happily together, or made a house 
 more attractive to visitors. She had the faculty — a rare one — of retaining 
 names and titles in a throng of visitors, addressing each one appropriately, 
 and dispensing hospitality to all with a cordiality which enhanced its value. 
 No bashful youth or plain old map, whose modesty sat them down at the 
 lower end of the table, could escape her cordial attention, any more than 
 the titled gentlemen at her right and left. Young persons were her delight, 
 and she always had her house filled with them — clever young women and 
 clever young men — all calling her affectionately ' Aunt Rachel' I was 
 young then, and was one of that number. I owe it to early recollections 
 and to cherished convictions — in this last notice of the Hermitage — to bear 
 this faithful testimony to the memory of its long mistress, the loved and 
 honored wife of a great man. Her greatest eulogy is in the affection which 
 he bore her living, and in the sorrow with which he mourned her dead." 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON'S WAR WITH SILAS DINSMORE. 
 
 Silas Dinsmore was agent to the Choctaw Indians. The 
 Indian Agents were persons of importance in the early day. 
 Appointed by the general government, they represented in 
 the Indian country the power and authority of the United 
 States. They paid over to the chiefs the annuity of the tribe, 
 and held them to the performance of the duties of which that 
 annuity was the recompense. It was the agent who strove 
 to protect the Indians from the encroachments of the settlers, 
 and the settlers from the thieving visits of the Indians ; who 
 compelled the chiefs to deliver up offending Indians, and 
 complained of white men who had done the Indians wrong. 
 It was theirs, in short, to see that the inevitable process by 
 which the Indian country was to change owners went on with 
 as little as possible of violence, anguish, and terror. 
 
 Clothed with an authority derived from the government 
 of the United States, whose flag floated from the staff before 
 their houses, the medium of the government's benefactions, 
 vol. i. — 23 
 
350 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1811. 
 
 and themselves liberally salaried, *t these agents sometimes 
 acquired over the Indians an almost regal influence ; which 
 they sometimes used for the noblest purposes. Many of the 
 agents appointed by the early Presidents were not politicians, 
 but men of sense and feeling, who taught the Indians some 
 of the arts of civilization, while their wives showed the 
 squaws how to sew, spin, knit, weave, and make bread. The 
 civilization of the Cherokees began with the labors of the 
 men whom President Washington sent to live among them 
 in the character of agents ; good men, who united in them- 
 selves the best qualities of the magistrate and the missionary. 
 
 To their other duties was afterwards added that of pre- 
 venting runaway negroes from taking refuge in the Indian 
 country. The settlements were then few and far between. 
 Between Nashville and the Mississippi river, between Nash- 
 ville and the Gulf of Mexico, the wilderness was almost un- 
 broken. That fine region swarmed with Indians ; for, as 
 before remarked, the country best for the white man is best 
 for the Indian also. 
 
 It was in the discharge of that part of his duty which re- 
 lated to the protection of the interests of slave-owners that 
 Silas Dinsmore gave mortal offense to some of the good people 
 of Nashville, and to General Jackson. At first, it seems, 
 Dinsmore was complained of for not being rigid enough in the 
 enforcement of the laws. Accordingly, in the month of 
 April, 1811, he caused a board to be erected on the road in 
 front of his agency buildings, bearing the following inscrip- 
 tion : — 
 
 " TAKE NOTICE, TRAVELERS. 
 
 "Whereas complaints are made that runaway negroes effect their 
 escape through the Indian countries, under the protection of pretended 
 masters, I hereby give notice that I shall arrest and detain every negro 
 found traveling in the Choctaw country whose master has not a passport 
 as the law requires, and also evidence of property in such negro. 
 
 " Silas Dinsmore." 
 
 * Dinsmore's salary was eighteen hundred dollars ; equal to three thousand 
 now. 
 
1811.] JACKSON'S WAR WITH DINSMORE. 351 
 
 He carried out this notice to the letter, stopping every 
 negro whose master had not with him the requisite papers. 
 This it was which gave such extreme offence. Complaints 
 were accordingly forwarded to the Secretary-of-War, who 
 wrote, October 15th, 1811, to Mr. Dinsmore, telling him that 
 he was carrying his authority a little too far. " Complaints," 
 said the Secretary (W. Eustis), "having been repeatedly 
 made to this Department, from respectable sources, of the 
 practice of arresting the servants of gentlemen traveling 
 through the Choctaw country without passports, in future 
 you will' suffer the servants of persons of known respecta- 
 bility of character, and where no design of fraud is appre- 
 hended, to pass unmolested when accompanying their masters, 
 and you will deliver over to their masters those servants who 
 have been detained for want of the requisite passports, except 
 in cases where a fraudulent intention is evident." 
 
 This order, besides rebuking the zealous agent, threw upon 
 him the responsibility of deciding, from the appearance of a 
 traveler, whether he was or was not the lawful owner of the 
 negroes accompanying him. Mr. Silas Dinsmore gently re- 
 monstrated. "The crowd of Indians," he wrote, November 
 13th, "assembled to receive their annuity, prevented me 
 from answering your letter of October 15th by the return 
 mail. Complaints have been made to me, as well as to your 
 department, against my conduct in arresting gentlemen's 
 servants. On reference to my record I find that, since the 
 24th of April last, two hundred and twelve people of color 
 have passed this place, only twenty-five of whom were with- 
 out passports and arrested. The masters of these latter cen- 
 sure, and those of the former approve my conduct. I have 
 also received the thanks of every man of property in the Mis- 
 sissippi Territory with whom I have conversed for the secur- 
 ity my vigilance has given to their property by intercepting 
 fugitive slaves, and rendering their escape, through the wil- 
 derness, almost an impossibility. And while the law requires 
 every person coming into this country to be provided with a 
 passport, a complaint from a person violating this law, and 
 
352 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1811. 
 
 to the executive part of the government, too, which is bound 
 to enforce the law, would seem to come with a very ill grace. 
 . . . Should you still determine that the law and former 
 instructions shall in any manner be suspended, I beg that 
 your orders may be general, and not impose on me the un- 
 pleasant task of discriminating between the exterior appear- 
 ance and the reality of a gentleman. At the moment your 
 letter arrived, a negro was brought (arrested by my order) 
 eighty-three miles distant. He was in the possession of Jes- 
 sie McGarey, son of Colonel Hugh McGarey, of Kentucky, a 
 young man of decent deportment. He, however, made his 
 escape, and the negro proved to be the property of Mr. 
 Barnes, a planter of the Mississippi Territory." 
 
 A few weeks later, December 6th, he wrote to the Secre- 
 tary again, and more urgently, on the subject. " By the last 
 mail/' he wrote, " I received letters stating, with urgent 
 importunity, that four negroes had absconded, and probably 
 put themselves under the protection of fictitious masters, and. 
 soliciting the utmost of my vigilance to intercept them. How 
 can I do it consistent with your last letter ? The evil is 
 great and growing, and would seem to demand the aid of 
 government to check it by lawful means." 
 
 Before the month closed he wrote a third time, enclosing 
 a resolution, passed by the Legislature of the Mississippi Ter- 
 ritory,* approving the act of Congress under which he had 
 
 * Resolution of the Legislative Council of Mississippi, December 18th, 1811 :— 
 " Resolved, By the Legislative Council and House of Representatives of the 
 Mississippi Territory in General Assembly convened, that the operation of the' 
 third section of an act of Congress regulating trade and intercourse with th< 
 Indian tribes, and to preserve peace on the frontiers, has been productive of man; 
 beneficial consequences to the citizens of this Territory, preserving to the prope 
 owners a great deal of valuable property which would otherwise have been irre 
 vocably lost. 
 
 " Cowles Mead, Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
 " Alexander Montgomery, President of the Legislative Council. 
 "Approved, December 18th, 1811. 
 
 " Henry Daingerfield, Secretary of the Mississippi Territory, ex« 
 cuting the powers and performing the duties of the Governc 
 of said Territory in his absence." 
 
1811.] JACKSON S WAR WITH DINSMORE. 353 
 
 acted, which required that all persons going through the 
 Indian country should be provided with a passport. "A 
 full conviction," added Mr. Dinsmore, " of the necessity of 
 executing the law of the United States, has induced me to 
 continue to exact passports of all negroes until I shall receive 
 positive orders to the contrary. The comparative few who 
 have been stopped, and who complain, bear so small a pro- 
 portion to the number who approve the law, that I should 
 feel myself delinquent in neglecting to execute it as hereto- 
 fore, and the resolution of the Legislature was intended to 
 show or express the general impression of approbation on my 
 conduct. I hope you will view the subject as I do, and at 
 least pardon, if not approve, my zeal, as I verily believe noth- 
 ing less will secure the property of this country." 
 
 The replies of the Secretary of War to these letters still 
 threw the responsibility upon the poor agent. " The inten- 
 tion," wrote Mr. Eustis, " of the letter from this Department 
 of the 15th of October last, was to invest in you a discretion 
 to act in cases where, from your knowledge of the persons, 
 no evil could result from a relaxation of your instructions, 
 and a real grievance would ensue from a strict execution of 
 them. Such a discretion was all that was contemplated, and 
 a/1 that is intended you should exercise." 
 
 And, again, a few weeks later : — " The laws regulating 
 trade and intercourse with Indians provide against all tres- 
 passes and encroachments on the Indian territory, but are not 
 construed to authorize the stopping of any person traveling 
 through the country in a peaceable manner on the public road 
 or highway ; you will, therefore, refrain from the exercise of 
 any such authority hereafter." * 
 
 The affair might have rested here, if General Jackson had 
 not taken it up. It chanced that he had occasion, about this 
 time, to pass by the agency-house of Mr. Dinsmore with a 
 considerable number of negroes, the property of a firm of 
 which he was an inactive partner. Upon the dissolution of 
 
 * All from Niles' Register, voL xxxiv. 
 
354 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1812. 
 
 this firm (Jackson, Coleman and Green), the junior partner 
 (a relative of Mrs. Jackson's, for whose benefit the General 
 had embarked some capital and more credit in the business) 
 was deputed to take a number of negroes to the lower coun- 
 try for sale. From the proceeds of this sale, the capital ad- 
 vanced by General Jackson was to be returned to him. Some 
 time after the departure of the young man with the negroes, 
 word was brought to Nashville that he was mismanaging and 
 abusing his trust ; that he had sold some of the negroes to 
 little advantage, and was squandering the money at the 
 gaming table. Jackson mounted his horse, rode to Natchez, 
 and marched back the negroes toward Nashville. On ap- 
 proaching the Choctaw agency, he armed two of his negroes 
 and procured a rifle for himself, being resolved to settle this 
 passport question in a practical manner. Having reached 
 the agency without opposition, he ordered his negroes to go 
 to the banks of a creek near by and take their breakfast, 
 while he went in quest of the agent. Dinsmore was absent 
 from home. General Jackson, therefore, could only leave a 
 message for him at the agency, to the effect that he, Andrew 
 Jackson, had been there — should have been glad to see Mr. 
 Dinsmore — could not wait, however — was going on home- 
 ward, with his negroes ; intimating that the Choctaw agent 
 might make what he could of it. Jackson completed his 
 journey without molestation, and made no secret, on his ar- 
 rival at Nashville, of the manner in which he had defied the 
 power of the too zealous Dinsmore.* 
 
 * I notice, since this chapter was prepared, that a different account of Gen- 
 eral Jackson's proceedings at the agency is in print. I append, therefore, one 
 of the authorities for the above statement. The following is part of a letter 
 written by Mr. R. "Weakly, of Nashville, June 14th, 1828:— U I heard General 
 Jackson say, .... that on the morning he was to pass the agency he 
 armed two of his most resolute negro men, and put them in front of his negroes, 
 and gave them orders to fight their way, if necessary. He further observed, 
 that a friend had put into his hands the night before, or on that morning, a GOOD 
 rifle ; that when ho came opposite the agency, he directed his negroes to go to 
 a branch, and eat their breakfast ; that he rode up to the agency, where he saw 
 several Indian countrymen ; inquired of them for Mr. Dinsmore who informed 
 
1812.] jackson's war with dinsmoee. 355 
 
 Jackson now bestirred himself to procure the removal of 
 the agent from % his office ; and the agent, hearing of it, con- 
 tinued to send to Washington proof upon proof of the neces- 
 sity of insisting upon passports in every instance. In one of 
 his dispatches to the Secretary of War, he enclosed a letter 
 from a friend in Nashville, " which exhibits," wrote Dins- 
 more, " a specimen of the zeal, if not the discretion of Gen- 
 eral Jackson and others." Mr. C. Stump, a linseed trader in 
 the Choctaw country, was the friend who wrote the letter 
 • referred to, of which the following is the material part : — 
 
 " I conceive it my duty, from the friendship I owe you, to inform you 
 of what is going on here to injure your standing as an agent and as a man 
 of honor. It is currently stated here, by some particular persons, that you 
 are, in the first place, acting in violation of the laws of your country ; 
 second, that in stopping of negroes, you have acted impartially ; you have 
 taken bonds of some, and let others pass unmolested. Also, they charge 
 you with intoxication, insomuch that it renders you incapable of doing your 
 duty, with general other charges not recollected by me. The Jacksons are 
 collecting all the certificates in their power ; and I have been informed that 
 your friend T. B.'s certificate will also be had. I have been informed that 
 they have taken John Jones' certificate, John Donally's, Thomas Clay- 
 bourne's, Joseph Erwin's and many others not now recollected. All which 
 certificates they are taking, as I have been informed, for the purpose of 
 sending to the Secretary of War, for the purpose to have you removed 
 from office. 
 
 " I heard our great General A. J. swear in a public company, that if 
 you didn't desist in stopping of people's negroes, he would be damned if 
 he did not burn you and your agency too. This I heard this hero repeat 
 frequently ; and requested me as being your friend, to inform you what he 
 said. However, I did not wish to be writing on such a subject, for fear of 
 being dragged into the contest ; however, my feelings are such as com- 
 pelled me to give you the information. I hope you will not make use of 
 my name, unless necessity requires it ; you know what a violent man A, 
 J. is, of course. I hope you will waive any information I give you, and in 
 
 him Mr. Dinsmore was not there, or from home. He told them to tell Mr. Dins- 
 more he should have been glad to have seen him, but he could not wait ; thai 
 he was going on home with his negroes. A fellow named John Amp, whom I 
 raised, was one of the negroes armed and put in front, as the General then 
 Btated." 
 
356 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON, [1812. 
 
 being the author, unless it should be requested in positive terms ; your 
 author then I stand at command. Jaines Jackson is the person who is col- 
 lecting said certificates, and swearing to have you removed if in the power 
 of him. Impression has been made on the minds of the citizens of Nash- 
 ville very unfavorable respecting of you, which I have contradicted in 
 every instance, which has, in several instances, terminated in a severe 
 quarrel." 
 
 Mr. Dinsinore, at length, put a climax to his previous 
 enormities, by stopping a lady who was traveling through the 
 Choctaw country with a train of ten negroes, for. none of . 
 whom had she passports or proof of ownership ; and not only 
 did he detain her negroes, but he published a card in a news- 
 paper informing the public that he had done so, and should 
 continue to act in a similar manner in all similar cases. 
 This was too much for G-eneral Jackson to endure in silence. 
 To his old friend, George W. Campbell, at Washington, he 
 poured out his feelings in an epistolary torrent, foaming and 
 tumultuous. 
 
 "The Honorable George W. Campbell, Esq., Sir: — You will receive 
 herewith enclosed the certificate of John Gordon and Major Thomas G. 
 Bradford, editor of the Clarion, on the subject of the card bearing date 
 September 11, 1812, published in the Clarion on the 26th of September, 
 1812, from Silas Dinsmore, United States agent to the Chocktaw nation, 
 in the proper handwriting of the said Silas Dinsmore. You will also re- 
 ceive enclosed the paper of the 26th September, containing the card of Mr. 
 Dinsmore, which I beg you to lay before the Secretary of War as soon aa 
 this reaches you, and I beg you to communicate without delay his deter- 
 mination as it respects the removal of Mr. Dinsmore. 
 
 " When I received your letter of the 10th of April last, enclosing me 
 an extract of the Secretary of War's letter to Silas Dinsmore, agent to the 
 Chocktaw nation, I, nor the citizens of West Tennessee, hesitated not to 
 believe that Silas Dinsmore would cease to exercise over our citizens such 
 lawless tyranny as he had been in the habit of; and that our peaceful and 
 honest citizens would be left to enjoy the free and unmolested use of that 
 road as secured to them by treaty. You can easily judge, and so can the 
 Secretary of War, our surprise and indignation at the wanton insult offered 
 to the whole citizens of West Tennessee by the publication of his card in 
 the Clarion, in which he boasts that he has set at defiance the solemn treaty 
 that secures to our citizens and those of the United States the free and 
 unmolested use of that road, as well as the express instructions of the Sec- 
 
1812.] JACKSON'S WAR WITH DINSMORE. 357 
 
 retary of War of the 23d of March last, and boasts his detention of a de- 
 fenseless woman, and her property — and for what f The want of a pass- 
 port ! And, my God I is it come to this ? Are we freemen, or are we 
 slaves? Is this real, or is it a dream ? For what are involved in a war 
 with Great Britain ? Is it not for the support of our rights as an independ- 
 ent people, and a nation, secured to us by nature's God, as well as solemn 
 treaties, and the law of nations ? And can the Secretary of War, for one 
 moment, retain the idea that we will permit this petty tyrant to sport with 
 our rights, secured to us by treaty, and which by the law of nature we do 
 possess, and sport with our feelings by publishing his lawless tyranny exer- 
 cised over a helpless and unprotected female f If he does, he thinks too 
 : meanly of our patriotism and gallantry. 
 
 " Were we base enough to surrender our independent rights secured to 
 us by the bravery and blood of our forefathers, we are unworthy the name 
 of freemen. And we view all rights secured to us by solemn treaty, under 
 the constituted authority, rights secured to us by the blood of our fathers, 
 and which we will never yield but with our lives. The indignation of our 
 citizens is only restrained by assurances that government, so soon as they 
 are notified of this unwarrantable insult, added to the many injuries that 
 Silas Dinsmore has heaped upon our honest and unoffending citizens, that 
 he will be removed. Should we be deceived in this, be frank with the Sec- 
 retary of War, that we are freemen, and that we will support the supremacy 
 of the laws, and that the wrath and indignation of our citizens will sweep 
 from the earth the invader of our legal rights and involve Silas Dinsmore 
 in the flames of his agency-house. We love order, and nothing but the 
 support of our legal and inalienable rights would or could prompt us to an 
 act that could be construed as wearing the appearance of rashness. But 
 Should not the source of the evil be removed, our rights secured by treaty 
 restored to our citizens, the agent and his houses will be demolished ; and 
 when government is applied to, and so often notified of the injuries heaped 
 upon our citizens, and they will adhere to the agent who delights in tread- 
 ing under foot the rights of the citizens, and exults in their distresses, the 
 evil be upon the government, not upon the people who have so often com- 
 plained without redress. We really hope that the evil will be cut off by the 
 root, by the removal of the agent. Should this not be done, we will have 
 a right fairly to conclude that the administration winks at the agent's con- 
 duct under the rose, notwithstanding the instructions of the Secretary in his 
 letter to Mr. Dinsmore of the 23d of March. 
 
 " The right of nature occurs ; and if redress is not afforded, I would de- 
 spise the wretch that slumbers in quiet one night before he cuts up by the 
 roots the invader of his solemn rights, regardless of consequences. Let 
 not the Secretary of War believe that we want more than justice ; but both 
 from Indians and Indian agents we will enjoy the rights secured to us by 
 
358 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1812 
 
 solemn treaty, or we will die nobly in their support. We want but a bare 
 fulfillment of the treaty. We neither understand the tyranny of the agent 
 in open violation of our rights secured to us by treaty, or the Creek law, 
 that takes from the United States the right guarantied by treaty that the 
 Indians who commit murders on our citizens shall be delivered up when 
 demanded, to be tried by the laws of the United States and punished. 
 The Greek law says the Creeks will punish them themselves. 
 
 " These innovations, without the consent of the constituted power being 
 first had, our citizens do not understand ; the information of Colonel Haw- 
 kins, United States agent for the Creeks, and the information of General 
 James Robertson, agent of the Chickasaw Nation, to the contrary notwith- 
 standing. Neither can we, the citizens of Tennessee, believe, without 
 better proof, that the hair of the head of one of the murderers of the 
 Manly's family and Crawleys, at the mouth of Duck river, are disturbed by 
 the Creeks, when we have proof that they lately passed near to Kaskaskia, 
 fifteen in number, to join the Prophet. In this particular, we want and 
 do expect the murderers delivered up agreeably to treaty. This is only 
 justice ; this we ask of government ; this we are entitled to ; and this we 
 must (sooner or later) and will have. This may be thought strong lan- 
 guage ; but it is the language that freemen when they are only claiming a 
 fulfillment of their rights ought to use. It is a language they ought to be 
 taught to lisp from their cradles, and never when they are claiming rights 
 of any nation ever to abandon. 
 
 " Pardon the trouble I have given you in this long letter. It relates to 
 the two subjects that have for some time irritated the public mind, and are 
 now ready to burst forth in vengeance. 
 
 " I am, dear sir, with due regard, 
 
 " Your most obedient servant, 
 
 "September, 1812. Andrew Jackson." 
 
 Affairs of great pith and moment soon called the atten- 
 tion of all parties away from this matter ; and the public 
 heard no more of Silas Dinsmore. He was not, as has been 
 alleged, dismissed by the government for his enforcement of 
 the law of 1802. His case was disposed of in a quieter, po- 
 liter, and meaner way. In 1813 he was summoned to Wash- 
 ington to explain certain items of his expenditure which the 
 Secretary of War thought too large. He obeyed the sum- 
 mons ; but, on reaching Washington, found that the Secre- 
 tary had gone to the North to superintend in person the 
 development of the campaign in that quarter. He went in 
 
1812.] JACKSON'S WAR WITH DINSMORE. 359 
 
 pursuit. In the course of his search for the flitting official, 
 he found himself at Lake Erie, on the eve of Commodore 
 Perry's battle. He volunteered, and fought on board of one 
 of the victorious ships. During his absence, however, oc- 
 curred that prodigious upheaving of the south-western tribes 
 which we shall soon have to recount. In haste and terror 
 the authorities of Tennessee took the responsibility of ap- 
 pointing another man to fill the agency and keep the Choc- 
 taws from joining the dread confederation. This agent per- 
 formed his office well, and held the Choctaws to their 
 allegiance. On the restoration of peace, Jackson being then 
 a name of power in the land, it was found convenient to re- 
 tain the new agent in office, and shelve Colonel Dinsmore ; 
 who was thus reduced to poverty, and made a wanderer in 
 the regions where he had formerly borne sway. He met 
 Jackson eight years later, and made an advance toward 
 reconciliation ; but the General glared upon him with the 
 wrath of 1812 in his eyes.* 
 
 This quarrel, we may remark, was an illustration of the 
 old truth, that When honest men differ, both are in 
 the right ; each founding his opinion upon truth and fact, 
 though not upon the ivhole truth and all the facts. 
 
 Nothing can be more explicit than the language of the 
 Act of Congress, (approved March 30th, 1802,) under which 
 Mr. Dinsmore acted. The third section ordains, " That if 
 any person shall go into any country, which is alloted or se- 
 cured by treaty, as aforesaid, to any of the Indian tribes 
 south of the river Ohio, without a passport first had and 
 obtained from the Governor of some one of the United States, 
 or the officer of the troops of the United States commanding 
 at the nearest post on the frontiers, or such other person as 
 
 * These facts I have from an acquaintance of Colonel Dinsmore's, who re- 
 sided, and resides, near the scene of the events related. He witnessed the ren- 
 contre between the two, which is alluded to in the text, and which may be 
 more fully related by and by. I presume there is no harm in saying that my 
 informant is Colonel B. L. C. Wailes, President of the Mississippi Historical 
 Society. 
 
360 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1812 
 
 the President of the United States may, from time to time, 
 authorize to grant the same, shall forfeit a sum not exceeding 
 fifty dollars, or be imprisoned not exceeding three months." 
 
 On the other hand, General Jackson could point to the 
 treaty concluded between the United States and the Choc- 
 taws, (signed December 17th, 1801,) which provided that a 
 wagon road should be opened through the Choctaw country 
 to the Mississippi river ; " and the same," said the treaty, 
 " shall be, and continue for ever, a highway for the citizens 
 of the United States and the Choctaws." 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 JACKSON AND THE VOLUNTEERS. 
 
 At the beginning of the war of 1812, there was not a 
 militia general in the western country less likely to receive a 
 commission from the general government than Andrew Jack- 
 son. There were unpleasant traditions and recollections con- 
 nected with his name in Mr. Madison's cabinet, as we know. 
 He had shown himself to be a man whose nature it was to 
 style a " venerable'' Secretary of War and revolutionary 
 patriot, who showed less energy than he thought the occa- 
 sion required, " an old granny ;" a trait of character not 
 pleasing to the official mind. The Dinsmore affair could not 
 have given Secretary Eustis the impression that he was an 
 easy man to get along with. Mr. Madison, too, had not for- 
 gotten how General Jackson had mounted the stump in 
 Kichmond, and denounced the last administration, of which 
 himself was premier, for its " persecution" of Aaron Burr. 
 Still less could he have forgotten that when it was still an 
 open question who should succeed Mr. Jefferson, General 
 Jackson had given his voice for James Monroe, instead of 
 James Madison. 
 
1812.] JACKSON AND THE VOLUNTEERS. 361 
 
 There were those, however, who were strongly convinced 
 that General Jackson was the very man, of all who lived in 
 the valley of the Mississippi, to be entrusted with its defense. 
 Aaron Burr thought so for one. He had just returned to 
 New York, after his four years' exile, when the war broke 
 out. " There was in Congress with me," says Mr. C. J. 
 Ingersoll, " a member from New York, (Dr. John Sage, of 
 Long Island,) who said that on his way home, after voting 
 for the declaration of war in the Twelfth Congress, he met 
 that extraordinary man, Aaron Burr, in the city of New 
 York, who conversed freely with him on the subject, par- 
 ticularly respecting the gentlemen appointed generals in the 
 army ; not one of whom, Burr said, would answer public 
 expectation. Dr. Sage told him that the President thought 
 it best, and in fact indispensable, to select those with some 
 military character from service in the Kevolution. I know, 
 said Colonel Burr, that my word is not worth much with 
 Madison ; but you may tell him from me that there is an 
 unknown man in the West, named Andrew Jackson, who 
 will do credit to a commission in the army if conferred on 
 him. This remarkable prediction of what was soon verified, 
 and proof of Burr's knowledge of the then obscure individual 
 he recommended to notice, occurred before General Jackson 
 had, probably, ever heard a volley of musket balls, or per- 
 formed any part to indicate his future military distinction."* 
 
 Burr uttered this opinion to all his friends at the time. 
 He gave it strong expression at the house of Mr. Martin Van 
 Buren, a rising man at Albany, who had then scarcely heard 
 the name of Andrew Jackson, and was himself little known 
 beyond his own State. " 111 tell you why they don't em- 
 ploy Jackson," said Burr ; " it's because he is a friend of 
 mine." 
 
 The late Thomas H. Benton, of Missouri, claims the merit 
 of having suggested the tactics which resulted in Genera] 
 Jackson's being called to the field. In the House of Kepre- 
 
 * General Jackson's Fine. By Charles J. Ingersoll. Page 28. 
 
362 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1812, 
 
 sentatives, on the presentation of General Jackson's sword to 
 Congress in 1855, Mr. Benton said : — 
 
 " When a warrior or a statesman is seen in the midst of his career, and 
 in the fullness of his glory, showing himself to be in his natural place, peo- 
 ple overlook his previous steps, and suppose he had been called by a gen- 
 eral voice — by wise counsels — to the fulfillment of a natural destiny. In a 
 few instances it is so ; in the greater part not. In the greater part there 
 is a toilsome uncertainty, discouraging and mortifying progress to be gone 
 through before the future resplendent man is able to get on the theater 
 which is to give him the use of his talent. So it was with Jackson. He 
 had his difficulties to surmount, and surmounted them. He conquered 
 savage tribes and the conquerors of the conquerors of Europe ; but he had 
 to conquer his own government first — and did it — and that was for him 
 the most difficult of the two ; for, while his military victories were the reg- 
 ular result of a genius for war and brave troops to execute his plans — en- 
 abling him to command success — his civil victory over his own government 
 was the result of chances and accidents, and the contrivances of others, in 
 which he could have but little hand, and no control. I proceed to give 
 some view of this inside and preliminary history, and have some qualifica- 
 tion for the task, having taken some part, though not great, in all that I 
 relate. 
 
 " Ketired from the United States Senate, of which he had been a mem- 
 ber, and from the supreme judicial bench of his State, on which he had sat 
 as judge, this future warrior and President — and alike illustrious in both 
 characters — was living upon his farm, on the banks of the Cumberland, 
 when the war of 1812 broke out. He was a Major G-eneral in the Ten- 
 nessee militia — the only place he would continue to hold, and to which he 
 had been elected by the contingency of one vote — so close was £he chance 
 for a miss in this first step. His friends believed that he had military genius, 
 and. proposed him for the brigadier's appointment which was alloted to the 
 West. That appointment was given to another, and Jackson remained 
 unnoticed on his farm. Soon another appointment of general was alloted 
 to the West. Jackson was proposed again, and was again left to attend to 
 his farm. Then a batch of generals, as they were called was authorized by 
 law — six at a time — and from all parts of the Union ; and then his friends 
 believed that surely his time had come. Not so the fact. The six appoint- 
 ments went elsewhere, and the hero patriot, who was born to lead armies 
 to victory, was still left to the care of his fields, while incompetent men 
 were leading our troops to defeat, to captivity, to slaughter ; for that is the 
 way the war opened. The door to military service seemed to be closed 
 and barred against him ; and was so, so far as the government was con- 
 cerned 
 
L812.] JACKSON AND THE VOLUNTEERS. 363 
 
 " It may be wondered why this repugnance to the Appointment of 
 'ackson, who, though not yet greatly distinguished, was still a man of mark 
 -had been a Senator and a supreme judge, and was still a Major G-eneral, 
 nd a man of tried and heroic courage. I can tell the reason. He had a 
 reat many home enemies, for he was a man of decided temper, had a great 
 lany contests, no compromises, always went for a clean victory or a clean 
 efeat ; though placable after the contest was over. That was one reason, 
 ut not the main one. The administration had a prejudice against him on 
 ccount of Colonel Burr, with whom hie had been associated in the American 
 ienate, and to whom he gave a hospitable reception in his house at the 
 me of his western expedition, relying upon his assurance that his designs 
 rere against the Spanish dominion in Mexico, and not against the integrity 
 f this Union. These were some of the causes, not all, of Jackson's rejec- 
 on from federal military employment. 
 
 " I was young then, and one of his aids, and believed in his military 
 dents and patriotism, greatly attached to him, and was grieved and vexed 
 ) see him passed by when so much incompetence was preferred. Besides, 
 was to go with him, and his appointment would be partly my own. I 
 r as vexed, as were all his friends^ but I did not despair as most of them 
 id. I turned from the ' government to ourselves — to our own resources, 
 id looked for the chapter of accidents to turn up a chance for incidental 
 nployment, confident that he could do the rest for himself, if he could only 
 3t a start. I was in this mood in my office, a young lawyer with more 
 Doks than briefs, when the tardy mail of that time, ' one raw and gusty 
 ay' in February, 1812, brought an act of Congress authorizing the Presi- 
 3nt to accept organized bodies of volunteers to the extent of fifty thou- 
 md— to serve for one year, and to be called into service when jiome emer- 
 mcy should require it. 
 
 " Here was a chance. ' I knew that Jackson could raise a general's 
 >mmand, and trusted to events for him to be called out, and felt that one 
 3ar was more than enough for him to prove himself. I drew up a plan, 
 »de thirty miles to his house that same raw day in February — rain, hail, 
 eet, wind — and such roads as we then had there in winter — deep in rich 
 ud and mixed with ice. I arrived at the Hermitage — a name then but 
 -tie known — at nightfall, and found him solitary, and almost alone, but 
 )t quite ; for it was the evening mentioned in the ' Thirty Years' View,' 
 hen I found him with the lamb and the child between his knees. I laid 
 e plan before him. He was struck with it, adopted it, acted upon it. 
 r e began to raise volunteer companies. 
 
 " While this was going on, an order arrived from the War Department 
 
 the Governor (Willie Blount) to detach fifteen hundred militia to the 
 
 ywer Mississippi, the object to meet the British, then expected to make 
 
 i attempt on New Orleans. The Governor was a friend to Jackson and 
 
364 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1812, 
 
 to his country. He agreed to accept his three thousand volunteers instead 
 of the fifteen hundred drafted militia. He issued an address to his divis- 
 ion. I galloped to the muster-grounds and harangued the young men. 
 The success was ample. Three regiments were completed — Coffee, Wil- 
 liam Hall, Benton, the colonels." 
 
 A striking story ; made such by grouping particulars 
 which do not belong together. That Mr. Benton made 
 the suggestion with regard to raising a general's command 
 of volunteers, we are bound to believe ; that he was active 
 ir the execution of the scheme is well known ; that the 
 administration were not well affected towards General Jack- 
 son at the beginning of the war, is not to be denied. Other 
 parts of Mr. Benton's fluent narrative will not bear the 
 test of a comparison with dates and documents ; which is not 
 to be wondered at, when we consider that the orator was 
 speaking of events that occurred thirty- three years before. 
 Neither in Mr. Benton's Abridgment of the Congressional 
 proceedings, nor anywhere else, can I find record or trace of 
 such a profuse creation of generals before the declaration of 
 war in June, 1812. 
 
 So far as I can discover, it was General Jackson's charac- 
 teristic promptitude in tendering his services, and the services 
 of his division, and that alone, which softened the repug- 
 nance of the President and his cabinet. Whatever may have 
 been the feelings of the administration toward him, its con- 
 duct was just and courteous. It accepted him as promptly 
 as he offered himself ; employed him the moment there was 
 any thing for him to do ; promoted him as soon as he had 
 given fair evidence of capacity ; bestowed upon each of his 
 achievements its due of applause. It could have done more, 
 but it was not bound to do more. It could have given him a 
 commission at the commencement of hostilities. But what 
 had General Jackson done to deserve or invite a distinction 
 so marked ? Besides, is it not the fate of all nations (ex- 
 cept the French) to lose the first campaign of every war, 
 lose a fine army or two, squander some millions of money, 
 throw away some thousands of lives, tarnish the old honors 
 
 
1812.] JACKSON AND THE VOLUNTEERS. 365 
 
 and lessen the ancient prestige, all for the sake of sparing the 
 feelings of certain generals, who have proved their unfitness 
 to command to-day by having distinguished themselves in 
 a war of twenty years ago ? Every war develops its own 
 hero. 
 
 Observe these dates : — The war was declared on the 12th 
 of June. Such news is not carried, but flies ; and so may 
 have reached Nashville by the 20th. On the 25th, General 
 Jackson offered to the President, through Governor Blount, 
 his own services and those of twenty-five hundred volunteers 
 of his division ; the volunteers, doubtless, to which Colonel 
 Benton refers. A response to the declaration of war so 
 timely and practical, could not but have been extremely 
 gratifying to an administration (never too confident in itself) 
 that was then entering upon a contest to which a powerful 
 minority was opposed ; and with a presidential election only 
 four months distant. The reply of the Secretary of War, 
 dated July 11th, was as cordial as a communication of the 
 kind could be. The President, he said, had received the ten- 
 der of service by General Jackson and the volunteers under 
 his command " with peculiar satisfaction." " In accepting 
 their services/' added the Secretary, " the President can not 
 withhold an expression of his admiration of the zeal and 
 ardor by which they are animated." Governor Blount was 
 evidently more than satisfied with the result of the offer ; he 
 publicly thanked General Jackson and the volunteers for the 
 honor they had done the State of Tennessee by making it. 
 
 Thus, we find General Jackson's services accepted by the 
 President before hostilities could have seriously begun. The 
 summer passed, however, and the autumn came, and still he 
 was at home upon his farm, waging war only with unhappy 
 Silas Dinsmore. 
 
 After Hull's failure in Canada, fears were entertained that 
 the British would direct their released forces against the ports 
 of the Gulf of Mexico, particularly New Orleans, where Gen- 
 eral James Wilkinson still commanded. October 21st, the 
 Governor of Tennessee was requested to dispatch fifteen hun- 
 vol. i. — 24 
 
366 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1812 
 
 dred of the Tennessee troops to the reinforcement of General 
 Wilkinson. November 1st, Governor Blount issued the requi- 
 site orders to General Jackson, who entered at once upon the 
 task of preparing for the descent of the river with his volun- 
 teers. 
 
 The following is the address issued by the General, the 
 joint production of himself and his aid-de-camp, Benton : — 
 
 " In publishing the letter of Governor Blount, the Major G-eneral makes 
 known to the valiant volunteers who have tendered their services every- 
 thing which is necessary for them at this time to know. In requesting the 
 officers of the respective companies to meet in Nashville, on the 21st inst., 
 the Governor expects to have the benefit of their advice in recommending 
 the field officers, who are to be selected from among the officers who have 
 already volunteered ; also to fix upon the time when the expedition shall 
 move, to deliver the definite instructions, and to commission the officers in 
 the name of the President of the United States. Companies which do not 
 contain sixty-six rank and file are required to complete their complement 
 to that number. A second lieutenant should be added where the company 
 contains but one. 
 
 il The Major General has now arrived at a crisis when he can address 
 the volunteers with the feelings of a soldier. The State to which he 
 belongs is now to act a part in the honorable contest of securing the rights 
 and liberties of a great and rising republic. In placing before the volun- 
 teers the illustrious actions of their fathers in the war of the Revolution, he 
 presumes to hope that they will not prove themselves a degenerate race, 
 nor suffer it to be said that they are unworthy of the blessing which the 
 blood of so many thousand heroes has purchased for them. The theater 
 on which they are required to act is interesting to them in every point of 
 view. Every man of the western country turns his eyes intuitively upon 
 the mouth of the Mississippi. He there beholds the only outlet by which 
 his produce can reach the markets of foreign nations or of the Atlantic 
 States. Blocked up, all the fruits of his industry rot upon his hands ; open 
 and he carries on a commerce with all the nations of the earth. To the 
 people of the western country is then peculiarly committed, by nature her- 
 self, the defense of the lower Mississippi and the city of New Orleans. At 
 the approach of an enemy in that quarter the whole western world should 
 pour forth its sons to meet the invader and drive him back into the sea- 
 Brave volunteers 1 it is to the defense of this place, so interesting to youy 
 that you are now ordered to repair. Let us show ourselves conscious oft 
 the honor and importance of the charge which has been committed to us.- 
 By the alacrity with which we obey the orders of the President let us 
 
1812.] JACKSON AND THE VOLUNTEERS. 367 
 
 demonstrate to our brothers in all parts of the Union that the people of 
 Tennessee are worthy of being called to the defense of the republic. 
 
 " The Generals of Brigade attached to the Second Division will commu- 
 nicate these orders to the officers commanding volunteer companies with 
 all possible dispatch, using expresses, and forwarding a statement of the 
 expense tc the Major General. 
 
 " Andrew Jackson, 
 
 "November 14th, 1812. Major General Second Division T." 
 
 The tenth of December was the day appointed for the 
 troops to rendezvous at Nashville. The Governor's order 
 stated that "the volunteers will be expected to arm and 
 equip themselves with their own arms, including rifles, as far 
 as practicable, and to furnish themselves, as fully as may be 
 conveniently in their power to do, with ammunition, camp 
 equipage, and blankets ; for which a compensation may con- 
 fidently be expected to be made by government, to be allowed 
 and settled for in the usual mode and at the usual rates." 
 The General added to this a rough description of the " uni- 
 form" in which the troops were to appear : " Dark blue or 
 brown," said he, " has been prescribed for service, of home- 
 spun or not, at the election of the wearer ; hunting-shirts or 
 coats, at the option of the different companies, with panta- 
 loons and dark-colored socks. White pantaloons, vests, etc., 
 may be worn upon parade. As the expedition will not ter- 
 minate under five or six months, and will include the winter 
 and spring, the volunteers will see the propriety of adapting 
 their clothing in quantity and quality to both seasons. The 
 field officers will wear the uniform which is prescribed for 
 officers of the same grade in the army of the United States. 
 Company officers will conform to the same regulations, if 
 convenient ; otherwise, they will conform to the uniform of 
 their companies." 
 
 The climate of Tennessee, generally so pleasant, is liable 
 to brief periods of severe cold. Twice, within the memory 
 of living persons, the Cumberland has been frozen over at 
 Nashville ; and as often snow has fallen there to the depth 
 of a foot. It so chanced that the day named for the assem- 
 
368 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1812. 
 
 bling of the troops was the coldest that had been known at 
 Nashville for many years, and there was deep snow on the 
 ground. Such was the enthusiasm, however, of the volun- 
 teers, that more than two thousand presented themselves on 
 the appointed day. The General was no less puzzled than 
 pleased by this alacrity. Nashville was still little more than 
 a large village, not capable of affording the merest shelter to 
 such a concourse of soldiers ; who, in any weather not extra- 
 ordinary, would have disdained a roof. There was no resource 
 for the mass of the troops but to camp out. Fortunately, 
 the efficient quarter-master, Major William B. Lewis, had 
 provided a thousand cords of wood for the use of the men ; a 
 quantity that was supposed to be sufficient to last till they 
 embarked. Every stick of the wood was burnt the first night 
 in keeping the men from freezing. From dark until nearly 
 daylight the General and the quarter-master were out among 
 the troops, employed in providing for this unexpected and 
 perilous exigency ; seeing that drunken men were brought 
 within reach of a fire, and that no drowsy sentinel slept the 
 sleep of death. 
 
 A gentleman of Nashville well remembers the sudden 
 rage of the General on entering the tavern, about six o'clock 
 in the morning, after this night of tramping in the snow and 
 cold. Some one who had passed the night comfortably in 
 bed, began to find fault with the authorities for having called 
 together such a mass of troops without having provided shel- 
 ter for them. It was a " shame/' he maintained, that the 
 men should have been out on such a night, while the officers- 
 had the best accommodations in the town. 
 
 " You d — d infernal scoundrel," roared the General, 
 " sowing disaffection among the troops. Why, the quarter- 
 master and I have been up all night, making the men com- 
 fortable. Let me hear no more such talk, or I'm d — d if Ii 
 don't ram that red hot andiron down your throat." 
 
 The fiery man ! but as patient as Job while he was ou1 
 in the blustering winter's night looking after his cold soldiers- 
 
 The extreme cold soon passed away, however, and th< 
 
1812.] JACKSON AND THE VOLUNTEERS. 369 
 
 organization of the troops proceeded. In a few days the little 
 army was in readiness ; one regiment of cavalry, commanded 
 by Colonel John Coffee, six hundred and seventy in num- 
 ber ; two regiments of infantry, fourteen hundred men in all, 
 one regiment commanded by Colonel William Hall, the other 
 by Colonel Thomas H. Benton. Major William B. Lewis, the 
 General's neighbor and friend, was the quarter-master. Wil- 
 liam Carroll, a young man from Pennsylvania, a new favorite 
 of the General's, was the brigade inspector. The General's 
 aid and secretary was John Keid, long his companion in the 
 field, afterward his biographer. The troops were of the very 
 best material the State afforded : planters, business men, 
 their sons and grandsons — a large proportion of them de- 
 scended from revolutionary soldiers who had settled in great 
 numbers in the beautiful valley of the Cumberland. John 
 Coffee was a host in himself ; a plain, brave, modest, stal- 
 wart man, devoted to his chief, to Tennessee and to the 
 Union. He had been recently married to Polly Donelson, 
 the daughter of Captain John Donelson, who had given them 
 the farm on which they lived. 
 
 A letter from Colonel Coffee to his father-in-law, written 
 as he was about to leave the State with his mounted regi- 
 ment, will serve to show the simplicity and kindliness of the 
 man. No doubt many of his troopers wrote similar letters on 
 the eve of their departure : — 
 
 " A sense of duty and of justice have compelled me to address this line, 
 together with its enclosure. I did not see the propriety of such an act 
 until of very late, and even now it may seem to you unnecessary. Yet 
 when I reflect on the uncertainty of the life of man, and the time I am 
 about to leave my native country for a more unhealthy climate, independ- 
 ent of any dangers I may be thrown in by a state of war, I should certainly 
 be remiss from my duty were I not in the most equitable manner to make 
 provision for my family were it to be my lot not to return again. I have 
 drawn up an instrument expressive of my wishes, and which I here enclose 
 to you. This, if it please the Almighty that I never return to my beloved 
 wife and infant daughter, is my last will and testament, which, I shall rest 
 assured from your parental goodness, you will have executed without devi- 
 ation as far as is practicable. I will make other memorandums, and deport 
 
370 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1812. 
 
 them, that, in the last event, will enable you to understand what lands I 
 have a claim to, and how they are situated, as well as all my other busi- 
 ness. 
 
 " This letter is only intended for your own eye until it is ascertained I 
 am no more. Don't speak of it to any person whatever ; for if Polly was 
 brought to so serious a thought, it would render her much more uneasy. 
 I don't wish, if I return, any person but yourself to know anything of it. 
 I will make notes and direct them where you may get them on all my 
 business. 
 
 " Notwithstanding this provision, I wish you to understand I feel no 
 dread but that I shall see many happy years with my family and friends 
 after this — yet we know not what may happen. I fear very much I have 
 made a bad arrangement of my farm for the present year. I did expect 
 Mr. Harris to have moved up before this, and would have had things going 
 on in good order before now, but am advised he is not yet gone, which 
 leads me to fear he'll not do much. Can I beg of you, if after a few weeks 
 things don't go on better, you will try and hire a man to make a crop for 
 me ? If you should think it best to do so, make any bargain you can, and 
 which you think best ; either part of the crop, or standing wages, if Polly 
 is content with the person. I will write you again from Columbia, when 
 I will be able to say whether or not Harris will move up. I am distressed 
 to get away from here on the line of march. I think then the worst will 
 be over. As great as my anxiety has been, I could not possibly leave 
 camp one day to go home, one day since I saw you. I expect to be off 
 Tuesday morning. 
 
 " Since I wrote the foregoing part of this letter, S. Harris called here 
 on his way, moving up a part of his plunder. He has promised me he will 
 do every thing he can for me on the farm, yet I fear all won't be much. 
 As you are passing, and when at my house, will thank you to give any 
 orders you may think best towards making a crop next season. 
 
 " Please make my respects to Mrs. Donelson and all the children, and 
 accept of them yourself, whilst I remain your obedient servant, 
 
 " John Coitee."* 
 
 In this spirit, Colonel John Coffee began his brilliant 
 military career. 
 
 There was still a delay of several days, before the boats 
 for the transportation of the infantry could be got ready. On 
 one of these days, there was a grand review of the army by 
 the Governor of the State, who, upon retiring from the field, 
 
 * MSS. of Tennessee Historical Society. 
 
1812.] JACKSON AND THE VOLUNTEERS. 371 
 
 addressed a letter to General Jackson, complimenting the 
 troops upon their martial appearance, their orderly conduct, 
 and their evident zeal for the service. To this letter, the 
 General sent the following reply : — 
 
 "It is with the greatest pleasure and satisfaction that the Major Gen- 
 eral, in behalf of himself and the brave volunteers whom he has the honor 
 to -command, acknowledges the receipt of your Excellency's polite and 
 highly flattering address, which he has caused to be read in general orders 
 on the 19th instant. They feel much gratified that their conduct, both in 
 camp and on parade, has merited the approbation of your Excellency ; and 
 they cherish a belief, that they never will so far forget themselves, the 
 State of which they have the honor to be citizens, and the cause which has 
 elicited the spark of patriotism from every bosom of the volunteers, as to 
 act in any way derogatory to the strictest rules of military discipline and 
 subordination. It is true that the volunteers have experienced hardships 
 and privations in the camp, and have been exposed to the ' severity of the 
 severest cold weather ever known here for years past, and that, too, with- 
 out a murmur,' — but these hardships, as great as they may seem to be, are 
 but inconsiderable, when compared to those which they are willing to en- 
 dure, when required, for the benefit of the service. 
 
 " We have changed the garb of citizens for that of soldiers. In doing 
 this, we hope none of us have changed our principles ; for, let it be recol- 
 lected, as an invariable rule, that good citizens make good soldiers. The 
 volunteers have drawn their swords and shouldered their muskets for no 
 other purpose than that of defending their country against the hostile 
 attacks of their enemies, the British, and their barbarous allies, the Indians. 
 May they never be returned to the scabbard until the enemies of America, 
 of every denomination, be humbled in the dust and constrained to yield 
 that which, in vain, has been so often and so long demanded by amicable 
 negotiation — Justice. We flatter ourselves that your Excellency will do 
 us the justice to believe that there is not an individual among the volun- 
 teers who would not prefer perishing in the field of battle — who would not 
 cheerfully yield his life in the defense of his country, than return to the 
 1 bosom of his family' and his friends, covered with shame, ignominy, and 
 disgrace. 
 
 " Perish our friends — perish our wives — perish our children (the dear- 
 est pledges of Heaven) — nay, perish all earthly considerations — but let the 
 honor and fame of a volunteer soldier be untarnished and immaculate. 
 We now enjoy Liberties, political, civil, and religious, that no other nation 
 on earth possesses. May we never survive them ! No ; rather let us perish 
 in maintaining them. And if we must yield, where is the man that would 
 
372 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1812, 
 
 not prefer being buried in the ruins of his country, than live the ignomin- 
 ious slave of haughty lords and unfeeling tyrants ? We hope that your 
 Excellency shall never blush for the honor of Tennessee. Your Excel- 
 lency will not call it presumption, when the volunteers say that it is their 
 full determination to return covered with laurels, or die endeavoring to 
 gather them in the bloody field of Mars ! 
 
 " Accept from the General, for himself and the volunteers, the horuaga 
 of the highest confidence and respect. 
 
 " Andrew Jackson, Major General'. 
 
 " For himself, and in behalf of the volunteers under his command." 
 
 These writings show, better than any other words could, 
 the ardor and high hope that animated the bosoms of the 
 volunteers. The General himself was full of the great busi- 
 ness in hand. If anything dimmed the brightness of the 
 prospect before him, it was the fact that the commanding 
 officer at New Orleans was the man whom, of all others in 
 the world, he despised — General James Wilkinson. He felt 
 a premonition, that on his arrival in New Orleans, he should 
 have a collision of some kind with Wilkinson. So confi- 
 dently did he expect it, that he took his dueling pistols with 
 him, and a small supply of a very superior kind of powder 
 that was formerly employed on the " field of honor." 
 
 On the 7th of January, all was ready. The infantry em- 
 barked, and the flotilla dropped down the river. Colonel 
 Coffee and the mounted men marched across the country, 
 and were to rejoin the General at Natchez. " I have the 
 pleasure to inform you," wrote Jackson to the Secretary of 
 War, just before leaving home, " that I am now at the head 
 of 2,070 volunteers, the choicest of our citizens, who go at 
 the call of their country to execute the will of the govern- 
 ment, who have no constitutional scruples ; and if the gov- 
 ernment orders, will rejoice at the opportunity of placing the 
 American eagle on the ramparts of Mobile, Pensacola, and 
 Fort St. Augustine, effectually banishing from the southern 
 coasts all British influence." 
 
 Not yet, General, not yet. Two years later, perhaps. 
 
1813.] THE GENERAL WINS HIS NICKNAME. 373 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 THE GENERAL WINS HIS NICKNAME. 
 
 Down the Cumberland to the Ohio ; down the Ohio to 
 the Mississippi ; down the Mississippi toward New Orleans ; 
 stopping here and there for supplies ; delayed for days at a 
 time by the ice in the swift Ohio ; grounding a boat now and 
 then ; losing one altogether ; — the fleet pursued its course, 
 craunching through the floating masses, but making fair 
 progress, for the space of thirty-nine days. 
 
 The weather was often very cold and tempestuous, and 
 the frail boats afforded only an imperfect shelter. But all 
 the little army, from the General to the privates, were in the 
 highest spirits, and burned with the desire to do their part in 
 restoring the diminished prestige of the American arms ; to 
 atone for the shocking failures of the North by making new 
 conquests at the South. On the 15th of February, at dawn 
 of day, they had left a thousand miles of winding stream be- 
 hind them, and saw before them the little town of Natchez. 
 The fleet came to. The men were rejoiced to hear that Colo- 
 nel Coffee and his mounted regiment had already arrived in 
 the vicinity. 
 
 Here General Jackson received a dispatch from General 
 Wilkinson, requesting him to halt at Natchez, as neither 
 quarters nor provisions were ready for them at New Orleans ; 
 nor had an enemy yet made his appearance in the southern 
 waters. Wilkinson added, that he had received no orders 
 respecting the Tennesseeans, knew not their destination, and 
 should not think of yielding his command, " until regularly 
 relieved by superior authority." Jackson assented to the 
 policy of remaining at Natchez for further instructions ; but, 
 with regard to General Wilkinson's uneasiness on the ques- 
 tion of rank, he said, in his reply, " I have marched with tht* 
 true spirit of a soldier to serve my country at any and every 
 
374 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [181; 
 
 point where service can be rendered," and " the detachmei 
 under my command shall be kept in complete readiness i 
 move tc any point at which an enemy may appear, at th 
 shortest notice." So, at Natchez, the troops disembarkec 
 and, encamping in a pleasant and salubrious place, a fe 1 
 miles from the town, passed their days in learning the dutic 
 of the soldier. 
 
 The Nashville papers of the spring of 1813 show that th 
 whole heart of Western Tennessee went down the river wit 
 this expedition. Every issue from the press teemed wit 
 paragraphs and speculations respecting it. Diaries of th 
 voyage were published. One of these, which was somewha 
 bombastic and comically exact, called forth a very tolerabl 
 burlesque, entitled " A Journal of the Perigrinations of m 
 Tom-cat ; after the manner of a Journal of a Voyage fror 
 Nashville to New Orleans, by the Tennessee "Volunteers. 
 Eumors and conjectures respecting the destination and con 
 duct of the corps were the staple of conversation. From th 
 numberless paragraphs in the Nashville Whig I copy a fe^ 
 sentences, which, tame and ordinary as they now appear, wer 
 devoured with intensest interest then. 
 
 A letter dated New Madrid, January 31st, stated tha 
 " the detachment passed New Madrid on this day. The troop 
 are healthy, and continue in high spirits. They are said t< 
 have made rapid progress in acquiring a knowledge of dis 
 cipline." 
 
 A letter from General Jackson, dated, Natchez, Februar 
 15th, contained a paragraph which summed up the whol 
 history of the voyage : "At seven o'clock this morning '. 
 reached this point, after having been detained seven days oi 
 account of obstructions from the ice in the Ohio and Missis 
 sippi. The second regiment is up, and the cavalry will read 
 the cantonment at Washington to-morrow ; all well. N< 
 accident of importance has happened to us. One of ou: 
 boats struck a sawyer, and sunk ; but no lives were lost 
 A few guns, bayonets, and boxes were injured by the fall of 
 Borne chimneys which were erected for the accommodation of 
 
1813.] THE GENERAL WINS HIS NICKNAME. 375 
 
 the men ; but by unparalleled exertions of the officers and 
 men, the boat was towed ashore, and the guns, etc., taken 
 out." 
 
 Colonel Thomas H. Benton, the next day, wrote : "Gen- 
 eral Jackson is ordered by General Wilkinson to disembark 
 here, and wait some days until they can prepare for us at 
 New Orleans ; so that, after all our delays, we are still too 
 fast for the government agents below. Mobile and Pensa- 
 cola are pointed at by those who speak our destination. I 
 have nothing official. Thus far all is well." 
 
 Another officer wrote home a letter which must have been 
 read with proud hearts and glistening eyes by some of the 
 people of Nashville ; certainly by the inmates of the Hermit- 
 age : " The army," said he, " has much gratified, as well as 
 disappointed the expectation of the citizens of this Territory 
 — such has been the good order maintained in camp. In- 
 deed, with such a commander at their head as our beloved 
 Jackson (so I will term him, for he is loved by all), any 
 troops would behave well. But from the patriots of Tennes- 
 see — men who have voluntarily sacrificed interest to serve 
 their country — I do not look merely for good behaviour. My 
 word for it, they will give a good account of. themselves 
 should they ever meet an enemy to contend with." 
 
 The month of February passed away and still the army 
 was in camp, employed in nothing more serious than the 
 daily drill. No one knew when they were to move, where 
 they were to go, nor what they were to do. The command- 
 ing General was not a little impatient, and even the more 
 placid Colonel Coffee longed to be in action. A letter writ- 
 ten by Coffee to Captain Donelson in his tent on the first of 
 March, after two weeks of anxious waiting, lets us into the 
 feeling of the camp : — 
 
 " There is no appearance of an enemy on any of our southern coasts • 
 nor can the best informed in this country see through the policy of the 
 orders. General Wilkinson has advised our halting here, and General 
 Jackson has approved the policy for the present, knowing this to be the 
 
376 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 most central point to act from — if to the East, to take possession of Florida, 
 or if below, we can descend the river in a very few days. And should our 
 services not be wanting at all, this is the healthiest situation to remain at, 
 and nearer home when ordered to return. I have heard of the total defeat 
 of General Winchester ; can not hear particulars, but the last accounts, and 
 the most relied on here, say that himself and about six hundred are prison- 
 ers. I hope it is no worse ; though some accounts say all perished to- 
 gether except a few who made escapes. "Would to G-od we had been 
 ordered there instead of to this place. If so, perhaps we could have saved 
 Winchester and his brave little detachment. I presume before this reaches 
 you a final blow must be struck by General Harrison. So many calami- 
 ties have befallen the North-western army, I dread to hear from it ; still 
 hope the policy will have changed and a proper course pursued to insure 
 success. 
 
 " You can not imagine the spirits of our little army. Notwithstanding 
 we are in an unfriendly climate, we enjoy excellent health as yet, and we 
 do not calculate on being kept here until the sickly season comes on. 
 Since we commenced the line of march from Tennessee, all is content ; no 
 murmuring or complaining. I have not had one half the trouble on the 
 whole march, and since here, that I experienced while lying at Nashville and 
 its vicinity. In passing through the Indian country I was very well sup- 
 plied with forage and provisions on tolerable terms ; never suffered for any 
 thing. The Indians were remarkably friendly and accommodating. When 
 we first arrived here, some difficulty appeared relative to furnishing the 
 horses of my regiment, but all is now settled and going on very well. We 
 get plenty of corn, and tolerably plenty of fodder and hay. The price 
 given for corn at the river is sixty-two and a half cents per bushel, and 
 plenty. For fodder we give two dollars and fifty cents per hundred, 
 delivered in camp. Very high. 
 
 " I live in camp in my tent. We are five miles from Natchez ; have 
 never been there until to-day ; was there about two hours. The situation 
 a pleasant one, though I feel more at home in my tent, where I now write, 
 than anywhere else. Never enjoyed better health than I have since I left 
 home. How is Polly doing ? Do keep her spirits up, and, as much as 
 possible, down with you and her friends."* 
 
 On the same day the Gen. Jackson relieved his patriotic 
 impetuosity by writing a letter to the Secretary of War ; in 
 which he suggested that, if there was nothing for the Ten- 
 nesseeans to do in the South, they should be employed in the 
 
 * MSS. of Tennessee Historical Society. 
 
1813.] THE GENERAL WINS HIS NICKNAME. 377 
 
 North. This idea so inflamed his mind that, a few days 
 after, he wrote even to General Wilkinson on the subject : — 
 " Should the safety of the lower country admit, and govern- 
 ment so order, I would with pleasure march to the lines of 
 Canada, and there offer my feeble aid to the army of our 
 country, and endeavor to wipe off the stain on our military 
 character occasioned by the recent disasters." And when an- 
 other tedious week passed, and still no orders came, and no 
 enemy appeared, and the men were beginning to sicken with 
 the spring heats, he wrote again to the Secretary of War, re- 
 newing his offer : " I can give almost certain assurances," 
 said the eager soldier, " that when I return to Tennessee I 
 can augment my present force to at least three thousand men, 
 who would engage for one year, if their destination should be 
 towards the frontiers of Canada." 
 
 Another week, and no orders ; and yet another. 
 
 At length, on a Sunday morning, toward the end of 
 March, an express from Washington reached the camp, and a 
 letter from the War Department was placed in the G-enerars 
 hands. We can imagine the intensity of feeling with which 
 he tore it open and gathered its purport, and the fever of ex- 
 citement which the news of its arrival kindled throughout the 
 camp. The communication was signed, "J. Armstrong." 
 Eustis, then, was out of office. Yes ; he left the Department 
 February 4th, and this letter was written by the new Secre- 
 tary two days after. But its contents ? Was it the perusal of 
 this astounding letter that caused the General's hair to stand 
 on end, and remain for ever after erect and bristling, unlike 
 the quills upon the fretful porcupine ? Fancy, if you can, 
 the demeanor, attitude, countenance, of this fiery and generous 
 soldier, as he read, and re-read, with ever-growing wonder 
 and wrath, the following epistle : — 
 
 " War Department, February 6, 1813. 
 
 "Sir: — The causes of embodying and marching to New Orleans the 
 corps under your command having ceased to exist, you will, on the receipt 
 of this letter, consider it as dismissed from public service, and take measures 
 
378 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 to have delivered over to Major General Wilkinson all the articles of public 
 property which may have been put into its possession. 
 
 " You will accept for yourself and the corps the thanks of the President 
 of the United States. 
 
 " I have the honor, etc. 
 
 " Major General Andrew Jackson." 
 
 "J. Armstrong. 
 
 Could he believe his eyes ? Dismissed ? Dismissed where ? 
 Here ? Five hundred miles from home ? Dismissed without 
 pay, without means of transport, without provision for the 
 sick ? How could he dismiss men so far from home, to whom, 
 on receiving them from their parents, he had promised to be a 
 father, and either to restore them in honor to their arms, or 
 give them a soldier's burial ? 
 
 His resolution was taken on the instant never to disband 
 his troops till he had led them back to the borders of their 
 own State ! 
 
 " I well remember the day," said Colonel Benton, in the speech already 
 quoted, " when the order came. The first I knew of it was a message 
 from the General to come to him at his tent ; for, though as colonel of a 
 regiment I had ceased to be aid, yet my place had not been filled, and I 
 was sent for as much as ever. He showed me the order, and also his 
 character, in his instant determination not to obey it, but to lead his vol- 
 unteers home. 
 
 " He had sketched a severe answer to the Secretary of War, and gave 
 it to me to copy, and arrange the matter of it. It was very severe. I tried 
 hard to get some parts softer, but impossible. I have never seen that let- 
 ter since, but would know it if I should meet it in any form, anywhere, 
 without names. I concurred with the General in the determination to take 
 home our young troops. He then called a * council ' of the field officers, as 
 he called it, though there was but little of the council in it — the only object 
 being to hear his determination, and take measures for executing it. The 
 officers were unanimous in their determination to support him ; but it was 
 one of those cases in which he would have acted, not only without, but 
 against a ' council.' 
 
 " The officers were unanimous and vehement in their determination, as 
 much so as the General was himself; for the volunteers were composed of 
 the best young men of the country — farmers' sons, themselves clever young 
 men, since filling high offices in the State and the federal governments — 
 intrusted to these officers by their fathers in full confidence that they would 
 
1813.] THE GENERAL WINS HIS NICKNAME. 379 
 
 act a father's part by them ; and the recreant thought of turning them loose 
 on the Lower Mississippi, five hundred miles from home, without the means 
 of getting home, and a wilderness and Indian tribes to traverse, did not 
 find a moment's thought in any one's bosom. To carry them back was 
 the instant and indignant determination; but great difficulties were in 
 the way. The cost of getting back three thousand men under such 
 circumstances must be great, and here Jackson's character showed itself 
 again. 
 
 " We have all heard of his responsibilities — his readiness to assume po- 
 litical responsibility, when the public service required it. He was now 
 equally ready to take responsibility of another kind — moneyed responsi- 
 bility ! and that beyond the whole extent of his fortune ! He had no 
 military chest — not a dollar of public money — and three thousand men 
 were not to be conducted five hundred miles through a wilderness country 
 and Indian tribes without a great outlay of money. Wagons were wanted, 
 and many of them, for transport of provisions, baggage and the sick, so 
 numerous among new troops. He had no money to hire teams ; he im- 
 pressed : and at the end of the service gave drafts upon the quarter-master 
 general of the southern department for the amount. 
 
 " The wagons were ten dollars a day, coming and going. They were 
 numerous. It was a service of two months ; the amount to be incurred 
 was great. He incurred it! and, as will be seen, at imminent risk of his 
 own ruin. This assumption on the General's part met the first great diffi- 
 culty, but there were lesser difficulties, still serious, to be surmounted. The 
 troops had received no pay ; clothes and shoes were worn out ; men were 
 in no condition for a march so long and so exposed. The officers had 
 received no pay — did not expect to need money — had made no provision 
 for the unexpected contingency of large demands upon their own pockets 
 to enable them to do justice to their men. But there was patriotism out- 
 side of the camp as well as within. 
 
 " The merchants of Natchez put their stores at our disposition — take 
 what we needed — pay when convenient at Nashville. I will name one 
 among these patriotic merchants — name him because he belongs to a class 
 now struck at, and because I do not ignore a friend when he is struck. 
 Washington Jackson was the one I mean — Irish by birth — American by 
 choice, by law, and feeling and conduct. I took some hundred pairs shoes 
 from him for my regiment, and other articles," 
 
 The very day on which the order arrived, the General 
 issued the requisite directions for the preparation of wagons, 
 provisions and ammunition. On the next day, he dispatched 
 letters, indignant and explanatory, to the Secretary of War, 
 
380 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 to Governor Blount, to the President, and to General "Wil- 
 kinson. 
 
 He attributed the strange conduct of the government tc 
 every cause but the right one — its own inexperience, and the 
 difficulty of directing operations at places so remote from the 
 seat of government. Armstrong averred that he had dis- 
 patched the obnoxious order in the confident expectation of 
 its reaching General Jackson before he had gone far from 
 home ; as the extreme severity of the winter, he thought, 
 would inevitably detain the flotilla at the mouth of the Cum- 
 berland. There is no good reason now to doubt this explana- 
 tion ; though, at the time, it did not look probable. The 
 General thought he saw the sly hand of Wilkinson in the 
 business. " You have it still in your power," wrote Wilkin- 
 son, " to render a most acceptable service to our government, 
 by encouraging the recruiting service from the patriotic sol- 
 diers you command in an appropriate general order." Aha ! 
 thought General Hotspur ; it's all a scheme, then, of this 
 insidious villain to swell his own force with my gallant Ten- 
 nesseeans. But, by the Eternal, 
 
 "I'll keep them all! 
 By Heaven ! he shall not have a Scot of them. 
 No ; if a Scot would save his soul, he shall not. 
 I'll keep them, by this hand !" 
 
 And so he did. When a recruiting officer was detected 
 hanging about the camp, the General notified him that if he 
 attempted to seduce one of his volunteers into the regular 
 army, he should be drummed out of the camp in the presence 
 of the entire corps. 
 
 At the last moment came the orders of the government 
 (which ought to have accompanied the order to disband), 
 directing the force under General Jackson to be paid off, and 
 allowed pay and rations for the journey home. It was too 
 late. The General was resolved, whatever might betide, to 
 conduct the men back to their homes, in person, as an organ- 
 ized body. " I shall commence the line of march," he wrote 
 
1813.] THE GENERAL WINS HIS NICKNAME. 381 
 
 to Wilkinson, "on Thursday, the 25th. Should the con- 
 tractor not feel himself justified in sending on provisions for 
 my infantry, or the quarter-master wagons for the transpor- 
 tation of my sick, I shall dismount the cavalry, carry them 
 on, and provide the means for their support out of my private 
 funds. If that should fail, I thank my God we have plenty 
 of horses to feed my troops to the Tennessee, where I know 
 my country will meet me with ample supplies. These brave 
 men, at the call of their country, voluntarily rallied round its 
 insulted standard. They followed me to the field ; I shall 
 carefully march them back to their homes. It is for the 
 agents of the government to account to the State of Tennes- 
 see and the whole world for their singular and unusual con- 
 duct to this detachment." 
 
 It was on this homeward march that the nickname of 
 "Old Hickory" was bestowed on the General. From the 
 time of leaving Nashville, General Jackson had constantly 
 grown in the confidence and affection of the troops. The man 
 was in his element at last, and his great qualities began to 
 make themselves manifest. Many of the volunteers had 
 heard so much of his violent and hasty temper that they had 
 joined the corps with a certain dread and hesitation, fearing 
 not the enemy, nor the march, nor the diseases of the lower 
 country, so much as the swift wrath of their commander. 
 Some, indeed, refused to go for that reason alone. How sur- 
 prised were those who entered the service with such feelings 
 to find in General Jackson a father as well as a chief. Jack- 
 eon had the faculty, which all successful soldiers possess, of 
 completely identifying himself with the men he commanded ; 
 investing every soldier, as it were, with a portion of his own 
 personality, and feeling a wrong done to the least of them 
 as done to himself. Soldiers are quick to perceive a trait of 
 this kind. They saw, indeed, that there was a whole volcano 
 of wrath in their General, but they observed that, to the men 
 Of his command, so long as they did their duty, and longer. 
 he was the most gentle, patient, considerate and generous of 
 friends. 
 
 vol. i. — 25 
 
382 LIFE OF ANDEEW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 This resolve of his to disobey his government for their 
 sakes, and the manner in which he executed that resolve, raised 
 his popularity to the highest point. When the little army set 
 out from Natchez for a march of five hundred miles through 
 the wilderness, there were a hundred and fifty men on the 
 sick list, of whom fifty-six could not raise their heads from 
 the pillow. There were but eleven wagons for the con- 
 veyance of these. The rest of the sick were mounted on 
 the horses of the officers. The General had three excellent 
 horses, and gave them all up to the sick men, himself 
 trudging along on foot with the brisk pace that was usual 
 with him. Day after day he tramped gayly along the miry 
 forest roads, never tired, and always ready with a cheering 
 word for others. They marched with extraordinary speed, 
 averaging eighteen miles a day, and performing the whole jour- 
 ney in less than a month ; and yet the sick men rapidly 
 recovered under the reviving influences of a homeward 
 march. " Where am I ?" asked one young fellow who had 
 been lifted to his place in a wagon when insensible and 
 apparently dying. " On your way home !" cried the Gen- 
 eral, merrily ; and the young soldier began to improve from 
 that hour, and reached home in good health. 
 
 The name of " Old Hickory" was not an instantaneous 
 inspiration, but a growth. First of all, the remark was made 
 by some soldier, who was struck with his commander's pedes- 
 trian powers, that the General was " tough." Next it was 
 observed of him that he was as "tough as hickory." Then 
 he was called Hickory. Lastly, the affectionate adjective 
 " old" was prefixed, and the General thenceforth rejoiced in, 
 the completed nickname, usually the first-won honor of a 
 great commander. 
 
 On approaching the borders of the State, the General 
 again offered his services to the government to aid in, or con- 
 duct, a new invasion of Canada. His force, he said, couldi 
 be increased, if necessary ; and he had a few standards wear- 
 ing the American eagle, that he should be happy to place 
 upon the enemy's ramparts. But the desired response came 
 
1813.] THE GENERAL WINS HIS NICKNAME. 383 
 
 not ; and so, on the 22d of May, the last of his army was 
 drawn up on the public square of Nashville waiting only for 
 the word of command to disperse to their homes. 
 
 A pleasant little ceremonial, however, was to precede the 
 separation. " Previous to the dismissal," wrote the editor of 
 the Nashville Whig, " the detachment were presented with 
 a most superb stand of colors by the ladies of East Tennes- 
 see. They are the richest needle-work we ever saw. The 
 work is on white satin ; the colors are tastefully arranged, 
 and show remarkably well. Near the top, in a crescent form, 
 appear eighteen stars in orange color ; next, two sprigs of 
 laurel lying athwart. And then appear these words : I Ten- 
 nessee Volunteers — Independence, in a state of war, is to 
 be maintained on the battle-ground of the Republic. The 
 tented field is the post of honor. Presented by the ladies of 
 East Tennessee, Knoxville, February 10th, 1813/ And un- 
 derneath appear all the implements of war, colors, cannons, 
 muskets, bayonets, drums, balls, pontoons, swords, battle- 
 axes, etc., etc., very ingeniously intermingled in a manner 
 that excites the utmost admiration for the taste and patriot- 
 ism of the ladies. The wing of the colors is beautiful fancy 
 lutestring, dove color, ornamented with white fringe and 
 tassels." 
 
 A complimentary letter from Mrs. Blount, the wife of the 
 Governor of the State, was read on the occasion ; to which 
 the General sent a becoming reply, addressed to " Mrs. Gov- 
 ernor Blount, Miss Barbara Grey Blount, and Miss Eliza In- 
 diana Blount." " While I admire," said the General, " the 
 elegant workmanship of these colors, my veneration is excited 
 for the patriotic disposition that prompted the ladies to be- 
 stow them on the volunteers of West Tennessee. Although 
 the patriotic corps under my command have not had an op- 
 portunity of meeting an enemy, yet they have. evinced every 
 disposition to do so. This distinguished mark of respect will 
 be long remembered, and this splendid present shall be kept 
 as a memorial of the generosity and patriotism of the ladies 
 of East Tennessee." 
 
384 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813 
 
 At a later day, he had an opportunity of making a happj 
 return in kind to the ladies — as we shall see. 
 
 The troops were dismissed, exulting in their commander, 
 and spreading wide the fame of his gallant and graceful con- 
 duct. " Long will their General live in the memory of the 
 volunteers of West Tennessee," said the Nashville Whig, s 
 day or two after the troops were disbanded, " for his benevo- 
 lent, humane, and fatherly treatment to his soldiers ; if 
 gratitude and love can reward him, General Jackson has 
 them. It affords us pleasure to say, that we believe there ig 
 not a man belonging to the detachment but what loves him, 
 His fellow-citizens at home are not less pleased with his con- 
 duct. We fondly hope his merited worth will not be over- 
 looked by the government." 
 
 The government, quotha ? These events were not re- 
 garded at Washington in the light they were at Nashville. 
 Far from it. The " government" came very near making up 
 its mind to let the General bear the responsibilities which he 
 had incurred. Colonel Benton may continue his narrative : 
 " We all returned," he says ; " were discharged ; dispersed 
 among our homes, and the fine chance on which we had so 
 much counted was all gone. And now came a blow upon 
 Jackson himself — the fruit of the moneyed responsibility 
 which he had assumed. His transportation drafts were all 
 protested — returned upon him for payment, which was im- 
 possible, and directions to bring suit. This was the month 
 of May. I was coming on to Washington on my own ac- 
 count, and cordially took charge of Jackson's case. Suits 
 were delayed until the result of his application for relief could 
 be heard. I arrived at this city ; Congress was in session— 
 the extra session of the spring and summer of 1813. I ap- 
 plied to the members of Congress from Tennessee ; theycoulc 
 do nothing. I applied to the Secretary of .War ; he die 
 nothing. 
 
 " Weeks had passed away, and the time for delay was ex 
 piring at Nashville. Kuin seemed to be hovering over th 
 head of Jackson, and I felt the necessity of some decisiv 
 
1813.] THE GENERAL WINS HIS NICKNAME. 385 
 
 movement. I was young, then, and had some material in 
 me — perhaps some boldness ; and the occasion brought it out. 
 I resolved to take a step, characterized in the letter which I 
 wrote to the General as c an appeal from the justice to the 
 fears of the administration.' I remember the words, though 
 I have never seen the letter since. I drew up a memoir, ad- 
 dressed to the Secretary of War, representing to him that 
 these volunteers were drawn from the bosoms of almost every 
 substantial family in Tennessee — that the whole State stood 
 by Jackson in bringing them home — and that the State 
 would be lost to the administration if he was left to suffer. 
 It was upon this last argument that I relied — all those 
 founded in justice having failed. 
 
 " It was of a Saturday morning, 12th of June, that I 
 carried this memoir to the War Office, and delivered it. 
 Monday morning I came back early to learn the result of my 
 argument. The Secretary was not yet in. I spoke to the 
 chief clerk (who was afterwards Adjutant General Parker), 
 and inquired if the Secretary had left any answer for me before 
 he left the office on Saturday. He said no ; but that he had 
 put the memoir in his side pocket — the breast-pocket — and 
 carried it home with him, saying he would take it for his 
 Sunday's consideration. That encouraged me — gave a gleam 
 of hope and a feeling of satisfaction. I thought it a good 
 subject for his Sunday's meditation. Presently he arrived. 
 I stepped in before anybody to his office. 
 
 " He told me quickly and kindly that there was much 
 reason in what I had said, but that there was no way for him 
 to do it ; that Congress would have to give the relief. I 
 answered him that I thought 'there was a way for him to do 
 it ; it was to give an order to General Wilkinson, quarter- 
 master general in the southern department, to pay for so 
 much transportation as General Jackson's command would 
 have been entitled to if it had returned under regular orders. 
 Upon the instant he took up a pen, wrote down the very 
 words I had spoken, directed a clerk to put them into form ; 
 and the work was done. The ord^r went off immediately, 
 
386 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 and Jackson was relieved from imminent impending ruin, and 
 Tennessee remained firm to the administration." 
 
 And so ended this fruitless expedition to Natchez. Fruit- 
 less it was of immediate military results. It was more pro- 
 ductive, however, of reputation to the General in command 
 than if it had been, in any ordinary degree, successful. It 
 left him a private citizen, indeed ; but, for the time, the most 
 beloved and esteemed of private citizens in western Tennessee. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 FEUD AND AFFRAY WITH THE BENTONS. 
 
 It was through an act of good nature that General Jack- 
 son was drawn into this disgraceful business. 
 
 William Carroll (afterwards General Carroll), who went 
 down the river with the expedition, in the capacity of brigade 
 inspector, had but recently come to Nashville from Pitts- 
 burg, where he had been a clerk or partner in a hardware 
 store. He was a tall, well-formed man, much given to mili- 
 tary affairs, and thus attracted the notice of General Jackson ; 
 who advanced him so rapidly and paid him such marked 
 attentions, as to procure for the young stranger a great many 
 enemies. Carroll, moreover, was not a genuine son of the 
 wilderness. With all his powerful frame and superior stature, 
 there was an expression of delicacy in his smooth, fair coun- 
 tenance that found small favor in the eyes of the rougher 
 pioneers. Perhaps, too, in those days, there was a touch off 
 dandyism in his attire and demeanor. Far different was he 
 from the giant Coffee, man of the mighty arm and massive 
 fist, and thundering voice, and face of bronze, and heart off 
 oak ; the backwoodsman's beau-ideal of a colonel of hunting- 
 shirted dragoons. Enough. Captain William Carroll hadl 
 his enemies among the young officers of General Jackson's* 
 division. 
 
1813.] FEUD WITH THE BBNTONS. 387 
 
 On the homeward march from Natchez, one wild young 
 fellow of the anti-Carroll faction thought proper to consider 
 himself insulted by Carroll, and on reaching Nashville sent 
 him a challenge. Carroll declined to fight, on the ground 
 that the challenger was not a gentleman. The officer who 
 had borne the hostile message then challenged Carroll him- 
 self, who again refused to fight, and for the same reason as 
 before. The quarrel spread. Various petty and ridiculous 
 things occurred, which need not be repeated. At length, the 
 foes of Carroll succeeded in their object so far as to embroil 
 the young man with Mr. Jesse Benton, a brother of Colonel 
 Thomas H. Benton, who was away in Washington, saving Gen- 
 eral Jackson from bankruptcy. Jesse Benton, for many years 
 a resident of Nashville, had a good deal of his brother's fire 
 and fluency, without much of his talent and discretion. He 
 was a well-intentioned, eccentric, excitable man, prone to get 
 himself into awkward scrapes, and to get out of them awk- 
 wardly. He challenged Carroll. His social standing was 
 such that his challenge could not be declined, and Carroll 
 was compelled to prepare for a fight. 
 
 Unable, it is said, to procure a suitable second in Nash- 
 ville, Carroll rode out to the Hermitage, stated his perplexity 
 to General Jackson, and asked him to act as his " friend " 
 The General was astonished at the proposal. 
 
 " Why, Captain Carroll," said he, "I am not the man 
 for such an affair. I am too old. The time has been when 
 I should have gone out with pleasure ; but, at my time of 
 life, it would be extremely injudicious. You must get a man 
 nearer your own age." 
 
 Carroll replied that if this had been a quarrel of an ordi- 
 nary nature he would not have asked General Jackson's 
 assistance. But it was not an ordinary quarrel. There was 
 a conspiracy, he said, among certain young men, to " run him 
 out of the country." They wanted his commission, and were 
 jealous of his standing with General Jackson. 
 
 At the words, " run me out of the country," the General's 
 manner changed. 
 
388 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 " Well, Carroll," said he, " you may make your mind 
 easy on one point : they sha'n't run you out of the country as 
 long as Andrew Jackson lives in it. I'll ride with you to 
 Nashville, and inquire into this business myself." 
 
 Upon inquiry, General Jackson was convinced that Jesse 
 Benton's fiery passions had been played upon by the enemies 
 of Carroll for their own purposes, and that the challenge of 
 that gentleman was something not in the least degree called 
 for by the "laws of honor." He personally remonstrated 
 with Benton, and, as he thought, with good effect. But 
 others gained his ear and confidence, after the General had 
 returned to the tavern, and the result was, that he persisted 
 in fighting. Upon learning this determination, General 
 Jackson declared his purpose to stand by his young friend, 
 Carroll, and to go with him to the field as his second. 
 
 The incidents of the duel were so ridiculous that they are 
 still a standing joke in Tennessee. The men were placed 
 back to back, at the usual distance apart. At the word, they 
 were to wheel and fire. The General, on placing his man, 
 said, pointing to Benton, 
 
 " You needn't fear Mm, Carroll ; he'd never hit you, if 
 you were as broad as a barn-door." 
 
 Benton was evidently a little agitated. Indeed, as he 
 afterwards confessed to his physician, he had not the duelist's 
 nerve, i. e., he could not quite conceal a feeling, common to 
 all duelists when they are placed, that a man who stands 
 eight or ten paces from the muzzle of a loaded pistol which 
 is about to go off, is in a false position. 
 
 Fire ! 
 
 The men wheeled and raised their pistols. Benton fired 
 first, and then stooped or crouched, to receive the fire of his 
 antagonist. The act of stooping caused a portion of his 
 frame, that was always prominent, to be more prominent 
 still. Carroll fired. His ball inflicted a long, raking wound 
 on the part exposed, which would have been safe but for the 
 unlucky stoop. Jackson ran up to his principal, and asked 
 him if he was hit. "No," said he, "I believe not." At 
 
1813.] FEUD WITH THE BENTONS. 389 
 
 that moment, Carroll observed blood on his left hand, and 
 found that he had been shot in the thumb. 
 
 " Oh, yes," he added, " he's hit my thumb." 
 
 " I told you he would not hurt you," said Jackson ; " and 
 he wouldn't have hit you at all if you'd kept your hand at 
 your side, where it ought to have been." 
 
 Benton was carried home, and his wound was dressed 
 He was confined to the house for some weeks. 
 
 Meanwhile, Colonel Thomas H. Benton had completed 
 his business at Washington, had sent on to Tennessee the 
 news of his great success, and was about to return home, 
 when he heard of this duel, and heard, too, that General 
 Jackson had gone to the field, not as his brother's friend, but 
 as the second of his brother's antagonist ! General Jackson ! 
 whom he had so signally served. Soon came wild letters 
 from Jesse, so narrating the affair as to place the conduct 
 of General Jackson in the worst possible light. Officious 
 friends of the Bentons, foes to Jackson and to Carroll, wrote 
 to Colonel Benton in a similar strain, adding fuel to the fire 
 of his indignation. Benton wrote to Jackson, denouncing 
 his conduct in offensive terms. Jackson replied, in effect, 
 that before addressing him in that manner Colonel Benton 
 should have inquired of him what his conduct really had 
 been, not listened to the tales of designing and interested par- 
 ties. Benton wrote still more angrily. He said that General 
 Jackson had conducted the duel in a " savage, unequal, unfair 
 and base manner." On his way home through Tennessee, 
 especially at Knoxville, he inveighed bitterly and loudly, in 
 public places, against General Jackson, using language such 
 as angry men did use in the western country fifty years ago. 
 Jackson was informed of this. Phrases applied by Benton to 
 himself were reported to him by some of those parasites and 
 sycophants who made it their business to minister to his pas- 
 sions and prejudices ; a class of people from whose malign, 
 misleading influence men of intense personality are seldom 
 wholly free. 
 
 Jackson had liked Thomas Benton, and remembered with 
 
390 LIFE OF ANDEEW JACKSON. [1813 
 
 gratitude his parents, particularly his mother, who had been 
 gracious and good to him when he was a " raw lad" in North 
 Carolina. They had had a slight difference at Natchez, these 
 two hot-headed men ; Benton having been of the opinion that 
 Wilkinson, a brigadier of the regular army and a major gen- 
 eral by brevet, was the military superior of Jackson, who was 
 only a major general of militia. But this was a temporary 
 and unimportant matter, which had not been remembered 
 against him. Jackson was, therefore, sincerely unwilling to 
 break with him, and manifested a degree of forbearance 
 which it is a pity he could not have maintained to the end. 
 He took fire at last, threw old friendship to the winds, and 
 swore by the Eternal that he would horsewhip Tom Benton 
 the first time he met him. 
 
 The vow had gone forth ; a sacred vow at that day in 
 Tennessee. To all Nashville it was known that General 
 Jackson had promised to whip Thomas Benton " on sight," 
 to use Colonel Coffee's commercial term. Colonel Benton was 
 duly informed of it. Jesse Benton, then nearly recovered 
 from his wound, was perfectly aware of it. The thing was to 
 be done. The only question was, When ? 
 
 Back from Washington came Colonel Benton, bursting 
 with wrath and defiance, yet resolved to preserve the peace, 
 and neither to seek nor fly the threatened attack. One meas- 
 ure of precaution, however, he did adopt. There were then 
 two taverns on the public square of Nashville, both situated 
 near the same angle, their front doors being not more than a 
 hundred yards apart. One was the old Nashville Inn (burnt 
 three years ago), at which General Jackson was accustomed 
 to put up for more than forty years. There, too, the Ben- 
 tons, Colonel Coffee and all of the General's peculiar friends 
 were wont to take lodgings whenever they visited the town, 
 and to hold pleasant converse over a glass of wine, and to 
 play billiards together — a game pursued with fanatical devo- 
 tion in the early days of Nashville. By the side of this old 
 inn was a piece of open ground, where cocks were accustomed 
 to display their prowess, and tear one another to pieces for 
 the entertainment of some of the citizens. 
 
1813.] FEUD WITH THE BENTON S. 391 
 
 The other tavern, the City Hotel, flourishes to this day. 
 It is one of those curious, overgrown caravansaries of the 
 olden time, nowhere to be seen now except in the ancient 
 streets of London and the old towns of the southern States ; 
 a huge tavern, with vast piazzas, and interior galleries run- 
 ning round three sides of a quadrangle, story above story, and 
 quaint little rooms with large fire-places and high mantels 
 opening out upon them ; with long dark passages, and stairs 
 at unexpected places ; and carved wainscoating, and gray- 
 haired servants, who have grown old with the old house, and 
 can remember General Jackson as long as they can remem- 
 ber their own fathers. 
 
 On reaching Nashville, Colonel Benton and his brother 
 Jesse did not go to their accustomed inn, but stopped at the 
 City Hotel, to avoid General Jackson, unless he chose to go 
 out of his way to seek them. This was on the 3d of Sep- 
 tember. In the evening of the same day it came to pass that 
 General Jackson and Colonel Coffee rode into town, and put 
 up their horses, as usual, at the Nashville Inn. Whether the 
 coming of these portentous gentlemen was in consequence of 
 the General's having received, a few hours before, an intima- 
 tion of the arrival of Colonel Benton, is one of those ques- 
 tions which must be left to that already overburdened indi- 
 vidual — the future historian. Perhaps it was true, as Colonel 
 Coffee grinningly remarked, that they had come to get their 
 letters from the post office. They were there — that is the 
 main point — and concluded to stop all night. Captain Car- 
 roll called in the course of the evening, and told the General 
 that an affair of a most delicate and tender nature compelled 
 him to leave Nashville at dawn of day. 
 
 " Go, by all means," said the General. " I want no man 
 to fight my battles." 
 
 The next morning, about nine, Colonel Coffee proposed 
 to General Jackson that they should stroll over to the post 
 office. They started. The General carried with him, as he 
 generally did, his riding whip. He also wore a small sword, 
 as all gentlemen once did, and as official persons were accus- 
 
392 
 
 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON 
 
 [1813. 
 
 tomed to do in Tennessee, as late as the war of 1812. The 
 post office was then situated in the public square, on the 
 corner of a little alley, just beyond the City Hotel. There 
 were, therefore, two ways of getting to it from the Nashville 
 Inn. One way was to go straight to it, across the angle of 
 the square ; the other, to keep the sidewalk and go round. 
 
 
 I 1 
 
 LI 
 
 
 o 
 
 hj 
 
 
 $ 
 
 1 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 Nashville Inn. 
 
 * 
 
 
 Our two friends took the short cut, walking leisurely along. 
 When they were about midway between their inn and the 
 post office, Colonel Coffee, glancing towards the City Hotel, 
 observed Colonel Benton standing in the doorway thereof, 
 drawn up to his full height, and looking daggers at them. 
 
 " Do you see that fellow ?" said Coffee to Jackson, in a 
 low tone. 
 
 " Oh, yes," replied Jackson without turning his head, " I 
 have my eye on him." 
 
 They continued their walk to the post office, got their 
 
 letters, and set out on their return. 
 
 This time, however. 
 
1813.] FEUD WITH THE BENTON S. 393 
 
 they did not take the short way across the square, hut kept 
 down the sidewalk, which led past the front door at which 
 Colonel Benton was posted. As they drew near, they ob- 
 served that Jesse Benton was standing before the hotel near 
 his brother. On coming up to where Colonel Benton stood, 
 General Jackson suddenly turned toward him, with his whip 
 in his right hand, and, stepping up to him, said, 
 
 " Now, you d — d rascal, I am going to punish you. De- 
 fend yourself." 
 
 Benton put his hand into his breast pocket and seemed to 
 be fumbling for his pistol. As quick as lightning, Jackson 
 drew a pistol from a pocket behind him, and presented it full 
 at his antagonist, who recoiled a pace or two. Jackson ad- 
 vanced upon him. Benton continued to step slowly back- 
 ward, Jackson close upon him, with a pistol at his heart, 
 until they had reached the back door of the hotel, and were 
 in the act of turning down the back piazza. At that mo- 
 ment, just as Jackson was beginning to turn, Jesse Benton 
 entered the passage behind the belligerents, and, seeing his 
 brother's danger, raised his pistol and fired at Jackson. The 
 pistol was loaded with two balls and a large slug. The slug 
 took effect in Jackson's left shoulder, shattering it horribly. 
 One of the balls struck the thick part of his left arm, and 
 buried itself near the bone. The other ball splintered the 
 board partition at his side. The shock of the wounds was 
 such, that Jackson fell across the entry, and remained pros- 
 trate, bleeding profusely. 
 
 Coffee had remained just outside, meanwhile. Hearing 
 the report of the pistol, he sprang into the entry, and seeing 
 his chief prostrate at the feet of Colonel Benton, concluded 
 that it was his ball that had laid him low. He rushed 
 upon Benton, drew his pistol, fired, and missed. Then he 
 " clubbed" his pistol, and was about to strike, when Colonel 
 Benton, in stepping backward, came to some stairs of which 
 he was not aware, and fell headlong to the bottom. Cof- 
 fee, thinking him Jwrs du combat, hastened to the assistance 
 of his wounded General. 
 
394 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813 
 
 The report of Jesse Benton's pistol brought another actoi 
 on the bloody scene — Stokely Hays, a nephew of Mrs. Jack- 
 son, and a devoted friend to the General. He was standing 
 near the Nashville Inn, when he heard the pistol. He knew 
 well what was going forward, and ran with all his speed to 
 the spot. He, too, saw the General lying on the floor welter- 
 ing in his blood. But, unlike Coffee, he perceived who it was 
 that had fired the deadly charge. Hays was a man of a 
 giant's size, and a giant's strength. He snatched from his 
 sword-cane its long and glittering blade, and made a lunge 
 at Jesse with such frantic force, that it would have pinned 
 him to the wall had it taken effect. Luckily the point 
 struck a button, and the slender weapon was broken to pieces. 
 He then drew a dirk, threw himself in a paroxysm of fury 
 upon Jesse, and got him down upon the floor. Holding him 
 down with one hand, he raised the dirk to plunge it into his 
 breast. The prostrate man seized the coat-cuff of the de- 
 scending arm and diverted the blow, so that the weapon only 
 pierced the fleshy part of his left arm. Hays strove madly 
 to disengage his arm, and in doing so gave poor Jesse several 
 flesh wounds. At length, with a mighty wrench, he tore his 
 cuff from Jesse Benton's convulsive grasp, lifted the dirk 
 high in the air, and was about to bury it in the heart of his 
 antagonist, when a by-stander caught the uplifted hand and 
 prevented the further shedding of blood. Other by-standers 
 then interfered ; the maddened Hays, the wrathful Coffee, 
 the irate Benton were held back from continuing the combat, 
 and quiet was restored. 
 
 Faint from the loss of blood, Jackson was conveyed to a 
 room in the Nashville Inn, his wound still bleeding fearfully. 
 Before the bleeding could be stopped, two mattresses, as Mrs. 
 Jackson used to say, were soaked through, and the General 
 was reduced almost to the last gasp. All the doctors in 
 Nashville were soon in attendance, all but one of whom, and 
 he a young man, recommended the amputation of the shat- 
 tered arm. " I'll keep my arm," said the wounded man, and 
 he kept it. No attempt was made to extract the ball, and it 
 
1813.] FEUD WITH THE BENTONS. 395 
 
 remained in the arm for twenty years. The ghastly wounds 
 in the shoulder were dressed, in the simple manner of the 
 Indians and pioneers, with poultices of slippery elm, and 
 other products of the woods. The patient was utterly pros- 
 trated with the loss of blood. It was two or three weeks 
 before he could leave his bed. 
 
 After the retirement of the General's friends, the Bentons 
 remained for an hour or more upon the scene of the affray, 
 denouncing Jackson as an assassin, and a defeated assassin. 
 They defied him to come forth and renew the strife. Colonel 
 Benton made a parade of breaking Jackson's small-sword, 
 which had been dropped in the struggle, and left on the floor 
 of the hotel. He broke it in the public square, and accom- 
 panied the act with words defiant and contemptuous, uttered 
 in the loudest tones of his thundering voice. The General's 
 friends, all anxiously engaged around the couch of their 
 bleeding chief, disregarded these demonstrations at the time, 
 and the brothers retired, victorious and exulting. 
 
 On the days following, however, Colonel Benton did not 
 find the General's partisans so acquiescent. " I am literally 
 in hell here," he wrote, shortly after the fight ; " the meanest 
 wretches under heaven to contend with — liars, affidavit- 
 makers, and shameless cowards. All the puppies of Jackson 
 are at work on me ; but they will be astonished at what will 
 happen ; for it is not them, but their master, whom I will 
 hold accountable. The scalping-knife of Tecumpsy is mercy 
 compared with the affidavits of these villains. I am in the 
 middle of hell, and see no alternative but to kill or be killed ; 
 for I will not crouch to Jackson ; and the fact that I and 
 my brother defeated him and his tribe, and broke his small 
 sword in the public square, will for ever rankle in his bosom, 
 and make him thirst after vengeance. My life is in danger ; 
 nothing but a decisive duel can save me, or even give me a 
 chance for my own existence ; for it is a settled plan to turn 
 out puppy after puppy to bully me, and when I have got 
 into a scrape, to have me killed somehow in the scuffle, and 
 afterwards the affidavit-makers will prove it was honorably 
 
396 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 done. I shall never be forgiven having given my opinion in 
 favor of Wilkinson's authority last winter ; and this is the 
 root of the hell that is now turned loose against me." 
 
 Shortly after the affray, Colonel Benton went to his home 
 in Franklin, Tennessee, beyond the reach of " Jackson's pup- 
 pies." He was appointed lieutenant colonel in the regular 
 army ; left Tennessee ; resigned his commission at the close 
 of the war ; emigrated to Missouri ; and never again met 
 General Jackson till 1823, when both were members of the 
 Senate of the United States. Jesse Benton, I may add, 
 never forgave General Jackson ; nor could he ever forgive his 
 brother for forgiving the General. Publications against Jack- 
 son by the angry Jesse, dated as late as 1828, may be seen 
 in old collections of political trash. 
 
 Perhaps, in fairness, I should append to this narrative 
 Colonel Benton's own statement of the affray, as published 
 in the Franklin newspaper, a day or two after the Colonel 
 returned home. The version of the affair given in this chap- 
 ter is General Coffee's. I received it from an old friend of 
 all the parties, who heard General Coffee tell the story with 
 great fullness and care, as though he were giving evidence 
 before a court. Coffee, of course, would naturally place the 
 conduct of General Jackson in the most favorable light. 
 Benton, hot from the fray when he wrote his statement, could 
 not be expected to know the whole or the exact truth. He 
 seems, for example, to have left Nashville with the impres- 
 sion that Jackson was not hurt at all, but had feigned a 
 wound in order to escape one. And, indeed, it may be re- 
 marked here, as well as anywhere, that neither the eyes nor 
 the memory of one of these fiery spirits can be trusted. 
 Long ago, in the early days of these inquiries, I ceased to 
 believe any thing they may have uttered, when their pride or 
 their passions were interested ; unless their story was sup- 
 ported by other evidence or by strong probability. It is the 
 nature of such men to forget what they wish had never oc- 
 curred; to remember vividly the occurrences which natter 
 their ruling passion ; and unconsciously to magnify their own 
 
1813.] FEUD WITH THE BENTONS. 397 
 
 part in the events of the past. Telling the truth is supposed 
 to be one of the easy virtues. What an error ! It is an ac- 
 complishment that has to be toiled for as heroes toil for vic- 
 tory, as artists toil for excellence, as good men toil for the 
 good of human kind. When Shakspeare said, that to be an 
 honest man is to be one man picked out of ten thousand, he 
 uttered an arithmetical as well as a moral truth. 
 
 But here is Colonel Benton's statement ; which is, per- 
 haps, as true as Coffee's ; and is certainly as true as Colonel 
 Benton could make it at the time of writing, six days after 
 the fight : — 
 
 "Franklin, Tennessee, September 10, 1813. 
 
 U A difference which had been for some months brewing between 
 General Jackson and myself, produced on Saturday, the 4th instant, in the 
 town of Nashville, the most outrageous affray ever witnessed in a civilized 
 country. In communicating the affair to my friends and fellow-citizens, I 
 limit myself to the statement of a few leading facts, the truth of which I 
 am ready to establish by judicial proofs. 
 
 " 1. That myself and my brother, Jesse Benton, arriving in Nashville 
 on the morning of the affray, and knowing of General Jackson's threats, 
 went and took lodgings in a different house from the one in which he staid, 
 on purpose to avoid him. 
 
 " 2. That the General and some of his friends came to the house where 
 we had put up, and commenced the attack by leveling a pistol at me, when 
 I had no weapon drawn, and advancing upon me at a quick pace, without 
 giving me time to draw one. 
 
 " 3. That seeing this, my brother fired upon General Jackson, when 
 he had got within eight or ten feet of me. 
 
 " 4. That four other pistols were fired in quick succession ; one by 
 General Jackson at me; two by me at the General; and one by Colonel 
 Coffee at me. In the course of this firing, General Jackson was brought 
 to the ground, but received no hurt. 
 
 " 5. That daggers were then drawn. Colonel Coffee and Mr. Alex- 
 ander Donaldson made at me, and gave me five slight wounds. Captain 
 Hammond and Mr. Stokely Hays engaged my brother, who, still suffering 
 from a severe wound he had lately received in a duel, was not able to resist 
 two men. They got him down ; and while Captain Hammond beat him 
 on the head to make him lie still, Mr. Hays attempted to stab him, and 
 wounded him in both arms as he lay on his back, parrying the thrusts 
 with his naked hands. From this situation a generous-hearted citizen of 
 VOL. I.— 26 
 
398 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813, 
 
 Nashville, Mr. Sumner, relieved him. Before he came to the ground, my 
 brother clapped a pistol to the breast of Mr. Hays, to blow him through, 
 but it missed fire. 
 
 11 6. My own and my brother's pistols carried two balls each ; for it 
 was our intention, if driven to arms, to have no child's play. The pistols 
 fired at me were so near that the blaze of the muzzle of one of them burnt 
 the sleeve of my coat, and the other aimed at my head at a little more than 
 arm's length from it. 
 
 " 7. Captain Carroll was to have taken part in the affray, but was ab- 
 sent by the permission of General Jackson, as he had proved by the Gen- 
 eral's certificate, a certificate which reflects I know not whether less honor 
 upon the General or upon the Captain. 
 
 " 8. That this attack was made upon me in the house where the 
 judge of the district, Mr. Searcy, had his lodgings ! Nor has the civil 
 authority yet taken cognizance of this horrible outrage. 
 
 " These facts are sufficient to fix the public opinion. For my own part, 
 I think it scandalous that such things should take place at any time ; but 
 particularly so at the present moment, when the public service requires the 
 aid of all its citizens. As for the name of courage, God forbid that I should 
 ever attempt to gain it by becoming a bully. Those who know me, know 
 full well that I would give a thousand times more for the reputation of 
 Croghan in defending his post, than I would for the reputation of all the 
 duelists and gladiators that ever appeared upon the face of the earth. 
 
 " Thomas Hart Benton." 
 
 The day on which the above was written, September 10th, , 
 1813, Commodore Perry gained his victory on Lake Erie. 
 The news, so electric, so revivifying, reached Nashville at a 
 moment when other tidings of a nature far different absorbed 
 the minds of all the inhabitants of the frontier. When these 
 boyish men fought their silly fight, on the 4th of September, 
 the courier was already on his way from the South with a i 
 piece of news that would have stayed their bloody hands had 
 it come in time. If they could but have known what was 
 transpiring on the Mobile river 1 Jackson was deeply to 
 blame for that shameful affray. Judge, from following chap- 
 ters, whether ever man was so exquisitely punished for a fault 
 as he was for that. 
 
THE SOLDIER. 
 
CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 
 TECUMSEH. 
 
 The Indian is a creature who does not improve upon 
 acquaintance. Living near a tribe dispels so much of the 
 romance which novelists and poets have thrown around the 
 dusky race, as to induce considerable incredulity with regard 
 to the tales they have told of Indian valor and generosity. 
 As he n<w appears upon our western border, the Indian is a 
 filthy, idle, cruel, lying coward, wholly a cumberer of the 
 ground, incapable of any of the white man's virtues, while 
 exaggerating all his vices ; respecting whom the thrifty pio- 
 neer finds ii> hard to cherish any desire but this — to extermi- 
 nate him. Behold the Indian upon his travels ! With 
 sulky gravity, carrying only his pipe and rifle, he stalks across 
 the prairie, his wife staggering along behind the solemn brute, 
 with a huge pack upon her shoulder, and her child upon the 
 pack. The modern traveler may be pardoned for being slow 
 to believe much good of a people who, from time immemo- 
 rial, have chosen this mode of getting over the ground.* 
 
 * Since writing the above, I find the following in one of Mr. Horace Greeley's 
 letters from the far West, published in the New York Tribune, June, 1859 : — 
 
 " The Indians are children. Their arts, wars, treaties, alliances, habitations, 
 crafts, properties, commerce, comforts, all belong to the very lowest and rudest 
 ages of human existence. Some few of the chiefs have a narrow and short- 
 sighted shrewdness, and, very rarely in their history, a really great man, like 
 Pontiac or Tecumseh, has arisen among them ; but this does not shake the gev 
 eral truth that they are utterly incompetent to cope in any way with the European 
 or Caucasian race. Any band of schoolboys from ten to fifteen years of age, 
 are quite as capable of ruling their appetites, devising and upholding a public 
 policy, constituting and conducting a state or community as an average Indian 
 tribe. . . . 
 
 " I have learned to appreciate better than hitherto, and to make more allow- 
 for, the dislike, aversion, contempt, wherewith Indians are usually regarded 
 
402 LIFE OF ANDKEW JACKSON. [1813 
 
 But every race produces superior individuals, whose live; 
 constitute its heroic ages. Investigation establishes tha 
 Tecumseh, though not the faultless ideal of a patriot princ 
 that romantic story represents him, was all of a patriot, i 
 hero, a man, that an Indian can be. If to conceive a grand 
 difficult and unselfish project ; to labor for many years wit] 
 enthusiasm and prudence in attempting its execution ; t< 
 enlist in it by the magnetism of personal influence grea 
 multitudes of various tribes ; to contend for it with unfalter 
 ing valor longer than there was hope of success ; and to di 
 fighting for it to the last, falling forward toward the enem; 
 covered with wounds, is to give proof of an heroic cast oi 
 character, then is the Shawanoe chief, Tecumseh, in whos 
 veins flowed no blood that was not Indian, entitled to ran] 
 among Heroes. 
 
 The power of the Shawanoes was broken before Tecumsel 
 was born. From the region of the Tallapoosa, in Alabama 
 his parents migrated, about the middle of the last century, t 
 the valley of the Miamis, near their tribe's ancient seat ; an< 
 there Tecumseh was born. He gave signal evidence of pos 
 sessing a superior nature at the age of sixteen, when, for th 
 first time, he saw a prisoner burnt. In silent horror h 
 looked upon the scene. When it was over, he expressed hi 
 detestation of the act in such moving terms that the part; 
 resolved never to burn another prisoner, and, it is believed, n 
 
 by their white neighbors, and have been since the days of the Puritans. It need 
 but little familiarity with the actual, palpable Aborigines to convince any one ths 
 the poetic Indian — the Indian of Cooper and Longfellow — is only visible to th 
 poet's eye. To the prosaic observer, the average Indian of the woods and pra 
 ries is a being who does little credit to human nature— a slave of appetite an 
 sloth, never emancipated from the tyranny of one animal passion save by the moi 
 ravenous demands of another. As I passed over those magnificent bottoms o 
 the Kansas which form the reservations of the Delawares, Potawatamies, etc 
 constituting the very best corn lands on earth, and saw their owners sittin 
 round the doors of their lodges in the height of the planting season, and in a 
 good, bright planting weather as sun and soil ever made, I could not help sayinj 
 1 These people must die out — there is no help for them. God has given thi 
 earth to those who will subdue and cultivate it, and it is vain to struggle again* 
 His righteous decree.' " 
 
1813.] TECUMSEH. 403 
 
 prisoners taken by Indians under Tecumseh's command were 
 ever tortured. Indeed, the Shawanoes must have been of 
 kindlier blood than other northern Indians. It was among 
 them that Count Zinzendorf, the Moravian missionary, labored, 
 in 1742, with some success after his singular escape from as- 
 sassination. The Count, so the story runs, was sitting, one 
 evening, in his rude wigwam upon a bundle of dry weeds, 
 which had been gathered for his bed, engaged in writing by 
 the light of a small fire. A rattlesnake, warmed to life by 
 the fire, was crawling unperceived over one of the old man's 
 legs, when the assassins stealthily lifted the blanket that 
 served for a door, and looked in. Struck with the majestic 
 and venerable appearance of the Count as he sat absorbed in 
 his writing, amazed that he should be unharmed by the rep- 
 tile, they forbore the intended attack. For some moments, 
 it is said, they stood watching the aged missionary, the silence 
 of the night broken only by the distant murmur of rapids. 
 Fear gathered about their savage hearts ; they glided from 
 the spot, fled into the forest, and were soon eager receivers of 
 the Moravian doctrine. Add to this that Logan, whose ora- 
 tory Jefferson so highly extolled, was a Shawanoe. 
 
 Tecumseh's great scheme of uniting all the western tribes ? 
 from Florida to the northern lakes, in one confederation 
 against the whites, with the design of recovering the Indians' 
 ancient heritage, was not a British project. It had nothing 
 to do, in its conception, with the war of 1812. It was con- 
 ceived, carried on, and, in effect, frustrated before the war of 
 1812 was considered probable. Unlike Logan, Tecumseh 
 was never a friend to the Americans. Too young to take 
 part in the revolutionary contest, he had won distinction in 
 the long Indian wars which gave such anxiety to General 
 Washington during the second term of his presidency. After 
 the peace, he lived for many years an Indian among Indians, 
 surpassing all his tribe in- the arts and feats which Indians 
 honor ; a natural chief, magnificent in aspect and propor- 
 tions, equally distinguished as orator, hunter and ball player. 
 Of his skill in hunting it is narrated that, challenged to a 
 
404 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 contest by the best hunters of his tribe, he returned, at the 
 end of three days, with thirty deer skins, while none of his 
 competitors brought in more than twelve. 
 
 He spent two years of his early manhood on a sporting 
 visit to his parents' old friends, the Creeks of Alabama, 
 among whom he formed friendships which proved of impor- 
 tance to him in after years. 
 
 It was the sale of the favorite hunting-grounds on the 
 river Wabash, soon after Mr. Jefferson came into power, that 
 gave Tecumseh such deep offense, and led to the conception 
 of his great design.* The difficulties in treating with In- 
 dians for the purchase of their lands are, first, to ascertain 
 what tribe has a right to sell them ; and, secondly, to know 
 what individuals of a tribe are authorized to act for the rest. 
 Unhappily, the white man, always eager to " extinguish the 
 Indian titles/' as Mr. Jefferson politely phrased it, is not apt 
 to linger long over these doubtful points ; but hastens to 
 conclude his purchase, and then stands ready to defend his 
 parchment right by the rifle. Hence have arisen most of our 
 bloody Indian wars. It was left for the large-minded Te- 
 cumseh to originate the grand doctrine that no single tribe 
 could rightfully sell any portion of the lands which, as he 
 claimed, belonged to the red men as a common possession. 
 " The Great Spirit," said he to General Harrison, " gave this 
 great island to his red children ; he placed the whites on the 
 other side of the big water ; they were not contented with 
 their own, but came to take ours from us. They have driven 
 us from the sea to the lakes ; we can go no further. They 
 have taken upon them to say this tract belongs to the Miamis, 
 this to the Delawares, and so on ; but the Great Spirit in- 
 tended it as the common property of us all. Our father tells 
 us, that we have no business on the Wabash, the land be- 
 longs to other tribes ; but the Great Spirit ordered us to 
 come here, and here we will stay." 
 
 General Harrison could not, Tecumseh would not re- 
 
 * See Life of Tecumseh, by Benjamin Drake, for most of these particulars. 
 
1813.] TECUMSEH. 405 
 
 cede. The utmost the General could do was to refer the dis- 
 pute to the President. "Well," said Tecuinseh, " as the 
 great chief is to determine the matter, I hope the Great Spirit 
 will put sense enough into his head to induce him to give up 
 this land : it is true, he is so far off he will not be injured by 
 the war ; he may sit still in his town and drink his wine, 
 whilst you and I will have to fight it out." These were pro- 
 phetic words. 
 
 For four years Tecumseh was engaged in preparing the 
 tribes for a general war. He acquired an astonishing ascend- 
 ency over the savage mind. A silent man in the ordinary 
 circumstances of life, as the greatest men always are, he could 
 employ more than the eloquence of Logan when descanting 
 upon the Indian's wrongs and the white man's encroach- 
 ments. General Harrison, who was long his patient and for- 
 bearing adviser, and then his conqueror, speaks of him as 
 " one of those uncommon geniuses which spring up occasion- 
 ally- to produce revolutions, and overturn the established or- 
 der of things. If it were not for the vicinity of the United 
 States, he would, perhaps, be the founder of an empire that 
 would rival in glory Mexico or Peru. No difficulties deter 
 him. For four years he has been in constant motion. You 
 see him to-day on the Wabash, and in a short time hear of 
 him on the shores of Lake Erie or Michigan, or on the banks 
 of the Mississippi ; and wherever he goes he makes an im- 
 pression favorable to his purposes."* 
 
 This Moses of the Indians had his Aaron — that brother 
 of Tecumseh who figures so conspicuously in western annals 
 as the Prophet. This man was a born liar — one of those 
 beings, of whom every race produces examples, who from 
 childhood exhibit a love of falsehood for its own sake ; weav- 
 ing elaborate fictions without any apparent object. But, 
 what is remarkable in this prophet, as in others of his craft, 
 he preached, upon the whole, a better morality than the In- 
 dians had known before. The substance of his message was, 
 
 * Montgomery's Life of General Harrison. 
 
406 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 that Indians should be Indians ; good Indians, but nothing 
 but Indians. They should return wholly to the ways of their 
 fathers, discarding, above all, the white man's whisky ; also, 
 his dress, customs, implements, even to his flint and steel. 
 Indian women should no more marry white men. Indian 
 husbands should no more beat their wives, nor ill treat their 
 children. These maxims he enforced by various ingenious 
 tales. He said, for example, that he had formerly been him- 
 self a great drunkard ; but on visiting, as prophets may do, 
 the abode of the devil, he observed that those who had died 
 drunkards were all there with flames of fire issuing from their 
 mouths ; and that, alarmed at the sight, he had reformed, 
 and now called on all Indians to follow his example. To a 
 surprising extent, the Indians obeyed his precepts. In con- 
 nection with their reformation, however, arose a revival of 
 zeal for the punishment of witchcraft, and we read of their 
 roasting one poor old woman four days to extract from her 
 her diabolical secret. 
 
 It is probable that whatever was good and useful in the 
 Prophet's teaching was due to the influence of Tecumseh, 
 while the lies and miracles, the ceremonies and incantations, 
 were the Prophet's own work. But this conjunction of the 
 Patriot and Prince of Darkness proved, as it has often done 
 before, the ruin of the good cause. 
 
 In the spring of 1811, Tecumseh, leaving his affairs in the 
 hands of the Prophet, as Moses did in those of Aaron when 
 he ascended the Mount, went to the South, preaching his 
 crusade. Far and long he traveled, sowing the seeds of 
 future wars. In Florida, among the persistent Seminoles ; 
 in Georgia and Alabama, among the powerful Creeks and 
 Cherokees ; in Missouri, among the tribes of the Des Moins, 
 he held the war council, delivered his impassioned " talk,' j 
 and strode away. He returned in November, 1811, only to 
 learn that his brother, forsaking his own prudent counsels/ 
 puffed up with self-importance, had rashly attacked Genera] 
 Harrison's army with nine hundred warriors, wrought to 
 frenzy by the Prophet's eloquence ; and had met with the 
 
1813.] TECUMSEH. 407 
 
 * disastrous defeat of Tippecanoa The prestige of the 
 Prophet, who had promised certain victory, was gone for 
 ever among the northern Indians. Tecumseh's chosen war- 
 riors, the nucleus of the great army he had hoped to lead, 
 were killed or dispersed. The rage of the great chief availed 
 nothing. 
 
 The battle of Tippecanoe would have ended, or long 
 deferred, Tecumseh's grand design, but for the opportune 
 declaration of war between Great Britain and the United 
 States on the eighteenth of June, 1812. 
 
 Tecumseh's resolution to join the British was instantly 
 taken. Some neighboring Indians inviting him to join a 
 council of tribes which had determined to remain neutral, he 
 replied : " No : I have taken sides with the King, my father, 
 and I will suffer my bones to bleach upon this shore, before 
 I will recross that stream to join in any council of neutrality." 
 In a few days he was in the field. The first blood shed in 
 the war was shed through him, and the first advantage gained 
 by the British was due to his assistance. At Detroit he wit- 
 nessed, with mingled exultation and contempt, the surrender 
 of Hull. Taken into high favor by the British generals, who 
 testify in strong language to his quick intelligence, his mili- 
 tary eye, his great presence and perfect courage, his scheme 
 of uniting the tribes was adopted as a part of the system of 
 carrying on the war. And such was Tecumseh's zeal and 
 activity, and such his knowledge of Indian nature, that the 
 news of our disasters in Canada was whispered among the 
 Creeks of Alabama before they had been heard of among the 
 white settlers ! The fall of 1812 again found Tecumseh, 
 accompanied by the Prophet and a retinue of thirty warriors, 
 haranguing the Creeks in the midnight council ; and, this 
 time, with prodigious effect. Now, he could point to the 
 successes of the British in the North ; now he could give cer- 
 tain promises of assistance from the English and Spaniards 
 in Florida ; now he spoke with the authority of a British 
 agent and officer. 
 
 How important to the British was the cooperation of the 
 
408 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 Indians is attested by Mr..C. J. Ingersoll, whose residence at 
 Washington, as a member of Congress, during the war, 
 opened to him valuable sources of information. " Dread of 
 the scalping-knife and tomahawk," says Mr. Ingersoll, in his 
 discursive but interesting history of the war, " did more to 
 save Canada for England than the equivocal loyalty of her 
 Canadian subjects, the skill, valor, and admirable tactics of 
 her best officers and soldiers. To dread of the savages, alone, 
 Hull gave way when he first faltered. That dread took him 
 back from Sandwich to Detroit ; overcame him to surrender 
 Detroit, much more than hostile attack by civilized men in 
 arms. They do but capture, kill, and wound enemies. But 
 Indians torture, mutilate, murder, put to death with aggrava- 
 tions far worse than mere homicide. Dread of the Indians 
 struck the militia with panic, when they dared not pass over 
 to rescue their countrymen at Queenstown. Dread of them 
 induced Colonel Boersler to surrender to an inferior force 
 which he might have resisted. Dread of the Indians multi- 
 plied their numbers and power so fearfully to American recol- 
 lections that Indian barbarities were by far the most for- 
 midable of England's means of hostility against the United 
 States." 
 
 Indians are excited to the point of declaring war by a pro- 
 cess similar to that by which the war spirit is kindled in a 
 civilized nation. First, a war party is formed, which in- 
 creases until it embraces a majority, or, at least, a formidable 
 minority of the tribe. Then the " conservative" opponents 
 of the war, who resist all argument, entreaty, and intrigue, 
 become objects of obloquy, resentment, and, lastly, persecu- 
 tion. Thus a civil war is fomented, in which, if the war 
 party triumphs, war becomes the policy of the tribe, the war 
 dance begins, and the warriors go forth to the ambush. So 
 long had the Creeks been at peace with the settlers, and 
 such progress had many of them made in civilization, and so 
 many intelligent chiefs among them were peculiarly attached 
 to the whites, that this process was a long and doubtful 
 one. 
 
1813.] TECUMSEH. 409 
 
 It was going on when Tecumseh arrived. Colonel Haw- 
 kins, the United States Indian Agent, who had for many 
 years governed the Creeks and assisted them to acquire the 
 arts of civilization, was holding a great council of the tribe 
 when Tecumseh came into the country. Of this council, and 
 Tecumseh's appearance and speech therein, Mr. Pickett, in 
 his History of Alabama,, gives us an interesting account : — 
 
 " The ancient capital of the Creeks never looked so gay and 
 populous. An autumnal sun glittered upon the yellow faces 
 of five thousand natives, besides whites and negroes who min- 
 gled with them. At the conclusion of the agent's first day's 
 address, Tecumseh at the head of his Ohio party marched 
 into the square. They were entirely naked except their flaps 
 and ornaments. Their faces were painted black, and their 
 heads adorned with eagle plumes, while buffalo tails dragged 
 from behind, suspended by bands which went around their 
 waists. Buffalo tails were also attached to their arms, and 
 made to stand out by means of bands. Their appearance was 
 hideous, and their bearing pompous and ceremonious. They 
 marched round and round in the square ; then, approaching 
 the chiefs, they cordially shook them with the whole length 
 of the arm, and exchanged tobacco, a common ceremony with 
 the Indians, denoting friendship. Captain Isaacs, chief of 
 Coosawda, was the only one who refused to exchange to- 
 bacco. His head, adorned with its usual costume — a pair of 
 buffalo horns — was shaken in contempt of Tecumseh, who, 
 he said, was a bad man, and no greater than he was. 
 
 " Every day, Tecumseh appeared in the square to deliver 
 his ' Talk/ and all ever were anxious to hear it ; but, late 
 in the evening, he would rise and say, l The sun has gone 
 too far to-day — I will make my talk to-morrow/ At length, 
 Hawkins terminated his business, and departed for the 
 agency upon the Flint. That night, a grand council was 
 held in the great Eound-house. Tecumseh, presenting his 
 graceful and majestic form above the heads of hundreds, 
 made known his mission in a long speech, full of fire and ven- 
 geance. He exhorted them to return to their primitive cus- 
 
410 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 toms, to throw aside the plow and loom, and to abandon 
 an agricultural life, which was unbecoming Indian warriors. 
 He told them that after the whites had possessed the greater 
 part of their country, turned its beautiful forests into large 
 fields, and stained their rivers with the washings of the soil, 
 they would then subject them to African servitude. He ex- 
 horted them to assimilate in no way with the grasping, 
 unprincipled race, to use none of their arms, and wear none 
 of their clothes, but dress in the skins of beasts which the 
 Great Spirit had given his red children for food and raiment, 
 and to use the war-club, the scalping-knife, and the bow. 
 He concluded by announcing that the British, their former 
 friends, had sent him from the Big Lakes to procure their 
 services in expelling the Americans from all Indian soil ; that 
 the King of England was ready handsomely to reward all who 
 would fight for his cause. 
 
 " A prophet, who composed one of the party of Tecum- 
 seh, next spoke. He said that he frequently communed with 
 the Great Spirit, who had sent Tecumseh to their country 
 upon this mission, the character of which that great chief 
 had described. He declared that those who would join the 
 war party should be shielded from all harm — none would be 
 killed in battle ; that the Great Spirit would surround them 
 with quagmires, which would swallow up the Americans as 
 they approached ; that they would finally expel every Geor- 
 gian from the soil as far as Savannah ; that they would see 
 the arms of Tecumseh stretched out in the heavens at a cer- 
 tain time, and that they would know when to begin the war. 
 
 " A short time before daylight the council adjourned, and 
 more than half the audience had already resolved to go to 
 war against the Americans." 
 
 To his public addresses from town to town, Tecumseh 
 added private persuasion. He established prophets in vari- 
 ous places to do the requisite howling and dancing, and to 
 perform miracles. His utmost exertions were employed in 
 gaining over the great chiefs. 
 
 Among his first disciples, and quite his greatest, was 
 
1813.] THE MASSACRE AT FORT MIMS. 411 
 
 Weather sford, a half-breed, a man of kindred spirit to him- 
 self, possessing much of his own grandeur of idea ; handsome, 
 sagacious, eloquent and brave. 
 
 Northward Tecumseh soon returned, leaving the memory 
 of his burning words and artful arguments to work in the 
 minds of the southern Indians. His injunctions to secrecy- 
 were so well observed, that for six months after his depart- 
 ure, during which the war question was intensely agitating 
 tribes numbering, perhaps, thirty thousand persons, and seven 
 thousand fighting men, the settlers slept in peace and tilled 
 their fields without fear. As late as midsummer, 1813, the 
 authorities were still in doubt whether anything serious was 
 meditated by the Creeks. A few weeks later, while Tecum- 
 seh lay dead on the battle-field of the Thames, his superb 
 body flayed by miscreants who could not have stood before 
 his living frown, his mission to the South was producing its 
 effects in wide-spread terror and hideous carnage — had 
 already produced the event which called Andrew Jackson 
 and the Tennessee volunteers to the field again. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 
 THE MASSACRE AT FORT MIMS. 
 
 August 30th, 1813, was the date of this most woeful and 
 most terrible event. The place was a fort, or stockade-of- 
 refuge, on the shores of Lake Tensaw, in the southern part of 
 what is now the State of Alabama. 
 
 One Samuel Mims, an old and wealthy inhabitant of the 
 Indian country, had enclosed with upright logs an acre of 
 land, in the middle of which stood his house, a spacious one- 
 story building, with sheds adjoining. The enclosure, pierced 
 with five hundred port-holes, three and a half feet from the 
 ground, was entered by two heavy rude gates, one on the east- 
 
412 LIFE OF ANDKEW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 era and one on the western side. In a corner, on a slight ele- 
 vation, a block house was begun, but never finished. When 
 the country became thoroughly alarmed, the inhabitants along 
 the Alabama river, few in number and without means of de- 
 fense, had left their crops standing in the fields and their houses 
 pen to the plunderer, and had rushed to the block houses and 
 stockades, of which there were twenty in a line of seventy 
 miles. The neighbors of Mr. Mims resorted to his enclosure, 
 each family hastening to construct within it a rough cabin for 
 its own accommodation. 
 
 As soon as the fort — for fort it was called — was sufficiently 
 prepared for their reception, Governor Claiborne, of Orleans, 
 dispatched one hundred and seventy-five volunteers to assist 
 in its defense, under the command of Major Daniel Beasley. 
 Already, from the neighborhood, seventy militiamen had as- 
 sembled at the fort, besides a mob of friendly Indians, and 
 one hundred and six negro slaves. Upon taking the command, 
 Major Beasley, to accommodate the multitude which thronged 
 to the fort, had enlarged it by making a new line of picketing 
 sixty feet beyond the eastern end, but left the old line of stock- 
 ades standing, thus forming two enclosures. 
 
 On the morning of the fatal day, though Major Beasley 
 had spared some of his armed men for the defense of neigh- 
 boring stations, Fort Mims contained no less than five hun- 
 dred and fifty-three souls, a mass of human beings crowded 
 together in a flat, swampy region, under the broiling sun of 
 an Alabama August. Of these, more than one hundred were 
 white women and children. 
 
 Many days had passed — long, hot, tedious days — and no 
 Indians were seen. The first terror abated. The higher offi- 
 cers, it seems, had scarcely believed at all in the hostile inten- 
 tions of the Creeks, and were inclined to make light of the 
 general consternation. At least, they were entirely confident 
 in their ability to defend the fort against any force that the 
 Indians could bring against it. The motley inmates gave 
 themselves up to fun and frolic. A rumor would occasionally 
 come in with alarming news of Indian movements, and, for a 
 
1813.] THE MASSACRE AT FORT MIMS. 413 
 
 few hours, the old caution was resumed, and the men would 
 languidly work on the defenses. But still the hourly scouts 
 sent out by the commander could discover no traces of an en- 
 emy, and the hot days and nights still wore away without 
 alarm. 
 
 August 29th, two slaves, who had been sent out to mind 
 some cattle that grazed a few miles from the fort, came rush- 
 ing breathless through the gate, reporting that they had seen 
 twenty-four painted warriors. A general alarm ensued, and 
 the garrison flew to their stations. A party of horse, guided 
 by the negroes, galloped to the spot, but could neither find 
 Indians, nor discover any of the usual traces of their pres- 
 ence. Upon their return, one of the negroes was tied up and 
 severely flogged for alarming the garrison by what Major Beas- 
 ley supposed to be a sheer fabrication. The other negro would 
 also have been punished but for the interference of his master, 
 who believed his tale ; at which interference the major was so 
 much displeased that he ordered the gentleman, with his large 
 family, to leave the fort on the following morning. Never did 
 such a fatal infatuation possess the mind of a man entrusted 
 with so many human lives. 
 
 The 30th of August arrived. At ten in the morning the 
 commandant was sitting in his room writing to Governor 
 Claiborne a letter (which still exists) to the effect that he 
 need not concern himself in the least respecting the safety of 
 Fort Mims, as there was no doubt of its impregnability 
 against any Indian force whatever. Both gates were wide 
 open. Women were preparing dinner. Children were play- 
 ing about the cabins. Soldiers were sauntering, sleeping, 
 playing cards. The owner of the frightened negro had now 
 consented to his punishment rather than leave the fort, and 
 the poor fellow was tied up expecting soon to feel the lash. 
 His companion, who had been whipped the day before, was 
 out tending cattle at the same place, where again he saw, or 
 thought he saw, painted warriors ; and fearing to be whipped 
 again if he reported the news, fled to the next station some 
 miles distant. 
 vol. i. — 27 
 
414 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813 
 
 All this calm and quiet morning, from before daylight 
 until noon, there lay in a ravine only four hundred yards 
 from the fort's eastern gate, one thousand Creek warriors, 
 armed to the teeth, and hideous with war paint and feathers. 
 Weathersford, the crafty and able chieftain, had led them from 
 Pensacola, where the British had supplied them with weapons 
 and ammunition, to this well-chosen spot, where they crouched 
 and waited through the long slow morning, with the devilish 
 patience with which savages and tigers can wait for their 
 prey. So dead was the silence in the ravine, that the birds 
 fluttered and sang as usual in the branches above the dusky 
 breathing mass. Five prophets with blackened faces, with 
 medicine bags and magic rods, lay among them, ready at the 
 signal to begin their incantations and stimulate the fury of 
 the warriors. 
 
 At noon a drum in the fort beat to dinner ; officers and 
 men, their arms laid aside, all unsuspicious of danger, we/<r 
 gathering to the meal in various parts of the stockade. That 
 dinner drum was the signal which Weathersford had cun- 
 ningly chosen for the attack. At the first tap, the silent 
 ravine was alive with Indians, who leaped up and ran in a 
 tumultuous mass toward the eastern gate of the devoted fort. 
 The head of the throng had reached a field, one hundred and 
 fifty yards across, that lay before the gate, had raised a hid- 
 eous whoop, and were streaming across the field, before a sen- 
 tinel saw or heard them. Then arose the terrible cry, Indians ! 
 Indians ! and there was a rush of women and children to the 
 houses, and of men to the gates and port-holes. Major 
 Beasley was one of the first at the gate, and made a frantic 
 attempt to close it ; but sand had washed into the gateway, 
 and ere the obstruction could be removed, the savages poured 
 in, felled the commander to the earth with clubs and toma- 
 hawks, and ran over his bleeding body into the fort. He 
 crawled behind the gate, and in a few minutes died, exhort- 
 ing his men with his last breath to make a resolute resistance. 
 At once the whole of that part of the fort which had been 
 lately added, and which was separated from the main en- 
 
1813.] THE MASSACRE AT FORT MIMS. 415 
 
 closure by the old line of pickets, was filled with Indians, 
 hooting, howling, dancing among the dead bodies of many of 
 the best officers and men of the little garrison. The poor 
 negro, tied up to be whipped for doing all he could to prevent 
 this catastrophe, was killed as he stood waiting for his pun- 
 ishment. 
 
 The situation was at once simple and horrible. Two en- 
 closures adjoining, with a line of port-holes through the log 
 partition — one enclosure full of men, women, children, friendly 
 Indians and negroes — the other filled with howling savages, 
 mad with the lust of slaughter ; both compartments contain- 
 ing sheds, cabins, and other places for refuge and assault — 
 the large open field without the eastern gate covered with 
 what seemed a countless swarm of naked fiends hurrying to 
 the fort — all avenues of escape closed by Weathersford's fore- 
 sight and vigilance — no white station within three miles, and 
 no adequate help within a day's march — the commandant 
 and some of his ablest officers trampled under the feet of the 
 savage foe. Such was the posture of affairs at Fort Mims a 
 few minutes after noon on this dreadful day. 
 
 The garrison, partly recovering their first panic, formed 
 along the line of port-holes and fired some effective volleys, 
 killing with the first discharge the five prophets who were 
 dancing, grimacing, and howling among the assailants in the 
 smaller enclosure. These men had given out that they were 
 invulnerable. American bullets were to split upon their sa- 
 cred persons and pass off harmless. Their fall so abated the 
 ardor of the savages that their fire slackened, and some began 
 to retreat from the fort. But new crowds kept coming up, 
 and the attack was soon renewed in all its first fury. 
 
 The garrison, with scarcely an exception, behaved as men 
 ihould do in circumstances so terrible and desperate. One 
 Captain Bailey took the command after the death of Major 
 Beasley, and infused the fire of his own indomitable spirit 
 into the hearts of the whole company ; adding an example 
 df cool valor to encouraging words. The garrison maintained 
 i ceaseless and destructive fire through the port-holes and 
 
416 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813 
 
 from the houses. It happened, more than once, that at a 
 simultaneous discharge through a port-hole, both the Indian 
 without and the white man within were killed. Even the 
 boys and some of the women assisted in the defense ; and 
 few of the women gave themselves up to terror while there 
 remained any hope of preserving the fort. Some of the old 
 men broke holes in the roof of the large house and did great 
 execution upon the savages outside of the stockade. The 
 noise was terrific. All the Indians who could not get at the 
 port-holes to fight seem to have passed the hours of this hor- 
 rible day in dancing round the fort, screaming, hooting, and 
 taunting the inmates with their coming fate. 
 
 Amid scenes like these three hours passed, and still the 
 larger part of the fort remained in the hands of the garrison, 
 though many a gallant soldier had fallen, and the rooms of 
 the large house were filled with wounded men and minister- 
 ing women. The heroic Bailey still spoke cheerily. He said 
 that Indians never fought long when they were bravely met ; 
 they would certainly abandon the assault if the garrison con- 
 tinued to resist. He tried to induce a small party to make 
 a sortie ; fight their way to- the next station, and bring a 
 force to attack the enemy in the rear. Failing in this, he 
 said he would go himself, and began to climb the picketing, 
 but was pulled back by his friends who saw the madness of 
 the attempt. 
 
 About three o'clock the Indians seemed to tire of the 
 long contest. The fire slackened ; the howlings subsided ; 
 the savages began to carry off the plunder from the cabins 
 in the lesser enclosure ; and hope revived in many a despair- 
 ing heart. But Weathersford, at this hour, rode up on a 
 large black horse, and meeting a throng of the retreating 
 plunderers, upbraided them in an animated speech, and in- 
 duced them to return with him to the fort and complete its 
 destruction. 
 
 And now fire was added to the horrors of the scene. 
 By burning arrows and other expedients, the house of Mr, 
 Mims was set on fire, and soon the whole structure, with its 
 
1813.] THE MASSACRE AT FORT MIMS. 417 
 
 extensive out-buildings and sheds, was wrapped in flames ; 
 while the shrieks of the women and children were heard, for 
 the first time, above the dreadful din and whoop of the bat- 
 tle. One after another, the smaller buildings caught, until 
 the whole enclosure was a roaring sea of flame, except one 
 poor corner, where some extra picketing formed a last refuge 
 to the surviving victims. Into this enclosure hurried a crowd 
 of women, children, negroes, old men, wounded soldiers, 
 trampling one another to death — all in the last agonies 01 
 mortal terror. The savages were soon upon them, and the 
 work of slaughter — fierce, unrelenting slaughter — began. 
 Children were seized by the feet and their brains dashed 
 out against the pickets. Women were cut to pieces. Men 
 were tomahawked and scalped. Some poor Spaniards, de- 
 serters from Pensacola, were kneeling along the pickets, 
 and were tomahawked, one after another, as they knelt. 
 Weathersford, who was not a savage, but a misguided hero 
 and patriot, worthy of Tecumseh's friendship, did what Te- 
 cumseh would have done if he had been there : he tried to 
 stop this horrid carnage. But the Indians were delirious 
 and frantic with the love of blood, and would not stay their 
 murderous hands while one of that mass of human victims 
 continued to live. 
 
 At noon that day, as we have seen, five hundred and 
 fifty three persons were inmates of Fort Mims. At sunset, 
 four hundred mangled, scalped and bloody corpses were 
 heaped and strewed within its wooden walls. Not one 
 white woman, not one white child, escaped. Twelve of 
 the garrison, at the last moment, by cutting through two 
 of the pickets, got out of the fort, and fled to the swamp. 
 A large number of the negroes were spared by the Indians 
 and kept for slaves. A few half-breeds were made prisoners. 
 Captain Bailey, severely wounded, ran to the swamp, and 
 died by the side of a cypress stump. A negro woman, with 
 a ball in her breast, reached a canoe on lake Tensaw, and 
 paddled fifteen miles to Fort Stoddart, and bore the first 
 news of the massacre to Governor Claiborne. Most of the 
 
418 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813 
 
 men who fled from the slaughter wandered for days in the 
 swamps and forests, and only reached places of safety, nearly 
 starved, after many a hair-breadth escape from the Indians. 
 Some of them are still living, from whose lips, Mr. A. J. 
 Pickett, the historian of Alabama, gathered most of the 
 particulars which have been briefly related here. 
 
 The garrison sold their lives as dearly as they could. It 
 is thought that four hundred of Weathersford's band were 
 killed and wounded. That night the savages, exhausted 
 with tkir bloody work, appear to have slept near the scene 
 of the massacre. Next day they returned to bury their dead, 
 but fatigued with the number, gave it up, and left many ex- 
 posed. Ten days after, Major Kennedy reached the spot with 
 a detachment of troops to bury the bodies of the whites, and 
 found the air dark with buzzards, and hundreds of dogs 
 gnawing the bodies. In two large pits the troops, shudder- 
 ing now with horror, and now fierce for revenge, succeeded 
 at length in burying the remains of their countrymen and 
 countrywomen. Major Kennedy said in his report, " Indians, 
 negroes, white men, women and children, lay in one pro- 
 miscuous ruin. All were scalped, and the females of every 
 age were butchered in a manner which neither decency noi 
 language will permit me to describe. The main building 
 was burned to ashes, which were filled with bones. The 
 plains and woods around were covered with dead bodies. 
 All the houses were consumed by fire, except the block house 
 and a part of the pickets. The soldiers and officers with 
 one voice called on divine Providence to revenge the death 
 of our murdered friends." 
 
 Such was the massacre at Fort Mims. The news flew 
 upon the wings of the wind. From Mobile to the borders 
 of Tennessee, from the vicinity of New Orleans almost to 
 the coast of Georgia, there was felt to be no safety for the 
 white man except in fortified posts ; nor certain safety even 
 in them. In the country of the Alabama river and its 
 branches, every white man, woman and child, every friendly 
 half-breed and Indian, hurried to tAe stockades, or fled in 
 
1813.] THE MASSACRE AT FORT MI MS. 419 
 
 wild terror toward Mobile. " Never in my life/' wrote an 
 eye-witness, " did I see a country given up before without a 
 struggle. Here are the finest crops my eyes ever beheld 
 made and almost fit to be housed, with immense herds of 
 cattle, negroes, and property, abandoned by their owners, 
 almost on the first alarm." Within the stockades diseases 
 raged, and hundreds of families, unable to get within those 
 enclosures, lay around the walls, squalid, panic-stricken, 
 sick, and miserable. Parties of Indians roved about the 
 country rioting in plunder. After burning the houses and 
 laying waste the plantations, they would drive the cattle 
 together in herds, and either destroy them in a mass, or 
 drive them off for their future use. The horses were taken 
 to facilitate their marauding, and their camps were filled 
 with the luxuries of the planters' houses. Governor Clai- 
 borne, a generous and feeling man, was at his wits' end. 
 From every quarter came the most urgent and pathetic 
 demands for troops. Not a man could be spared, for no 
 one knew where next the exultant savages would endeavor 
 to repeat the catastrophe of Fort Mims ; and in the best 
 defended forts there were Hye non-combatants to one soldier. 
 For some weeks of the autumn of 1813, it really seemed as 
 if the white settlers of Alabama, including those of Mobile 
 itself, were on the point of being exterminated. 
 
 Had Weathersford's force hastened to improve their vic- 
 tory, and marched upon Mobile, ill-garrisoned and crowded 
 with fugitives, it is probable the town would have fallen be- 
 fore them, and a direct communication with the British fleet 
 been established. But an Indian, never very wise, is a drunken 
 fool after victory. He must count and trim his scalps, re- 
 count his exploits, secure his plunder, and miss the substan- 
 tial advantages of his success. 
 
 This will account for the first delay, but not for the final 
 relinquishment of the original design of taking Mobile. That 
 is no longer a mystery. Among the papers of Governor 
 Claiborne is a letter taken at a later period of the war from 
 Weathersford's house, which seems completely to explain the 
 
420 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813 
 
 course of the Indians in sparing Mobile and in directing 
 their forces towards the frontiers of Georgia and Tennessee 
 The letter proves beyond question, if proof were needed, thai 
 the Spanish authorities of Florida sympathized with the 
 Creeks in their efforts against the United States, and gave 
 them all the help they could give, both moral and substan- 
 tial. The letter was dated Pensacola, September 29th, 1813, 
 a month after the massacre, and was written by Maxeo Gon- 
 zalez Manxique, then the governor of Florida. It was ad- 
 dressed to the Creek chiefs, and read as follows : 
 
 " Gentlemen : — I received the letter that you wrote me in the month 
 of August, by which, and with great satisfaction, I was informed of the 
 advantages which your brave warriors obtained over your enemies. 
 
 " I represented, as I promised you, to the Captain General of the Ha- 
 vanna, the request (which the last time I took you by the hand) you made 
 me of arms and ammunitions ; but until now I can not yet have an an- 
 swer. But I am in hopes that he will send me the effects which I re- 
 quested, and as soon as I receive them I shall inform you. 
 
 " I am very thankful for your generous offers to procure to me the 
 provisions and warriors necessary in order to retake the post of Mobile, 
 and you ask me at the same time if we have given up Mobile to the Amer- 
 icans ? To which I answer, for the present I can not profit of your gener- 
 ous offer, not being at war with the Americans, who did not take Mobile 
 by force, since they purchased it from the miserable officer, destitute of 
 honor, who commanded there, and delivered it without authority; by 
 which reasons the sale and delivery of that place is entirely void and null, 
 and I hope that the Americans will restore it again to us, because nobody 
 can dispose of a thing that is not his own property ; in consequence of 
 which the Spaniards have not lost their right to it ; and I hope you will 
 not put in execution the project you tell me of, to burn the town, since 
 those houses and properties do not belong to the Americans but to true 
 Spaniards. 
 
 " To the bearers of your letter I have ordered some small present* to 
 be given, and I remain for ever your good father and friend, 
 
 (Signed) " Manxique." 
 
 Thus Mobile was spared the horrors of what would prob- 
 ably have been the most terrible massacre on record. And 
 thus were the Creek warriors detained in the heart of the 
 
1813.] TENNESSEE IN THE FIELD. 421 
 
 country, and led by the counsels of their friend and ally to 
 go and meet their doom. 
 
 The news of the massacre at Fort Mims was thirty-one 
 days in reaching New York. It is a proof how occupied 
 were the minds of the people in the northern States with 
 great events, that the dread narrative appeared in the New 
 York papers only as an item of war news of comparatively 
 Binall importance. The last prodigious acts in the drama of 
 Napoleon's decline and fall were watched with absorbing in- 
 terest. The news of Perry's victory on Lake Erie had just 
 thrilled the nation with delight and pride, and all minds were 
 still eager for every new particular. Harrison's victory on 
 the Thames over Proctor and Tecumseh soon followed. The 
 lamentable condition of the southern country was therefore 
 little felt at the time beyond the States immediately con- 
 cerned. Perry and Harrison were the heroes of the hour. 
 Their return from the scene of their exploits was a continu- 
 ous triumphal fete. 
 
 In a room at Nashville, a thousand miles from these 
 splendid scenes, lay a gaunt, yellow-visaged man, sick, de- 
 feated, prostrate, with his arm bound up, and his shoulders 
 bandaged, waiting impatiently for his wounds to heal, and 
 his strength to return. Who then thought of him in con- 
 nection with victory and glory ? Who supposed that he, of 
 all men, was the one destined to cast into the shade those 
 favorites of the nation, and shine out as the prime hero of 
 the war ? 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
 
 TENNESSEE IN THE FIELD. 
 
 Alabama was then part of Mississippi Territory. Terri- 
 fied and helpless, Mississippi could look for succor only to the 
 States upon her borders — Louisiana, Georgia and Tennessee. 
 Governor Claiborne, of Louisiana, in his capacity of genera] 
 
422 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 of militia, was near the scene of the massacre ; but, with a 
 force divided among the posts in lower Alabama, he was in- 
 capable of making a single effective movement. To New 
 Orleans, two hundred miles distant ; to the capital of 
 Georgia, three hundred miles distant ; to Nashville, lour 
 hundred miles distant ; to Washington, a month's journey ; 
 he dispatched expresses, bearing intelligence of his situation, 
 and brief, earnest entreaties for instant aid. That done, 
 nothing remained for him and his comrades but to wait and 
 hope. 
 
 There must have been swift express riding in those early 
 days of September, and as stealthy as swift through the In- 
 dian country ; for, on the 18th of the month, nineteen days 
 after the massacre, we find the people of Nashville assembled 
 in town meeting to deliberate upon the event ; the Rev. Mr. 
 Craighead in the chair. This was Saturday. A committee, 
 of which Colonel ^Coffee was a member, was appointed to 
 confer with Governor Blount and General Jackson, and re- 
 port on the following day. On Sunday morning the citizens 
 were again in session, listening to an eloquent address by the 
 reverend chairman, and to a series of resolutions urging the 
 immediate succor of the southern settlers. It was announced 
 that the Governor of the State was favorable to the measure. 
 " We have to regret," said the committee, " the present tem- 
 porary indisposition of our brave and patriotic General Jack- 
 son ; but we have the utmost confidence, from his declara- 
 tions and his convalescent state, to announce that he will be 
 able to command so soon as the freemen of Tennessee can be 
 collected to march against the foe." 
 
 The news of the massacre produced everywhere in Ten- 
 nessee the most profound impression. Pity for the distressed 
 Alabamians, fears for the safety of their own borders, rage 
 against the Creeks, so long the recipients of governmental 
 bounty, united to inflame the minds of the people. But 
 one feeling pervaded the State. With one voice, it was 
 decreed that the entire resources and the whole avail- 
 able force of Tennessee should be hurled upon the savage 
 
1813.] TENNESSEE IN THE FIELD. 423 
 
 foe, to avenge the massacre and deliver the southern coun- 
 try. 
 
 " I hope in God," wrote General Sevier, then in Congress, 
 " that as the rascals have begun, we shall now have it in our 
 power to pay them for the old and for the new."* This was 
 the feeling of the entire South-west. 
 
 General Jackson was prompt in issuing a most character- 
 istic address to the volunteers, sending it forth before it was 
 known whether the troops would receive pay for a service 
 ud authorized by the general government. " The horrid but- 
 cneries," said he, " perpetrating on our defenseless fellow-citi- 
 zens near Fort Stoddart, can not fail to excite in every bosom 
 a spirit of revenge. The subjoined letter of our worthy gov- 
 ernor shows that the general government has deposited no 
 authority in this quarter to afford aid to the unhappy suffer- 
 ers. It is wished that volunteers should go forward relying 
 on the justice of the general government for ultimate remu- 
 neration. It surely never would be said that the brave Ten- 
 nesseeans wanted other inducements than patriotism and 
 humanity to rush to the aid of our bleeding neighbors, their 
 friends and relations. I feel confident the dull calculations 
 of sneaking prudence will not prevent you from immediately 
 stepping forth on this occasion, so worthy the arm of every 
 brave soldier and good citizen. I regret that indisposition, 
 which, from present appearances, is not likely to continue 
 long, may prevent me from leading the van ; but indulge the 
 grateful hope of sharing with you the dangers and glory of 
 prostrating those hell-houuds, who are capable of such bar- 
 barities. In the meantime, let all who can arm themselves 
 do so, and hasten to Fort St. Stephens." 
 
 The Legislature of Tennessee, however, at once responded 
 to the people's desire. On the 25th of September an act was 
 passed empowering Governor Blount to call thirty-five hun- 
 dred volunteers to the field, in addition to the fifteen hundred 
 already enrolled in the service of the United States ; the 
 
 * MSS. of Colonel A. W. Putnam. 
 
424 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813 
 
 State guaranteeing their pay and subsistence in case the gen- 
 eral government should refuse to adopt the measure as its 
 own. A sum of three hundred thousand dollars was voted 
 to defray immediate expenses. 
 
 It chanced that General John Cocke, of East Tennessee, 
 a gallant and worthy gentleman, much calumniated in the 
 histories of this period, was at Nashville when the express 
 from Governor Claiborne arrived. General Cocke, though a 
 major general, was younger in the service than General Jack- 
 son, and subject to his orders when both were in the field. 
 At the request of Governor Blount, he remained to concert 
 the requisite measures, and, in company with the Governor, 
 repaired to the bed side of Jackson. They found the Gen- 
 eral extremely worn and debilitated, the fracture just begin- 
 ning to heal. Governor Blount said that he had just ordered 
 General Cocke to summon the troops of East Tennessee to 
 rendezvous at Knoxville ; and he was prepared to give Gen- 
 eral Jackson a similar order for the western division, if 
 he was able to take the field. Jackson replied that his 
 wounds were improving, and he thought that by the time the 
 troops could assemble he would be ready to assume the com- 
 mand. Governor Blount then gave the order. Jackson in- 
 quired if provisions could be procured in East Tennessee for 
 both divisions. General Cocke thought there could ; and: 
 promising, at General Jackson's request, to make the neces- 
 sary requisition upon the government contractor at Knoxville, 
 took his departure, carrying with him a written statement' 
 of the supplies that would be needed for General Jackson's* 
 army. 
 
 The sick General fell vigorously to his task. On the 25th 
 of September, in another spirit-stirring address, he called his- 
 division to the field, naming the 4th of October as the time, 
 and Fayetteville, a village near the borders of Alabama, as the 
 place of rendezvous. On the 26th, he dispatched his oldi 
 friend and partner, Colonel Coffee, with his regiment of five 
 hundred horse, and such mounted volunteers as could instantly 
 join, to Huntsville, in the northern part of Alabama, to re- 
 
TENNESSEE IN THE FIELD. 425 
 
 store confidence to the frontier. Huntsville is a hundred 
 miles or more from Nashville. On the 4th of October, the 
 energetic Coffee had reached the place, his force increased to 
 nearly thirteen hundred men ; and volunteers, as he wrote 
 back to his commander, flocking in every hour. 
 
 The day named for the rendezvous at Fayetteville was 
 exactly one month from that on which the commanding Gen- 
 eral received his wounds in the affray with the Bentons. He 
 could not mount his horse without assistance when the time 
 came for him to move toward the rendezvous. His left arm 
 was bound and in a sling. He could not wear his coat-sleeve ; 
 nor, during any part of his military career, could he long 
 endure on his left shoulder the weight of an epaulette. Often, 
 in the crisis of a maneuver, some unguarded movement would 
 send such a thrill of agony through his attenuated frame as 
 almost to deprive him of consciousness. It could not have 
 been a pleasant thought that he had squandered in a paltry, 
 puerile, private contest, the strength he needed for the de- 
 fense of his country. Grievous was his fault ; bitter the 
 penalty ; noble the atonement. 
 
 Fayetteville, the place of rendezvous (more than eighty 
 miles from Nashville), the General was unable, with all his 
 efforts, to reach on the appointed day. He therefore sent 
 forward his aid, Major John Keid, to represent him, and to 
 read to the troops an address prepared for the occasion. 
 
 General Jackson, in all his wars (both military and polit- 
 ical), relied much upon the potency of words. He was accus- 
 tomed to begin and end all operations with an address. That 
 these compositions were never executed entirely by his own 
 hand is a fact of no importance ; they expressed his ideas, 
 they breathed his spirit, they declared his resolves. 
 
 The addresses and dispatches of Jackson were universally 
 admired in their day, as we can still observe in the comments 
 of the old newspapers. There is a glow, a rough-and-ready 
 sense and energy about them which the modern reader will 
 not mistake for the bombast of the stump. They are too 
 characteristic of the man, too redolent of the scenes in which 
 
426 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813 
 
 he acted, to be omitted in any adequate narrative of his life 
 and achievements. Discipline, the weak point of an army of 
 militia, was the leading topic in the address read by Major 
 Reid on this occasion : — 
 
 " We are about," said he, " to furnish these savages a lesson of ad- 
 monition ; we are about to teach them that our long forbearance has not 
 proceeded from an insensibility to wrongs, or an inability to redress them. 
 They stand in need of such warning. In proportion as we have borne 
 with their insults, and submitted to their outrages, they have multiplied in 
 number, and increased in atrocity. But the measure of their offense's is at 
 length filled. The blood of our women and children, recently spilt at Fort 
 Mims, calls for our vengeance; it must not call in vain. Our borders must 
 no longer be disturbed by the war-whoop of these savages, and the criea 
 of their suffering victims. The torch that has been lighted up must be 
 made to blaze in the heart of their own country. It is time they should 
 be made to feel the weight of a power, which, because it was merciful, they 
 believed to be impotent. But how shall a war so long forborne, and so 
 loudly called for by retributive justice, be waged ? Shall we imitate the 
 example of our enemies, in the disorder of their movements and the savage- 
 ness of their dispositions ? Is it worthy the character of American soldiers, 
 who take up arms to redress the wrongs of an injured country, to assume 
 no better models than those furnished them by barbarians ? ISTo, fellow- 
 soldiers ; great as are the grievances that have called us from our homes, 
 we must not permit disorderly passions to tarnish the reputation we shall 
 carry along with us. We must and will be victorious ; but we must con- 
 quer as men who owe nothing to chance, and who, in the midst of victory, 
 can still be mindful of what is due to humanity ! 
 
 " We will commence the campaign by an inviolable attention to disci- 
 pline and subordination. Without a strict observance of these, victory 
 must ever be uncertain, and ought hardly to be exulted in, even when 
 gained. To what but the entire disregard of order and subordination, are 
 we to ascribe the disasters which have attended our arms in the North 
 during the present war ? How glorious will it be to remove the blots 
 which have tarnished the fair character bequeathed us by the fathers oi 
 our Revolution ! The bosom of your general is full of hope. He knows 
 the ardor which animates you, and already exults in the triumph which 
 your strict observance of discipline and good order will render certain." 
 
 The rudimental character of the orders which accompanied 
 this address shows how little accustomed were the volun- 
 teers to the restraints of service. No sutler could sell liquoi 
 
1813.] TENNESSEE IN THE FIELD. 427 
 
 to a soldier without the written permission of a commissioned 
 officer. Drunkenness, " the bane of all orderly encampments/' 
 would subject an officer to arrest ; a private, to confinement 
 until tried by a court-martial. No citizen could enter or 
 leave the camp at night. No officer or soldier to sleep out 
 of camp without permission. " On parade, silence, the duty 
 of a soldier, is positively commanded." Even these simple 
 rules were thought by this army of hunting-shirted pioneers 
 to be extremely rigorous. 
 
 Traveling as fast as his healing wounds permitted, Gen- 
 eral Jackson reached Fayetteville on the 7th of October, and 
 found that less than half of the two thousand men ordered 
 out had assembled. But welcome tidings from Colonel Cof- 
 fee awaited him. Hitherto, he had chiefly feared for the 
 safety of Mobile, and had anticipated a long and weary march 
 into southern Alabama. He now learned from Colonel Cof- 
 fee's dispatch, that the Indians seemed to have abandoned 
 their designs upon Mobile, and were making their way, in 
 two parties, toward the borders of Georgia and Tennessee. 
 This was joyful news to the enfeebled but fiery commander 
 " It is surely," he wrote back to Coffee the same evening, 
 r high gratification to learn that the Creeks are so attentive 
 to my situation as to save me the pain of traveling. I must 
 not be outdone in politeness, and will therefore endeavor to 
 meet them on the middle ground." 
 
 A week was passed at Fayetteville in waiting for the 
 troops, procuring supplies, organizing the regiments, and 
 drilling the men ; a week of intense exertion on the part of 
 the General, to whom congenial employment brought daily 
 restoration. 
 
 At one o'clock on Monday, the 11th of October, an ex- 
 press dashed into camp with another dispatch from Colonel 
 Coffee, announcing the approach of the enemy. Then was 
 seen the impetuous energy of the General in command. The 
 order to prepare for marching was given on the instant. A 
 few minutes later, the express was galloping back to Coffee's 
 camp, carrying a few hasty lines from Jackson, to the effect 
 
428 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813 
 
 f 
 
 that, in two hours, he would be in motion with all his avail- 
 able force. Before three, he had kept his word ; the armj 
 was in full career toward Huntsville. Excited more anc 
 more, as they went, by rumor of Indian murders, the mer 
 marched with such incredible swiftness as to reach Hunts- 
 ville, thirty-tivo miles from Fayetteville, by eight o'clock the 
 same evening ! It is hard to believe that an army could 
 march six miles an hour for five hours, but the fact is stated 
 on what may be considered the authority of General Jacksorj 
 himself. No white men but western pioneers could perform a 
 feat of that description ; and of such men, who made the 
 most difficult, important, and costly conquest ever made by 
 man — the conquest of the western world from the wilderness 
 and the savage — who shall say what they could or could not 
 do in the way of physical achievement ? At Huntsville, it 
 was found that the news of the rapid approach of the Indiana 
 was exaggerated. The next day, therefore, the force marched 
 leisurely to the Tennessee river, crossed it, and toward even- 
 ing came up with Colonel Coffee's command, encamped on 
 the south side of the river. 
 
 So far all had gone well. There they were, twenty-five 
 hundred of them, in the pleasant autumn weather, upon a high 
 bluff overlooking the beautiful Tennessee, all in high spirits, 
 eager to be led against the enemy. There were jovial souls 
 among them. David Crockett, then the peerless bear-hunter 
 of the West (to be member of Congress by and by, to be na- 
 tional joker, and to stump the country against his present 
 commander) was there with his rifle and hunting-shirt, the 
 merriest of the merry, keeping the camp alive with his quaint 
 conceits and marvelous narratives. He had a hereditary 
 right to be there, for both his grandparents had been mur- 
 dered by Creeks, and other relatives carried into long cap- 
 tivity by them. " Perfectly a child of nature," observed his 
 biographer, " and thrown by accident among men raised, like 
 himself, on the frontiers, and consequently uneducated, he 
 was perfectly at home. Naturally of a fine person, with a 
 goodness of heart rarely equaled, and a talent for humor 
 
1813.] TENNESSEE IN THE FIELD. 429 
 
 never excelled, he soon found his way to the hearts of his 
 messmates. No man ever enjoyed a greater degree of per- 
 sonal popularity than did David Crockett while with the 
 army ; and his success in political life is mainly attributable 
 to that fact. I have met with many of his messmates, who 
 spoke of him with the affection of a brother, and from them 
 have heard many anecdotes, which convince me how much 
 goodness of heart he really possessed. He not unfrequently 
 would lay out his own money to buy a blanket for a suffering 
 soldier ; and never did he own a dollar which was not at the 
 service of the first friend who called for it. Blessed with a 
 memory which never forgot any thing, he seemed merely a 
 depository of anecdote : while, at the same time, to invent, 
 when at a loss, was as easy as to narrate those which he had 
 already heard. These qualities made him the rallying point 
 for fun with all his messmates, and served to give him that 
 notoriety which he now possesses." 
 
 Merriment, meanwhile, was far from the heart of the Gen- 
 eral. Grappling now with the chronic difficulty of the cam- 
 paign, he was torn with impatience and anxiety. 
 
 Twenty-five hundred men and thirteen hundred horses on 
 a bluff of the Tennessee, on the borders of civilization, about 
 to plunge into pathless woods, and march, no one knew how 
 far, into the fastnesses and secret retreats of a savage en- 
 emy ! Such a body will consume ten wagon-loads of provis- 
 ions every day. For a week's subsistence they require a 
 thousand bushels of grain, twenty tons of flesh, a thousand 
 allons of whisky, and many hundredweight of miscellaneous 
 stores. Assemble, suddenly, such a force in the most popu- 
 ous county of Illinois, as Illinois now is, and it would not 
 3e a quite easy matter, in the space of seventeen days, to or- 
 ganize a system of supply so that the army could march 
 hirty miles a day into the forest, and be sure of finding a 
 lay's rations waiting for them at the end of every day's 
 narch. Colonel Coffee, moreover, had been encamped for 
 ight days upon the bluff, had swept the surrounding country 
 
 i' r |>f its forage, and gathered in nearly all the provisions it could 
 vol. i.— 28 
 
430 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 furnish. All this General Jackson had expected, and hither, 
 accordingly, he had directed the supplies from East Tennes- 
 see to be sent. 
 
 General Cocke had performed all that he had promised 
 by Jackson's bed side. Besides mustering his own division oi 
 twenty-five hundred men, and having them ready to r*arch 
 by the 2d of October, he had made the promised requisi- 
 tion on the government contractor at Knoxville for the sup- 
 ply of Jackson's army, which was three hundred miles down 
 the river. The contractor had abundant provisions, and in- 
 stantly set about dispatching them. " I believe," wrote 
 General Cocke to Jackson, on the 2d day of October, "a 
 thousand barrels of flour can be had immediately. I will 
 send it on to Ditto's landing (Jackson's camp) without de- 
 lay." To the river's side they were sent promptly enough. 
 But the Tennessee, like most of the western rivers, is not 
 navigable in its upper waters in dry seasons, and the floui 
 which General Jackson expected to find awaiting him a1 
 Coifee's bluff, was still hundreds of miles up the river. 
 " waiting for a rise." His whole stock, at present, amounted 
 to only a few days' supply. To proceed seemed impossible. 
 
 He was bitterly disappointed. Nor was the cause of the 
 delay apparent to him, since the Tennessee, where he saw it, 
 flowed by in a sufficient stream. Chafing under the enforced 
 delay, like a war-horse restrained from the charge after the 
 trumpet has sounded, he denounced the contractor and the 
 contract system, and even General Cocke, who, zealous foi 
 the service, had gone far beyond the line of his duty in his 
 efforts to forward the supplies. 
 
 But General Jackson did better things than these. Per- 
 ceiving now, only too clearly, that this matter of provisions 
 was to be the great difficulty of the campaign, he sent bad 
 to Nashville his friend and quarter-master, Major Willian 
 B. Lewis, in order that he might have some one there upoi 
 whose zeal and discretion he could entirely rely, and wh< 
 would do all that man could do for his relief. Colonel Coft 
 fee, with a body of seven hundred mounted men, he sen. 
 
1813.] TENNESSEE IN THE FIELD. 431 
 
 away from his hungry camp to scour the banks of the Black 
 Warrior, a branch of the Tombigbee. He gave the infantry 
 who remained as hard a week's drilling as ever volunteers 
 submitted to. Order arose from confusion ; discipline began 
 to exert its potent spell, and the mob of pioneer militia as- 
 sumed something of the aspect of an army. While he was 
 thus engaged, a friendly chief (Shelocta) came into camp 
 with news that hostile Creeks, in a considerable body, were 
 threatening a fort occupied by friendly Indians near the Ten 
 Islands of the Coosa. The route thither lying in part up the 
 Tennessee, Jackson resolved, with such provisions as he had, 
 to go and meet the expected flotilla, and, having obtained 
 supplies, to strike at once into the heart of the Indian coun- 
 try and relieve the friendly fort. He lived, during these 
 anxious days, with an eye ever on the river, heart-sick with 
 hope deferred. 
 
 On the 19th of October the camp on the bluff broke up. 
 Three days of marching, climbing, and road cutting, over 
 mountains before supposed to be impassable, brought the 
 little army to Thompson's creek, a branch of the Tennessee, 
 twenty-two miles above the previous encampment. To his 
 is inexpressible disappointment, he found there neither provis- 
 t ions, nor tidings of provisions. In circumstances so disheart- 
 ji ening and unexpected, most men would have thought it bet- 
 he ter generalship to retreat to the settlements, and wait in safety 
 he while adequate arrangements were made for the support of 
 for the army. No such thought appears to have occurred to 
 ai the General. Ketreat at that moment would have probably 
 tempted the enemy to the frontiers of Tennessee, and cov- 
 gu 3red them with fire and desolation. Jackson halted his force 
 lDi it Thompson's creek, and while his men were employed in 
 £ throwing up a fort to be used as a depot for the still expected 
 :.g provisions, he sat in his tent for three days writing letters the 
 l0 i nost pathetic and imploring. He wrote to General Cocke 
 r jjj md Judge Hugh L. White, of East Tennessee ; to the gov- 
 f, 3rnors of Tennessee and Georgia ; to the Indian agents among 
 ilB jbhe Cherokees and Choctaws ; to friendly Indian chiefs ; to 
 
432 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813 
 
 General Flourney, of New Orleans ; to various private friends 
 of known public spirit ; appealing to every motive of inter- 
 est and patriotism that could influence men, entreating then 
 to use all personal exertions and public authority in forward- 
 ing supplies to his destitute army. Give me provisions, was 
 the burden of these eloquent letters, and I will end this wai 
 in a month. " There is an enemy," he wrote, "whom I dreac 
 much more than I do the hostile Creeks, and whose power, ] 
 am fearful, I shall first be made to feel — I mean the meagei 
 monster, Famine. I shall leave this encampment in th( 
 morning direct for the Ten Islands, and thence, with as 
 little delay as possible, to the junction of the Coosa anc 
 Tallapoosa; and yet I have not on hand two days' supply of 
 breadstuffs." 
 
 I have before me a familiar, hasty letter, written at th( 
 Thompson's creek encampment by Major Keid, the General's 
 aid, to Major William B. Lewis, which reveals the situatioi 
 vividly. 
 
 JOHN REID TO WILLIAM B. LEWIS. 
 
 Camp Deposit, on Thompson's Creek, October 24, 1813. 
 
 "Major Lewis : Dear Sir : — We have cut our way over mountains 
 more tremendous than the Alps, and to-day we ascend others. 
 
 At this place we have remained a day for the purpose of establishing 
 a depot for provisions ; but where those provisions are to come from, o: 
 when they are to arrive, God Almighty only knows. We had expecte( 
 supplies from East Tennessee, but they have not arrived, and I am fearfu 
 never will I speak seriously when I declare, I expect we shall soon have 
 to eat our horses, and perhaps this is the best use we can put a great man] 
 of them to. 
 
 The hostile Creeks, as we learnt yesterday, from the Pathkiller, ar< 
 assembling in great numbers within fifteen miles from Turkey Town 
 Chenully, who is posted with the friendly Creeks in the neighborhood of 
 that place, it is feared, will be destroyed before we can arrive to their reliei 
 In three days we shall probably have a fight. The General swears he wil 
 neither sound a retreat nor survive a defeat. 
 
 General White, of the East Tennessee militia, has not yet joined us, no: 
 has Colonel Coffee returned, who was dispatched before you left us ; bu 
 
1813.] TENNESSEE IN THE FIELD. 433 
 
 we understand that Coffee lay within ten miles of us last night, and will be 
 up by twelve o'clock. He saw no Indians, but burnt some towns. 
 
 General White, with the advanced division, consisting perhaps of a 
 thousand, arrived near a week ago at the foot of the Lookout Mountain, 
 and will probably form a junction with us in a few days, if our movements 
 should not be too speedy for his. We, however, have been greatly delayed 
 by the irregularity and scantiness of our supplies, and the ruggedness of 
 the mountaiLS over which we have had to pass ; and the same causes will, 
 no doubt, continue to impede our progress. 
 
 We are distant from the Ten Islands about fifty miles by the nearest 
 route, for which place we shall recommence our march in the evening, 
 leaving Turkey Town and Chenully's Fort to the left, unless we should 
 find it necessary to go by them for their relief. 
 
 We shall leave this place with less than two days' supply of pro- 
 visions. Adieu. Write me if you have an opportunity. I am in a great 
 hurry. Farewell again. 
 
 John Eeid.* 
 
 Colone] Coffee soon after rejoined the General. In twelve 
 days lie had marched two hundred miles, burnt two Indian 
 towns, collected three or four hundred bushels of corn, and 
 returned to the Tennessee without having seen a hostile 
 Indian. Kunners still arriving from the Ten Islands with 
 entreaties from the friendly Indians for relief, Jackson, with 
 two days' supply of bread and six of flesh, resolved to march, 
 and depend for subsistence upon chance and victory. 
 
 Before leaving Fort Deposit — by this name he called the 
 fort constructed at Thompson's creek — he caused a second 
 address to be read to the army. It tells its own story : — 
 
 " You have, fellow-soldiers, at length penetrated the country of your 
 enemies. It is not to be believed that they will abandon the soil that em- 
 bosoms the bones of their forefathers, without furnishing you an opportu- 
 nity of signalizing your valor. Wise men do not expect, brave men will not 
 desire it. It was not to travel unmolested through a barren wilderness that 
 you quitted your families and homes, and submitted to so many privations ; 
 it was to revenge the cruelties committed upon your defenseless frontiers 
 by the inhuman Creeks, instigated by their no less inhuman allies ; you 
 shall not be disappointed. If the enemy flee before us, we will overtake 
 
 * Manuscripts of Major William B. Lewis. 
 
434 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813, 
 
 and chastise him ; we will teach him how dreadful, when once aroused, is 
 the resentment of freemen. But it is not by boasting that punishment is 
 to be inflicted or victory obtained. The same resolution that prompted us 
 to take up arms must inspire us in battle. Men thus animated, and thus 
 resolved, barbarians can never conquer ; and it is an enemy, barbarous in 
 the extreme, that we have now to face. Their reliance will be on the 
 damage they can do you while you are asleep and unprepared for action ; 
 their hopes shall fail them in the hour of experiment. Soldiers who know 
 their duty, and are ambitious to perform it, are not to be taken by sur- 
 prise. Our sentinels will never sleep, nor our soldiers be unprepared for 
 action ; yet, while it is enjoined upon the sentinels vigilantly to watch the 
 approach of the foe, they are, at the same time, commanded not to fire at 
 shadows. Imaginary danger must not deprive them of entire self-posses- 
 sion. Our soldiers will lie with their arms in their hands ; and the moment 
 an alarm is given, they will move to their respective positions, without noise, 
 and without confusion ; they will thus be enabled to hear the orders of 
 their officers, and to obey them with promptitude. 
 
 " Great reliance will be placed by the enemy on the consternation they 
 may be able to spread through our ranks by the hideous yells with which 
 they commence their battles ; but brave men wiil laugh at such efforts to 
 alarm them. It is not by bellowings and screams that the wounds of death 
 are inflicted. You will teach these noisy assailants how weak are their 
 weapons of warfare, by opposing them with the bayonet. What Indian 
 ever withstood its charge ? What army of any nation ever withstood it 
 long? 
 
 " Yes, soldiers, the order for a charge will be the signal for victory. In 
 that moment your enemy will be seen flying in every direction before you. 
 But in the moment of action coolness and deliberation must be regarded ; 
 your fires made with precision and aim ; and when ordered to charge with 
 the bayonet, you must proceed to the assault with a quick and firm step, 
 without trepidation or alarm. Then shall you behold the completion of 
 your hopes in the discomfiture of your enemy. Your General, whose duty, 
 as well as inclination, is to watch over your safety, will not, to gratify any 
 wishes of his own, rush you unnecessarily into danger. He knows, how- 
 ever, that it is not in assailing an enemy that men are destroyed ; it is 
 when retreating and in confusion. Aware of this, he will be prompted as 
 much by a regard for your lives as your honor. He laments that he has 
 been compelled, even incidentally, to hint at a retreat when speaking to 
 freemen and to soldiers. Never until you forget all that is due to your- 
 selves and your country, will you have any practical understanding of that 
 word. Shall an enemy, wholly unacquainted with military evolution, and 
 who rely more for victory on their grim visages and hideous yells, than 
 •pon their bravery or their weapons — shall such an enemy ever drive be- 
 
1813.] GENERAL COFFEE'S BATTLE. 435 
 
 fore them the well-trained youths of our country, whose bosoms pant for 
 glory, and a desire to avenge the wrongs they have received ? Your Gen- 
 eral will not live to behold such a spectacle ; rather would he rush into the 
 thickest of the enemy, and submit himself to their scalping knives. But he 
 has no fears of such a result. He knows the valor of the men he com- 
 mands, and how certainly that valor, regulated as it will be, will lead to 
 victory. With his soldiers he will face all dangers, and with them partici- 
 pate in the glory of conquest." 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIX. 
 
 GENERAL COFFEE'S BATTLE. 
 
 John Coffee, as one of his friends observed to me, was 
 a great soldier without knowing it. So the world never knew 
 it. He was a giant in stature and nobly proportioned ; in 
 demeanor taciturn and totally void of pretense : a man to 
 do his duty, and let any one else have the glory of it who 
 wanted that airy commodity. The first in the field, he had 
 been now a mouth in the saddle, leading his horsemen up 
 and down the country, doing what he could to keep the foe 
 from the frontier, and the Wolf from the Manger. He had 
 not slain an Indian : but his presence had dispelled alarm, 
 and his swift gallopings to and fro had given every one, 
 friend and foe, the idea that something energetic was going 
 forward. To his sick general he had been an arm of strength, 
 when he most needed it. Promoted now, most justly and with 
 the applause of the whole army, to the rank of brigadier 
 general, it was his well-deserved good fortune to gain over the 
 savage Creeks the first signal success of the war. 
 
 Leaving Fort Deposit on the 25th of October, Jackson 
 marched southward into the enemy's country as fast as the 
 state of his commissariat permitted ; halting when his com 
 quite gave out ; marching again when he procured a day's 
 supply ; sending out detachments to burn villages and find 
 
436 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 hidden stores ; writing letter after letter, imploring snccoi 
 from the settlements ; always resolute, always in an agony 
 of suspense. On one of these days, Colonel Dyer, who had 
 been sent out with a detachment of two hundred men, re- 
 turned to camp with twenty-nine prisoners and a considerable 
 supply of corn, the spoils of a burnt village. Other slight 
 successes on the march served to keep the men in good spirits, 
 but were not sufficient to lift for more than a moment the 
 load of care that rested upon the heart of the General. A 
 week brought the whole force, intact, to the banks of the 
 Coosa, within a few miles of the Ten Islands, near which, at 
 a town called Talluschatches, it was now known, a large 
 body of the Indians had assembled. 
 
 Talluschatches was thirteen miles from General Jackson's 
 camp. On the 2d of November came the welcome order to 
 General Coffee, to march with a thousand mounted men to 
 destroy this town. Late in the same day, the detachment 
 were on the trail, accompanied by a body of friendly Creeks, 
 wearing white feathers and white deers' tails, to distinguish 
 them from their hostile brethren. The next morning's sun 
 shone upon Coffee and his men preparing to assault the town. 
 What followed, let the brave General himself relate. 
 
 " I arrived/' wrote General Coffee in his official report 
 to Jackson, " within one mile and a half of the town on the 
 morning of the 3d, at which place I divided my detachment 
 into two columns, the right composed of the cavalry com- 
 manded by Colonel Allcorn, to cross over a large creek that 
 lay between us and the towns ; the left column was of the 
 mounted riflemen, under the command of Colonel Cannon, 
 with whom I marched myself. Colonel Allcorn was ordered 
 to march up on the right, and encircle one half of the town, 
 and at the same time the left would form a half circle on the 
 left, and unite the head of the columns in front of the town — 
 all of which was performed as I could wish. When I arrived 
 within half a mile of the town, the drums of the enemy began 
 to beat, mingled with their savage yells, preparing for action. 
 It was after sunrise an hour when the action was brought on 
 
1813.] GENERAL COFFEE'S BATTLE. 437 
 
 by Captain Hammond and Lieutenant Patterson's companies, 
 who had gone on within the circle of alignment, for the pur- 
 pose of drawing out the enemy from their buildings ; which 
 had the most happy effect. As soon as Captain Hammond 
 exhibited his front in view of the town, (which stood in an 
 open woodland,) and gave a few scattering shot, the enemy 
 formed and made a violent charge on him ; he gave way as 
 they advanced, until they met our right column, which gave 
 them a general fire and then charged. This changed the di- 
 rection of charge completely. The enemy retreated firing, 
 until they got around, and in their buildings, where they 
 made all the resistance that an overpowered soldier could do. 
 They fought as long as one existed ; but their destruction 
 was very soon completed. Our men rushed up to the doors 
 of the houses, and in a few minutes killed the last warrior 
 of them. The enemy fought with savage fury, and met 
 death with all its horrors, without shrinking or complaining : 
 not one asked to be spared, but fought as long as they could 
 stand or sit. In consequence of their flying to their houses 
 and mixing with the families, our men, in killing the males, 
 without intention, killed and wounded a few of the squaws 
 and children, which was regretted by every officer and sol- 
 dier of the detachment, but which could not be avoided. 
 
 " The number of the enemy killed was one hundred and 
 eighty-six, that were counted, and a number of others that 
 were killed in the weeds, not found. I think the calculation 
 a reasonable one, to say two hundred of them were killed, and 
 eighty-four prisoners of women and children were taken. Not 
 one of the warriors escaped to carry the news — a circumstance 
 unknown heretofore. 
 
 " We lost five men killed, and forty-one wounded, none 
 mortally, the greater part slightly ; a number with arrows. 
 This appears to form a very principal part of the enemy's 
 arms for warfare, every man having a bow with a bundle of 
 arrows, which is used after the first fire with the gun, until a 
 leisure time for loading offers. 
 
 "It is with pleasure I say that our men acted with de- 
 
438 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 liberation and firmness. Notwithstanding our numbers were 
 superior to that of the enemy, it was a circumstance to us 
 unknown ; and from the parade of the enemy, we had every 
 reason to suppose them our equals in number ; but there ap- 
 peared no visible traces of alarm in any, but, on the contrary, 
 all appeared cool and determined, and no doubt when they 
 face a foe of their own or superior number, they will show 
 the same courage as on this occasion." 
 
 The Indians, in this battle, as in all the battles of the 
 Creek war, fought with religious frenzy. Tecumseh knew 
 well the Indian character when he adopted his prophet- 
 brother's fantastic devices. Every tribe and war party had 
 its prophet, who really seems to have made himself believe 
 that he and his followers would be invulnerable by American 
 bullets. The prophet of Talluschatches, it is related, had 
 preached this doctrine with great effect. When the fire 
 was hottest, he sprang to the roof of one of the houses and 
 harangued the contending warriors with loud outcries and 
 vehement gesticulation. " The Great Spirit," he cried, " was 
 on the side of the red men and their British allies. Innumer- 
 able spirits filled the air, commissioned by the Great Spirit to 
 catch the flying bullets of the Americans. Look at me, on 
 the top of a house in full view of the Americans, and I am 
 still unharmed \" He soon attracted attention, however, when 
 an American bullet silenced him for ever, and he tumbled 
 headlong to the ground.* 
 
 On the evening of the same day, General Coffee, having 
 destroyed the town and buried his dead, led his victorious 
 troops back to Jackson's camp, where he received from his 
 General and the rest of the army the welcome that brave 
 men give to brave men returning from triumph. A brief dis- 
 patch from General Jackson to Governor Blount, written on 
 the 4th of November, and soon published in all newspapers, 
 was the first of the long series of dispatches that associated 
 his name with victory : — 
 
 "We have retaliated for the destruction of Fort Mims 
 
 * Claiborne's Notes. 
 
1813.] GENERAL COFFEE' S BATTLE. 439 
 
 On the 2d, I detached General Coffee, with a part of his 
 brigade of cavalry and mounted riflemen, to destroy Tallu- 
 shatches, where a considerable force of the hostile Creeks was 
 concentrated. The General executed this in style. An hun- 
 dred and eighty-six of the enemy were found dead on the 
 field, and about eighty taken prisoners, forty of whom have 
 been brought here. In the number left there is a sufficiency but 
 slightly wounded to take care of those who are badly. I have 
 to regret that five of my brave fellows have been killed, and 
 about thirty wounded ; some badly, but none I hope mor- 
 tally. Both officers and men behaved with the utmost 
 bravery and deliberation. Captains Smith, Bradley, and 
 Winston are wounded, all slightly. No officer is killed. So 
 soon as General Coffee makes his report I shall enclose it. If 
 we had a sufficient supply of provisions we should in a very 
 short time accomplish the object of the expedition." 
 
 Along with the returning horsemen, joyful with their tri- 
 umph, came into camp a sorrowful procession of prisoners, all 
 women or children, all widows or fatherless, all helpless and des- 
 titute. They were humanely cared for by the troops, and soon 
 after sent to the settlements for maintenance during the war. 
 
 On the bloody field of Talluschatches was found a slain 
 mother still embracing her living infant. The child was 
 brought into camp with the other prisoners, and Jackson, 
 anxious to save it, endeavored to induce some of the Indian 
 women to give it nourishment. " No," said they, " all his 
 relations are dead, kill him too." This reply appealed to the 
 heart of the General. He caused the child to be taken to his 
 own tent, where, among the few remaining stores, was found a 
 little brown sugar. This mingled with water, served to keep 
 the child alive until it could be sent to Huntsville, where it was 
 nursed at Jackson's expense until the end of the campaign, 
 and then taken to the Hermitage. Mrs. Jackson received it 
 cordially ; and the boy grew up in the family, treated by the 
 General and his kind wife as a son and a favorite. Lincoyer 
 was the name given him by the General. He grew to be a 
 finely formed and robust youth, and received the education 
 
440 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 usually given to the planters' sons in the neighborhood. Yet, 
 it appears, he remained an Indian to the last, delighting to 
 roam the fields and woods, and decorate his hair and clothes 
 with gay feathers, and given to strong yearnings for his native 
 wilds. At the proper age, the General, wishing to complete 
 his good work by giving him the means of independence, took 
 him among the shops of Nashville, and asked him to choose 
 the trade he would learn. He chose the very business at 
 which Jackson himself had tried his youthful hand — harness 
 making. The apprentice now spent the working days in the 
 shop at Nashville, going to the Hermitage on Sunday even- 
 ings, and returning on Monday morning, generally riding one 
 of the General's horses. The work did not agree with him, 
 and he came home sick to the Hermitage, to leave it no more. 
 His disease proved to be consumption. He was nursed with 
 care and solicitude by good Aunt Kachel, but he sank rapidly, 
 and died before he had reached his seventeenth year. The 
 General sincerely mourned his loss, and often spoke of Lin- 
 coyer as a parent speaks of a lost child. 
 
 A lady of Nashville tells me, that when, as a little girl, 
 she used to visit the Hermitage with her parents, this Indian 
 boy was her terror ; as it was his delight to spring out upon 
 the other children from some ambush about the house, and 
 frighten them with loud yells and horrible grimaces. 
 
 CHAPTER XL. 
 
 BATTLE OF TALLADEGA. 
 
 It was General Jackson's turn next. Thirty miles from 
 his encampment on the Coosa stood a small fort, into 
 which, as before intimated, a party of a hundred and 
 fifty-four friendly Creeks had fled for safety. The site 
 of this fort is now covered by part of the town of Talla- 
 
1813.] BATTLE OF TALLADEGA. 441 
 
 dega, the capital of Talladega county, Alabama, a thriving 
 place of two thousand inhabitants, situated on a branch of 
 the Coosa, in the midst of beautiful mountain scenery. This 
 region was, at the time of which we are now writing, liter- 
 ally a howling wilderness ; for, while General Coffee was re- 
 turning in triumph from Talluschatchee, more than a thou- 
 sand hostile Creeks suddenly surrounded the friendly fort and 
 invested it so completely that not a man could escape. With 
 only a small supply of corn, and scarcely any water, outnum- 
 bered seven to one, and unable to send intelligence of their 
 situation, the inmates of the fort seemed doomed to massacre. 
 The assailants appear to have comported themselves on this 
 occasion in the manner of a cat sure of her mouse. They 
 whooped and sported around their prey, waiting for terror or 
 starvation to save them the trouble of conquest. 
 
 Some days passed. The sufferings of the beleaguered 
 Indians from thirst began to be intolerable. A noted chief 
 of the party resolved upon making one desperate effort to 
 escape and carry the news to Jackson's camp. Enveloping 
 himself in the skin of a large hog, with the head and feet at- 
 tached, he left the fort, and went about rooting and grunt- 
 ing, gradually working his way through the hostile host until 
 he was beyond the reach of their arrows. Then, throwing 
 off his disguise, he fled with the swiftness of the wind. 
 Not knowing precisely where General Jackson was, he did 
 not reach the camp till late in the evening of the next 
 day, when he came in, breathless and exhausted, and told his 
 story.* 
 
 This was on the 7th of November, four days after the 
 affair of Talluschatches, during which the General and the 
 troops had been busy in erecting a fortification, or depot, 
 which was named Fort Strother. The army was still, as it 
 had been from the beginning of the campaign, only a few 
 days removed from starvation. Contractors had been dis- 
 missed, new ones appointed, more imploring letters written. 
 
 * Pickett's History of Alabama. 
 
442 LIFE OF ANDKEW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 and every conceivable effort made, and yet no reliable system 
 had been devised to overcome the inherent difficulties of the 
 work. To the General's other embarrassments was new added 
 the care of a considerable number of wounded and sick, many 
 of whom could not be moved. There was one encouraging 
 circumstance, however. The troops from East Tennessee, 
 under Major General Oocke, and Brigadier General White, 
 had, at length, reached the vicinity, and a force under gen- 
 eral White was expected to join the next day, and to bring 
 with them some supplies. So General White himself had 
 written. Jackson, at the moment when the messenger from 
 the beleaguered fort arrived, was in his tent, closing his reply 
 to the coming general, to whom he imparted the new intelli- 
 gence and announced his intentions with regard to it, add- 
 ing that he depended upon him (General White) to protect 
 his camp during his own absence from it. 
 
 Relying, with the utmost possible confidence, upon Gen- 
 eral White's arrival, Jackson, with his usual dashing prompt- 
 itude, issued orders for his whole division, except a few men 
 to guard the post and attend the sick, to prepare for march- 
 ing that very evening. He had taken the resolution to rush 
 to the relief of the friendly Creeks, justly supposing that the 
 massacre of such a body, within so short a distance of an 
 American army, would intimidate all the friendly Indians 
 and tend to unite the southern tribes, as one man, against 
 the United States. 
 
 At one o'clock in the morning of November the 8th, eight 
 hundred horsemen and twelve hundred foot, under command 
 of General Jackson, stood on the bank of the Coosa, one mile 
 above Fort Strother, ready to cross. The river was wide but 
 fordaole for horsemen. Each of the mounted men taking 
 behind him one of the infantry, rode across the river and then 
 returned for another. This operation consumed so long a 
 time that it was nearly four o'clock in the morning before 
 the whole force was drawm up on the opposite bank prepared 
 to move. A long and weary march through a country wild 
 and uninhabited brought them, about sunset, within six miles 
 
1813.] BATTLE OF TALLADEGA. 443 
 
 of Talladega. There the General thought it best to halt 
 and give repose to the troops, taking precautions to conceal 
 his presence from the enemy. 
 
 There was no repose for the General that night. Till 
 late in the evening he remained awake, receiving reports from 
 the spies sent out to reconnoiter the enemy's position, and 
 making arrangements for the morrow's work. At midnight, 
 an Indian came into the camp with a dispatch from General 
 White announcing, to Jackson's inexpressible astonishment 
 and dismay, that, in consequence of positive orders from 
 General Cocke, he would not be able to protect Fort Strother, 
 but must return and rejoin his general immediately. No 
 other explanation was given. Jackson was in sore perplexity. 
 To go forward was to leave the sick and wounded at Fort 
 Strother to the mercy of any strolling party of savages. To 
 retreat would bring certain destruction upon the friendly 
 Creeks, and, probably, the whole besieging force upon his own 
 rear. In this painful dilemma, he resolved upon the boldest 
 measures, and the wisest — to strike the foe in his front at 
 the dawn of day, and, having delivered the inmates of the 
 fort, hasten from the battle field to the protection of Fort 
 Strother. 
 
 Before four in the morning the army was in full march 
 toward the enemy. 
 
 "At sunrise," said the General in his dispatch, " we came 
 within half a mile of them, and having formed my men, I 
 moved on in battle order. The infantry were in three lines 
 — the militia on the left, and the volunteers on the right. 
 The cavalry formed the two extreme wings, and were ordered 
 to advance in a curve, keeping their rear connected with the 
 advance of their infantry lines, and enclose the enemy in a 
 circle. The advanced guard, whom I sent forward to bring 
 on the engagement, met the attack of the enemy with great 
 intrepidity ; and having poured upon them four or five very 
 galling rounds, fell back, as they had been previously ordered, 
 to the main army The enemy pursued, and the front line 
 was now ordered to advance and meet him ; but owing to 
 
444 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 some misunderstanding, a few companies of militia, who com- 
 posed a part of it, commenced a retreat. At this moment a 
 corps of cavalry, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Dyer, 
 which I had kept as a reserve, was ordered to dismount, and 
 fill up the vacancy occasioned by the retreat. This order was 
 executed with a great deal of promptitude and effect. The 
 militia, seeing this, speedily rallied ; and the fire became 
 general along the front line, and on that part of the wings 
 which was contiguous. The enemy, unable to stand it, began 
 to retreat ; but were met at every turn, and repulsed in every 
 direction. The right wing chased them, with a most destruc- 
 tive fire, to the mountains, a distance of about three miles — 
 and had I not been compelled by the faux pas of the militia 
 in the outset of the battle, to dismount my reserve, I believe 
 not a man of them would have escaped. The victory, how- 
 ever, was very decisive — two hundred and ninety of the enemy 
 were left dead — and there can be no doubt but many more 
 were killed who were not found. Wherever they ran, they left 
 behind traces of blood ; and it is believed that very few will 
 return to their villages in as sound a condition as they left 
 them. In the engagement, we lost fifteen killed, and eighty- 
 five wounded — two of them have since died. All the officers 
 acted with the utmost bravery, and so did all the privates, 
 except that part of the militia who retreated at the com- 
 mencement of the battle ; and they hastened to atone for 
 their error. Taking the whole together, they have realized 
 the high expectations I had formed of them, and have fairly 
 entitled themselves to the gratitude of their country." 
 
 A private letter of General Coffee's to Captain Donelson 
 adds a few particulars : " We had nearly surrounded the 
 Indians," wrote Coffee, " when they broke through an open- 
 ing in the lines that had not been closed, through which many 
 of them escaped. We pursued them three or four miles, kill- 
 ing and wounding as they ran. We have counted two hun- 
 dred and ninety-nine Indians dead on the ground, and it is 
 believed that many have not been found that were killed 
 dead ; but the battle ground was so very large we had not 
 
1813.] BATTLE OF TALLADEGA. 445 
 
 time to hunt them up. It is believed that very few got clear 
 without a wound. Thus the two battles have certainly left 
 five hundred of the choice warriors of the enemy dead on the 
 ground, besides many others not found, and as many otners 
 must be wounded ; which leaves the forces of the Creek na- 
 tion a thousand men weaker than when they began the pres- 
 ent war. The force of the enemy was a little upwards of one 
 thousand warriors, picked men sent forward to destroy our 
 army. Although our detachment was about double their 
 numbers, we never had more than their own numbers engaged 
 with them at the same time. But rest assured that they never 
 will stand an opposing force of their equals on fair ground. 
 They are certainly a desperate enemy when they have con- 
 quered ; but they are very soon put to flight by a resolute 
 
 stand or charge We lost in the battle fifteen men 
 
 killed and eighty-six wounded, the most of them very slightly. 
 Some few will die, but very few. This disproportion is as 
 great as we could possibly have expected — as battles can not 
 
 be fought without losing men I mentioned in 
 
 the first of this that it was the first time I had written you ; 
 but I recollect since of writing you before. Our crowd of 
 business is such, that I don't always recollect what has passed 
 in a few hours after/'* 
 
 The joy of the rescued Creeks is described to have been affect- 
 ing in the extreme. Besides being nearly dead from thirst, they 
 were anticipating an assault that very day, and had no knowl- 
 edge of Jackson's approach until they heard the noise of the 
 battle. Fifteen minutes after the action became general, the 
 savages were flying headlong in every direction, and falling fast 
 under the swords of the pursuing troops. The delivered Creeks 
 ran out of the fort, and, having appeased their raging thirst, 
 thronged around their deliverer, testifying their delight and 
 gratitude. The little corn that they could spare the General 
 bought and distributed among his hungry men and horses. 
 He had left Fort Strother with only provisions for little more 
 
 * MSS. of Tennessee Historical Society. 
 vol. I. — 29 
 
446 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 than one day, and the supply obtained from the Creeks 
 amounted to less than a meal for his victorious army. 
 
 The dead honorably buried, and the wounded placed in 
 litters, the troops marched back to Fort Strother the day 
 after the battle. They arrived tired and hungry, yet fondly 
 hoping that, in their absence, some supplies had been collected. 
 Not a peck of meal, not a pound of flesh had reached the fort; 
 and they found their sick and wounded comrades as hungry 
 as themselves. It was a bitter moment. The General was 
 in an agony of disappointment and apprehension. The men, 
 though returning from victory, murmured ominously. Until 
 this day, the General and his staff had subsisted upon private 
 stores procured and transported at his own expense. Before 
 leaving for Talladega, he had directed the surgeons to draw 
 upon these, if necessary, for the maintenance of the sick, and 
 upon his return, he found that all had been consumed, except 
 a few pounds of biscuit. These were immediately distributed 
 among the hungry applicants, not one being reserved for the 
 General. Concealing his feelings, and assuming a cheerful as- 
 pect, he went among the men and endeavored to give the affair 
 a jocular turn. He went with his staff to the slaughtering 
 place of the camp, and brought away from the refuse there 
 the means of satisfying his appetite, declaring with a smiling 
 face that tripe was a savory and nutritious article of food, 
 and that, for his part, he desired nothing better. For several 
 days succeeding, while a few lean cattle were the only sup- 
 port of the army, General Jackson and his military family 
 subsisted upon tripe, without bread or seasoning. 
 
 It was at this time that an oft-told incident occurred, j^ 
 soldier, gaunt and woe-begone, approached the General one 
 morning, while he was sitting under a tree eating, and beggec 
 for some food as he said he was nearly starving. "It has: 
 always been a rule with me," replied Jackson, " never to tun: 
 away a hungry man when it was in my power to relieve him 
 and I will most cheerfully divide with you what I have.' 
 Putting his hand into his pocket, he drew forth a few acornsn 
 saying, " This is the best and only fare I have." Theaston 
 
1813.] BATTLE OF TALLADEGA. 447 
 
 ished man did not neglect to narrate the circumstance to his 
 comrades, nor did they fail to repeat it with ever new ampli- 
 fication and variation. It appeared in the newspapers, in a 
 highly dramatic form, thus : General Jackson invited his 
 officers to breakfast with him in his marquee, and they assem- 
 bled in keen expectation of enjoying the usual abundance of 
 a Major General's table. When the hour arrived, a tray of 
 acorns and a pitcher of water were brought in. " Sit down, 
 gentlemen/' said the General, with dignified composure ; 
 | this is my breakfast, and it is all I have to serve you with ; 
 but a soldier never despairs. Heaven will bless our cause, 
 will preserve us from famine, and return us home conquer- 
 ors !" Filled with admiration the officers forgot their disap- 
 pointment, and returned, after the meal, to their quarters, 
 more devoted to the General than ever. Thus, campaign 
 anecdotes originate. 
 
 Jackson soon saw the effect of his brilliant success at 
 Talladega. The Hillabee warriors, who had been defeated in 
 that battle, at once sent a messenger to Fort Strother to sue 
 for peace. Jackson's reply was prompt and characteristic. 
 His government, he said, had taken up arms to avenge the 
 most gross depredations, and to bring back to a sense of duty 
 a people to whom it had shown the utmost kindness. When 
 those objects were attained the war would cease, but not till 
 then. " Upon those," he continued, " who are disposed to 
 become friendly, I neither wish nor intend to make war, but 
 they must afford evidences of the sincerity of their profes- 
 sions ; the prisoners and property they have taken from us 
 and the friendly Creeks must be restored ; the instigators of 
 the war, and the murderers of our citizens, must be surren- 
 dered ; the latter must and will be made to feel the force of 
 our resentment. Long shall they remember Fort Mims in 
 bitterness and tears." 
 
 The Hillabee messenger, who was an old Scotchman, long 
 domesticated among the Indians, departed with Jackson's 
 reply. It was never delivered. Before the message reached 
 the Hillabees an event occurred which banished from their 
 
448 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813 
 
 minds all thought of peace, changing them from suppliants 
 for pardon into enemies the most resolute and daadly of all 
 the Indians in the southern country. 
 
 Another trifling, but interesting incident of the battle of 
 Talladega, must not be overlooked. It afforded General 
 Jackson an opportunity of making a very suitable return to 
 the ladies of East Tennessee for their present of a banner to 
 the volunteers, on their return from Natchez. It is not every 
 man who, in such circumstances, would think of doing a 
 graceful thing of the kind. The following note, dated Novem- 
 ber 24th, explains itself : — 
 
 " General Andrew Jackson, with compliments to Governor 
 Blount, requests him to inform the ladies of East Tennessee, 
 who presented the colors to the Tennessee volunteers, that 
 Captain Deaderich, who, with Captain Bledsoe's and Captain 
 Caperton's companies, under the direction of Major Carroll, 
 were sent to bring on the attack, and lead the enemy by a 
 regular retreat on the strongest point of my infantry, went 
 into the action with their colors tied round him, and that they 
 were well supported. And, in return, I send you a stand of 
 colors (although not of such elegant stuff or magnificent 
 needle-work) taken by one of the volunteers, which I beg 
 you to present to them as the only mark of gratitude the vol- 
 unteers have it in their power to make. With his own hand 
 he slayed the bearer. They will be handed by Mr. Fletcher, 
 who I send for that purpose." 
 
 CHAPTER XLI. 
 
 THE MISFORTUNES OF GENERAL JOHN COCKE. 
 
 A scapegoat is one of the necessities of balked human 
 nature. General John Cocke, of East Tennessee, who had 
 conferred so amicably with Governor Blount and General 
 Jackson at the beginning of the war, was the individual! 
 
1813.] GENERAL COCKE'S MISFORTUNES. 449 
 
 destined to serve in the capacity of scapegoat to the embar- 
 rassments and calamities of this campaign. He stands 
 charged in all the narratives of the Creek war, first, with 
 neglecting his duty with regard to the supply of General 
 Jackson's division, and, secondly, with frustrating General 
 Jackson's plans, through an unworthy ambition of gaining 
 separate advantages over the enemy. A court martial acquit- 
 ted him of these charges. He has himself* given the public 
 a statement of his conduct in the campaign, which, with the 
 evidence subjoined, completely exonerates him. It is a 
 pleasure to assist in setting an honorable man right before 
 his countrymen, and I gladly avail myself of General Cocke's 
 narrative in this place. 
 
 "General Jackson and myself," says General Cocke, "were 
 both in Nashville when intelligence reached that place of the 
 massacre of Fort Mims. This intelligence caused the deepest 
 excitement of the public mind. Governor Blount ordered me 
 forthwith to repair to my division and raise twenty-five hun- 
 dred men, and join the Georgia troops with the utmost dispatch. 
 At his instance I accompanied him to the room of General 
 Jackson, who was then confined in consequence of wounds 
 received in his bloody tragedy with Thomas H. and Jesse 
 Benton. The Governor informed him of the order he had 
 given me, and of his purpose of making an order upon him 
 for a like number of men from his division, if he (General J.) 
 thought he would be able to take the command. General 
 Jackson informed the Governor that his wounds were im- 
 proving, and that he thought he would be able to take the 
 command by the time the troops could be raised. General 
 Jackson then asked me if sufficient supplies could be raised 
 in East Tennessee for both commands. I replied I thought 
 there could be. He then told me he would take it as a great 
 favor if I would make a requisition on McGhee, the con- 
 tractor at Knoxville, for supplies for his army. I promised to 
 do so, and he gave me a statement as to the amount required. 
 
 "At the instance of Governor Blount, I remained at 
 
 * National Intelligence' October, 1852. 
 
450 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813 
 
 Nashville a few days, until the Legislature met and made an 
 appropriation of $200,000 to furnish supplies for the troops 
 ordered into service. That amount was subject to the order 
 of General Jackson, and not one dollar of which ever came 
 to my hands or was under my control. I immediately re- 
 paired to my division, and upon my arrival at Knoxville 1 
 saw McGhee, the contractor, and made a requisition for sup- 
 plies for my own command, and also for that of General 
 Jackson, as I had promised him to do. 
 
 " I was informed by the contractor that he would have no 
 difficulty in procuring the supplies according to the requisi- 
 tion, but that he had no means of transporting them unless 
 there should be a rise in the river. I had no difficulty in 
 raising the number of troops required. 
 
 " About the 1st of October I rendezvoused my troops at 
 Knoxville, and they mustered into service, and on the twelfth 
 day after I took up the line of march. I encamped with my 
 command on the banks of the Coosa, which was the dividing 
 line between the Cherokee and Creek Indians, where I was 
 compelled to halt for want of provisions for my own com- 
 mand ; and at no time after I left Knoxville had I more 
 than five days' rations for my army. At this point I waited 
 for supplies from the contractor, but owing to the low water 
 they did not arrive, and I was compelled to procure supplies 
 from the Cherokees as best I could. General White joined 
 me with his brigade in a starving condition, upon the second 
 day after my arrival on the Coosa/' 
 
 It thus appears, that while General Jackson was anxiously 
 looking for supplies from General Cocke, General Cocke him- 
 self was as destitute as General Jackson. A junction of the 
 two armies would have had the sole effect of doubling Jack- 
 son's embarrassments, inasmuch as he would have had five 
 thousand men to feed in the wilderness, instead of twenty- 
 five hundred, and would have required twenty wagon loads 
 of provisions daily, instead of ten. General Cocke knew this 
 — knew that Jackson's anxiety for a junction had arisen from 
 an expectation that the East Tennesseeans would bring sup- 
 
1813.] GENERAL COCKE'S MISFORTUNES. 451 
 
 plies with them — did not know that Jackson's dash at Tal- 
 ladega had left Fort Strother unprotected — did not know 
 any thing ahout the Hillibees' suing for peace, and Jackson's 
 favorable reply to them. 
 
 Accordingly, upon the arrival of General Cocke within 
 three days' march of Jackson's camp, the question arose, 
 whether it were wise to continue the march in that direction, 
 and add twenty-five hundred hungry men to twenty-five 
 hundred starving men. General White was already within a 
 few miles of Jackson's camp when the question was decided 
 at General Cocke's head-quarters. General Cocke at once 
 sent a dispatch to White, ordering his immediate return, so 
 that the whole body of East Tennessee troops could act 
 together. "I understood," wrote Cocke to White, "that 
 General Jackson had crossed the Coosa and had an engage- 
 ment with the Creeks. I called a council of the officers here. 
 I stated the case — put the question, c Shall we follow Gen- 
 eral Jackson ?' which was decided unanimously in the nega- 
 tive. The next question, c Shall we cross the Coosa here, 
 and proceed to the Creek settlements on the Tallapoosa ?' 
 which was unanimously decided in the affirmative. These 
 decisions met my approbation. I want the East Tennessee 
 troops together. I leave it to your discretion which side of 
 the Coosa you come up ; but you must form a junction with 
 me. It is the unanimous wish of the officers and men also. 
 If we follow General Jackson's army, we must suffer for sup- 
 plies, nor can we expect to gain a victory. Let us, then, take 
 a direction in which we can share some of the dangers and 
 glories of the field." 
 
 These words reached General White on the same day 
 that brought to him General Jackson's urgent order to 
 hasten to the protection of Fort Strother. Which should 
 he obey ? He concluded that obedience was due to his im- 
 mediate superior, General Cocke, the Major General of the 
 division to which his brigade belonged. Accordingly, he sent 
 to General Jackson that dispatch which caused him such 
 astonishment and alarm near Talladega, and immediately 
 
452 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 hastened to rejoin General Cocke. "Whether, in doing this, 
 General White acted in strict accordance with military law, 
 let military men decide. He did it, and the consequences 
 were most calamitous. 
 
 General Cocke now had his East Tennesseeans together, 
 seventy miles from Fort Strother ; too far to afford it the 
 instantaneous succor that General Jackson's departure had 
 rendered necessary. "A short time after/' continues General 
 Cocke, in his newspaper narrative, " I received reliable intel- 
 ligence that the famous Bill Scott, who commanded the 
 Creeks at the battle of Talladega, was at the Hillibee towns, 
 about one hundred miles from my encampment, and that so 
 soon as he recovered from his wounds it was his purpose to 
 put to death every white man and friendly Indian in the na- 
 tion. I immediately dispatched General White with the 
 mounted troops and Cherokees who had attached themselves 
 to my command, with only three days' rations, which was all 
 we could spare, to attack the towns." 
 
 General White performed this duty but too well. Totally 
 unaware of the state of feeling among the Hillibees, nay, 
 supposing them to be inveterately hostile, he marched rapidly 
 into their country, burning and destroying. On his way he 
 burnt one village of thirty houses, and another of ninety- 
 three. The principal Hillibee town, whence had proceeded 
 the messenger to Jackson asking peace, and whither that 
 messenger was to return that day, General White surprised 
 at daybreak, killed sixty warriors, and captured two hundred 
 and fifty women and children. Having burnt the town, he 
 returned to General Cocke, supposing that he had done the 
 State some service. 
 
 The feelings of the Hillibee tribe may be imagined. This, 
 then, is General Jackson's answer to our humble suit ! Thus 
 does he respond to friendly overtures I They never knew 
 General Jackson's innocence of this deed. From that time 
 to the end of the war, it was observed, that the Indians 
 fought with greater fury and persistence than before ; for 
 they fought with the blended energy of hatred and despair. 
 
1813.] GENERAL COCKE'S MISFORTUNES. 453 
 
 There was no suing for peace, no asking for quarter. To 
 fight as long as they could stand, and as much longer as they 
 could sit or kneel, and then as long as they had strength to 
 shoot an arrow or pull a trigger — were all that they supposed 
 remained to them after the destruction of the Hillibees. 
 
 General Jackson's grief and rage at this most unfortunate 
 affair were natural and justifiable. Before all the Indian 
 world he stood condemned as a violator of his written word, 
 as a man capable of parleying with a beaten and suppliant 
 enemy for the purpose of striking him an exterminating blow. 
 The effect, too, was disastrous in many ways. It disc >uraged 
 the friendly Indians, roused the submissive, exasper? ted the 
 hostile, turned the war into a series of massacres, a-nd pro- 
 longed it for many anxious and terrible weeks. What with 
 the submission of the Hillibees, and the brilliant successes, 
 soon after, of the Georgia troops under General Floyd, and 
 the victories of the Louisiana and Mississippi troops under 
 General Claiborne, the war would probably have come to an 
 end with the end of the year 1813, if this new element of de- 
 spair had not been infused into the savage mind. 
 
 Upon General Cocke descended the weight of General 
 Jackson's wrath ; though, for the moment, no measures were 
 taken against him. How unconscious of wrong General 
 Cocke was in this business, must have been apparent even to 
 Jackson : for the first explanation of General White's con- 
 duct that he received, came from General Cocke himself, in a 
 letter written three days after White had been dispatched 
 upon his expedition against the Hillibees. " I entertain the 
 opinion," General Cocke wrote, "that to make the present 
 campaign as successful as it ought to be, it is essential that 
 the whole force from Tennessee should act in concert. I 
 have dispatched all my mounted men, whose horses were fit 
 for duty, on the Hillibee towns, to destroy them. I expect 
 their return in a few days. I send the bearer to you for the 
 sake of intelligence as to your intended operations, and for 
 the sake of assuring you that I will most heartily agree to 
 any plan that will be productive of the most good." There 
 
454 LIFE OF ANDKEW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 is no intimation here of an ambition to gain exclusive 
 laurels. 
 
 To complete the story of General Cocke's misfortunes, I 
 append the remainder of his narrative, reserving for future 
 chapters the requisite details of the events to which he 
 alludes. 
 
 " A short time after General White returned I received a letter from 
 General Jackson, inviting me to join him with my command upon the 12th 
 of December, at Fort Strother, in which he stated, if I would do so, and 
 bring with me all the provision I could possibly raise, that in less than three 
 weeks we could put an end to the Creek war. My men had been called 
 into service for three months, and more than two thirds of their time had 
 then expired. I called my command together, read them General Jack- 
 son's letter, and appealed to their patriotism and love of country, and urged 
 them to tender their services as long as it might be necessary to close the 
 war. The whole army, with very few exceptions, agreed to do so. By the 
 return of the General's express I informed him of what I had done, and 
 that it would afford me great pleasure to meet him with my command at 
 the time and place indicated in his dispatch. I sent out agents to scour 
 the Cherokee nation for supplies, and hauled over all the flour which could 
 be procured on the Tennessee river. On the 12th of December, the day in- 
 dicated, I reached General Jackson's encampment, with a noble army of 
 more than two thousand men, with all the supplies which could be pro- 
 cured ; and, instead of finding an army, I found an almost deserted camp. 
 It was then I learned for the first time of the difficulty between General 
 Jackson and his army. I was informed by his officers that they had been 
 at daggers' points, and that his men had left him and gone home. 
 
 " On the second day after I reached General Jackson's encampment, 
 against the earnest remonstrances and protestations of myself and army, 
 he discharged all the men under my command except Colonel Lillard's reg- 
 iment, took all my supplies, and ordered me to repair to my division and 
 raise two thousand men for six months' service. With extreme reluctance 
 I obeyed him, as he was my senior officer in command, and with a heavy 
 heart I returned to my division and raised and mustered into service the 
 two thousand men as required, and these, upon the 17th of January fol- 
 lowing, left Knoxville under the command of Brigadier General Dough- 
 erty, and had taken up their line of march to join General Jackson, as 
 ordered by him. And yet this reverend sir* says that I seemed resolved to 
 
 * The writer whose assertions called forth General Cocke's statement in the 
 Intelligencer. 
 
IS13.] GENERAL COCKE S MISFORTUNES. 455 
 
 refuse him all aid, lest he might eclipse me in the campaign ! Let an .'m- 
 partial public determine from the truth of history whether or not I could 
 have had any such apprehensions. A little calm reflection might, it seems, 
 
 have convinced Mr. that there was but little prospect of being eclipsed 
 
 by a general who was in so deplorable a situation as I found General Jack- 
 son at Fort Strother. 
 
 " Upon arriving at Kingston with my second detachment, my men saw 
 from the Nashville papers that the troops from the western division, under 
 the second call of General Jackson, were ordered into service for three 
 months only, while those from the eastern division were for six months. 
 This fact caused the greatest dissatisfaction among my men. I overtook 
 the troops at the Lookout Mountain, when I found a dissatisfaction among 
 the troops amounting almost to mutiny. They declared their determina- 
 tion to return home at the end of three months. I made them a speech, 
 in which I told them that if they left the army without any honorable dis- 
 charge they would disgrace themselves and families ; that much of their 
 time had already expired, and for all the good they could do, if they in- 
 tended to leave at the end of three months, they had better go home then, 
 but appealed to their magnanimity and patriotism to go on like brave men 
 and good soldiers, and serve until the expiration of the term for which 
 they were ordered into service. For that address, at the instance of Gen- 
 eral Jackson, I was arrested when almost in sight of the enemy's country, my 
 sword taken from me, and I sent to Nashville for trial 1 
 
 " A court martial, composed of my bitterest enemies and General Jack- 
 son's most devoted personal friends, was called to sit upon my trial. Spe- 
 cifications and charges involving my whole conduct as an officer during the 
 entire term I was in the service were filed against me. I was tried ; all 
 the testimony which could operate to my prejudice was heard, and, after a 
 most thorough investigation, / was not only acquitted of every charge and 
 specification, out unanimously acquitted with honor, and that too by a court 
 composed of my most bitter enemies. In the meantime the campaign had 
 closed, and I was in the way of no man's ambition ; and of course could 
 not expect to eclipse General Jackson in that campaign." 
 
 General Cocke thought proper to fortify his statement 
 by letters from gentlemen who served under his command. 
 These letters throw some light upon the chronic difficulty 
 with regard to provisions, showing that the cause of the in- 
 sufficiency was not the neglect of contractors, but the lowness 
 of the streams, and the absence of roads. Mr. E. Tate writes : 
 " I was a volunteer under Generals Cocke and White, in the 
 Creek campaign, and know that the supplies could not be 
 
456 LIFE OF ANDKEW JACKSON. [1813 
 
 furnished as soon at they were needed, even at Fort Arm- 
 strong, as General Cocke could not procure necessary sup- 
 plies for the army under his command, owing in part to 
 there being no roads through the Indian country, and the 
 haste with which we were dispatched forward into the Creek 
 country. And as to General White refusing to march his 
 command to Fort Strother, I know of no such refusal. But 
 I do know that General White marched a detachment of 
 mounted men to the Hillibee towns, in the Creek nation; and 
 at the time we started on said expedition we could only pro- 
 cure three days' rations, and were out on said expedition fif- 
 teen days with only three days' rations; and had to live upon 
 parched corn, when we could get it, which was seldom, the 
 Indians having driven off or killed all their cattle. And when 
 we returned to Fort Armstrong our horses were so reduced as 
 to be entirely unfit for service." 
 
 Mr. James Cummings testifies : " At the commencement 
 of Creek hostilities General Cocke was Major General of the 
 first division of Tennessee militia, and General Jackson of the 
 second ; the two divisions comprising the military force of the 
 State. Both these officers, with the forces allotted them by 
 the general and State governments, by different routes were 
 soon in the enemy's country. Those who have practical 
 knowledge of army operations will not be surprised that on 
 rushing considerable forces into an enemy's country destitute 
 of carriage roads, and that enemy seeming to have acted some- 
 what on the principle by which Kussia thwarted Bonaparte in 
 his attempted conquest of that empire, great difficulties would 
 attend the provisioning of troops so circumstanced. Such was 
 the case with respect to the troops both from the eastern and 
 western portions of the State, and consequently great suffering 
 had to be endured by the men. As for those from East Tennes- 
 see, they were sometimes not able to procure even corn to parch 
 for themselves ; while for their horses forage was out of the 
 question, a consderable portion of General Cocke's troops be- 
 ing horsemen. Consequently the horses soon became unfit for 
 service ; and though great exertions were made to induce the 
 
1813.] HUNGER AND MUTINY. 457 
 
 commissariat appointed by the War Department to forward 
 supplies, either through culpable or unavoidable tardiness his 
 division was generally but very scantily supplied." 
 
 A remark in Mr. Cummings' letter, that General Jackson 
 was influenced by jealousy in his proceedings against General 
 Cocke is certainly erroneous. It is only common justice to 
 Jackson to admit that in all his campaigns he appears not 
 only willing but strongly desirous that his officers should 
 receive their full share of credit. His second dispatch, re- 
 specting the battle of Talladega, seems to have been dictated 
 by a feeling that he had not in his first dispatch given praise 
 enough to his brave comrades. Nor was General Cocke in a 
 position, at the time of his arrest, to reap the exclusive glory 
 of any operation. That arrest was unjust, as the verdict of 
 the court martial shows. It occurred through the intense, ac- 
 cumulated exasperation of Jackson's over-burdened mind and 
 emaciated body. It was a mistake characteristic of the man, 
 and in some degree pardonable, from the racking embarrass- 
 ments of his situation. Jackson's animosity against General 
 Cocke outlasted the war ; and he was heard more than once 
 to declare, that if, at the time of the arrest, General Cocke 
 had been within his reach, he would have hung him at the 
 head of his division — language which must be understood, I 
 suppose, in a Jacksonian sense. 
 
 CHAPTER XLII. 
 
 HUNGER AND MUTINY. 
 
 "An army, like a serpent, goes upon its belly," Frederic 
 of Prussia used to say. " Few men know," Marshal McMa- 
 hon is reported to have remarked, after one of the late Italian 
 battles, " how important it is in war for soldiers not to be 
 kept waiting for their rations ; and what vast events depend 
 upon an army's not going into action before it has had its 
 
458 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 coffee." I have read somewhere that Napoleon, on being 
 asked what a soldier most needed in war, answered, " A full 
 belly and a good pair of shoes." 
 
 We left General Jackson at Fort Strother, giving out his 
 last biscuit to his hungry troops, and appeasing his own ap- 
 petite with unseasoned tripe. Then followed ten long weeks 
 of agonizing perplexity, during which, though the enemy was 
 unmolested by the Tennessee troops, their General appeared 
 in a light more truly heroic than at any other part of his 
 military life. His fortitude, his will, alone saved the cam- 
 paign. His burning letters kept the cause alive in the State ; 
 his example, resolution, activity and courage preserved the 
 conquests already achieved, and prepared the way for others 
 that threw them into the shade. The spectacle of a brave 
 man contending with difficulties is one in which the gods 
 were said to take delight. Such a spectacle was exhibited by 
 Andrew Jackson during these weeks of enforced inaction. 
 
 " I have been compelled," he wrote to a contractor a few 
 days after Talladega, " to return here for the want of sup- 
 plies, when I could have completed the destruction of the 
 enemy in ten days ; and on my arrival, I find those I had 
 left behind in the same starving condition with those who 
 accompanied me. For God's sake send me with all dispatch, 
 plentiful supplies of bread and meat. We have been starving 
 for several days, and it will not do to continue so much longer. 
 Hire wagons and purchase supplies at any price rather than 
 defeat the expedition. General White, instead of forming a 
 junction with me, as he assured me he would, has taken the 
 retrograde motion, after having amused himself with consum- 
 ing provisions for three weeks in the Cherokee nation, and 
 left me to rely on my own strength." 
 
 Letters such as this did not, because they could not, pro- 
 duce the desired effect. Small supplies of provisions occasion- 
 ally arrived, which served just to keep the army alive and 
 ravenously hungry. 
 
 Hunger, that great tamer of beasts and men, is precisely 
 the enemy against which amateur soldiers are least able to 
 
1813.] HUNGER AND MUTINY. 459 
 
 contend. Lounging and dozing about the camp, unable to 
 make the slightest attempt against the foe, their first love of 
 adventure satisfied, desirous to recount their exploits to 
 friends at home, pining for the abundance they had left, 
 anxious for their farms and families, and angered at the sup- 
 posed neglect of the State authorities and contractors, the 
 troops became discontented, and began to clamor for the 
 order to return into the settlements. Jackson's force con- 
 sisted of two kinds of troops, militia and volunteers. It 
 seemed at first a proof of the policy of the purely voluntary 
 principle, that it was among the militia that the discontents 
 took quickest root ; the pride of the volunteers keeping them 
 firm in their duty after the militia were resolved to abandon 
 theirs. It is said, however, that some of the volunteers who, 
 from their having accompanied the General on his fruitless 
 march to Natchez, were looked upon as the veterans of the 
 army, were not the last to join the malcontents, nor the most 
 moderate in expressing their feelings. These men spoke with 
 a kind of oracular authority, which had influence with the 
 younger soldiers. Some of the officers, too, overcome by 
 that bane and blight of republican virtue, the lust of popu- 
 larity, secretly sided with the men, and fomented their mu- 
 tinous disposition. In secluded places about the camp, by 
 the watch-fires at night, wherever a group of hungry soldiers 
 were together, they talked of their wrongs, of the uselessness 
 of remaining where they were, and how much better it would 
 be for the army to return home for a while, and finish the 
 war under better auspices at a more convenient season. 
 
 In circumstances like these revolt ripens apace. Ten days 
 of gnawing hunger and inaction at Fort Strother brought all 
 the militia regiments to the resolution of marching back, in 
 a body, to the settlements, with or without the consent of 
 the commanding general, and a day was fixed upon for their 
 departure. Jackson heard of it in time. On the designated 
 morning, the militia began the homeward movement. But 
 they found a lion in the path. The General was up before 
 them, and had drawn up on the road leading to the settle- 
 
460 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813 
 
 ments the whole body of volunteers, with orders to prevent 
 the departure of the militia, peaceably if they could, forcibly 
 if they must. The militia, in this unexpected posture of 
 affairs, renounced their intention, and, obeying the orders of 
 the General, returned to their position and their duty. 
 
 It soon appeared, however, that the volunteers were as 
 much chagrined and disappointed at the success of this move- 
 ment as the militia, and, ere night closed in, resolved them- 
 selves to depart on the following day. The General, apprised 
 of their intention, was again early in the field. Imagine the 
 surprise of the volunteers when, on taking the projected line 
 of march, they found drawn up in hostile array to prevent 
 them the very militia whose departure they had frustrated 
 the day before ! The militia stood firm, and the volunteers, 
 not without some grim laughter at this practical retort, re- 
 turned to their stations. The cavalry, however, having 
 petitioned the General for permission to retire to Huntsville 
 long enough to recruit their famished horses, promising to 
 return when that object was accomplished, were allowed to 
 leave. Jackson remained in the wilderness with his thousand 
 infantry, now sullen and enraged, and rapidly approaching 
 the point of downright mutiny. 
 
 As was his wont in every crisis, the General tried the 
 effect of a patriotic address. Inviting the officers of all 
 grades to his quarters, he first laid before them the letters 
 last received from Tennessee, which gave assurance that a 
 plentiful supply of provisions was already on the way, and 
 that measures were in operation which would insure a suf- 
 ficiency in future. He then delivered a warm and energetic 
 speech, extolling their past achievements, lamenting their pri- 
 vations, and urging them still to persevere. The conquests 
 they had already made, he said, were of the greatest impor- 
 tance, and the most dreadful consequences would result from 
 abandoning them. " What," he asked, " is the present situ- 
 ation of our camp ? A number of our fellow-soldiers are 
 wounded, and unable to help themselves. Shall it be said 
 that we are so lost to humanity as to leave them in this con- 
 
1813.] HUNGEB AND MUTINY. 461 
 
 dition ? Can any one, under these circumstances, and under 
 these prospects, consent to an abandonment of the camp ; of 
 all that we have acquired in the midst of so many difficulties, 
 privations, and dangers ; of what it will cost us so much to 
 regain ; of what we never can regain — our brave wounded 
 companions, who will be murdered by our unthinking, unfeel- 
 ing inhumanity ? Surely there can be none such ! No, we 
 will take with us, when we go, our wounded and sick. They 
 must not, shall not perish by our cold-blooded indifference. 
 But why should you despond ? I do not; and yet your wants 
 are not greater than mine. To be sure we do not live sumptu- 
 ously ; but no one has died of hunger, or is likely to die ; 
 and then how animating are our prospects ! Large supplies 
 are at Deposit, and already are officers dispatched to hasten 
 them on. Wagons are on the way : a large number of beeves 
 are in the neighborhood ; and detachments are out to bring 
 them in. All these resources can not fail. I have no wish 
 to starve you — none to deceive you. Stay contentedly ; and 
 if supplies do not arrive in two days, we will all march back 
 together, and throw the blame of our failure where it should 
 properly lie ; until then we certainly have the means of sub- 
 sisting ; and if we are compelled to bear privations, let us 
 remember that they are borne for our country, and are not 
 greater than many, perhaps most armies have been compelled 
 to endure. I have called you together to tell you my feel- 
 ings and my wishes ; this evening think on them seriously ; 
 and let me know yours in the morning."* 
 
 The officers returned to their quarters, and consulted with 
 the troops. On this occasion, whether from a spirit of rivalry 
 or the sense of duty, the militia proved more tractable than 
 the volunteers, for on the return of the officers to Jackson's 
 tent the officers of the volunteer regiments reported that 
 nothing short of an immediate return to the settlements could 
 prevent the forcible departure of their men ; but the militia 
 officers declared the willingness of their troops to remain long 
 
 * Eaton. 
 YOL. I. — 30 
 
462 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813, 
 
 enough to ascertain whether supplies could be obtained. " If 
 they can/' said they, "let us proceed with the campaign 
 — if not, let us be marched back to where they can be pro- 
 cured." 
 
 The General thought it best to take both bodies at their 
 word. He sent one regiment of volunteers to meet the com- 
 ing provisions, ordering them to return with them as an 
 escort. The other volunteer regiment, shamed by the supe- 
 rior fortitude of the militia, agreed to stay two days longer ; 
 and thus the General gained a brief respite from his torturing 
 solicitude. These departing volunteers were the very men 
 whom Jackson had refused to abandon at Natchez, even at 
 the command of the government, and for whose safe return 
 he had pledged and risked his fortune. That they should 
 have been the first, in his sore perplexity, to abandon Mm, 
 was an event which gave him the most acute mortification. 
 
 The two days passed. No provisions arrived. The mili- 
 tia demanded the prompt fulfillment of the General's promise. 
 He was now in the dilemma that Columbus would have been 
 in if land had not been descried in three days. He was caught 
 in his own trap. He had fully believed that two days would 
 not pass without the arrival of at least supplies enough to 
 release him from his engagement. All expedients now were 
 exhausted. Overwhelmed with despondency, he lifted up his 
 hands and exclaimed, after long brooding over his situation, 
 " If only two men will remain with me, I will never abandon 
 the post !" One Captain Gordon, of whom we shall hear 
 more hereafter, replied, in a jocular manner, " You have one, 
 General, let us see if we can not find another." He set about 
 seeking volunteers, and, aided by the General's staff, soon 
 obtained the names of one hundred and nine men who agreed 
 to remain and defend the fort. Kejoicing at this result, the 
 General left Fort Strother in their charge, and marched him- 
 self, with the rest of the troops, toward Fort Deposit, upon 
 the explicit understanding that, having met the expected 
 provisions, and having satisfied their hunger, they were to 
 return with the provision train to Fort Strother, and proceed 
 
1813.] HUNGER AND MUTINY. 463 
 
 against the enemy. It was to insure the performance of this 
 engagement that he commanded them in person. 
 
 Away they marched, haggard and hungry, hut in high 
 spirits, and praying Heaven they might not meet the coming 
 supplies — so desperate was their desire to return home. To 
 Tackson's inexpressible joy, and to the dismay of his troops, 
 they had not marched more than twelve miles before they saw 
 approaching them a drove of one hundred and fifty cattle. 
 Halt, kill, and eat, was the word. The slaughtering, the cook- 
 ing, and the devouring were quickly accomplished ; and the 
 army, filled with beef and valor, felt itself able to cope even 
 with General Jackson. To return to Fort Strother was the 
 furthest from their thoughts. When the order to return was 
 given the General himself was not in the immediate presence 
 of the troops, and the order was not obeyed. One company 
 moved off on the homeward road, had gone some distance, 
 and were about to be followed by others, when word was 
 brought to Jackson of the mutiny. Followed by his staff 
 and a few faithful friends, he galloped in pursuit, and came, 
 by a detour, to a part of the road a little in advance of the 
 deserters, where he found General Coffee and a small force. 
 Forming these across the road, he ordered them to fire upon 
 the deserters if they should persist in their attempt to leave. 
 On coming up, the homesick gentlemen gave one glance at 
 the fiery general and the opposing force, and fled precipi- 
 tately to their stations. 
 
 The manner, appearance, and language of General Jack- 
 son on occasions like this were literally terrific. Few com- 
 mon men could stand before the ferocity of his aspect and the 
 violence of his words. His ability in swearing amounted to 
 a talent. Volleys of the most peculiar and original oaths, 
 ejected with a violence that can not be imagined, scared and 
 overwhelmed the object of his wrath. Aware of his powers 
 in this respect, he would feign a fury that he did not feel, and 
 obtain his ends through the groundless terror of his oppo- 
 nents. This was particularly the case in his dealings with 
 Spaniards. On the present occasion, I presume that the mu- 
 
464 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 tineers were put to flight as much by the terrible aspect of 
 the General as by the armed men who were with him. I can 
 fancy the scene — Jackson in advance of Coffee's men, his 
 grizzled hair bristling up from his forehead, his face as red as 
 fire, his eyes sparkling and flashing ; roaring out with the 
 voice of a Stentor and the energy of Andrew Jackson, " By 
 the immaculate God ! I'll blow the damned villains to eter- 
 nity, if they advance another step !" It would have been 
 quite like him to have done and said just that. 
 
 Trusting that the men would now do their duty, the 
 General went among them, leaving General Coffee and his 
 own staff to proceed with the preparations for departure. He 
 found almost the whole brigade infected, and on the point of 
 moving toward home. Upon the instant, he resolved to pre- 
 vent this, or perish there and then in the path before them. 
 He seized a musket and rode a few paces in advance of the 
 troops. His left arm was still in a sling. Leaning his mus- 
 ket on his horse's neck, he swore he would shoot the first man 
 that attempted to proceed. Meanwhile, General Coffee and 
 Major Keid, suspecting that something extraordinary was oc- 
 curring, ran up, and found their General in this attitude, 
 with the column of mutineers standing in sullen silence before 
 him ; not a man daring to stir a foot forward. Placing them- 
 selves by his side, they awaited the result with intense anxiety. 
 Gradually, a few of the troops, who were still faithful, were 
 collected behind the General, armed, and resolved to use their 
 arms in his support. For some minutes, the column of mu- 
 tineers stood firm to their purpose, and it only needed one 
 man bold enough to advance to bring on a bloody scene. 
 They wavered, however, at length, abandoned their purpose, 
 and agreed to return to their duty. It afterwards appeared, 
 that the musket which figured so effectually in this scene was 
 too much out of order to be discharged. 
 
 The troops were not in the highest spirits, nor in the 
 most amiable humor, as they marched back to Fort Strother, 
 that afternoon. Yet they marched back, and the frontiers 
 were still safe. Jackson did not return with them, but pro- 
 
1813.] MUTINY IN THE MIDST OF PLENTY. 465 
 
 ceeded to Fort Deposit to inspect that post, and personally 
 hasten forward supplies. Prodigious exertions were now put 
 forth. Major Lewis surpassed himself. Two hundred pack 
 horses and forty wagons were taken into service by him. 
 From this time the operations of the army were not seriously 
 impeded by the want of supplies. News now came that the 
 measures so hastily adopted by the State of Tennessee had 
 been approved by the government at Washington, and that 
 the whole force employed had been received into the service 
 of the United States. Jackson rejoined his division in high 
 spirits, and was rejoiced to find that the works at Fort 
 Strother had been vigorously carried on in his absence. 
 Nothing seemed now to oppose the successful prosecution 
 of the war. A few swift marches, a few well-fought en- 
 gagements, and the troops might return home, the General 
 thought, to receive the applause of the State and the nation. 
 Ordering General Cocke to join him at Fort Strother, with 
 the troops from East Tennessee, he expected nothing but to 
 renew the contest upon their arrival. 
 
 CHAPTER XLIII. 
 
 MUTINY IN THE MIDST OF PLENTY. 
 
 But the General was reckoning without his army. The 
 volunteers, penetrated with the spirit of discontent, soon pro- 
 vided themselves with a new argument for abandoning the 
 service. The first days of December were now passing. It 
 was on the 10th of December, 1812, that these volunteers 
 had entered into service ; engaging, as they said, to serve one 
 year. They, accordingly, made no secret of their intention 
 to leave the camp on the 10th of December, 1813. But they 
 were now reckoning without their General, who recalled to 
 their recollection that they had engaged to serve one year in 
 
466 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 two ! They had been subject to the call of the government 
 for a year ; but, for more than half of that period, they had 
 been at home, pursuing their own affairs. Nothing short, 
 maintained the General, of three hundred and sixty-five days 
 of actual service in the field could release them from their 
 obligation before the 10th of December, 1814. 
 
 Such was the new issue between the General and the vol- 
 unteers. It was warmly argued, with the inevitable effect of 
 confirming each in the opinion that accorded with his desire. 
 The General was clear in the belief that he was in the right ; 
 but he seems, from the beginning of this contest, to have seen 
 that it was useless to attempt new enterprises, unless seconded 
 by the alacrity of his men. Therefore, while firmly resisting 
 the departure of the troops, he saw the necessity of procuring 
 new levies from the State, and to this object devoted his ener- 
 gies. General Koberts, Colonel Carroll, and Major Searcy, 
 officers high in his confidence, were dispatched to Tennessee 
 to hasten the assembling of a new army ; while Jackson 
 wrote letter upon letter to influential friends, urging them to 
 aid the cause by personal efforts. 
 
 These letters of the General show with how little gram- 
 mar a man in earnest can write well and powerfully. Note 
 the energy and point of the following, written by Jackson at 
 this time to the Rev. Gideon Blackburn, who was for forty 
 years a famous preacher, church-organizer, and Indian mis- 
 sionary of the far West, a warm friend to Jackson, and a man 
 of power over a western audience : — 
 
 " Eeverend Sir : — Your letter has been just received : I thank you for 
 it ; I thank you most sincerely. It arrived at a moment when my spirits 
 needed such a support. 
 
 " I left Tennessee with an army, brave, I believe, as any general ever 
 commanded. I have seen them in battle, and my opinion of their bravery 
 is not changed. But their fortitude — on this, too, I relied — has been too 
 severely tested. Perhaps I was wrong, in believing that nothing but 
 death could conquer the spirits of brave men. I am sure I was ; for my 
 men, I know, are brave; yet privations have rendered them discontented: 
 that is enough. The expedition must nevertheless be prosecuted to a suc- 
 cessful termination. New volunteers must be raised, to conclude what has 
 
1813.] MUTINY IN THE MIDST OF PLENTY. 467 
 
 been so auspiciously begun by the old ones. Gladly would I save these 
 men from themselves, and insure them a harvest which they have sown ; 
 but if they will abandon it to others, it must be so. 
 
 " You are good enough to say, if I need your assistance, it will be 
 cheerfully afforded; I do need' it greatly. The influence you possess over 
 the minds of men is great and well-founded, and can never be better ap- 
 plied than in summoning volunteers to the defense of their country, their 
 liberty, and their religion. While we fight the savage, who makes war 
 only because he delights in blood, and who has gotten his booty when he 
 has scalped his victim, we are, through him, contending against an enemy 
 of more inveterate character and deeper design, who would demolish a 
 fabric cemented by the blood of our fathers, and endeared to us by all the 
 happiness we enjoy. So far as my exertions can contribute, the purposes, 
 both of the savage and his instigator, shall be defeated ; and so far as 
 yours can, I hope — I know, they will be employed. I have said enough : 
 I want men, and want them immediately." 
 
 To raise a new force and march it a hundred and fifty 
 miles into the Indian country was necessarily a work of 
 considerable time, during which we see the General, some of 
 his best officers away recruiting, and his right arm, General 
 Coffee, sick at Huntsville, contending, almost alone, with a 
 fractious soldiery. Defeated in their previous attempts at 
 forcible departure, these men now tried to move their com- 
 mander by argument and entreaty. A formal letter from one 
 of the colonels, which Jackson received a few days before the 
 dreaded 10th of December, expressed the feelings of the troops. 
 It made known to him that the whole body of volunteers re- 
 tained the unalterable opinion that they would be entitled to 
 a legal release on the 10th. " They, therefore, look to their 
 General, who holds their confidence, for an honorable dis- 
 charge on that day ; and that, in every respect, he will see 
 that justice be done them. They regret that their peculiar 
 situations and circumstances require them to leave their Gen- 
 eral at a time when their services are important to the com- 
 mon cause. It would be desirable that those men who have 
 served with honor should be honorably discharged, and that 
 they should return to their families and friends without even 
 the semblance of disgrace ; with their General they leave it 
 
468 LIFE OF ANDEEW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 to place them in that situation. They have received him as 
 an affectionate father, while they have honored, revered, and 
 obeyed him ; but having devoted a considerable portion of 
 their time to the service of their country, by which their do- 
 mestic concerns are greatly deranged, they wish to return and 
 attend to their own affairs." 
 
 An appeal like this was harder for a man of Jackson's cast 
 of character to resist than armed mutiny. He had no choice 
 but to resist it. It was essential to the safety of the frontiers 
 that these men should remain in service, at least until they 
 could be relieved by other troops. Jackson's reply to this 
 letter was moderate and unanswerable. 
 
 " I know not," said he, " what scenes will be exhibited on the 10th in- 
 stant, nor what consequences are to flow from them here or elsewhere ; but 
 as I shall have the consciousness that they are not imputable to any mis- 
 conduct of mine, I trust I shall have the firmness not to shrink from a dis- 
 charge of my duty. 
 
 " It will be well, however, for those who intend to become actors in 
 those scenes, and who are about to hazard so much on the correctness of 
 their opinions, to examine beforehand, with great caution and deliberation, 
 the grounds on which their pretensions rest. Are they founded on any false 
 assurances of mine, or upon any deception that has been practiced towards 
 them ? Was not the act of Congress, under which they are engaged, di- 
 rected, by my general order, to be read and expounded to them before they 
 enrolled themselves ? That order will testify, and so will the recollection 
 of every general officer of my division. It is not pretended that those who 
 now claim to be discharged, were not legally and fairly enrolled under the 
 act of Congress of the 6th of February, 1812. Have they performed the 
 service required of them by that act, and which they then solemnly under- 
 took to perform ? That required one year's service out of two, to be com- 
 puted from the day of rendezvous, unless they should be sooner discharged. 
 Has one year's service been performed ? This can not be seriously pre- 
 tended. Have they then been discharged ? It is said they have, and by me. 
 To account for so extraordinary a belief, it may be necessary to take a re- 
 view of past circumstances. 
 
 " More than twelve months have elapsed since we were called upon to 
 avenge the injured rights of our country. We obeyed the call 1 In the 
 midst of hardships, which none but those to whom liberty is dear could 
 have borne without a murmur, we descended the Mississippi It was be- 
 lieved our services were wanted in the prosecution of the just war in which 
 
1813.] MUTINY IN THE MIDST OF PLENTY. 469 
 
 our country was engaged, and we were prepared to render them. But, 
 though we were disappointed in our expectations, we established for Ten- 
 nessee a name which will long do her honor. At length, we received a 
 letter from the Secretary of War directing our dismission. You well recol- 
 lect the circumstances of wretchedness in which this order was calculated 
 to place us. By it, we were deprived of every article of public property ; 
 no provision was made for the payment of our troops, or their subsistence 
 on their return march; while many of our sick, unable to help themselves, 
 must have perished. Against the opinion of many, I marched them back 
 to their homes before I dismissed them. Your regiment, at its own re- 
 quest, was dismissed at Columbia. This was accompanied with a certifi- 
 cate to each man, expressing the acts under which he had been enrolled, 
 and the length of the tour he had performed. This it is which is now at- 
 tempted to be construed ' a final discharge.' But surely it can not be for- 
 gotten by any officer or soldier, how sacredly they pledged themselves, be- 
 fore they were dismissed or received that certificate, cheerfully to obey the 
 voice of their country, if it should re-summon them into service ; neither 
 can it be forgotten, I dare hope, for what purpose that certificate was 
 given ; it was to secure, if possible, to those brave men, who had shown 
 such readiness to serve their country, certain extra emoluments, specified 
 in the seventh section of the act under which they had engaged, in the 
 event they were not recalled into service for the residue of their term. 
 
 " Is it true, then, that my solicitude for the interest of the volunteers, is 
 to be made by them a pretext for disgracing a name which they have ren- 
 dered illustrious ? Is a certificate, designed solely for their benefit, to be- 
 come the rallying word for mutiny ? — strange perversion of feeling and 
 of reasoning ! Have I really any power to discharge men whose term of 
 service has not expired ? If I were weak or wicked enough to attempt 
 the exercise of such a power, does any one believe the soldier would be 
 thereby exonerated from the obligation he has voluntarily taken upon him- 
 self to his government ? I should become a traitor to the important con- 
 cern which has been entrusted to my management, while the soldier, who 
 had been deceived by a false hope of liberation, would be still liable to 
 redeem his pledge ; — I should disgrace myself, without benefiting you. 
 
 " I can only deplore the situation of those officers who have under- 
 taken to persuade their men that their term of service will expire on the 
 10th. In giving their opinions to this effect, they have acted indiscreetly, 
 and without sufficient authority. It would be the most pleasing act of 
 Day life to restore them with honor to their families. Nothing could pain 
 me more than that any other sentiments should be felt towards them, than 
 those of gratitude and esteem. On all occasions, it has been my highest 
 happiness to promote their interest, and even to gratify their wishes, where, 
 with propriety, it could be done. When in the lower country, believing 
 
470 LIFE OF ANDBEW JACKSON. [1813 
 
 that, in the order for their dismissal, they had been improperly created, I 
 even solicited the government to discharge them, finally, from the obliga- 
 tions into which they had entered. You know the answer of the Secre- 
 tary of War ; — that neither he nor the President, as he believed, had the 
 power to discharge them. How, then, can it be required of me to do so ? 
 " The moment it is signified to me by any competent authority, even 
 by the Governor of Tennessee, to whom I have written on the subject, or 
 by General Pinckney, who is now appointed to the command, that the 
 volunteers may be exonerated from further service, that moment I will 
 pronounce it, with the greatest satisfaction. I have only the power of 
 pronouncing a discharge, — not of giving it, in any case; — a distinction 
 which I would wish should be borne in mind. Already have I sent to raise 
 volunteers, on my own responsibility, to complete a campaign which has 
 been so happily begun, and thus far, so fortunately prosecuted. The mo- 
 ment they arrive, and I am assured, that, fired by our exploits, they will 
 hasten in crowds, on the first intimation that we need their services, they 
 will be substituted in the place of those who are discontented here. The 
 latter will then be permitted to return to their homes, with all the honor 
 which, under such circumstances, they can carry along with them. But 
 I still cherish the hope that their dissatisfaction and complaints have been 
 greatly exaggerated. I can not, must not believe, that the ' Volunteers 
 of Tennessee,' a name ever dear to fame, will disgrace themselves, and a 
 country which they have honored, by abandoning her standard, as muti- 
 neers and deserters ; but should I be disappointed, and compelled to resign 
 this pleasing hope, one thing I will not resign — my duty. Mutiny and 
 sedition, so long as I possess the power of quelling them, shall be put 
 down ; and even when left destitute of this, I will still be found, in the 
 last extremity, endeavoring to discharge the duty I owe my country and 
 myself."* 
 
 This reply, one would think, ought to have been convinc- 
 ing, but it was not. The men were not under the influence 
 of reason, and would heed nothing that tended to defer their 
 departure. 
 
 The afternoon of the 9th ended. The frenzy of the 
 men to return was such, that they were determined not even 
 to wait for the morning ; but to march at the very moment 
 their last day's service had been rendered. Jackson was in 
 his tent, not anticipating a movement that evening, when an 
 officer suddenly entered, and informed him that the whole 
 
 * Eaton's Life of Jackson. 
 
1813.] MUTINY IN THE MIDST OF PLENTY. 471 
 
 brigade was in mutiny, and preparing to march off in a 
 body. By the Eternal ! All the tiger in the man was 
 roused in an instant. He dashed upon paper the following 
 order : 
 
 " The commanding General being informed that an actual 
 mutiny exists in the camp, all officers and soldiers are com- 
 manded to put it down. The officers and soldiers of the first 
 brigade will, without delay, parade on the west side of the 
 fort, and await further orders/' 
 
 He further ordered the artillery company, with their two 
 small pieces of cannon, to take positions in front and rear, 
 and the militia to be drawn up on an eminence command- 
 ing the road upon which the volunteers intended to march. 
 These orders were obeyed with surprising alacrity, for Jack- 
 son was now in that mood that men felt it perilous to resist. 
 The General mounted his horse and rode up to the line of 
 volunteers, as they stood along the western side of the fort, 
 silent, sullen, and determined. He broke at once into an im- 
 passioned, yet not angry address. He praised their former 
 good conduct. He dwelt upon the disgrace that would fall 
 upon themselves and their families if they should carry home 
 with them the name of mutineers and deserters. Never 
 should they do it but by passing over his dead body. He 
 would do Ms duty, at any cost ; aye, even if he perished 
 there before them, dying honorably at his post. " Reinforce- 
 ments," said he, " are preparing to hasten to my assistance ; 
 it can not be long before they arrive. I am, too, in daily ex- 
 pectation of reciving information whether you may be dis- 
 charged or not. Until then you must not, and shall not retire. 
 I have done with entreaty — it has been used long enough — I 
 will attempt it no more. You must now determine whether 
 you will go or peaceably remain. If you still persist in your 
 determination to move forcibly off, the point between us shall 
 soon be decided." 
 
 He paused. No one answered ; no one moved. " I de- 
 mand an explicit answer," said the General. There was still 
 no response. He ordered the artillerymen to be ready with 
 
472 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813 
 
 their matches, himself remaining in front of the mutineers, and 
 within line of fire. The men now evidently hesitated. Whis- 
 pers ran along the line recommending a return to duty. Soon 
 the officers stepped forward and assured the General that the 
 troops were willing to remain at the fort until the arrival 
 of reinforcements, or of the answer to General Jackson's 
 inquiries respecting their term of service. The men were 
 dismissed to their quarters, and the General was once more 
 triumphant. 
 
 It is noticeable, and should be mentioned to the credit of 
 the voluntary principle, that there was not much individual 
 desertion from this army. A western volunteer returning 
 home from the wars with the brand of deserter upon his 
 name could never more hope for the respect of his neighbors. 
 Hence the desire of these men to march off in a body ; hence 
 their special pleading with regard to their term of service ; 
 hence their return en masse to duty. All these things should 
 be duly considered. The experience of these wars shows both 
 the strength and the weakness of a volunteer force ; shows 
 what it can be trusted to do, and what it can not ; shows 
 the secret of its strength, and the secret of its weakness. 
 Kightly organized, well commanded, justly compensated, a 
 volunteer force will be able to effect all that the United 
 States ever ought to require of armed men. And this de- 
 scription of force being our main reliance for defense and 
 tranquillity, the conditions upon which alone good service 
 can be expected of it is an inquiry of national importance. 
 Therefore it is that I have thought it best to linger among 
 these distressing scenes, rather than hurry over them to 
 events which show the volunteer system in a very different 
 light. 
 
 Jackson had triumphed only so far as to secure the 
 presence of the men at the post. He now made an effort to 
 restore his army to contentment. The near approach of 
 General Cocke having strengthened his position, he resolved 
 to permit the homesick brigade to march to Tennessee, there 
 to be dismissed or retained as the Governor should decide. 
 
1813.] MUTINY IN THE MIDST OF PLENTY. 473 
 
 Before doing so, however, lie made one last attempt to re- 
 awaken their dormant ambition and patriotic feeling. With 
 the assistance of his aid-de-camp, Major Beid, he drew up 
 another address, 'which was read to the soldiers by Keid in 
 Jackson's presence. Nothing better of its kind could be 
 written by any man than this composition. 
 
 " On the 12th of December, 1812," it began, " you assembled at the 
 call of your country. Your professions of patriotism, and ability to endure 
 fatigue, were at once tested by the inclemency of the weather. Breaking 
 your way through sheets of ice, you descended the Mississippi, and reached 
 the point at which you were ordered to be halted and dismissed. All this 
 you bore without murmuring. Finding that your services were not needed, 
 the means for marching you back were procured ; every difficulty was sur- 
 mounted, and, as soon as the point from which you embarked was regained, 
 the order for your dismissal was carried into effect. The promptness with 
 which you assembled, the regularity of your conduct, your attention to 
 your duties, the determination manifested, on every occasion, to carry into 
 effect the wishes and will of your government, placed you on elevated 
 ground. You not only distinguished yourselves, but gave to your State a 
 distinguished rank with her sisters ; and led your government to believe 
 that the honor of the nation would never be tarnished when entrusted to 
 the holy keeping of the ' Volunteers of Tennessee.' 
 
 " In the progress of a war, which the implacable and eternal enemy of 
 our independence induced to be waged, we found that, without cause on 
 our part, a portion of the Creek nation was added to the number of our 
 foes. To put it down, the first glance of the administration fell on you ; 
 and you were again summoned to the field of honor. In full possession of 
 your former feelings, that summons was cheerfully obeyed. Before your 
 enemy thought you in motion, you were at Tallushatches and Talladega. 
 The thunder of your arms was a signal to them that the slaughter of your 
 countrymen was about to be avenged. You fought, you conquered ! 
 Barely enough of the foe escaped to recount to their savage associates your 
 deeds of valor. You returned to this place loaded with laurels and the ap- 
 plauses of your country. 
 
 ' " Can it be, that these brave men are about to become the tarnishers 
 of their own reputation ! — the destroyers of a name which does them so 
 much honor ? Yes, it is a truth too well disclosed, that cheerfulness has 
 been exchanged for complaints : — murmurings and discontents alone pre- 
 vail. Men who a little while since were offering up prayers for permission 
 to chastise the merciless savage — who burned with impatience to teach 
 them how much they had hitherto been indebted to our forbearance, are 
 
474 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 now, when they could so easily attain their wishes, seeking to be dis- 
 charged. The heart of your general has been pierced. The first object of 
 his military affections, and the first glory of his life, were the volunteers of 
 Tennessee ! The very name recalls to him a thousand endearing recollec- 
 tions. But these men — these volunteers, have become mutineers. The 
 feelings he would have indulged, your general has been compelled to sup- 
 press — he has been compelled by a regard to that subordination, so neces- 
 sary to the support of every army, and which he is bound to have ob- 
 served, to check the disorder which would have destroyed you. He has 
 interposed his authority for your safety — to prevent you from disgracing 
 yourselves and your country. Tranquillity has been restored in our camp — 
 contentment shall also be restored ; this can be done only by permitting 
 those to retire whose dissatisfaction proceeds from causes that can not be 
 controlled. This permission will now be given. Your country will dis- 
 pense with your services, if you have no longer a regard for that fame 
 which you have so nobly earned for yourselves and her. Yes, soldiers, 
 you who were once so brave, and to whom honor was so dear, shall be 
 permitted to return to your homes, if you still desire it. But in what lan- 
 guage, when you arrive, will you address your families and friends ? Will 
 you tell them that you abandoned your general and your late associates in 
 arms within fifty miles of a savage enemy ; who equally delights in shed- 
 ding the blood of the innocent female and her sleeping babe, as that of the 
 warrior contending in battle ? Lamentable, disgraceful tale ! If your dis- 
 positions are really changed ; if you fear an enemy you so lately con- 
 quered ; this day will prove it. I now put it to yourselves ; determine 
 upon the part you will act, influenced only by the suggestions of your own 
 hearts, and your own understandings. All who prefer an inglorious re- 
 tirement, shall be ordered to Nashville, to be discharged, as the President 
 or the Governor may direct. Those who choose to remain, and unite with 
 their general in the further prosecution of the campaign, can do so, and 
 will thereby furnish a proof that they have been greatly traduced ; and 
 that although disaffection and cowardice have reached the hearts of some, 
 it has not reached theirs. To such my assurance is given, that former ir- 
 regularities will not be attributed to them. They shall be immediately or- 
 ganized into a separate corps, under officers of their own choice ; and, in 
 a little while, it is confidently believed an opportunity will be afforded of 
 adding to the laurels you have already won."* 
 
 It seems strange to us, " who sit at home at ease/' that so 
 eloquent and pathetic an appeal as this should have failed of 
 its designed effect. Such was the fact, however. One man 
 
 * Eaton. 
 
1813.] MUTINY IN THE MIDST OF PLENTY. 475 
 
 alone, Captain Williamson, offered to remain. The General 
 could do no less than perform his promise, and the brigade of 
 volunteers were soon in swift march toward the frontiers of 
 Tennessee, resenting the mode of their dismissal, and filling 
 the borders with their complaints. 
 
 It is but just to admit that these men were evidently con- 
 vinced of their right to retire. On their return to Tennessee, 
 they published an elaborate defense of their conduct, a copy 
 of which, in justice to them, is printed as an appendix to this 
 volume. 
 
 General Cocke reached Fort Strother on the 12th of De- 
 cember with his division of two thousand men. Jackson 
 learned, however, that the term of service of more than half 
 of this body was on the very point of expiring, and that none 
 of them had longer than a month to serve. Nor were any of 
 them provided with clothing suitable for a winter campaign. 
 Retaining eight hundred of these troops, who owed still a 
 month's service, Jackson ordered General Cocke to march the 
 rest of his division back to the settlements, there to dismiss 
 them, and to enroll a new force, properly provided, and en- 
 gaged to serve six months. He addressed the departing troops, 
 entreating them to join the new army as soon as they had 
 procured their clothing, and return to him and aid in com- 
 pleting the conquest of the enemy. 
 
 These were dark days for General Jackson. Every thing 
 went wrong. The return of so many troops, bearing with 
 them the feelings they did, giving out that, after enduring 
 privations, gaining victories and holding the savages in check 
 for two months, they had been refused an honorable dismissal, 
 and sent home, almost in disgrace, threw a damper upon the 
 efforts to raise new men, and spread discontent among those 
 already engaged. Even the horsemen of General Coffee, who 
 had been allowed to leave Fort Strother for a while, to recruit 
 their horses at home, could not be induced to return to duty. 
 Assembling at the call of the gallant Coffee, they heard the 
 tale of the returning troops, caught their spirit, became mu- 
 tinous, riotous and unmanageable. At length, they broke 
 
476 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 away in a tumultuous mass toward home. General Coffee 
 galloped in pursuit, accompanied by the eloquent Blackburn, 
 and both addressed the fugitives with all the persuasive en- 
 ergy of which they were capable. But in vain. Nearly to a 
 man the cavalry brigade rode away, rioting and wasting as 
 they went, and were seen as an organized body no more. 
 
 Affairs were little better at Jackson's own camp. He had 
 fourteen hundred men at Fort Strother, of whom eight hun- 
 dred would be free to return home in four weeks. The re- 
 maining six hundred were militia, who had been called out, 
 upon the receipt of the news of Fort Mims, by an act of the 
 Legislature, which, most unfortunately, did not specify any 
 term of service. Three months, said the militia, is the term 
 established by King Precedent. By no means, replied Jack- 
 son ; the omission in the act must be supplied by the phrase, 
 for the war. The militia were summoned, he maintained, 
 for the purpose of avenging Fort Mims, and conquering a 
 lasting peace. Those objects accomplished, the work for 
 which the troops were engaged would be done, and they 
 would be entitled to an honorable discharge. But not till 
 then. 
 
 Here were the elements of new discontents and new mu- 
 tinies. The three months would expire on the 4th of Jan- 
 uary, and already the latter half of December was gliding 
 away. Thus, in two weeks, Jackson was threatened with 
 the loss of six hundred of his troops ; and in four weeks 
 the remaining eight hundred would certainly depart. The 
 campaign was falling to pieces in every direction. Jack- 
 son's military career seemed about to close in disgrace, and 
 the glory of the Tennessee volunteers to be extinguished for 
 ever. 
 
 But this was not all. Disaster menaced every assailable 
 portion of the South-west. Letters came from General Pinck- 
 ney, the chief in command in that region, ordering General 
 Jackson to hold all his posts, since it had become a matter 
 of the first national importance to deprive the British of 
 their Indian allies. A letter written from General Coffee's 
 
1813.] MUTINY IN THE MIDST OF PLENTY. 477 
 
 camp at Huntsville, December 23d, indicates the state of 
 things : " I trust/' says this unknown writer, " that the sys- 
 tem of short service, wretched as it is inefficient, and expen- 
 sive above all others, will yet enable Jackson to occupy till 
 spring the ground he has won. Perhaps the return of moder- 
 ate weather, and great efforts meanwhile, may collect around 
 his banner an army sufficient to effect the complete discom- 
 fiture and prostration of the Creek power. This, however, 
 will be every day a work of greater difficulty. The English 
 have already appeared in force at Pensacola, seven sail hav- 
 ing troops on board, besides two bomb vessels. Orleans will 
 be menaced. Mobile is considered in great danger. The 
 force on the Tombigbee waters, and the third regiment as- 
 cending the Alabama, will be called to its defense. This 
 gives the Creeks breathing time, and lessens the force destined 
 to crush them. Augustine, too, will doubtless be occupied 
 by British troops, and from these points arms, ammunition, 
 and perhaps men and leaders, will be pushed up to the aid 
 of the Upper and Middle Creeks. The Seminoles, and the 
 runaway negroes among them, may be turned loose upon the 
 sea-coast of Georgia." 
 
 To this I will append a letter from General Coffee him- 
 self to Captain Donelson, written on the 22d of December, 
 1813, just before the violent dispersion of his brigade : 
 
 " I have been confined," wrote Coffee from Huntsville, " at this place 
 ten days by indisposition, but am at present much amended. This day, 
 for the first time, I rode out a mile, and hope in three or four days more 
 to be able to proceed on after my brigade, which is now halted on the 
 south side of the Tennessee, at Fort Deposit, awaiting the orders of the com- 
 manding General, and I presume he is waiting to get ready to make a 
 quick movement against the enemy before he calls the mounted men from 
 where they can get forage for their horses. General Jackson informs me 
 that his spies (the friendly Indians) tell him that the warriors are collect- 
 ing in a large body about sixty miles beyond his head-quarters, the Ten 
 Islands ; that they say they intend to destroy Lashley's Fort, at Talladega. 
 of friendly Indians, and then they intend to attack him. I do not believe 
 they intend to attack him, unless they find him without a force. In that 
 VOL. t. — 31 
 
 
478 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 case, perhaps they may. If we do not have a battle in two weeks, it is 
 not my opinion we shall have one this winter. 
 
 " Great discontent prevails in all our camps. The men appear to have 
 turned their faces towards home, and nothing can induce them to stay. 
 Each man seems to keep his calendar before him, and the very moment 
 his three months expire he demands his discharge. The same with the 
 East Tennesseeans ; a part of them have been discharged since they joined 
 us. On the 24th of this month, and within two or three days after, almost 
 the whole of our army will claim their discharge. We must (but I fear it 
 will be difficult) keep up the post at Fort Strother until a new army can 
 be raised somehow. We expect here to-morrow a number of troops with 
 Colonel Carroll, from Tennessee, of some kind, but what I don't know. 
 General Eoberts passed here to-day, with two hundred fresh volunteers, 
 to join the army. This county is about to send out two hundred and fifty 
 men, and some are expected from East Tennessee. All those added will 
 keep the post until a new army can be raised, provided proper steps are 
 taken to raise one. But I fear very much the energies of our Governor. 
 All is in his power if he has the will. 
 
 " You can have no idea of the clamors of the men. All disorder here, 
 and daily desertion, etc., etc. General Jackson has the most laborious 
 task that man ever bore. I am told he supports his usual spirits, and keeps 
 in good health ; and all other officers who do their duty are not idle or a 
 little perplexed. Energy and perseverance will do a great deal, but God 
 knows how much it will do in the present case. I hope all will be well, 
 but we have much to fear. This is only intended for your information, and 
 not for general view. It would only tend to alarm the fears of friends and 
 discourage the [torn], as for myself, I intend to keep my steady course, 
 and not be perplexed, let things go as they may."* 
 
 CHAPTER XLIV. 
 
 THE NEW ARMY. 
 
 How anxiously, in such circumstances, General Jackson 
 looked for news from Tennessee may be imagined. Help 
 from that quarter alone could save him ; and that help he 
 had implored from Governor Blount, who alone could grant: 
 
 * MSS. of Historical Society of Tennessee. 
 
1813.] THE NEW ARMY. 479 
 
 it. The expected dispatch from Nashville reached Fort 
 Strother at length, and proved to be a most disheartening 
 response to Jackson's entreaties. The Governor feared to 
 transcend his authority. Having called out all the troops 
 authorized by Congress and the Legislature, what could he 
 do more ? The campaign had failed, he said, and he advised 
 General Jackson to give up a struggle which could have no 
 favorable issue, and return home to wait until the general 
 government should provide the means requisite for carrying 
 on the war with vigor.* 
 
 * The following is a copy of Governor Blount's letter on this occasion: — 
 
 Nashville, December 22, 1813. 
 
 Dear Sir : Since writing you fully of this date, I have received, by Major 
 David Smith, your very interesting letter, replete with patriotic sentiments, dated 
 the 15th inst. You will see, by letter of the 10th, to the Secretary of War, bow 
 I am placed with respect to instructions, which, as it relates to the good of the 
 service, and a most righteous cause, in support of which you are most laudably 
 and zealously engaged, I much regret. The unfortunate construction given by 
 the troops, so generally, respecting their term of service, at this very interesting 
 crisis in public affairs, in this section of the Union, is to be lamented ; but since 
 it is the most general, and likely to become almost the universal construction in the 
 camp ; and since there is no authority vested here, that can be interposed, to give 
 a counter current of opinion, with the prospect of effecting any permanent good 
 to the service, or to the cause you are engaged in ; and as it is likely that my 
 letter of the 10th instant will produce new orders for a term of service yet to 
 commence, which, under all circumstances, would be most judicious in govern- 
 ment to give, the better to effect the objects of the campaign, more especially as 
 there is reason to believe that a British fleet has arrived at Pensacola ; 1 can not 
 doubt but that the government will shortly give new instructions to have a new 
 force organized, to effect the objects of the campaign, and to oppose the British ; 
 and that the President will be satisfied to consider that the three months' tour per- 
 formed by your and by General Cocke's detachments, with so much good to the 
 service, and with so much credit to yourselves, may terminate the present cam- 
 paign. I can think of no better plan to pursue, so as to keep up the spirits of 
 all ; for, when once militia, or any other troops take it into their heads that they 
 have served their tour of duty, it is next to impossible to convince them that to 
 serve longer would be either just or laudable; and to attempt to keep up a force 
 by voluntary enrollment, without the authority of government, would, as I fear, 
 be a vain attempt, notwithstanding it would be highly laudable at this time, if it 
 were practicable ; patching up an army that way, would effect no permanent 
 good. I am not at liberty as an executive officer, to advise you, who hold a 
 command in the service of the United States. I am incapable of willingly saying 
 
48C LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813. 
 
 Not for one instant did Jackson concur in this view of the 
 situation. He was of that temper which gained new deter- 
 mination from other men's despair. The last ounce stiffened 
 his back, not broke it. He went to his tent and wrote to the 
 Governor the best letter he ever wrote in his life — one of 
 those historical epistles which do the work of a campaign in 
 rolling back the tide of events. 
 
 "Had your wish," wrote Jackson, " that I should dis- 
 charge a part of my force, and retire with the residue into 
 the settlements, assumed the form of a positive order, it 
 might have furnished me some apology for pursuing such a 
 
 or doing any thing to injure the service, or that which would injuriously affect 
 the reputation of deserving men, or the standing of an able and patriotic hero 
 and general; but, as a friend to my government, most ardently desirous that 
 every step taken in this quarter may promote the good of the service, and the 
 standing of those who deserve well of their country, I do not see what im- 
 portant good can grow out of your continuing at an advanced post, in an 
 enemy's country, with a handful of brave men. Would it not, under all cir- 
 cumstances, be most likely to be attended with good consequences for you to 
 return to the frontier of Tennessee, and, with your patriotic force, defend our 
 frontier, where provision can be readily afforded on better terms to government^ 
 bringing with you your baggage and supplies; and there, on the frontier, 
 await the order of government, or until I can be authorized to reinforce you, or 
 to call a new force ? At this time, I really do not feel authorized to order a 
 draft, or I would, with the greatest of all pleasures I could feel, do it. Were 
 I to attempt it in an unauthorized way, it would injure, as I think, the public 
 service, which I would rather die than do. I could not positively assure the 
 men that they would be paid. 
 
 I send you a copy of the President's Message, and am gratified to see the 
 handsome terms he uses in speaking of your and of General Coffee's battles. He 
 seems to mean something about Pensacola, and, to effect his object best, a new 
 force should certainly be organized. Many who are now, and have been, on the 
 campaign, would go again on that business, if they are pleased with the Presi- 
 dent's decision respecting their term of service, under the late orders. I shall, 
 from what I have said about the propriety of your return to the Tennessee fron- 
 tier, feel bound to send a copy of this to the War Department, for the informa- 
 tion of government, and by way of apology for offering such an opinion to an. 
 officer in the service of the United States. 
 
 I am, with highest respect and most sincere regard, your friend, 
 
 Willie Blount. 
 
 Major General Andrew Jackson, United States service, Creek Nation, 
 
1813.] THE NEW ARMY. 481 
 
 course, but by no means a full justification. As you would 
 have no power to give such an order, I could not be inculpa- 
 ble in obeying, with my eyes open to the fatal consequences 
 that would attend it. But a bare recommendation, founded, 
 as I am satisfied it must be, on the artful suggestions of those 
 fireside patriots who seek in a failure of the expedition an 
 excuse for their own supineness, and upon the misrepresenta- 
 tions of the discontented from the army, who wish it to be 
 believed that the difficulties which overcame their patriotism 
 are wholy insurmountable, would afford me but a feeble shield 
 against the reproaches of my country or my conscience. Be- 
 lieve me, my respected friend, the remarks I make proceed 
 from the purest personal regard. If you would preserve your 
 reputation, or that of the State over which you preside, you 
 must take a straightforward, determined course, regardless 
 of the applause or censure of the populace, and of the fore- 
 bodings of that dastardly and designing crew, who at a time 
 like this may be expected to clamor continually in your ears. 
 The very wretches who now beset you with evil counsel will 
 be the first, should the measures which they recommend 
 eventuate in disaster, to call down imprecations on your 
 head and load you with reproaches. Your country is in 
 danger ; apply its resources to its defense. Can any course 
 be more plain ? Do you, my friend, at such a moment as the 
 present, sit with your arms folded, and your heart at ease, 
 waiting a solution of your doubts and definitions of yours 
 powers ? Do you wait for special instructions from the Sec- 
 retary at War, which it is impossible for you to receive in time 
 for the danger that threatens ? How did the venerable Shel- 
 by act under similar circumstances, or rather under circum- 
 stances by no means so critical ? Did he wait for orders to do 
 what every man of sense knew — what every patriot felt to be 
 right ? He did not ; and yet how highly and justly did the 
 government extol his manly and energetic conduct ! and how 
 dear has his name become to every friend of his country ! 
 
 " You say that an order to bring the necessary quota of 
 men into the field has been given, and that of course youi 
 
482 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1813 
 
 power ceases ; and, although you are made sensible that the 
 order has been wholly neglected, you can take no measure to 
 remedy the omission. Widely different, indeed, is my opin- 
 ion. 1 consider it your imperious duty, when the men, called 
 for by your authority, founded upon that of the government, 
 are known not to be in the field, to see that they be brought 
 there ; and to take immediate measures with the officer, who, 
 charged with the execution of your order, omits or neglects to 
 do it. As the executive of the State, it is your duty to see 
 that the full quota of troops be constantly kept in the field 
 for the time they have been required. You are responsible to 
 the government, your officer to you. Of what avail is it to 
 give an order if it be never executed, and may be disobeyed 
 with impunity ? Is it by empty mandates that we can hope 
 to conquer our enemies, and save our defenseless frontiers 
 from butchery and devastation ? Believe me, my valued 
 friend, there are times when it is highly criminal to shrink 
 from responsibility, or scruple about the exercise of our pow- 
 ers. There are times when we must disregard punctilious 
 etiquette, and think only of serving our country. What is 
 really our present situation ? The enemy we have been sent 
 to subdue may be said, if we stop at this, to be only exaspe- 
 rated. The commander-in-chief, General Pinckney, who sup- 
 poses me by this time prepared for renewed operations, has 
 ordered me to advance and form a junction with the Georgia 
 army ; and upon the expectation that I will do so are all his 
 arrangements formed for the prosecution of the campaign. 
 Will it do to defeat his plans, and jeopardize the safety of 
 the Georgia army ? The general government, too, believe, 
 and have a right to believe, that we have now not less than 
 five thousand men in the heart of the enemy's country ; and 
 on this opinion are all their calculations bottomed ; and must 
 they all be frustrated, and I become the instrument by which 
 it is done ? God forbid ! 
 
 "You advise me to discharge or dismiss from service, 
 until the will of the President can be known, such portion of 
 the militia as have rendered three months' service. This 
 
1813.] THE NEW ARMY. 483 
 
 advice astonishes me even more than the former. I have no 
 such discretionary power ; and if I had, it would be impolitic 
 and ruinous to exercise it. I believed the militia who were 
 not specially received for a shorter period were engaged for 
 six months, unless the objects of the expedition should be 
 sooner attained ; and in this opinion I was greatly strength- 
 ened by your letter of the 15th, in which you say, when 
 answering my inquiry upon this subject, ' the militia are 
 detached for six months' service ;' nor did I know, or sup- 
 pose, you had a different opinion, until the arrival of your 
 last letter. This opinion must, I suppose, agreeably to your 
 request, be made known to General Koberts' brigade, and 
 then the consequences are not difficult to be foreseen. Every 
 man belonging to it will abandon me on the 4th of next 
 month ; nor shall I have the means of preventing it, but by 
 the application of force, which, under such circumstances, I 
 shall not be at liberty to use. I have labored hard to recon- 
 cile these men to a continuance in service until they could be 
 honorably discharged, and had hoped I had, in a great 
 measure, succeeded ; but your opinion, operating with their 
 own prejudices, will give a sanction to their conduct, and 
 render useless any further attempts. They will go ; but I 
 can neither discharge nor dismiss them. Shall I be told, 
 that as they will go, it may as well be peaceably permitted ? 
 Can that be any good reason why I should do an unauthorized 
 act ? Is it a good reason why I should violate the order of 
 my superior officer, and evince a willingness to defeat the 
 purposes of my government ? And wherein does the c sound 
 policy' of the measures that have been recommended consist ? 
 or in what way are they c likely to promote the public good ?' 
 Is it sound policy to abandon a conquest thus far made, and 
 deliver up to havoc, or add to the number of our enemies, 
 those friendly Creeks and Cherokees, who, relying on our 
 protection, have espoused our cause, and aided us with their 
 arms ? Is it good policy to turn loose upon our defenseless 
 frontiers five thousand exasperated savages, to reek their 
 hands once more in the blood of our citizens ? What ! 
 
484 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 retrograde under such circumstances ! I will perish first. 
 No, I will do my duty : I will hold the posts 1 have estab- 
 lished, until ordered to abandon them by the commanding 
 general, or die in the struggle ; long since have I determined 
 not to seek the preservation of life at the sacrifice of reputa- 
 tion. 
 
 " But our frontiers, it seems, are to be defended, and by 
 whom ? By the very force that is now recommended to be 
 dismissed : for I am first told to retire into the settlements 
 and protect the frontiers ; next, to discharge my troops ; 
 and then, that no measures can be taken for raising others. 
 No, my friend, if troops be given me, it is not by loitering on 
 the frontiers that I will seek to give protection ; they are to 
 be defended, if defended at all, in a very different manner — 
 by carrying the war into the heart of the enemy's country. 
 All other hopes of defense are more visionary than dreams. 
 What, then, is to be done ? I'll tell you what. You have 
 only to act with the energy and decision the crisis demands, 
 and all will be well. Send me a force engaged for six months, 
 and I will answer for the result ; but withhold it, and all is 
 lost — the reputation of the State, and yours and mine along 
 with it." 
 
 This letter convinced and roused Governor Blount. He 
 forthwith ordered a new levy of twenty-five hundred men to 
 rendezvous at Fayetteville on the 28th of January, to serve 
 for three months, and authorized General Cocke to obey 
 Jackson's order for raising a new division of East Tennessee- 
 ans. The aspect of affairs in the State was immediately 
 changed. The noise of preparation was everywhere heard. 
 There was a furbishing of arms and a tramp of marching men 
 in all quarters of the State. In a few days, the honorable 
 scruples of the Governor were completely set at rest by a dis- 
 patch from the Secretary of War, which more than covered 
 all he had done, and sanctioned any further requisition of 
 men which he might deem necessary. If Jackson could but 
 hold his position a few weeks longer, there was every prospect 
 of Lis being able once more to act with efficiency. 
 
1814.] THE NEW ARMY. 485 
 
 From the middle of December to the middle of January, 
 General Jackson was called upon to endure every description 
 of mortification and difficulty known to border warfare. On 
 the 4th of January, his six hundred militia, in spite of warn- 
 ing and entreaty, and after scenes of violence similar to those 
 already related, marched homeward. On the 14th, the eight 
 hundred of General Cocke's division, whose term of service 
 then expired, were earnestly besought to remain, if only for 
 twenty days. The savages were in motion again, and threat- 
 ened the frontiers of Georgia. Jackson implored these men 
 to make one excursion into the enemy's country, to strike one 
 blow at them for the purpose of, at least, diverting or divid- 
 ing their force, and giving an easier victory to the Georgia 
 troops. But, no ; their minds were set resolutely home- 
 ward, and away they marched, leaving him with a mere hand- 
 ful of men to guard the post. Moreover, the new recruits 
 could not be induced to engage for six months. Colonel 
 Carroll, rather than bring back no men, had enlisted a body 
 of horse for two months only, and General Koberts returned 
 with infantry engaged for three. These men General Jackson 
 was obliged to accept, or be left alone in the wilderness. 
 
 On the 15th of January, then, we find the General at 
 Fort Strother with nine hundred raw recruits, who had come 
 out with the expectation of making a single raid into the In- 
 dian territory, and then to return to narrate their exploits 
 and draw their pay. Such troops it is dangerous to keep in 
 inaction for a single week. The regular levies from Tennes- 
 see could 'not be expected for a month to come. The neces- 
 sity of striking a blow at the exulting enemy was pressing. 
 In these circumstances, Jackson, with the daring prudence 
 that characterized his career, resolved upon instant action, 
 and gave the ordei to prepare for marching against the foe. 
 
486 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 CHAPTER XLV. 
 
 THE RAID AND ITS RESULTS. 
 
 Of this twelve days' " excursion," as the General mildly 
 termed it, into the Indian country, I possess several published 
 and one unpublished narrative ; but none so complete and 
 vivid as that contained in Jackson's own dispatch to General 
 Pinckney, written upon the return of the little wild army to 
 Fort Strother. Of course, the best face was put upon the 
 affair that truth and charity would permit, and so it ought 
 to have been. Jackson was at the head of men unused to 
 war, and totally unacquainted with subordination ; men of the 
 hunting shirt and rifle, with their powder in horns, and their 
 bullets in their pockets. That such troops should have 
 marched not in the most orderly manner, and that some of 
 them, discovering too late that a battle with a superior force 
 of Indians was not precisely the frolic they had anticipated, 
 should have given way to a temporary panic, might have 
 been anticipated. The General's dispatch does not conceal 
 these things, nor slur them over. The objects of the expe- 
 dition were accomplished ; but that the power of the Indians 
 was seriously impaired, or their confidence much shaken by it, 
 is not pretended. But here is the dispatch, dated January 
 29th, 1814 : 
 
 " I had the honor," begins the General, " of informing you 
 in a letter of the 31st ultimo [express] of an excursion I con- 
 templated making still further in the enemy's country, with 
 the new raised volunteers from Tennessee. I had ordered 
 those troops to form a junction with me on the 10th instant, 
 but they did not arrive until the 14th. Their number, in- 
 cluding officers, was about eight hundred, and on the 15th I 
 marched them across the river to graze their horses. On the 
 next day I followed with the remainder of my force, consist- 
 ing of the artillery company, with one six pounder ; one com- 
 
1814.] THE RAID AND ITS RESULTS. 487 
 
 pany of infantry of forty-eight men ; two companies of spies, 
 commanded by Captains Gordon and Kussell, of about thirty 
 men each ; and a company of volunteer officers, headed by 
 General Coffee, who had been abandoned by his men, and 
 who still remained in the field awaiting the orders of the 
 government ; making my force, exclusive of Indians, nine 
 hundred and thirty. 
 
 -::? tt 6 # « Hi « 
 
 " I took up the line of march on the 17th instant, and on 
 the 18th encamped at Tallageda Fort, where I was joined by 
 between two and three hundred friendly Indians ; sixty-five 
 of whom were Cherokees, the balance Creeks. Here I re- 
 ceived your letter of the 9th instant, stating that General 
 Floyd was expected to make a movement from Cowetau the 
 next day, and that in ten days thereafter he would establish 
 a firm position at Tuckba tehee ; and also a letter from Colo- 
 nel Snodgrass, who had returned to Fort Armstrong, inform- 
 ing me that an attack was intended to be soon made on that 
 fort by nine hundred of the enemy. If I could have hesitated 
 before, I could now hesitate no longer. I resolved to lose no 
 time in meeting this force, which was understood to have 
 been collected from New Yorcau, Oakfnskie, and Ufauley 
 towns, and were concentrated in a bend of the Tallapoosa, 
 near the mouth of a creek, called Emuckfau, and on an island 
 below New Yorcau. 
 
 " On the morning of the 20th, your letter of the 10th in- 
 stant, forwarded by M' Candles, reached me at the Hillibee 
 creek ; and that night I encamped at Enotachopco, a small 
 Hillibee village about twelve miles from Emuckfau. Here I 
 began to perceive very plainly how little knowledge my spies 
 had of the country, of the situation of the enemy, or of the 
 distance I was from them. The insubordination of the new 
 troops, and the want of skill in most of their officers, also 
 became more and more apparent. But their ardor to meet 
 the enemy was not diminished ; and I had sure reliance upon 
 the guards, and upon the company of old volunteer officers, 
 and upon the spies, in all about one hundred and twenty-five. 
 
488 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 My wishes and my duty remained united, and I was deter- 
 mined to effect, if possible, the objects for which the excursion 
 had been principally undertaken. 
 
 " On the morning of the 21st, I marched from Enotac- 
 hopco as direct as I could for the bend of the Tallapoosa, 
 and about two o'clock, p. m., my spies having discovered two 
 of the enemy, endeavored to overtake them, but failed. In 
 the evening I fell in upon a large trail, which led to a new 
 road, much beaten, and lately traveled. Knowing that I must 
 have arrived within the neighborhood of a strong force, and it 
 being late in the day, I determined to encamp, and recon- 
 noiter the country in the night. I chose the best site the 
 country would admit, encamped in a hollow square, sent out 
 my spies and pickets, doubled my sentinels, and made the 
 necessary arrangements before dark for a night attack. About 
 ten o'clock at night one of the pickets fired at three of the 
 enemy, and killed one, but he was not found until the next 
 day. At eleven o'clock the spies whom I had sent out, re- 
 turned with the information that there was a large encamp- 
 ment of Indians at the distance of about three miles, who, 
 from their whooping and dancing, seemed to be apprised of 
 our approach. One of these spies, an Indian, in whom I had 
 great confidence, assured me that they were carrying off their 
 women and children, and that the warriors would either make 
 their escape, or attack me before day. Being prepared at all 
 points, nothing remained to be done but to await their ap- 
 proach, if they meditated an attack, or to be in readiness, if 
 they did not, to pursue and attack them at daylight. While 
 we were in this state of readiness, the enemy, about six o'clock 
 in the morning, commenced a vigorous attack on my left 
 flank, which was vigorously met. The action continued to 
 rage on my left flank, and on the left of my rear, for about 
 half an hour. The brave General Coffee, with Colonel Sitler, 
 the adjutant general, and Colonel Carroll, the inspector gen- 
 eral, the moment the firing commenced, mounted their horses 
 and repaired to the line, encouraging and animating the men 
 to the performance of their duty. So soon as it became light 
 
1814.] THE RAID OD ITS RESULTS. 489 
 
 enough to pursue, the left wing having sustained the heat of 
 the action, and being somewhat weakened, was reinforced by 
 Captain Fen-ill's company of infantry, and was ordered and 
 led on to ' the charge by General Coffee, who was well sup- 
 ported by Colonel Higgins and the inspector general, and by 
 all the officers and privates who composed that line. The 
 enemy was completely routed at every point, and the friendly 
 Indians joining in the pursuit, they were chased about two 
 miles with considerable slaughter. 
 
 " The chase being over, I immediately detached General 
 Coffee with four hundred men, and all the Indian force, to 
 burn their encampment ; but it was said by some to be forti- 
 fied. I ordered him in that event not to attack it until the 
 artillery could be sent forward to reduce it. On viewing the 
 encampment and its strength, the General thought it most 
 prudent to return to my encampment, and guaM the artillery 
 thither. The wisdom of that step was soon discovered — in 
 half an hour after his return to camp a considerable force of 
 the enemy made its appearance on- my right flank, and com- 
 menced a brisk fire on a party of men who had been on picket 
 guard the night before, and were then in search of the Indians 
 they had fired upon, some of whom they believed had been 
 killed. General Coffee immediately requested me to let him 
 take two hundred men and turn their left flank, which I ac- 
 cordingly ordered ; but, through some mistake, which I did 
 not then observe, not more than fifty-four followed him, 
 among whom were the old volunteer officers. With these, 
 however, he immediately commenced an attack on the left 
 flank of the enemy ; at which time I ordered two hundred of 
 the friendly Indians to fall in upon the right flank of the 
 enemy, and cooperate with the General. This order was 
 promptly obeyed, and on the moment of its execution, what 
 I expected was realized. The enemy had intended the attack 
 on the right as a feint, and expecting to direct all my atten- 
 tion thither, meant to attack me again, and with their main 
 force, on the left flank, which they had hoped to find weak- 
 ened and in disorder — they were disappointed. I had ordered 
 
490 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 the left flank to remain firm in its place, and the moment the 
 alarm gun was heard in that quarter, I repaired thither, and 
 ordered Captain Ferrill, part of my reserve, to support it. 
 The whole line met the approach of the enemy with astonish- 
 ing intrepidity, and having given a few fires, they forthwith 
 charged with great vigor. The enemy fled with precipitation, 
 and were pursued to a considerable distance by the left flank 
 and the friendly Indians, with a galling and destructive fire. 
 Colonel Carroll, who ordered the charge, led on the pursuit, 
 and Colonel Higgins and his regiment again distinguished 
 themselves. 
 
 " In the meantime General Coffee was contending with a 
 superior force of the enemy. The Indians whom I had or- 
 dered to his support, and who had set out for this purpose, 
 hearing the firing on the left, had returned to that quarter, 
 and when the enemy were routed there, entered into the 
 chase. That being now over, I forthwith ordered Jim Fife, 
 who was one of the principal commanders of the friendly 
 Creeks, with one hundred of his warriors, to execute my first 
 order. So soon as he reached General Coffee, the charge was 
 made, and the enemy routed ; they were pursued about three 
 miles, and forty-five of them slain, who were found. General 
 Coffee was wounded in the body, and his aid-de-camp, A. 
 Donelson, killed, together with three others. Having brought 
 in and buried the dead, and dressed the wounded, I ordered 
 my camp to be fortified, to be the better prepared to repel 
 any attack which might be made in the night, determining to 
 make a return march to Fort Strother the following day. 
 Many causes concurred to make such a measure necessary, as 
 I had not set out prepared, or with a view to make a per- 
 manent establishment. I considered it worse than useless to 
 advance, and destroy an empty encampment. I had, indeed, 
 hoped to have met the enemy there, but having met and 
 beaten them a little sooner, I did not think it necessary or 
 prudent to proceed any farther — not necessary, because I had 
 accomplished all I could expect to effect by marching to their 
 encampment ; and because if it was proper to contend with and 
 
1814.] THE RAID AND ITS RESULTS. 491 
 
 weaken their forces still farther, this object would be more 
 certainly attained by commencing a return, which, having to 
 them the appearance of a retreat, would inspirit them to pur- 
 sue me. Not prudent — because of the number of my wounded ; 
 of the reinforcements from below, which the enemy might be 
 expected to receive ; of the starving condition of my horses, 
 they having had neither corn nor cane for two days „and 
 nights ; of the scarcity of supplies for my men, the Indians 
 who joined me at Tallageda having drawn none, and being 
 wholly destitute ; and because if the enemy pursued me, as it 
 was likely they would, the diversion in favor of General Floyd 
 would be the more complete and effectual. Influenced by 
 these considerations, I commenced my return march at half 
 after ten on the 23d, and was fortunate enough to reach Eno- 
 tachopco before night, having passed, without interruption, a 
 dangerous defile occasioned by a hurricane. I again fortified 
 my camp, and having another defile to pass in the morning, 
 across a deep creek, and between two hills which I had viewed 
 with attention as I passed on, and where I expected I might 
 be attacked, I determined to pass it at another point, and 
 gave directions to my guide and fatigue men accordingly. 
 My expectation of an attack in the morning was increased by 
 the signs of the night, and with it my caution. Before I 
 moved the wounded from the interior of my camp I had my 
 front and rear guards formed, as well as my right and left 
 columns, and moved off my center in regular order, leading 
 down a handsome ridge to Enotachopco creek, at a point 
 where it was clear of reed, except immediately on its margin. 
 I had previously issued a general order, pointing out the man- 
 ner in which the men should be formed in the ev^ent of an 
 attack on the front or rear, or on the flanks, and had par- 
 ticularly cautioned the officers to halt and form accordingly, 
 the instant the word should be given. 
 
 " The front guard had crossed with part of the flank col- 
 umns, the wounded were over, and the artillery in the act of 
 entering the creek, when an alarm gun was heard in the rear. 
 I heard it without surprise, and even with pleasure, calcu- 
 
492 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. |"1814. 
 
 lating with the utmost confidence on the firmness of my 
 troops, from the manner in which I had seen them act on the 
 22d. I had placed Colonel Carroll at the head of the center 
 column of the rear guard ; its right column was commanded 
 by Colonel Perkins, and its left by Colonel Stump. Having 
 chosen the ground, I expected there to have entirely cut off 
 the enemy, by wheeling the right and left columns on their 
 pivot, recrossing the creek above and bolow, and falling in 
 upon their flanks and rear. But, to my astonishment and 
 mortification, when the word was given by Colonel Carroll to 
 halt and form, and a few guns had been fired, I beheld the 
 right and left columns of the rear guard precipitately give 
 way. This shameful retreat was disastrous in the extreme ; 
 it drew along with it the greater part of the center column, 
 leaving not more than twenty-five men, who, being formed 
 by Colonel Carroll, maintained their ground as long as it was 
 possible to maintain it ; and it brought consternation and 
 confusion into the center of the army ; a consternation which 
 was not easily removed, and a confusion which could not be 
 soon restored to order. There was then left to repulse the 
 enemy, the few who remained of the rear guard, the artillery 
 company, and Captain Kussell's company of spies. They, 
 however, realized, and exceeded my highest expectations. 
 Lieutenant Armstrong, who commanded the artillery com- 
 pany in the absence of Captain Deaderick, (confined by sick- 
 ness,) ordered them to form and advance to the top of the 
 hill, whilst he and a few others dragged up the six pounder. 
 Never was more bravery displayed than on this occasion. 
 Amidst the most galling fire from the enemy, more than ten 
 times their number, they ascended the hill, and maintained 
 their position until their piece was hauled up, when, having 
 leveled it, they poured upon the enemy a fire of grape, re- 
 loaded and fired again, charged and repulsed them. 
 
 " The most deliberate bravery was displayed by Constan- 
 tine Perkins and Craven Jackson, of the artillery, acting as 
 gunners. In the hurry of the moment, in separating the gun 
 from the limbers, the rammer and picker of the cannon were 
 
1814.] THE EAID AND ITS RESULTS. 493 
 
 left tied to the limber. No sooner was this discovered, than 
 Jackson, amidst the galling fire of the enemy, pulled out the 
 ramrod of his musket and used it as a picker ; primed with a 
 cartridge and fired the cannon. Perkins having pulled off his 
 bayonet, used his musket as a rammer, drove down the car- 
 tridge ; and Jackson using his former plan, again discharged 
 her. The brave Lieutenant Armstrong, just after the first 
 fire of the cannon, with Captain Hamilton of East Tennessee, 
 Bradford and M'Gavock, all fell, the lieutenant exclaiming 
 as he lay, ' My brave fellows, some of you may fall, but you 
 must save the cannon.' About this time, a number crossed 
 the creek and entered into the chase. The brave Captain 
 Gordon, of the spies, who rushed from the front, endeavored 
 to turn the flank of the enemy, in which he partially suc- 
 ceeded, and Colonel Carroll, Colonel Higgins, and Captains 
 Elliot and Pipkins, pursued the enemy for more than two 
 miles, who fled in consternation, throwing away their packs, 
 and leaving twenty-six of their warriors dead on the field. 
 This last defeat was decisive, and we were no more disturbed 
 by their yells. I should do injustice to my feelings if I omit- 
 ted to mention that the venerable Judge Cocke, at the age 
 of sixty-five, entered into the engagement, continued the pur- 
 suit of the enemy with youthful ardor, and saved the life of 
 a fellow-soldier by killing his savage antagonist. 
 
 " Our loss in this affair was — killed and wounded. 
 Among the former was the brave Captain Hamilton, from 
 East Tennessee, who had, with his aged father and two others 
 of his company, after the period of his engagement had ex- 
 pired, volunteered his services for this excursion, and attached 
 himself to the artillery company. No man ever fought more 
 bravely, or fell more gloriously ; and by his side fell with 
 equal bravery and glory, Bird Evans, of the same company. 
 Captain Quarles, who commanded the center column of the 
 rear guard, preferring death to the abandonment of his post, 
 having taken a firm stand, in which he was followed by 
 twenty-five of his men, received a wound in his head, of 
 
 which he has since died. 
 vol. i. — 32 
 
494 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 u In these several engagements, our loss was twenty killed 
 and seventy-five wounded, four of whom have since died. 
 The loss of the enemy can not be accurately ascertained ; 
 one hundred and eighty-nine of their warriors were found 
 dead ; but this must fall considerably short of the number 
 really killed. Their wounded can only be guessed at. 
 
 " Had it not been for the unfortunate retreat of the rear 
 guard in the affair of the 24th instant, I think I could safely 
 have said that no army of militia ever acted with more cool 
 and deliberate bravery ; undisciplined and inexperienced as 
 they were, their conduct in the several engagements of the 
 22d could not have been surpassed by regulars. No man ever 
 met the approach of an enemy with more intrepidity, or re- 
 pulsed them with more energy. On the 24th, after the 
 retreat of the rear guard, they seemed to have lost all their 
 collectedness, and were more difficult to be restored to order 
 than any troops I have ever seen. But this was no doubt 
 owing in a great measure, or altogether, to that very retreat, 
 and ought rather to be ascribed to the want of conduct in 
 many of their officers, than any cowardice in the men, who 
 on every occasion have manifested a willingness to perform 
 their duty so far as they knew it. 
 
 " All the effects which were designed to be produced by 
 this excursion, it is believed have been produced. If an at- 
 tack was meditated against Fort Armstrong, that has been 
 prevented. If General Floyd is operating on the east side of 
 the Tallapoosa, as I suppose him to be, a most fortunate di- 
 version has been made in his favor. The number of the enemy 
 has been diminished, and the confidence they may have de- 
 rived from the delays I have been made to experience has 
 been destroyed. Discontent has been kept out of my army, 
 while the troops who would have been exposed to it, have 
 been beneficially employed. The enemy's country has been 
 explored, and a road cut to the point where their force will 
 probably be concentrated when they shall be driven from the 
 country below. But in a report of this kind, and to you who 
 will immediately perceive them, it is not necessary to state thej 
 
 i 
 
1814] THE RAID AND ITS RESULTS. 495 
 
 happy consequences which may be expected to result from 
 this excursion. Unless I am greatly mistaken, it will be 
 found to have hastened the termination of the Creek war, 
 more effectually than any measure I could have taken with 
 the troops under my command." 
 
 The conduct of General Coffee in the second engagement 
 was eminently praiseworthy. Wounded in the first battle, 
 he was carried to the scene of the second on a litter. When 
 the retreat of the rear guard threw the army into confusion 
 and peril, he mounted his horse and rode wherever the danger 
 was greatest, inspiring the men by his presence, his words, 
 and his example, and contributing most powerfully to restore 
 the fortunes of the day. Jackson himself was a lion on this 
 occasion. Major Eaton's glowing account of his demeanor, 
 besides being supported by other testimony, is in itself proba- 
 ble. " But for him," says Eaton, " every thing must have 
 gone to ruin. On him all hopes were rested. In that mo- 
 ment of confusion he was the rallying point even for the 
 spirits of the brave. Firm and energetic, and at the same 
 time perfectly self-possessed, his example and his authority 
 alike contributed to arrest the flying and give confidence to 
 those who maintained their ground. Cowards forgot their 
 panic, and fronted danger, when they heard his voice and be- 
 held his manner ; and the brave would have formed round his 
 body a rampart with their own. In the midst of showers of 
 balls, of which he seemed unmindful, he was seen performing 
 the duties of the subordinate officers, rallying the alarmed, 
 halting them in their flight, forming his columns, and inspirit- 
 ing them by his example." 
 
 Before me lies General Coffee's private narrative of these 
 actions, written a day or two after the return of the army to 
 Fort Strother. His letter, like those previously quoted, was 
 addressed to his father-in-law, Captain Donelson, the father 
 of that brave young aid-de-camp of General Coffee who was 
 shot dead at the time when Coffee received his own wound. 
 The sad news of the fall of this young soldier General Coffee 
 had now to communicate to his father, and he performed the 
 
496 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 duty with the tact that good feeling suggests. The reader 
 will peruse with interest the whole of this letter, so char- 
 acteristic of its author, so confirmatory of General Jackon's 
 dispatch. Sundry gentlemen in Tennessee, who strenuously 
 object to General Jackson's account of the departure of the 
 troops in December, will observe that General Coffee was of 
 the opinion that death itself would be the proper punishment 
 of those who advised that tumultuous breaking away. But 
 to the letter itself, which was dated January 28th, 1814 :— 
 
 " We have to record," began Coffee with admirable and awkward deli- 
 cacy, " the proceedings of another excursion into the interior of the enemy's 
 country ; and, although we have met with success, it is marked with cir- 
 cumstances of regret and misfortune that are serious to the friends of 
 those brave men whose lives have been lost in achieving the battles that 
 have been obtained. Painful as it is, I must inform you that Sandy Donel- 
 son was among the slain. He fell by a ball through his head, near me, 
 a few minutes after I had received a wound by a ball through my right 
 side, but not dangerous. 
 
 " In a state of war the lives of men must be lost ; and the only circum- 
 stance that leaves us any satisfaction for our departed friends, is when they 
 have acted their part well, and fallen bravely defending the government 
 we are bound to protect ; and in that your son has been exceeded by none. 
 He fell in the fourth battle that he fought by my side, and I can with cer- 
 tainty say that a braver man never lived. He is no more, but his death 
 has been glorious. He has bequeathed his friends a valuable inheritance 
 in the character he has acquired to his memory ; and while we his friends 
 lament his loss in the bloom of life, we may rejoice at the honorable sta- 
 tion in which his memory is placed, and which is beyond the reach of 
 strife or envy. 
 
 " We left this place (Fort Strother) on the 16th instant, and marched 
 by Talladega and from thence south-east, about seventy miles from this 
 place, which brought us into the neighborhood of the villages of the Oak- 
 fuskas and others united, whom we intended an attack on. We were dis- 
 covered by the spies of the enemy ; and when within a few miles of them, 
 as we expected, we were attacked on the morning of the 22d about the 
 dawn of day very furiously. Our men were on their posts, and as soon as 
 it was light enough to see, we drove them. They were dispersed. Again, 
 the same day, they brought on the attack about one o'clock, when Sandy 
 fell and myself was wounded. This was a sharp conflict on the part of 
 the army ; but finally the enemy were completely driven. Although we 
 
1814.] THE RAID AND ITS RESULTS. 497 
 
 had killed ten of the enemy to every man we had lost, yet we had wounded 
 men to provide for, and determined to return. On the 23d we moved back 
 about ten miles ; and on the morning of the 24th, after marching, and while 
 crossing a large creek, the rear of our army was again attacked ; when the 
 rear guard, in a very cowardly manner, retreated before the enemy, who 
 fell upon the Nashville artillery company, the only part of the army on that 
 side of the creek after the guards left them. They met the savages with 
 firmness, and after a heavy fire for several minutes, contending with vastly 
 superior numbers, they put the enemy to flight, but with the loss of six or 
 eight fine young men. Our horsemen recrossed the creek, and pursued, 
 killing many in the pursuit, until they took refuge in the neighboring hills. 
 Thus our fighting ended, and we came on to this place, and arrived here on 
 the 27th. We can not pretend to say what number of Indians fought us ; 
 but they are supposed to be from eight to ten hundred. Our forces were 
 one thousand white men and two hundred friendly Indians. The loss of 
 the enemy, from best accounts, has been upwards of two hundred killed. 
 We lost eighteen killed and seventy wounded, four of whom are since dead ; 
 not many others dangerous. 
 
 " Our great loss has been occasioned by our troops being raw and un- 
 disciplined, commanded by officers of the same description. Had I had my 
 old regiment of cavalry, I could have driven the enemy wherever I met 
 them without loss. But speculation had taken them out of the field, and 
 thus we have suffered for them. Their advisers ought to suffer death for 
 their unwarrantable conduct, and I hope our injured citizens will treat them 
 with the contempt they so justly merit. 
 
 " Jockey, with about twenty men, followed after us when we marched, 
 and fortunately reached our camp in the night before the battle of the morn- 
 ing of the 22d. Thus he just saved himself and men. He has escaped un- 
 hurt, and is now with me. Colonel Perkins and Colonel John Stump are 
 now on trial before a court martial for cowardice in running at the head of 
 the guard at the last battle. It is supposed their sentence will be a severe 
 one. 
 
 " I expect in two or three days to be able to ride slowly, when I shall 
 stavt home, until I recover my wounds, and until my further service may 
 be wanting. You will see General Jackson's official report, no doubt, pub- 
 lished, which will give you the particulars of our affairs more correctly. 
 When I reach home I would be exceedingly glad to see you and Mrs. 
 Donelson at my house, as I don't expect I will be able for some time 
 to ride as far as your house after I quit traveling. I received your 
 letter by Jockey, and was glad to hear of the health of yourself and 
 family. I also received a letter from Polly, who informs me of her own 
 and little Mary's health; which, in this lonesome place was very satis- 
 factory. If our war was honorably terminated, I would be content ; but 
 
498 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 until that is the case, I never can be happy. With great regard and 
 esteem, I am, etc."* 
 
 Little else need be, arid nothing material can be, added. 
 General Jackson's dispatch was published in some of the 
 newspapers at the time, and made the name of Jackson con- 
 siderably, though not generally known in other States. I do 
 not find it in New York or New England papers, though they 
 mention the battles of Emuckfaw and Enotochopco in short 
 paragraphs. It was the amiable habit of the opposition papers 
 during the war of 1812 to make as little as possible of Amer- 
 ican victories, and as much as possible of American disasters. 
 Thus, we find the account of one of Jackson's battles occupying 
 three or four columns in the National Intelligencer, the organ 
 of the administration, and the same event disposed of in the 
 Federal Evening Post in a paragraph of ten lines. Hence, 
 when at length Jackson achieved such things as could not be 
 suppressed or depreciated, it was found that he was almost an 
 | unknown man in the north-eastern States. Who is this Gen- 
 \ eral Jackson ? and Where did he come from ? were questions 
 J commonly asked. 
 
 General Pinckney bestowed the warmest applause upon 
 " the intelligent bravery and good conduct" of General Jack- 
 son and his volunteers ; testifying also to the importance of 
 the late movement to the operations of the Georgia troops 
 under General Floyd. In a letter to the Secretary of War, 
 dated February 6th, General Pinckney ventured upon a sug- 
 gestion which had results : "I take the liberty," said he, " of 
 drawing your attention to the present and former communi- 
 cations of General Jackson. Without the personal firmness, 
 popularity, and exertions of that officer-, the Indian war, on 
 the part of Tennessee, would have been abandoned, at least 
 for a time, as will appear by reference to the letters of Gov- 
 ernor Blount heretofore transmitted. If government think 
 it advisable to elevate to the rank of general other persons 
 than those now in the army, I have heard of none whose mil- 
 itary operations so well entitle him to that distinction." 
 
 * MSS. of Tennessee Historical Society. 
 
 
1814.] BRIGHTER PROSPECTS. 499 
 
 CHAPTER XLYI. 
 
 BRIGHTER PROSPECTS. 
 
 The excursion over, and the new levies from Tennessee 
 approaching, Jackson dismissed his victorious troops, whose 
 term of service was about to expire. He bade them farewell 
 in an address abounding in kind and flattering expressions ; 
 and they left him feeling all that soldiers usually feel toward 
 the general who has led them to victory. 
 
 The return of these troops, animated by such sentiments, 
 gave a new impetus to the cause in Tennessee, and fired the 
 troops who were on their way to the seat of war with new 
 zeal. From all quarters came volunteers, hurrying toward 
 the standard of the successful General, whose prospects now 
 brightened with every day's dispatches. On the 3d of Feb- 
 ruary came news that two thousand East Tennesseans were 
 far on their way to join him. A day or two after a dispatch 
 informed the General that nearly as many West Tennessee 
 troops had reached Huntsville and waited his orders. On 
 the 6th, marched into Fort Strother the thirty-ninth regi- 
 ment of United States infantry, six hundred strong, under 
 Colonel Williams, a most important acquisition. Into this 
 regiment one Sam Houston had recently enlisted as a private 
 soldier, and made his way to the rank of ensign ; the same 
 Sam Houston who was afterward President of Texas and 
 Senator of the United States. 
 
 It was to the patriotic zeal of Judge Hugh L. White of 
 East Tennessee that General Jackson owed this priceless re- 
 inforcement of regulars. Hearing rumors of General Jack- 
 son's danger, Judge White left the bench and hurried to the 
 wilderness to learn, by personal inspection, the true state of 
 affairs. He found Jackson almost alone in the woods, con- 
 tending with every difficulty. After rendering essential serv- 
 ice by bearing dispatches and messages from General Cocke 
 to General Jackson and from General Jackson to General 
 
500 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 Cocke, he returned to East Tennessee to aid in the raising of 
 a new army. There he found his brother-in-law, Colonel 
 John Williams, at the head of the thirty-ninth regiment, 
 preparing to descend to New Orleans, according to orders re- 
 ceived from the Secretary of War. " He told Colonel Wil- 
 liams that he had been commissioned by General Jackson to 
 represent to him i his condition as very deplorable ; that his 
 men had all abandoned him, except his life-guard, and unless 
 he came to his aid the country would be overrun by savages, 
 the inhabitants become victims of every species of cruelty, 
 and the reputation of their State for ever blasted/ " Judge 
 White remained with Colonel Williams nearly all night, using 
 every means in his power to impress upon his mind the ne- 
 cessity of relieving Jackson's force. His importunities finally 
 prevailed. Colonel Williams acquiesced in his wishes, wrote 
 to the War Department, stating his intentions to proceed to 
 General Jackson's head-quarters instead of to the South, ac- 
 cording to his previous instructions ; and upon learning that 
 his plans were approved by the government, at once marched 
 for the former destination, and arrived with his troops Feb- 
 ruary 6th, 1814."® 
 
 In addition to this most important reinforcement, there 
 came in, soon after, a part of General Coffee's old brigade of 
 mounted men, and a troop of dragoons from East Tennessee. 
 The Choctaw Indians now openly joined the peace party, and 
 asked orders from General Jackson. There was no lack of 
 men of any description. Long before February closed, Jack- 
 son was at the head of an army of five thousand men, all 
 within a few days' march of Fort Strother, waiting only till 
 the General could accumulate twenty days' rations to march 
 in, and strike, as they hoped, a finishing blow at the enemy. 
 
 It was in connection with the assembling of this force 
 that the arrest of General Cocke occurred. It were an 
 ungracious task to revive the bitter feuds that preceded and 
 grew out of this unhappy affair. Suffice it to say, that 
 
 * Memoirs of Hugh L. White, p. 26. 
 
1814.] BRIGHTER PROSPECTS. 501 
 
 General Cocke was grossly misrepresented to General Jack- 
 son. He had raised his new army of East Tennesseeans, and 
 was doing his best to lead them to Jackson's head-quarters, 
 contending with scarcity and insubordination. Delays oc- 
 curred, which, Jackson was informed, were caused by General 
 Cocke's jealousy or ambition. Back to Cocke's division came 
 a thundering order from Jackson to one of Cocke's brigadiers, 
 to arrest, and send under guard to Fort Strother, every officer, 
 of whatever rank, who should be found exciting the men to 
 mutiny. General Cocke had no resource, after such an in- 
 dignity, but to retire from the service, and submit his case 
 to court martial, which acquitted him. It was a fault of 
 Jackson's character, as it is of most men of his temperament, 
 to imbibe prejudices readily, and hold them tenaciously. 
 But the really guilty persons in this affair were those who, 
 from misunderstanding General Cocke's designs, or from 
 enmity to him, conveyed to General Jackson reports of his 
 conduct, which were either totally false or monstrous ex- 
 aggerations. His division arrived at Fort Strother in com- 
 mand of the officer who was chiefly instrumental in his 
 removal from the field. 
 
 Now were put forth, on every hand, the most prodigious 
 exertions to collect the requisite supplies. Major William 
 B. Lewis performed labors in the cause which Jackson re- 
 membered with gratitude and admiration as long as he lived. 
 The difficulty of forwarding supplies may be inferred from 
 the fact, that over the miry forest roads at that wet season, 
 four horses could with difficulty draw four barrels of flour. 
 Jackson set five hundred men at work improving the road 
 between his depot at Fort Deposit and his camp at Fort 
 Strother. He prohibited the transportation of whisky and 
 every other article not strictly indispensable, and sent strong 
 guards with each wagon train to assist the teamsters. Yet, 
 with all their efforts, it required seven days for a wagon train 
 to perform one journey between the two posts ; and not one 
 wagon succeeded in bringing more than eight barrels of flour 
 or sixteen hundred pounds of pork. The troops not thus 
 
502 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 employed were engaged, meanwhile, in constructing boats in 
 which to convey the supplies for the projected expedition 
 down the Coosa. All the wounded, the sick, and the invalids, 
 were sent to the settlements. 
 
 A hasty confidential letter, written by the General to his 
 quarter-master, Major William B. Lewis, may find place here. 
 It is of no great importance, but gives us a peep into the 
 General's heart and camp. I will copy it as exactly as pos- 
 sible, not correcting any thing : — 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON TO MAJOR WILLIAM B. LEWIS. 
 
 Head-Quarters, Fort Strother, February 21st, 1814. 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 "I drew upon you a few days since, for fifteen hundred dollars, 
 and sent the letter and draft on to Mr. John Hutchings, requesting him to 
 go on direct and present and bring it to me. I sent also a receipt signed 
 for the same. I hope you have sent it. I am exerting every nerve to 
 get up the supplies, to make a speedy movement. The incessant rains 
 and high water has prevented the passage of my supplies, and the want 
 of axes has delayed the bridging of the creeks, and the want of hemp has 
 delayed the completion of my boats. I just learn that the hemp is on the 
 way. I expected it up a week ago. I made a requisition for 20001bs 
 good powder, and 40001bs lead, is it on the way, thirty days' provisions 
 with the requisition of powder and lead, and I will endeavor with the con- 
 tinuation of the smiles of heaven to move with vigor and terminate the 
 war in that time. I am pleased with the prospects, and it only requires ex- 
 ertion in the Quarter master's department, to enable me in a short time to 
 meet the wishes of my government, by orushing the Creek war; which would 
 and ought to have been terminated long since ; had it not have been from 
 the disgraceful retreat and desertion of the volunteers, and G-en'l Roberts' 
 brigade. 4 captains have been tried who mutinied and deserted, they are 
 found guilty, and G-en'l Roberts under arrest, his trial comes on at camp 
 Johnson the 23rd Inst. The publication of the testimony will open the 
 eyes of the western world. In my last to you, I named that Mrs. Jackson 
 would send you the copy of a letter from the Secretary of War, and one 
 from Gren'l Pinckney. If there is no impropriety in giving these to the 
 public, it may be well to do it, as I understand Col. Roncher has made his 
 first debut before the public. 
 
 Upon reflection I think it is only a tribute due to the detachment to 
 have the applause of the Commander in Chief made public. And G-en'l 
 
1814.] BRIGHTER PROSPECTS. 503 
 
 Pinckney's letter I think on this ground ought to be made public. It 
 might be well to preface it with some modest remarks as coming from my- 
 self, but this your calm reflection will best judge of. I enclose you a 
 Georgia paper, the object of this is that you may have the extract of Gen'l 
 Pinckney's letter to the G-ov'r of Georgia and old Judge Cocks' letter pub- 
 lished. Send me some good musket flints and have by as many muskets 
 as will fully Col. Williams regt. Better send on, say 150 stand and accou- 
 trements. I am truly happy in having the Col. (Colonel Williams) with 
 me. His regt. will give strength to my arm and quell mutiny. But the 
 information I have of the new troops, augurs well for a restoration of the 
 fallen character of the reputation of the state, and a speedy end to the war. 
 In haste adieu, respectfully, 
 
 Andrew Jackson, 
 Major Wm. B. Lewis, ) Major Gen'l. 
 
 Assist, Dep. Quartermaster. \ 
 
 Six weeks of intense labor, on the part of the General and 
 his army, were required to complete the preparations for the 
 decisive movement. The middle of March had arrived. The 
 various divisions of the army were assembled at Fort Strother, 
 and the requisite quantity of provisions had been accumulated. 
 A system of expresses had been established for the convey- 
 ance of information to General Pinckney and Governor Blount. 
 "With much difficulty, one man had been found competent to 
 beat the ordinary calls on the drum, and this one drum was 
 the sole music of the army. Deducting the strong guards to 
 be left at the posts already established, the force about to 
 march against the enemy amounted to about three thousand 
 men. 
 
 Before they began their march, they were called upon to 
 witness a spectacle which American soldiers have very seldom 
 been obliged to look upon ; and we are compelled to pause 
 here, upon the eve of great events, to narrate the circum- 
 stances that led to that remarkable scene. 
 
504 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 CHAPTER XLVII. 
 
 EXECUTION OF JOHN WOODS. 
 
 Amid the corpse-strewn battle fields of a war like this, in 
 which fell not far from five thousand men, the sanctity of 
 human life is attested by the profound and lasting emotion 
 caused by the deliberate putting to death of a single individual. 
 Gone from memory for ever are the names of most of the 
 legitimate victims of the Creek war, those who sunk under 
 the tomahawk of the savage, or fell in battle before the rifle 
 of the pioneer ; but the name of John Woods, an obscure, 
 unlettered youth of eighteen, will last as long as the story of 
 the war itself survives. 
 
 It has not been easy to ascertain the exact truth respect- 
 ing a transaction always suppressed or slurred over by Jack- 
 son's eulogists, and always distorted and misrepresented by 
 his enemies. This affair, C reader, has been made to do 
 severe duty in presidential campaigns. Like an old soldier 
 returning after long service, it comes to us so scarred, maimed, 
 tattered and patched, that it is difficult in the extreme to 
 tell what manner of story it was before it went to the wars. 
 The same remark will apply to every case in the long list of 
 Jackson's military executions. The truth has to be searched 
 for laboriously among a mass of statements* and counter- 
 statements, affidavits and rejoinders, of which few are worthy 
 of implicit belief ; of which none contain the whole truth ; 
 of which many are flat perjury. 
 
 The following, as far as the unassisted human intellect 
 can discover it, is the simple truth respecting the life and 
 
 * In the year 1828, these executions were chiefly discussed. See political 
 papers of June, July, August and September of that year. Also the proceedings 
 of court martials, of which all, excepting those of the court which tried Woods, 
 can still be read in pamphlets, Congressional documents and other publications. 
 
1814] EXECUTION OF JOHN WOODS. 505 
 
 death of John Woods, private in the twenty-eighth regiment 
 of West Tennessee light infantry. 
 
 At Fayetteville, on the 17th of December, 1813, was mus- 
 tered into service the company, fifty-seven strong, which John 
 Woods afterwards joined. Before they marched, hearing that 
 fierce contentions had arisen between General Jackson and 
 the army respecting the term of service, it seemed good to the 
 captain of this company to adopt a measure which he thought 
 would obviate the very possibility of any misunderstanding 
 on that important point. Six months they would not and 
 could not engage for. Six months' service, to farmers going to 
 war at the end of December, means nothing less than the loss 
 of a whole year's produce ; whereas, a tour of three months, 
 which would expire before the spring work need begin, is 
 only a winter's frolic, or a way of profitably employing the 
 least valuable portion of the agricultural year. General Rob- 
 erts, at whose call this company had assembled, soon found 
 that he must either receive men for three months, or fail to 
 afford his commander that instantaneous succor which he 
 needed. The point was conceded, therefore. The captain, 
 Harris by name, procured from his colonel a paper containing 
 the following words : 
 
 " We, the undersigned, volunteers of the light infantry of 
 the twenty-eighth regiment, do agree to serve a tour of duty 
 of three months against the Creek Indians, if not sooner dis- 
 charged." 
 
 To this was appended the name of every member of the 
 company, written by his own hand. The paper was then 
 taken to General Roberts, who wrote upon it as follows : 
 
 "Received Captain Harris' company, agreeably to the 
 above conditions. Isaac Roberts, B. G." 
 
 General Roberts assured the company, verbally, that Gen- 
 eral Jackson would receive them for the term of three months, 
 and give them an honorable discharge at the end of that 
 period. With alacrity and cheerfulness they marched toward 
 the scene of war, and soon reached the vicinity of Fort 
 Strother. To make assurance doubly sure, General Roberts 
 
506 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 halted his men a few miles from the post, and rode forward 
 to obtain from General Jackson a positive promise to receive 
 them for the shorter term. Jackson, who traced his worst 
 embarrassments to the system of short terms of service, and 
 who had been in a state of exasperation for more than a 
 month, received General Roberts' proposal, probably, not in 
 the most gracious manner. Nor did he approve of his halting 
 his men and coming forward, as he said, to maJce conditions 
 with his General. It is likely that a boisterous scene en- 
 sued. It is likely that some delay occurred before Jackson 
 gave his consent to receive the troops on the terms pro- 
 posed. It is likely that General Koberts, who had done 
 his best — who had, in the space of a few days, raised and 
 led to Fort Strother a body of nearly two hundred men, not 
 ten of whom would have stirred from their firesides on the 
 conditions that Jackson had presented — was wounded and 
 disgusted at his reception. These things are likely, I say ; 
 for, in some way, unknown (because so variously stated) 
 news was conveyed to the halting troops that General Jack- 
 son would not hear of their serving for less than six months ! 
 Instantly, nearly the whole body set out for home, and made 
 such excellent speed that they were twenty miles on their 
 way before General Roberts overtook them. 
 
 What occurred between the General and his small brigade 
 it is not possible to discover with certainty, so conflicting are 
 the narratives. We can only learn that the troops resumed 
 their homeward march, and that General Eoberts returned 
 to Fort Strother to excuse himself and them. Tremendous 
 was the wrath of Jackson when he heard the tale. De- 
 nouncing the men as deserters, he ordered General Roberts to 
 go in pursuit, to arrest them, and bring them back prisoners 
 to head-quarters. In executing this order he was to. employ 
 any troops he could find ; and in case force enough could not 
 be procured for conducting the men in safe custody to Fort 
 Strother, he was to lodge them in the county jails, there to 
 await their trial. But the irate General, prudent even in his 
 fury, authorized. Roberts to proclaim that all the deserters 
 
1814.] EXECUTION OF JOHN WOODS. 507 
 
 who should promptly return to their duty should be pardoned. 
 and received into the service on their own term3. 
 
 Again the company rendezvoused at Fayetteville, when 
 John Woods joined them for the first time. He was not 
 quite eighteen years of age, and, therefore, not yet bound to 
 render military duty. But an elder brother had joined the 
 company, and John, therefore, agreed to serve as the substi- 
 tute of a man who wished to retire. He was accepted and 
 enrolled, and set out with the rest of the company to join 
 Jackson's army. All this is explicitly asserted by the cap- 
 tain of the company and four of the privates, who produce 
 in proof : — First, the roll of the company as first organized, 
 which does not contain the name of the younger Woods ; 
 and, secondly, the roll of the company drawn up upon its 
 second assembling, which does contain it. 
 
 In a few days the company reached Fort Strother and en- 
 tered upon its duty. Nothing extraordinary occurred within 
 its ranks until the morning of the day when the offense was 
 committed for which young Woods was shot. 
 
 It was a cold, rainy morning in February. John Woods 
 was on guard. He was cold, for he had left his blanket in his 
 tent. He was hungry, for it was long past breakfast time, 
 and he had eaten nothing that morning. Obtaining permis- 
 sion from the officer of the guard to leave his post for a few 
 minutes, he went to his tent for the purpose of getting his 
 blanket ; and finding there the breakfast which his comrades 
 had left for him, he sat down and began to eat it. The officer 
 of the day came by while he was thus engaged, who seeing 
 the ground about the tent strewn with bones and other 
 refuse, reproved the occupants sharply, and ordered such of 
 them as were present, including Woods, to remove the offen- 
 sive matter. Woods continued to eat, and the officer again 
 ordered him to pick up the bones, using language calculated 
 to irritate a young man only a month in service. Woods re- 
 plied, and, I infer, not in a respectful tone, that he was on 
 guard, and had obtained permission to leave his post, to which 
 he was about to return. The officer retorted in an angry man- 
 
508 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 ner, ordering him peremptorily to return to his post. Woods 
 refused to obey. The officer repeated his order without effect. 
 A loud altercation arose between them, during which Woods 
 became exceedingly enraged. The officer ordered the bystand- 
 ers to arrest him ; upon which Woods reprimed his gun, and 
 swore he would shoot the first man that should attempt to 
 seize him. The scene lasted long enough for word that a man 
 was mutinying to be conveyed to General Jackson ; who rushed 
 from his tent, shouting, 
 
 " Which is the rascal ? Shoot him ! shoot him ! 
 
 Blow ten balls through the villain's body !" 
 
 By the time Jackson reached the spot, however, some of 
 Woods' comrades had persuaded him to give up his gun and 
 submit to arrest. He was immediately put in irons, taken to 
 the camp of the regiment of regulars, and placed in close 
 confinement. 
 
 Not a man in the army, least of all Woods himself, seems 
 to have thought that any thing very serious would result from 
 this offense. Similar affairs had occurred, and the offender 
 had either been forgiven after a short arrest, or dismissed 
 without pay, or, at worst, drummed in disgrace from the 
 camp. Jackson, however, took a totally different view of the 
 occurrence. He remembered the previous flight of Woods' 
 company, and was not aware, and never learned, that Woods 
 had not then been attached to the company. He was now in 
 command of the largest militia and volunteer force his State 
 had ever raised, and he was upon the point of setting out 
 upon the most hazardous and difficult expedition he had 
 ever planned. He thought the time had come for making an 
 example. The opinion prevailed in the army that no general 
 not in the regular service would dare to inflict the last pen- 
 alty. He thought it due to the service to show that this was 
 an error. Having warred, with various degrees of ill-success, 
 against mutiny for nearly three months, the stock of patience 
 with which nature had endowed him was exhausted. He re- 
 solved, therefore, to let the affair take its own course, and if 
 the man was convicted of mutiny, not to come between the 
 
1814.] EXECUTION OF JOHN WOODS. 509 
 
 sentence of the court martial and its execution. He made no 
 secret of this resolution. "A fellow has mutinied," he said 
 to an officer, " and I expect he will have to be shot." While 
 the court martial was actually in session, he said in the hear- 
 ing of its members, as he walked up and down, 
 
 " Be r cautious, and mind what you are about ; for by the 
 eternal God, the next man that is condemned, I won't par- 
 don ; and this is a hearty, hale young fellow." 
 
 On the 12th of March, in the open forest, between two 
 tents, the prisoner sitting upon a log, the trial took place. 
 Five officers of the same branch of the service to which the 
 prisoner himself belonged, constituted the court. There was 
 a reading of law books and an examining of witnesses for 
 some hours, the prisoner, as I infer, still sullen and defiant, 
 sustained by the conviction that, though he might be con- 
 demned, the sentence of death could not be inflicted. 
 
 The evidence of mutiny was abundant and indisputable. 
 The man was found guilty, and condemned to die. 
 
 Some efforts were made to move the General, but he was 
 inflexible. One friend of Woods, in particular, besought him 
 to let the youth of the prisoner plead for him, and for his 
 aged parents, of whom he was a main stay and support. 
 Jackson replied that he was sorry for his aged parents, but 
 the death of the mutineer was just and necessary, and die he 
 must. The news was borne to Woods, who appears to have 
 been undismayed to the last, and he wrote a letter of farewell 
 to his parents in rhyme. 
 
 Two days after the trial (March 14th), the whole army 
 was drawn up to witness the execution, when the following 
 general order was read : — 
 
 " John Woods : — You have been tried by a court martial on the charges 
 of disobedience of orders, disrespect to your commanding officer, and mu- 
 tiny, and have been found guilty of all of them. The court which has 
 found you guilty of these charges, has sentenced you to suffer death by 
 shooting, and this sentence the commanding general has thought proper, 
 and even felt himself bound, to approve, and to order it to be executed. 
 
 " The offenses of which you have been found guilty are such as can not 
 VOL. I. — 33 
 
510 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 be permitted to pass unpunished in an army, but at the hazard of its ruin. 
 This is the second time you have violated the duties of a soldier — the second 
 time you have been guilty of offenses the punishment of which is death. 
 
 " When you had been regularly mustered into the service of your 
 country, and were marched to head-quarters under the immediate com- 
 mand of Brigadier General Roberts, you were one of those who, in viola- 
 tion of your engagement — of all principles of honor, and of the, order of 
 your commanding general, rose in mutiny and deserted. You were ar- 
 rested and brought back ; and, notwithstanding the little claim you had to 
 mercy, your general, unwilling to inflict the severity of the law, and influ- 
 enced by the hope that you would atone by your future good conduct for 
 your past error, thought proper to grant you all a pardon. This ought to 
 have produced a salutary impression on a mind not totally dead to every 
 honorable sentiment, and not perversely and obstinately bent on spreading 
 disorder and confusion in the army. It, unfortunately, produced no such 
 impression on yours. But a few weeks after you had been brought back, 
 you have been found guilty of offenses not less criminal than those for 
 which you had so recently been pardoned, and which, if the law had been 
 rigidly enforced, would have subjected you to death. This evinces but too 
 manifestly, an incorrigible disposition of heart, a rebellious, an obstinate 
 temper of mind, which, as it can not be rectified, ought not to be permitted 
 to diffuse its influence among others. 
 
 " An army can not exist where order and subordination are wholly dis- 
 regarded. It can not exist with much oredit to itself, or service to the 
 country which employs it, but where they are observed with the most 
 punctilious exactness. The disobedience of orders and contempt of officers 
 speedily lead to a state of disorganization and ruin ; and mutiny, which in- 
 cludes the others, aims still more immediately at the dissolution of an army. 
 Of all these offenses you have been twice guilty, and have once been par- 
 doned. Your general must forget what he owes to the service he is 
 engaged in, and to the country which employs him, if, by pardoning you 
 again, he should furnish an example to sanction measures which would 
 bring ruin upon the army he commands. This is an important crisis, in 
 which, if we all act as becomes us, every thing is to be hoped for towards 
 the accomplishment of the object of our government ; if otherwise, every 
 thing is to be feared. How it becomes us to act we all know, and what 
 our punishment shall be, if we act otherwise, must be known also. The, 
 law which points out the one, prescribes the other. Between that law and 
 its offender the commanding general ought not to be expected to interpose, 
 and will not where there are no circumstances of alleviation. There ap- 
 pears to be none such in your case ; and however as a man he may deplore 
 your unhappy situation, he can not, as an officer, without infringing hia 
 duty, arrest the sentence of the court martial" 
 
 
1814.] EXECUTION OF JOHN WOODS. 511 
 
 The sentence was then executed, and the army dismissed 
 to quarters. 
 
 The reader observes in the general order, that Jackson 
 asserts repeatedly that Woods had been guilty of the previous 
 flight. How such an error could have gone uncorrected at 
 the trial, I can not imagine, unless all testimony relative to 
 that affair was ruled out as irrelevant — as it might properly 
 have been. Captain Harris, the commander of the fugitive 
 company, and four of its privates, in language as positive as 
 they could employ, declare that Woods was not in the service 
 until the company assembled for the second time. The writer 
 of the general order, not suspecting this, introduced the 
 flight and pardon of the company, as I conjecture, merely to 
 strengthen the case against the prisoner and lessen any odium 
 that might arise from his summary execution. Jackson's 
 secretaries were often sorely embarrassed to find plausible 
 reasons for the conduct of their chief. Fearing for him 
 more than he feared for himself, they shrunk from clothing 
 his resolves in words, and would go out of their way to find 
 reasons for a course which, they thought, it would not do to 
 state with blunt simplicity. According to the laws of war of 
 every nation, John Woods was justly condemned to death for 
 his conduct on the morning when he was on guard at Fort 
 Strother. The alleged previous offense had no connection 
 with that, and need not have been referred to. 
 
 No one can read the history of this affair without feel- 
 ing that, considering all the circumstances, this boy might 
 have been spared. Certainly, no militia general that ever 
 served the United States would have sanctioned the execu- 
 tion, except General Jackson. It is equally certain that 
 no militia general that was then in service, except General 
 Jackson, could, in the face of such difficulties as those which 
 he encountered and mastered, have saved the campaign, pro- 
 tected the frontiers, subdued the Creeks, and gained every 
 object proposed to be gained by the war. Every character 
 must be taken with the exceptions that belong to it. Where 
 we admire much, we have to forgive much. While every one 
 
512 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814, 
 
 will wish that John Woods had not been shot, few have had 
 the experience which alone would justify them in declaring 
 that he ought not to have been. 
 
 The effect of the execution upon the army is said to have 
 been salutary. A promptness of obedience and a regularity 
 of discipline, before unknown among western militia, are de- 
 clared to have marked the conduct of the troops during the 
 remainder, the brief and brilliant remainder, of the campaign. 
 If there was any murmuring in the army at the severity of 
 the sentence, it was directed against the court martial, not 
 the General. Events soon succeeded which placed him in a 
 commanding light before the whole nation, and drowned in a 
 torrent of applause all disagreeable recollections connected 
 with the war. 
 
 CHAPTER XLVIII. 
 
 THE FINISHING BLOW. 
 
 The attention of the reader is now to be directed to a 
 remarkable " bend" of the river Tallapoosa, about fifty-five 
 miles from Fort Strother, the scene, for so many weeks, of 
 General Jackson's strenuous endeavors. 
 
 The word river, it may be premised, calls up in the mind 
 of an inhabitant of the Atlantic States different ideas and 
 pictures from those which it suggests to one who knows only 
 the rivers of the West. The great eastern rivers show their 
 kinship to the ocean by a certain living freshness of aspect, 
 which we miss in our western travels. Our rivers are always 
 full — brimming full ; seeming, in some conditions of the 
 atmosphere, even to lift their broad bosoms, swelling up to 
 meet the dalliance of the breeze. They are clean rivers ; the 
 banks green to the water's edge ; the water of a crisp and. 
 
1814.] THE FINISHING BLOW. 513 
 
 sea-like quality. The foam in the steamboat's wake is whiter, 
 noisier, more abundant, more lasting than that which covers 
 the path of a boat on a river of the West. The Atlantic 
 rivers turn neither abruptly nor often ; but, in long reaches, 
 from ten to fifty miles without any considerable deviation, 
 flow on in a deep, full, tranquil, widening stream, till they 
 exchange waters with the ocean. 
 
 A western river has beauties of its own ; but it is a dead 
 thing compared with the Hudson or the Delaware. The life 
 and sparkle of salt are wanting to it. In the season of rain 
 and snow-melting it is a mad and dangerous torrent, yellow 
 with soil, and covered with the spoils of the invaded shores. 
 When the flood subsides, the river assumes that torpid as- 
 pect to which we have referred. A dreary interval of yellow, 
 steep, barren bank lies between the stream and the line of 
 vegetation, almost destroying to an eastern eye the beauty 
 of the scene. The river seems to mar the prospect, instead 
 of enlivening it. 
 
 The " bends" of the western rivers are, however, the pe- 
 culiarity which distinguishes them most, and with which our 
 narrative concerns itself here and elsewhere. Always rising 
 or falling, the western streams are also always bending. The 
 Ohio, for example, is nearly a thousand miles long, but bears 
 the traveler little more than half that distance upon his way. 
 Those rivers coil themselves into curious loops, forming pe- 
 ninsulas of great extent, the isthmuses of which may not be 
 more than a rifle-shot across. Thus it is, that one of these 
 streams will drain and water an extent of country prodig- 
 iously disproportionate to its volume of waters ; as though 
 nature, that seems to be lavish, but is strictly economical, 
 meant that every river should do all it could for its coun- 
 try before giving it honorable discharge into a mightier 
 stream. Upon these bends the old forts were built, around 
 which gathered the log villages, which grew into those cities 
 of the West which are among the wonders of the modern 
 world. 
 
 The Tallapoosa and the Coosa are the rivers which unite 
 
514 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 in the southern part of Alabama, and form the Alabama 
 river. The bend of which we speak is about midway be- 
 tween the source and the mouth of the Tallapoosa. It occurs 
 where the stream is not fordable during the spring rains, but 
 is not wide enough to present a very serious obstacle to an 
 Indian swimmer. From the shape of this peninsula the In- 
 dians , called it Tohopeka, which means Horseshoe. It con- 
 tains a hundred acres of land, since a cotton field. The neck, 
 or isthmus, is about three hundred and fifty yards across. 
 The ground rises somewhat from the edge of the water. It 
 was a wild, rough piece of ground, abounding in places which 
 would afford covert to an Indian warrior. At the time of 
 which we write, the surrounding country, for a hundred 
 miles or more, was a nearly unbroken wilderness of forest, 
 swamp, and cane, marked only by the trail of wild beasts and 
 the " trace" of wild men. As well from its situation as its 
 form, this place was entitled to be styled the heart of the In- 
 dian country. 
 
 Here it was that the evil genius of the Creeks prompted 
 them to assemble the warriors of all the tribes residing in 
 that vicinity, to make a stand against the great army with 
 which, their runners told them, General Jackson was prepar- 
 ing to overrun the Indian country. The long delays at Fort 
 Strother had given them time to prepare for his reception, 
 and they had well improved that time. As the Indian is not 
 a fortifying creature, it seems improbable that Indians alone 
 were concerned in putting this peninsula into the state of de- 
 fense in which Jackson found it on the 27th of March, 1814. 
 Across the neck of the peninsula they had built (of logs) a 
 breastwork of immense strength, pierced with two rows oil 
 port-holes. The line of defense was so drawn that an ap- 
 proaching enemy would be exposed both to a direct and a 
 raking fire. Behind the breastwork was a mass of logs and! 
 brushwood, such as Indians delight to fight from. At the] 
 bottom of the peninsula, near the river, was a village of huts.| 
 The banks of the river were fringed with the canoes of the| 
 savage garrison, so that they possessed the means of retreat J 
 
1814.] THE FINISHING BLOW. 515 
 
 as well as of defense. The greater part of the peninsula was 
 still covered with the primeval forest. Within this extensive 
 fortification were assembled about nine hundred warriors of 
 various Creek tribes and about three hundred women and 
 children. 
 
 The Indian force was small to defend so extensive a line 
 of fortification. But a variety of circumstances conspired to 
 give the savage garrison confidence ; such as, the impregnable 
 strength of the breastwork, its peculiar construction, the fa- 
 cilities afforded in the interior of the bend for the Indian 
 mode of fighting, the partial successes gained by the Indians 
 at Emuckfaw and Enotochopco — of which they continually 
 boasted, averring that they had made " Captain Jackson" 
 run — and, above all, the positive and reiterated predictions ot 
 their prophets. Three of the most famous of the prophets 
 were there, performing their incantations day and night, and 
 keeping alive that religious fury which had played so great a 
 part in previous battles. And besides, in case the breastwork 
 were carried, and the bend overrun, how easy to rush to the 
 canoes and paddle across the river, laughing at their baffled 
 assailants as they vanished into the woods on the opposite 
 shore ! So thought the Creeks. 
 
 Jackson was eleven days in marching his army the fifty- 
 five miles of untrodden wilderness that lay between Fort 
 Strother and the Horseshoe bend of the Tallapoosa. Koads 
 had to be cut, the Coosa explored, boats waited for and res- 
 cued from the shoals, high ridges crossed, Fort Williams 
 built and garrisoned to keep open the line of communication, 
 and numerous other difficulties overcome, before he could 
 penetrate to the vicinity of the bend. It was early in the 
 morning of March the 27th that — with an army diminished 
 by garrisoning the posts to two thousand men — he reached 
 the scene and prepared to commence operations. 
 
 Perceiving, at one glance, that the Indians had simply 
 penned themselves up for slaughter, his first measure was to 
 send General Coffee, with all the mounted men and friendly 
 Indians, to cross the river two miles below, where it was ford- 
 
516 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 able, to take a position on the bank opposite the line of ca- 
 noes, and so cut off the retreat. This was promptly executed 
 by the ever-reliable Coffee, who soon announced by a con- 
 certed signal that he had reached the station assigned him. 
 Jackson then planted his two pieces of cannon — one a three 
 the other a six-pounder — upon an eminence eighty yards from 
 the nearest point of the breastwork, whence, at half past ten 
 in the morning, he opened fire upon it. His sharp-shooters, 
 also, were drawn up near enough to get an occasional shot at 
 an Indian within the bend. 
 
 A steady fire of cannon and rifles was kept up in front for 
 two hours, without producing any hopeful beginning of a 
 breach in the breastwork. The little cannon balls buried 
 themselves in the logs, or in the earth between them, with- 
 out doing decisive harm. The Indians whooped in derision 
 as they struck and disappeared. 
 
 Meanwhile, General Coffee, not content to remain inac- 
 tive, hit upon a line of conduct that proved eminently effect- 
 ive. He sent some of the best swimmers among his force of 
 friendly Indians across the river, to cut loose and bring away 
 the canoes of the beleaguered Creeks. That done, he used 
 the canoes for sending over a party of men under Colonel 
 Morgan, with orders, first, to set fire to the cluster of huts at 
 the bottom of the bend, and then to rush forward and attack 
 the Indians behind the breastwork. 
 
 This was gallantly done. The force under Jackson soon 
 perceived, from the smoke of the burning huts, and from the 
 rattling fire behind the breastwork, that General Coffee was 
 up and doing. Soon, however, that fire was observed to 
 slacken, and it became apparent that Morgan's force was too 
 small to do more than distract and divide the attention of the 
 assailed. This, however, alone, was an immense advantage. 
 Jackson's men saw it, and clamored for the order to assault 
 The General hesitated many minutes before giving an ordei 
 that would inevitably send so many of his brave fellows to 
 their account, and the issue of which was doubtful. The 
 order came at length, and was received with a general shout. 
 
1814.] THE FINISHING BLOW. 517 
 
 The thirty-ninth regiment, under Colonel Williams, the 
 brigade of East Tennesseans under Colonel Bunch, marched 
 rapidly up to the breastwork and delivered a volley through 
 the port-holes. The Indians returned the fire with effect, 
 and, muzzle to muzzle, the combatants for a short time con- 
 tended.* Major L. P. Montgomery, of the thirty- ninth, was 
 the first man to spring upon the breastwork, where, calling 
 upon his men to follow, he received a ball in his head and fell 
 dead to the ground. At that critical moment, young Ensign 
 Houston mounted the breastwork. A barbed arrow pierced 
 his thigh ; but, nothing dismayed, this gallant youth, calling 
 his comrades to follow, leaped down among the Indians, and 
 soon cleared a space around him with his vigorous right arm. 
 Joined in a moment by parties of his own regiment, and by large 
 numbers of the East Tennesseeans, the breastwork was soon 
 cleared, the Indians retiring before them into the underbrush. 
 
 * In a private letter to one of his officers, (April 1, 1814,) General Jackson 
 thus narrates the opening of the attack on the Horseshoe: — "I reached Toho- 
 peka half after ten, a. m., and was hailed with a challenge to the combat from 
 the strong walls. The cannon, under the direction of Captain Bradford, chief en- 
 gineer, was directed to open a brisk fire upon their wall, at a distance of about 
 two hundred yards on our left, and one hundred yards on our right. At this 
 moment, I was advised General Coffee was at his post. The order was imme- 
 diately put into execution ; and, notwithstanding every shot penetrated the for* 
 tress, and carried with it death arid destruction; still, such was the strength of 
 the wall, that it never shook. After firing about seventy rounds at it, and find- 
 ing tho Cherokees, Captain Russell's spies, and a number of General Coffee's 
 brigade, had effected a landing, and had attacked the enemy on the rear — find- 
 ing that the Creeks beat them back, and that our friends were suffering, I deter- 
 mined to storm their works. At half after twelve o'clock the order was given, 
 the long roll beat, and the works carried. Never was more bravery displayed. 
 Every officer done his duty. The thirty-ninth regiment, led on by the gallant 
 Colonel Williams and Major Montgomery, in the center ; the right by the gal- 
 lant Colonel Bunch; the advanced guard, who had been formed on the right of 
 the artillery, by the brave Colonel Sitler; the left by Captain Gordon, of the 
 spies, and Captain Murry, of General Johnson's brigade, all distinguished them- 
 selves. Captain Camp, acting deputy quarter-master, and Colonel Carroll, in- 
 spector general, went with the foremost, and James Lewis, of the artillery, 
 although wounded, was amongst the foremost. In fact, it was difficult to detain 
 the artillerymen at their posts, although ten had been previously wounded. The 
 carnage was dreadful." — Nashville Whig of April 21th, 1814. 
 
518 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 The wounded ensign sat down within the fortification, 
 and called a lieutenant of his company to draw the arrow 
 from his thigh. Two vigorous pulls at the barbed weapon 
 failed to extract it. In a fury of pain and impatience, Houston 
 cried, " Try again, and if you fail this time, I will smite you 
 to the earth." Exerting all his strength, the lieutenant drew 
 forth the arrow, tearing the flesh fearfully, and causing an 
 effusion of blood that compelled the wounded man to hurr\ 
 over the breastwork to get the wound bandaged. While he 
 was lying on the ground under the surgeon's hands, the Gen- 
 eral rode up, and recognizing his young acquaintance, ordered 
 him not to cross the breastwork again. Houston begged him 
 to recall the order, but the General repeated it peremptorily 
 and rode on. In a few minutes, the ensign had disobeyed 
 the command, and was once more with his company, in the 
 thick of that long hand-to-hand engagement which consumed 
 the hours of the afternoon. 
 
 Not an Indian asked for quarter, nor would accept it 
 when offered. From behind trees and logs ; from clefts in 
 the river's banks ; from among the burning huts ; from 
 chance log-piles ; from temporary fortifications ; the desper- 
 ate red men fired upon the troops. A large number plunged 
 into the river and attempted to escape by swimming ; but 
 from Coffee's men on one bank, and Jackson's on the other, 
 a hailstorm of bullets flew over the stream, and the painted 
 heads dipped beneath its blood-stained ripples. The battle 
 became, at length, a slow, laborious slaughter. From all 
 parts of the peninsula resounded the yells of the savages, the 
 shouts of the assailants, and the reports of the fire-arms ; 
 while the gleam of the uplifted tomahawk was seen among 
 the branches. 
 
 Toward the close of the afternoon it was observed that a 
 considerable number of the Indians had found a refuge under 
 the bluffs of the river, where a part of the breastwork, the 
 formation of the ground, and the felled trees, gave them com- 
 plete protection. Desirous to end this horrible carnage, Jack- 
 son sent a friendly Indian to announce to them that their lives 
 
1814] THE FINISHING BLOW. 519 
 
 should be spared if they would surrender. They were silent 
 for a moment, as if in consultation, and then answered the 
 summons by a volley, which sent the interpreter bleeding 
 from the scene. The cannon were now brought up, and 
 played upon the spot without effect. Jackson then called 
 for volunteers to charge ; but the Indians were so well posted, 
 that, for a minute, no one responded to the call. Ensign 
 Houston again emerges into view on this occasion. Ordering 
 his platoon to follow, but not waiting to see if they would 
 follow, he rushed to the overhanging bank, which sheltered 
 the foe, and through openings of which they were firing. 
 Over this mine of desperate savages he paused, and looked 
 back for his men. At that moment he received two balls in 
 his right shoulder ; his arm fell powerless to his side ; he 
 staggered out of the fire ; and lay down totally disabled. His 
 share in that day's work was done. 
 
 Several valuable lives were afterwards lost in vain endeav- 
 ors to dislodge the enemy from their well-chosen covert. As 
 the sun was going down, fire was set to the logs and under- 
 brush, which overspread and surrounded this last refuge of 
 the Creeks. The place soon grew too hot to hold them. 
 Singly, and by twos and threes, they ran from the ravine, 
 and fell as they ran, before the fire of a hundred riflemen on 
 the watch for the starting of the game. 
 
 The carnage lasted as long as there was light enough to 
 see a skulking or a flying enemy. It was impossible to spare. 
 The Indians fought after they were wounded, and gave 
 wounds to men who sought to save their lives ; for they 
 thought that if spared they would be spared only for a more 
 painful death. Night fell at last, and recalled the troops 
 from their bloody work to gather wounded comrades, and 
 minister to their necessities. It was a night of horror. Along 
 the banks of the river, all around the bend, Indians, the 
 wounded and the unhurt, were crouching in the clefts, under 
 the brushwood, and, in some instances, under the heaps of 
 slain, watching for an opportunity to escape. Many did 
 escape, and some lay until the morning, fearing to attempt it. 
 
520 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 One noted chief, covered with wounds, took to the water in 
 the evening, and lay beneath the surface, drawing his breath 
 through a hollow cane, until it was dark enough to swim 
 across. He escaped, and lived to tell his story and show his 
 scars, many years after, to the historian of Alabama, from 
 whom we have derived the incident. In the morning, parties 
 of the troops again scoured the peninsula, and ferreted from 
 their hiding-places sixteen more warriors, who, refusing still 
 to surrender, were added to the number of the slain. 
 
 , Wellington used to say, in conversing upon Waterloo, 
 that there was only one thing more terrible than a great de- 
 feat, and that was a great victory. Jackson's soldiers, on 
 this occasion, were too much fatigued, or too busy, to indulge 
 the sentiment of the situation, else a strange blending of joy 
 and horror must have possessed their minds in the presence of 
 so much death and misery. Upon counting the dead, five 
 hundred and fifty-seven was found to be the number of the 
 fallen enemy within the peninsula. Two hundred more, it 
 was computed, had found a grave at the bottom of the river. 
 Many more died in the woods attempting to escape. Jack- 
 son's loss was fifty-five killed and one hundred and forty-six 
 wounded ; of whom more than half were friendly Indians. 
 The three prophets of the Creeks, fantastically dressed and 
 decorated, were found among the dead. One of them, while 
 engaged in his incantations, had received a grape shot in his 
 mouth, which killed him instantly. These men had fully 
 confirmed their followers in the belief that no mercy would 
 be shown to those who should surrender. A young warrior 
 who was brought in badly wounded to the surgeons, said, 
 as they were dressing his wounds, " Cure him, kill him 
 again." The General, who was standing by, assured him 
 that he had no such intention. He recovered, and was after- 
 wards taken home by Jackson to Tennessee, where he learned 
 a trade, married a colored woman, and established himself in 
 business. 
 
 The fortunes of another of the wounded men of this battle 
 will interest the reader, and assist him to realize what is meant 
 
1814.] THE FINISHING BLOW. 521 
 
 when, in the report of a battle, it is stated that so many hun- 
 dreds or so many thousands were " wounded badly." We 
 left Ensign Houston prostrate within the bend, with two 
 balls in his shoulder and a ghastly wound in his thigh. His 
 anonymous biographer, who derived the facts from General 
 Houston himself, continues the story : — 
 
 " He was taken from the field of the dead and wounded, and committed 
 to the hands of the surgeon. One ball was extracted, but no attempt was 
 made to extract the other, for the surgeon said it was unnecessary to tor- 
 ture him, since he could not survive till the next morning. He spent the 
 night as soldiers do, who war in the wilderness, and carry provisions in 
 their knapsacks for a week's march. Comforts were out of the question 
 for any ; but Houston received less attention than the others, for every- 
 body looked on him as a dying man, and what could be done for any, they 
 felt should be done for those who were likely to live. It was the darkest 
 night of his life, and it closed in upon the most brilliant day he had yet 
 seen. We can fancy to ourselves what must have been the feelings of the 
 young soldier, as he lay on the damp earth, through the hours of that 
 dreary night, racked with the keen torture of his many wounds, and de- 
 serted in what he supposed to be his dying hour. 
 
 " On the following day, Houston was started on a litter, with the other 
 wounded, for Fort Williams, some sixty or seventy miles distant. Here he 
 remained, suspended between life and death, for a long time, neglected and 
 exposed, the other regular officers of the regiment having all been removed 
 to Fort Jackson, or the Hickory Ground. He was taken care of a part of 
 the time by General Johnson, father of the Postmaster General of that 
 name, and by Colonel Cheatham, and by them at last brought back to the 
 Ten Islands, and from thence by General Dougherty, who commanded the 
 brigade from East Tennessee, through the Cherokee nation, to his mother's 
 house in Blount county, where he arrived in the latter part of May, nearly 
 two months after the battle of the Horseshoe. 
 
 " This long journey was made in a litter, borne by horses, while he was 
 not only helpless, but suffering the extremest agony. His diet was of the 
 coarsest description, and most of the time he was not only deprived of 
 medical aid, but even of those simple remedies which would, at least, have 
 alleviated his sufferings. His toilsome way was through the forests, where 
 he was obliged to camp out, and often without shelter. No one around 
 him had any expectation he would ever recover. At last, when he reached 
 the house of his mother, he was so worn to a skeleton, that she declared 
 she never would have known him to be her son but for his eyes, which 
 still retained some thine: of their wonted expression." 
 
522 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 Those who had the opportunity of observing the erect and 
 towering form of Senator Houston, the commanding Indian 
 grace of his attitudes and gestures, when, on his last public 
 visit to the North, he appeared before us at Niblo's Garden as 
 the champion and defender of the Indians, could not have 
 supposed that he had ever been in such forlorn and desperate 
 case as this. If we had known it, it would have added force 
 to the Senator's bold and repeated assertion, that in our 
 Indian difficulties, from the beginning, the Indian has never 
 been the aggressor, but always the party injured ! It was a 
 noble thing of a man to say who bore such scars under his 
 broadcloth.* 
 
 * There are those who will read with interest General Coffee's brief, hurried 
 account of this celebrated battle, written at Fort Williams on the 1st of April, 
 to Captain Donelson : — 
 
 " We found the enemy enforted in the bend of the river, with a very strong 
 breastwork. Before we reached them, six miles, I was detached with seven 
 hundred mounted men, and six hundred friendly Indians to cross the river three 
 miles below, and take possession of the opposite side of the river, to prevent the 
 enemy from crossing, and escaping our army when attacked. All our plans 
 were executed to great advantage indeed. Just as I had formed my men in 
 line, about a quarter of a mile from the river, the cannon of our army in front 
 commenced firing ; and before one Indian crossed the river we had possession 
 of the bank. The greater part of the enemy fought with savage fury, while 
 others of them ran in all directions, throwing themselves into the river, and 
 attempting to swim over; but not one escaped in that way. 
 
 " The battle commenced at half after ten in the morning and continued until 
 night. Our cannon played on their breastwork near two hours, together with 
 a great discharge of small arms, when our men charged their walls by storm, 
 which was done with great vigor and success. Before we stormed their works, 
 the friendly Indians had got in the rear of the enemy, which prevented them 
 from flying back to their buildings. They stood the charge to admiration, and 
 it was not unusual for the muzzles of the guns of both parties to meet in the 
 port-holes, and both fire at the same time. But the enemy was obliged to fly 
 to the river ; when all the remaining part, that had not been killed before, were 
 sL ;: ir. the water, except a few that hid under the banks of the river, whom our 
 men continued to find and kill until it beoame too dark to see. Perhaps fifteen 
 or twenty swam out that night, which is all that escaped. The slaughter was 
 greater than all we had done before. We killed not less than eight hundred 
 and fifty or nine hundred of them, and took about five hundred squaws and 
 children prisoners. The Hickory G-round is the next object ; but how soon, we 
 
1814.] THE FINISHING BLOW. 523 
 
 One would have expected General Jackson to pause in his 
 operations after such an affair as that of the Horseshoe. 
 Nothing was further from his thoughts. " In war," his 
 maxim was, " till every thing is done, nothing is done." On 
 the morning after the battle he began at once to prepare for a 
 retrograde movement as far as Fort Williams, the fort which 
 he had built on his march from Fort Strother. He had 
 brought with him into the heart of the wilderness but seven 
 days' provisions. Before pushing his conquests further, it 
 was necessary both to procure supplies and place his long 
 train of wounded in a place of safety and comfort. He was 
 up betimes, therefore, and passed a busy morning. His dead 
 were sunk in the river to prevent their being scalped by the 
 returning savages. Litters were prepared for the wounded. 
 A brief, imperfect account of the battle was dispatched to 
 General Pinckney. Before the sun was many hours on his 
 course, all things were in readiness, and the army set out on 
 its return. 
 
 Five days' march brought them to Fort Williams. There 
 the wounded were cared for, the friendly Indians dismissed, 
 and the troops publicly thanked, praised and congratulated. 
 The address which the General caused to be read on this oc- 
 casion to his victorious troops was very characteristic of the 
 man. If any of his soldiers, as probably was the case, had an- 
 ticipated a speedy and joyful return home after their victory, 
 it effectually put to flight such anticipations. 
 
 " You have entitled yourselves," it began, " to the grati- 
 tude of your country and your general. The expedition, from 
 which you have just returned, has, by your good conduct, been 
 rendered prosperous beyond any example in the history of our 
 warfare : it has redeemed the character of your State, and 
 of that description of troops of which the greater part of 
 you are. 
 
 " You have, within a few days, opened your way to the 
 
 cai not tell. Our horses are worn down, and I fear will all die. I will only 
 add that things are quite different here to what they were in our former army. 
 All is now content — no murmuring to be heard." 
 
524 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 Tallapoosa, and destroyed a confederacy of the enemy, fero- 
 cious by nature, and who had grown insolent from impunity 
 Kelying on their numbers, the security of their situation, and 
 the assurances of their prophets, they derided our approach, 
 and already exulted in anticipation of the victory they ex- 
 pected to obtain. But they were ignorant of the influence 
 and effect of government on the human powers, nor knew 
 what brave men, and civilized, could effect. By their yells, 
 they hoped to frighten us, and with their wooden fortifica- 
 tions to oppose us. Stupid mortals ! their yells but desig- 
 nated their situation the more certainly ; while their walls 
 became a snare for their own destruction. So will it ever be, 
 when presumption and ignorance contend against bravery and 
 prudence. 
 
 " The fiends of the Tallapoosa will no longer murder our 
 women and children, or disturb the quiet of our borders. 
 Their midnight flambeaux will no more illumine their coun- 
 cil house, or shine upon the victim of their infernal orgies. 
 In their places, a new generation will arise, who will know 
 their duty better. The weapons of warfare will be exchanged 
 for the utensils of husbandry ; and the wilderness, which 
 now withers in sterility, and mourns the desolation which 
 overspreads her, will blossom as the rose, and become the 
 nursery of the arts. But before this happy day can arrive, 
 other chastisements remain to be inflicted. It is indeed la- 
 mentable that the path to peace should lead through blood 
 and over the bodies of the slain : but it is a dispensation of 
 Providence, and perhaps a wise one to inflict partial evils that 
 ultimate good may be produced. 
 
 " Our enemies are not sufficiently humbled, — they do not 
 sue for peace. A collection of them await our approach, and 
 remain to be dispersed. Buried in ignorance, and seduced by 
 the false pretenses of their prophets, they have the weakness 
 to believe they will still be able to make a decided stand 
 against us. They must be undeceived, and made to atone 
 their obstinacy and their crimes, by still further suffering 
 Those hopes which have so long deluded them must be 
 
1814.] THE FINISHING BLOW. 525 
 
 driven from their last refuge. They must be made to 
 know that their prophets are impostors, and that . our 
 strength is mighty and will prevail. Then, and not till 
 then, may we expect to make with them a peace that shall 
 be permanent." 
 
 The criticism upon Providence, implied in the word 
 "perhaps" at the end of the third paragraph of the above, 
 is amusing. That slip of a hurried pen has been quoted to 
 exhibit General Jackson in the light of a man sitting in judg- 
 ment upon his Creator, " arraigning Omnipotence himself," 
 as a stump orator remarked in 1828. 
 
 The address was soon followed by the action it indicated. 
 Provisions were not too abundant there in the wilderness, and 
 supplies were brought in with incredible difficulty and toil. 
 Jackson's first object was to form a junction with the south- 
 ern army at the confluence of the Coosa and Tallapoosa, 
 the Holy Ground of the Creeks, which their prophets told 
 them no white man could tread and live. He had been 
 assured by General Pinckney that as soon as the junction of 
 the two armies was effected all difficulty with regard to pro- 
 visions would be at an end, as superabundant supplies had 
 been provided by the general government. Moreover, it was 
 on this Holy Ground that the only body of Creeks that still 
 maintained a hostile attitude were assembled. 
 
 For five days the troops rested from their labors at Fort 
 William. Then they set out on their march through the 
 pathless wilderness, leaving behind wagons and baggage, each 
 man carrying eight days' provisions upon his back. Floods of 
 rain converting swamps into lakes, rivulets into rivers, creeks 
 into torrents, retarded their progress, and gave the Indians 
 time to disperse. The latter days of April, however, found 
 the troops on the Holy Ground, where a junction wifch part 
 of the southern army was effected. 
 
 But the war was over The power of the Creeks was 
 
 broken ; half their warriors were dead, the rest were scattered, 
 
 and subdued in spirit. Fort Mims was indeed avenged. 
 
 Jackson's amazing celerity of movement, and particularly his 
 
 vol. i. — 34 
 
526 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 last daring plunge into the wilderness, and his triumph over 
 obstacles that would have deterred even an Indian force, 
 quite baffled and confounded the unhappy Creeks. Against 
 such a man they felt it vain to contend. The General had 
 no sooner reached the Holy Ground and procured for his 
 tired and hungry men the supplies they needed, than the 
 chiefs began to come into his camp and supplicate for peace. 
 His reply to them was brief and stern. They must give 
 proof, he said, of their submission, by returning to the north 
 of nis advanced post — Fort Williams. There they would 
 be treated with, and the demands of the government made 
 known to them. But first they must bring in Weather sford, 
 who had led the attack on Fort Mims, and who could on no 
 conditions be forgiven the part he had taken in that fearful 
 massacre. It was not then known that that heroic chief had 
 risked his own life in attempting to save the women and chil- 
 dren at Fort Mims. The whole army felt their revenge in- 
 complete while he lived. 
 
 In a few days fourteen of the leading chiefs had given in their 
 submission, and taken up their sorrowful march toward the 
 designated place. Those of the fallen tribe who despaired of 
 making terms, and those whose spirit was not yet completely 
 crushed, fled into Florida, and there sowed the seed of future 
 wars, the end of which has been reached while these pages 
 are still under the writer's hands. (Billy Bowlegs, the 
 Florida chief, and his disorderly crew of savages, passed 
 through New Orleans, on their way to the West, while I 
 was writing these chapters of the Creek war, in the summer 
 of 1858.) 
 
 It was not only the power of the Creeks that was broken 
 at the Horseshoe Bend, on the 27th of March, 1814, but the 
 power of the red man in North America. We have had since 
 that day, and shall have for many years to come, occasional 
 encounters with Indians. But never since has there been in 
 arms against the white man any force of Indians large enough 
 to excite any thing like general or serious apprehension, or to 
 task the power and resources of the United States, or of any 
 
1814] SURRENDER OF WEATHERSFORD. 527 
 
 single State, and there never will be. At Tohopeka the 
 scepter was finally snatched from the red man's hands ; at 
 Tohopeka the long struggle for the possession of the western 
 world was ended, and a continent changed owners. Te- 
 cumseh and Weathersford were the last Indian chiefs who 
 looked upon white men with sincere scorn, and really felt 
 themselves to be sovereigns of a sovereign race. 
 
 CHAPTER XLIX. 
 
 THE SURRENDER OF WEATHERSFORD. 
 
 Weathersford spared his brother chiefs the hazard of 
 attempting his capture. His well-known surrender was the 
 most striking incident of the war of 1812. Indeed, I know 
 not where, in ancient legend or modern history, in epic poem 
 or tragic drama, to find a scene more worthy to be called sub- 
 lime than that which now occurred between this great chief and 
 the conqueror of his tribe. And, though it reads more like a 
 scene in one of our Indian plays than the record of a fact, it 
 has the advantage of being perfectly well attested. There 
 are gentlemen still living in Alabama, who, as neighbors 
 and friends of Weathersford had learned to confide in his 
 word, who heard the story from his own lips ; and there ar*> 
 many in Tennessee and elsewhere who heard it told by Gen- 
 eral Jackson and by members of his military family. By 
 uniting what is recollected of Weathersford' s statements* with 
 the particulars narrated by Jackson, we are now enabled to 
 obtain a complete view of this remarkable transaction. 
 
 Weathersford's father was one of the class called, in the 
 olden time, Indian-country men, that is, white inhabitants 
 of the Indian country. He was a roving trader among the 
 
 * In Pickett's History of Alabama. 
 
528 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 Creeks ; married an Indian woman of the fierce Seminole 
 tribe ; accumulated property ; possessed, at length, a planta- 
 tion and negroes ; became noted as a breeder of fine horses, 
 and won prizes on the Alabama turf. His son William in- 
 herited his father's property, his father's love of horses, his 
 father's thrift and strength of character ; but he drew from 
 his Seminole mother something of the fierceness and taciturn 
 grandeur of demeanor which belonged to the chiefs of her 
 warlike tribe. He identified himself at all times with the 
 Indians ; his tastes and pursuits were Indian ; he gloried in 
 being an Indian chief. He hunted the bear with the passion 
 and skill of Tecumseh and David Crockett, and retired to 
 his plantation, after the toils of the chase, to enjoy, as it is 
 said,* the white man's unworthy pleasures. This is said of 
 him, but not, as far as I can discover, by any one personally 
 cognizant of the fact. In his person was united the regu- 
 larity of features of the white man with the tall, straight, 
 all-enduring frame, and dusky complexion of the Indian. 
 His eyes were particularly fine and piercing. He could as- 
 sume an over-aweing dignity of manner, and before the glance 
 of his fiery anger few men could stand. The white men who 
 were in later years his neighbors and associates, represent him to 
 have been a man of honor and humanity. They looked upon 
 him as a patriot who had done what he could to preserve the 
 independent sovereignty of his tribe, and whose hands were 
 unstained by blood dishonorably shed. 
 
 Long had he lived in peace with the whites, the most 
 influential of the Creek chiefs in southern Alabama, when 
 Tecumseh came from the North to stir up the southern tribes 
 to war. Weathersford, like many others of the intelligent 
 Creeks, seems to have perfectly comprehended the situation 
 of the tribe. No Indians had been so bountifully cared for 
 as the Creeks by the United States government, and no tribe 
 had learned so much of the white man's arts. Weathersford 
 was far from being the only chief who lived on his own plan- 
 
 * Claiborne's Notes on the War in the South. 
 
1814.] SURRENDER OF WEATHERSFORD. 529 
 
 tation tilled by slaves, and in his own tolerably-appointed 
 house. Plows, spelling books, and missionaries had been 
 carrying on the work of civilization among them for many 
 years. But the first necessity of a man of independent mind 
 is independence. There was a secret young Creek party in 
 the tribe, a few fiery spirits, of whom Weathersford was the 
 animating soul, who both feared and resented the rapid en- 
 croachments of the settlers upon the tribe's ancient seat. 
 From the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, from the banks of the 
 Mississippi, from the borders of Georgia and Tennessee, the 
 white man was drawing nearer and nearer the home of the 
 Creeks, hemming them in on every side, " turning," as Te- 
 cumseh said, " their beautiful forests into large fields, and 
 staining their clear rivers with the washings of the soil." 
 
 On his first visit to the South, Tecumseh found in Weath- 
 ersford a sympathizing friend, but not an adherent. Weathers- 
 ford was too wise a man for that. It was not till Tecumseh 
 brought from the North the news of the American disasters at 
 the beginning of the war of 1812 ; not till the British cruisers 
 were seen in the Gulf of Mexico ; not till the whole power of 
 Britain seemed pledged to the Indian cause, and Spanish 
 Florida was palpably used for British purposes, that Weath- 
 ersford joined heart, hand, and fortune with Tecumseh, and 
 became chief of the war party in southern Alabama. 
 
 His masterly investment of Fort Mims, so secret and silent, 
 his gallant dash at the gate, and quick capture of the outer 
 works, showed the stuff he was made of. So did his efforts 
 to stay the horrible slaughter of the women and children. 
 Having exhausted expostulation, he was trying to stop the 
 massacre by force, when his frenzied crew of savages lifted 
 their tomahawks above his head, and he strode away from the 
 scene in impotent disgust. 
 
 He seems to have expected that the massacre would cali 
 forth all the resources of the surrounding States, for we find 
 him, during the succeeding two months, engaged in forming 
 a portion of the Holy Ground into a stronghold, where the 
 women and children were assembled, and to which the war- 
 
530 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 riors returned after victory or defeat, bringing in their wounded, 
 their prisoners, and their plunder. With a thousand men, 
 General Claiborne, toward the close of December, while 
 Jackson was battling, with his volunteers, in the northern 
 wilderness, advanced to attack Weathersford's position. A 
 short, fierce battle ensued. Weathersford fought with despe- 
 rate valor, and gained some brief advantages over the troops. 
 But the Indians would not stand the sustained onset of 
 Claiborne's regiments, and the chief saw himself abandoned 
 when but thirty of his band of Indians and negroes had 
 fallen. Owing to the excellence of the position, and the 
 wavering of Claibone's cavalry, all the rest of Weathersford's 
 force escaped. 
 
 Then occurred the event so celebrated in our border annals 
 known as " Weathersford' s Leap/' He was the last to leave 
 the fortified enclosure. The women and children had been 
 removed before the battle began. Even the wounded had 
 been carried off. Hard pressed by his pursuers, who saw in 
 him the murderer of their friends and relations at Fort Mims, 
 Weathersford, mounted on a superb gray horse, renowned in 
 the settlements for its strength and swiftness, sought the high 
 bluffs of the Alabama, and rode at full speed along their 
 summit. The bluffs there range from eighty to a hundred 
 feet above the water. There seemed no chance of escape. 
 He reached, at length, a break in the bluff, a ravine worn by 
 a stream of water, the bottom of which was not more than 
 fifteen feet above the surface of the river. Down the ravine 
 he compelled his foaming horse, and spurred him headlong 
 over the bluff into the" Alabama. The pursuers saw the dar- 
 ing leap, saw horse and rider quite disappear in the stream, 
 saw the animal emerge, and then the chief, holding his rifle in 
 one hand and grasping the horse's mane with the other. 
 Weathersford instantly regained the saddle, and the horse 
 struck out for the opposite shore. A few rifle balls flew harm- 
 lessly about their heads. They reached the bank in safety, 
 and in a moment were lost to view in the forest. 
 
 This battle did not discourage the Indians. It probably 
 
1814.] SURRENDER OF WEATHERSFORD. 531 
 
 had a contrary effect : for when, a month later, the Georgia 
 troops, under General Floyd, were in arms against the sav- 
 ages upon the Calabee creek, Weathersford did not wait to be 
 attacked, but rushed upon Floyd's camp before the dawn of 
 day. drove in the sentinels, and took the army completely by 
 surprise. All but a victory rewarded his gallantry and ad- 
 dress on this occasion. For half an hour the Indians kept up 
 a most vigorous attack, and made havoc among the troops, 
 without receiving the slightest check. They were repulsed 
 after an uncommonly severe engagement, but only repulsed. 
 They still hovered in the immediate vicinity, and, General 
 Floyd thinking it most prudent to retreat, the Indians slept 
 the next night upon the field of battle, and felt themselves 
 the victors. 
 
 But now Jackson, in the northern part of the Territory, 
 had recommenced his crushing career of victory. Blow after 
 blow fell upon the doomed Creeks, until the battle of the 
 Horseshoe annihilated them as a sovereign power. That bold 
 march across the wilderness brought the conqueror to the 
 Holy Ground itself, and, at his approach, the force under 
 Weathersford melted away, leaving him alone in the forest 
 with a multitude of women and children, whom the war had 
 made widows and orphans, and who were perishing for want 
 of food. To this sad extremity had Weathersford and young 
 Creekism brought the tribe. 
 
 Then it was that he gave that shining example of human- 
 ity and heroism that ought to immortalize his name. He 
 might have fled with others of the war party to Florida, 
 where welcome and protection awaited him. He chose to 
 remain, and to attempt by the sacrifice of his own life to save 
 from imminent starvation the women and children whose 
 natural protectors he had led or urged to their death. 
 
 Mounting the same gray steed that had borne him safely 
 across the Alabama, he directed his course to Jackson's camp, 
 in the peninsula formed by the confluence of the Coosa and 
 Tallapoosa. The General had planted his colors upon the 
 site of the old French fort Toulouse, erected by Governor 
 
532 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 Bienville, a hundred years before. The French trenches were 
 cleared of the accumulated rubbish of a century, a stockade 
 was erected in the American manner, and the place named 
 Fort Jackson. The two rivers approach at that point to 
 within six hundred yards of each other, and then diverging, 
 unite four miles below. 
 
 The hunting instinct must have been strong indeed in 
 Weathersford, for when he was only a few miles from Fort 
 Jackson, a fine deer crossing his path and stopping within 
 shooting distance, he could not resist the temptation, but 
 shot the deer and placed it on his horse behind the saddle. 
 Eeloading his rifle with two balls, for the purpose, as he 
 afterwards said, of shooting the Big Warrior (a leading chief 
 of the peace party) if he should give him any cause, he pur- 
 sued his journey, and soon reached the advanced outposts of 
 the American camp. With the politeness natural to the 
 brave he inquired of a group of soldiers where General Jack- 
 son was. They gave him some jesting reply, but an old man 
 standing near pointed to the General's tent, and the fearless 
 chief rode up to it. Before the entrance of the tent sat the 
 Big Warrior, who, on seeing Weathersford, cried out in an 
 insulting tone, 
 
 " Ah ! Bill Weathersford, have we got you at last ?" 
 
 With a glance of fire at the insulter, Weatherford replied, 
 
 " You • traitor ! if you give me any insolence, I 
 
 will blow a ball through your cowardly heart !" 
 
 General Jackson now came running out of the tent, ac- 
 companied by Colonel Hawkins, the agent of the Creeks. 
 
 " How dare you," exclaimed the General, in a furious 
 manner, "ride up to my tent after having murdered the 
 women and children at Fort Mims ?" 
 
 Weathersford' s reply, according to his own recollection of 
 it, was as follows : 
 
 " General Jackson, I am not afraid of you. I fear no 
 man, for I am a Creek warrior. I have nothing to request 
 in behalf of myself. You can kill me if you desire. But I 
 come to beg you to send for the women and children of the 
 
1814.J SURRENDER Of WE ATHERSF ORD. 533 
 
 war party, who are now starving in the woods. Their fields 
 and cribs have been destroyed by your people, who have 
 driven them to the woods without an ear of corn. I hope 
 that you will send out parties, who will conduct them safely 
 here, in order that they may be fed. I exerted myself in vain 
 to prevent the massacre of the women and children at Fort 
 Mims. I am now done fighting. The Ked Sticks are nearly 
 all killed. If I could fight you any longer, I would most 
 heartily do so. Send for the women and children. They 
 never did you any harm. But kill me, if the white people 
 want it done/' 
 
 When he ceased to speak, a great crowd of officers and 
 soldiers had gathered round the tent. Accustomed now for 
 many months to associate the name of Weathersford with the 
 oft-told horrors of the massacre, and imperfectly compre- 
 hending what was going forward, the troops cast upon the 
 chief glances of hatred and aversion. Many of them cried out, 
 
 " Kill him ! kill him ! kill him !" 
 
 " Silence," exclaimed Jackson, and the clamor was hushed. 
 
 " Any man/' added the General, with great energy, " who 
 would kill as brave a man as this, would rob the dead \" 
 
 He then invited Weathersford to alight and enter his tent, 
 which the chief did, bringing in with him the deer he had 
 killed on the way, and presenting it to the General. Jack- 
 son accepted the gift, invited Weathersford to drink a glass of 
 brandy, and entered into a frank and friendly conversation 
 with him. The remainder of the interview rests upon the 
 authority of Major Eaton, who, Mr. Pickett thinks, based 
 this portion of his narrative " entirely upon camp gossip." 
 Eaton must have heard the story many times from Jackson 
 himself, and, though he may have added to the tale a slight 
 presidential campaign flavor, there is no good reason to 
 doubt its general correctness. 
 
 " The terms upon which your nation can be saved," said 
 the General, " have been already disclosed : in that way, and 
 none other can you obtain safety. If you wish to continue 
 the war," Jackson added, " you are at liberty to depart un- 
 
534 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 harmed, but if you desire peace, you may remain, and you 
 shall be protected." 
 
 Weathersford replied that he desired peace in order that his 
 nation might be relieved of their sufferings, and the women 
 and children saved. " There was a time," he said, " when I 
 had a choice, and could have answered you : I have none 
 now — even hope has ended. Once I could animate my war- 
 riors to battle ; but I can not animate the dead. My warriors 
 can no longer hear my voice : their bones are at Talladega, 
 Tallushatchee, Emuckfau, and Tohopeka. I have not sur- 
 rendered myself thoughtlessly. Whilst there were chances 
 of success, I never left my post, nor supplicated peace. But 
 my people are gone, and I now ask it for my nation, and for 
 myself. On the miseries and misfortunes brought upon my 
 country, I look back with deepest sorrow, and wish to avert 
 still greater calamities. If I had been left to contend with 
 the Georgia army, I would have raised my corn on one bank 
 of the river, and fought them on the other ; but your people 
 have destroyed my nation. You are a brave man : I rely 
 upon your generosity. You will exact no terms of a con- 
 quered people but such as they should accede to : whatever 
 they may be, it would now be madness and folly to oppose. 
 If they are opposed, you shall find me amongst the sternest 
 enforcers of obedience. Those who would still hold out, can 
 be influenced only by a mean spirit of revenge ; and to tins 
 they must not, and shall not sacrifice the last remnent of 
 their country. You have told our nation where we might 
 go, and be safe. This is good talk, and they ought to listen 
 to it. They shall listen to it." 
 
 The interview concluded. For a short time, Weathersford 
 remained at Fort Jackson, and then retired to his plantation 
 upon Little River. His life being there in constant danger 
 from the relatives of those who had perished at Fort Mims, 
 he went to Fort Claiborne, the commander of which assigned 
 him a tent near his own, and stationed a guard over him, 
 night and day. He was still unsafe, for large numbers of 
 men in that vicinity had vowed his destruction The com- 
 
1814.] SURRENDER OF WEATHERSFORD. 535 
 
 mandant " now resolved," says Mr. Pickett, " to send him 
 beyond the lines during a dark night. About midnight, he 
 sent his aid, followed by Weathersford, to the station of Cap- 
 tain Laval, the officer on guard. He said : ' Captain La- 
 val, the commanding officer says you must take Weathers- 
 ford to yonder tree, under which you will find a horse tied, 
 and that he must mount the horse and make his escape.' 
 
 " Captain Laval told Weathersford to follow him. He 
 passed by the guard, giving the countersign, and reached the 
 tree. Weathersford eagerly seized the limb to which the horse 
 was tied, threw the reins over the animal's head, shook Laval 
 by the hand, and said, in earnest, grateful tones, 
 
 " ' Good-bye, God bless you !' 
 
 " He then vaulted into the saddle, and rode off rapidly. 
 That was the last time he ever saw Weathersford. For the 
 distance of a mile, at least, Laval heard the clattering of the 
 horse's feet." 
 
 The succor which Weathersford had thus nobly solicited 
 for the women and children of the war party, was given to 
 nearly all the remainder of the tribe. By compelling the 
 Indians to remove to the North, Jackson cut them off from 
 intercourse with Florida, which was his object, but he also 
 threw them upon the government for maintenance. For a 
 considerable part of the summer of 1814, five thousand Indi- 
 ans of the Creek tribes drew rations from the public stores, 
 but for which large numbers must have perished of starvation. 
 
 W'hen the war was over, Weathersford again became a 
 planter, and lived many years, in peace with white men and 
 red, upon a good farm, "well supplied with negroes," in 
 Monroe county, Alabama. " He maintained," adds the histo- 
 rian of that State, " an excellent character, and was much 
 respected by the American residents for his bravery, honor, 
 and strong native good sense. He died in 1826, from the 
 fatigue produced by a ' desperate bear-hunt.' " 
 
 An anecdote of Weathersford, as related by Mr. Pickett, 
 may serve as an illustration of border life in the early day, as 
 well as of the character of this magnificent half-breed. 
 
536 LIFE OF ANDEEW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 " In 1820," says the historian, " many people assembled 
 at the sale of the effects of the deceased Duncan Henderson, 
 in the lower part of Monroe county, Alabama. An old man, 
 named Bradbury, the father of the gallant lieutenant who 
 fought at Burnt Corn, and who was afterwards killed in 
 another action, was murdered on this occasion by one 
 
 C r,* who plunged a long knife into the back of his neck. 
 
 The murderer had an accomplice, one F r, who was in 
 
 pursuit of Bradbury at the same time, and who had, a few 
 minutes before, broken a pitcher over his head. These men 
 were so desperate, and flourished their knives with such defi- 
 ance, that Justice Henderson in vain called upon the bystand- 
 ers to seize them, while the poor unoffending old Bradbury 
 lay weltering in his blood. 
 
 " Shocked at the cowardly and brutal act, and provoked 
 at the timidity of the bystanders, William Weathersford, who 
 lived in that neighborhood, now advanced toward Henderson, 
 and said, in a loud voice, 
 
 " l These, I suppose, are white men's laws. You stand 
 aside and see an old man killed, and not one of you will 
 avenge his blood. If he had one drop of Indian blood mixed 
 with that which runs upon the ground there, I would in- 
 stantly kill his murderers, at the risk of my life/ 
 
 " Justice Henderson implored him to take them, and, 
 being assured that the white man's law would not hurt him, 
 but that he would be commended for the act, Weathersford 
 now drew forth his long, silver-handled butcher-knife, and 
 advanced toward the murderers, who stood forty paces off, 
 threatening to kill the first man who should attempt to arrest 
 
 them. He then advanced to C r, who, trembling at his 
 
 approach, let his knife drop by his side, and instantly surren- 
 dered. Seizing him by the throat, Weathersford said to the 
 bystanders, ( Here, tie the — rascal V 
 
 * The reader will note the suppression of the names of these miscreants by 
 Mr. Pickett, and draw inferences therefrom. Mr. Pickett's work was published 
 to 1851, thirty-one years after the murder. 
 
1814] HONORS TO THE VICTOR. 537 
 
 " Then, going up to F r, upon whom he flashed his 
 
 tiger eyes, he also arrested him without the least opposition, 
 F r exclaiming, 
 
 " ' I will not resist you, Billy Weathersford/ " 
 
 CHAPTER L. 
 
 HONORS TO THE VICTOR. 
 
 With the establishment of Fort Jackson in the Holy 
 Ground, at the confluence of the two rivers, General Jack- 
 son's task was nearly done. For a few days he was busy 
 enough in receiving deputations of repentant and crest-fallen 
 chiefs, and in sending out strong detachments of troops to 
 scour the country in search of hostile parties, if any such still 
 kept the field. No hostile parties were found. 
 
 The friendly Creeks, however, gave some trouble by their 
 excess of zeal. Attributing the calamities brought upon their 
 tribe to the massacre at Fort Mims, they were bent upon 
 putting to death every man who had taken part in that scene 
 of horrors. Bodies and single individuals of the hostile por- 
 tion of the tribe were waylaid and killed by roving compa- 
 nies of their own countrymen. A war of extermination would 
 have ensued, had not General Jackson, in his decisive man- 
 ner, announced that any of the friendly party who should 
 molest a Ked Stick after he had surrendered, and while he was 
 obeying the orders of the General, should be treated as ene- 
 mies of the United States. This stayed the work of blood, 
 and the Indians continued to repair to the northern parts of 
 Alabama, which had been assigned for their temporary resi- 
 dence. Fort Jackson completed the line of posts which sep- 
 arated them from the hostile Indians, the hostile British, and 
 the sympathizing Spaniards of Florida 
 
538 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 That it was no despicable enemy against whom Jackson 
 had had to contend, the briefest summary of their achieve- 
 ments shows in a striking manner. The historian of Ala- 
 bama, Mr. A. J. Pickett, who, residing in the Creek country, 
 acquired by long intercourse with the actors in the scenes 
 that have been narrated, a familiar acquaintance with the 
 character of the Creeks, bears testimony to their valor and 
 perseverance. " They defeated the Americans," he says, "at 
 Burnt Corn, and compelled them to make a precipitate re- 
 treat. They reduced Fort Mims, after a fight of five hours, 
 and exterminated its numerous inmates. They encountered 
 the large force under Coffee, at Talluschatchee, and fought till 
 not one warrior was left, disdaining to beg for quarter. They 
 opposed Jackson at Talladega, and, although surrounded by 
 his army, poured out their fire, and fled not till the ground 
 was almost covered with their dead. They met Floyd at 
 Autosse and fought him obstinately, and again rallied and 
 attacked him a few hours after the battle, when he was lead- 
 ing his army over Heydon's hill. Against the well-trained 
 army of Claiborne they fought, at the Holy Ground, with the 
 fury of tigers, and then made good their retreat across the 
 Alabama. At Emuckfau, three times did they charge upon 
 Jackson, and when he retreated toward the Coosa they sprang 
 upon him, while crossing the creek at Enotochopco, with the 
 courage and impetuosity of lions. Two days afterward a 
 party under Weathersford rushed upon the unsuspecting 
 Georgians at Calabee, threw the army into dismay and con- 
 fusion, and stood their ground in a severe struggle until the 
 superior force of General Floyd forced them to fly at day- 
 light. Sixty days after this, Jackson surrounded them at the 
 Horseshoe, and after a sanguinary contest totally exterminated 
 them, while not one of them begged for quarter. At length, 
 wounded, starved, and beaten, hundreds fled to the swamps 
 of Florida ; others went to Pensacola, and rallying under 
 Colonel Nichol attacked Fort Bowyer." 
 
 " Thus," adds the same author, " were the brave Creeks 
 opposed by the combined armies of Georgia, Tennessee, and 
 
1814.] HONORS TO THE VICTOR. 539 
 
 the Mississippi Territory, together with the federal forces 
 from the other States, besides numerous bands of bloody 
 Choctaws and Chickasaws. Fresh volunteers and militia, 
 from month to month, were brought against them, while no 
 one came to their assistance save a few English officers who 
 led them to undertake enterprises beyond their ability to ac- 
 complish. And how long did they contend against the pow- 
 erful forces allied against them ? From the 27th of July, 
 1813, to the last of December, 1814. In every engagement 
 with the Americans, the force of the Creeks was greatly in- 
 ferior in number, except at Burnt Corn and Fort Mims. 
 
 " Brave natives of Alabama !" exclaims the generous his- 
 torian ; " to defend that soil where the Great Spirit gave you 
 birth, you sacrificed your peaceful savage pursuits ! You 
 fought the invaders until more than half your warriors were 
 slain ! The remnant of your warlike tribe yet live on the 
 distant Arkansas. You have been forced to quit one of the 
 finest regions upon the earth, which is now occupied by 
 Americans. Will they, in some dark hour, when Alabama 
 is invaded, defend this soil as bravely and as enduringly as 
 you have done ? Posterity may be able to reply/' 
 
 On the 20th of April, General Thomas Pinckncy, of 
 South Carolina, a major general of the regular army, reached 
 Fort Jackson, and assumed the chief command. This was a 
 joyful event to the Tennesseeans ; for it gave promise of their 
 speedy return home. The venerable soldier of the Kevolu- 
 tion, who had seen warm service in both wars, and had fol- 
 lowed the career of General Jackson with delight and pride, 
 now bestowed upon the General in person those generous 
 praises which he had before communicated to the government 
 at Washington. It was a time of festivity throughout the 
 camp. The Carolina troops, under General Pinckney, enter- 
 tained the Tennesseeans with soldierly hospitality, and toasted 
 their gallantry in many a flowing mug of regulation whisky. 
 General Pinckney gave to General Jackson, his officers and 
 staff, as grand a banquet in his own marquee as could be ex- 
 temporized in circumstances so unfavorable to banqueting. 
 
540 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 The day following, General Jackson entertained General 
 Pinckney in similar style. The greatest enthusiasm pre- 
 vailed on both occasions ; the officers of the regular service 
 uniting with those of the militia in assigning the chief glory 
 of the campaign to General Jackson, who now tasted, for the 
 first time, those sweets of homage and adulation which were 
 to be his daily food thenceforth to the end of his life. 
 
 The last banquet over, General Pinckney, at three o'clock 
 in the afternoon of April 21st, issued the welcome order for 
 the return homeward of General Jackson's army ; the West 
 Tennesseeans to be disbanded on reaching their State ; the 
 East Tennesseeans, who had some weeks longer to serve, to 
 garrison the posts on the route. An order of this nature is 
 one which soldiers at the end of a successful campaign obey 
 with alacrity. By five o'clock on the same afternoon the 
 troops were on the march ! Late in the evening of the third 
 day they reached Fort William, a distance of sixty miles 
 through the wilderness which they had traversed with such 
 difficulty during the spring floods.* There General Jackson 
 
 * The following letter from General Coffee to Captain Donelson, dated Fort 
 William, April 26th, 1814, completes the series of the General's Creek wai 
 letters : — 
 
 " On the 1th instant, we marched from this place for the junction of the rivers' 
 Coosa and Tallapoosa, commonly called the Hickory Ground. We struck the 
 Tallapoosa about twelve miles above the forks at an Indian town called Hoithle- 
 walla, where we were informed the enemy had concentrated to give us battle. 
 During our march was a continued fall of rain, which flooded the creeks, and very 
 much impeded our progress. The enemy discovered us and fled in all directions. 
 We found the town abandoned. We turned down to the forks of the river, burnt 
 all the villages in our reach, but not an enemy could be found. Flags hourly 
 came in begging forgiveness and protection. Some of them, it is said, had fled 
 towards the lower Creek country or Pensacola ; the whole remaining part of the 
 nation has submitted to unconditional terms of peace, and will be permitted to 
 settle on certain tracts of the country, as will be laid out for them, reserving the 
 most valuable parts as an indemnity for the expenses of the war. 
 
 "General Pinckney, with the army of the two Carolinas, joined us at the 
 forks ; and, seeing that the fighting was over, the Tennessee army is permitted 
 to withdraw from the service, under the impression that the country is completely 
 oonquered, and that they are competent to keep possession thereof. 
 
 "We left the forks, Fort Jackson, on the evening of the 21st, and arrived 
 
1814.] HONORS TO THE VICTOR. 541 
 
 wrote his last dispatch to Governor Blount, announcing the 
 end of the war, and the speedy return of the army. There, 
 too, he detached the troops for the defense of the posts. 
 
 The divisions being about to separate, the General, ac- 
 cording to his custom, gave them a parting address : " Within 
 a few days," said he, " you have annihilated the power of a 
 nation that for twenty years has been the disturber of your 
 peace. Your vengeance has been satisfied. Wherever these 
 infuriated allies of our arch enemy assembled for battle, you 
 pursued and dispersed them. The rapidity of your move- 
 ments, and the brilliancy of your achievements, have corre- 
 sponded with the valor by which you have been animated. 
 The bravery you have displayed on the field of battle, and the 
 uniform good conduct you have manifested in your encamp- 
 ment, and on your line of march, will long be cherished in the 
 memory of your General, and will not be forgotten by the 
 country which you have so materially benefited." 
 
 A few days more brought the troops of West Tennessee 
 to Fayetteville, where they had rendezvoused before entering 
 the Indian country, and where now they were honorably dis- 
 missed, with the renewed thanks and commendations of their 
 general. Jackson journeyed homeward, cheered on his way by 
 every manifestation of popular approval. " We have again," 
 
 here last evening. The army will take up the line of march from this, I expect, 
 on the morning of the 27th, and will progress as fast as possible until it reaches 
 Fayetteville, where the West Tennesseeans will be discharged. A detachment 
 of about five hundred men will be sent from here to scour the Cahaba for skulk- 
 ing fellows Jhat have not yet come in; they will unite with us again at Port 
 Deposit. There will be about five hundred of the East Tennesseeans kept in 
 ervice to support the posts we have established on this river, until they can be 
 elieved by regular troops to be raised. 
 
 " Thus the Creek war is ended. I expect Captain Hammond's company of 
 angers will be stationed at Fort Deposit, on Tennessee river, to support that post, 
 expect to be at home in about two weeks. Jockey and Captain Smith are 
 th me. We are all in good health. Our horses very much worn down, not 
 aving any forage for them for a month past ; perhaps we may get them home. 
 r a part of them. I don't expect to have any opportunity to write homo ; will 
 ou be so good as to send word to Polly that I expect to be at home shortly. 
 * please make my respects to Mra Donelson and family." 
 VOL. I. — 35 
 
542 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 said the Nashville Whig of May 16th, 1814, " the pleasure 
 of the company of our distinguished fellow-citizen, Major 
 General Andrew Jackson, who arrived in this town on Mon- 
 day evening last. The General was met by a number of the 
 citizens of this place the day before his arrival, who accom- 
 panied him to within about four miles of town, when he was 
 saluted with the welcome smiles and loud huzzas of several 
 hundred of his fellow-citizens, who had gone out to meet and 
 honor him. From thence he was conducted to the court 
 house in this town, when a suitable and pathetic address was 
 delivered by Mr. Grundy, in behalf of the committee of ar- 
 rangements, and also by the students of Cumberland College; 
 after which he was conducted to the i Bell Tavern/ and par- 
 took of a collation prepared for the occasion." 
 
 The General's address on this interesting occasion was as 
 follows : 
 
 " Gentlemen : The favorable sentiments you have been pleased to ex- 
 press, by authority of your fellow-citizens, of the brave officers and soldiers 
 who composed my army in the late expedition against the Creek Indians, 
 are received with the liveliest sensibility. 
 
 " We had indeed borne with many outrages from that barbarous and 
 infatuated nation before the massacre at Fort Mims raised our energies to 
 revenge the wrongs we had sustained. I participated in the common feel- 
 ing, and my duty to my country impelled me to take the field. I endeav- 
 ored to discharge that duty faithfully : my best exertions were used, my 
 beet judgment exercised. 
 
 " In the prosecution of such a war difficulties and privations were to be 
 expected. To meet and sustain these became the duty of every officer and 
 soldier ; and for the faithful performance of this duty they are amply re- 
 warded in the expression of their country's approbation. 
 
 " The success which attended our exertions has indeed been very 
 great. We have laid the foundation of a lasting peace to those frontiers 
 which had been so long and so often infested by the savages. We have 
 conquered. We have added a country to ours, which, by connecting the 
 settlements of Georgia with those of the Mississippi Territory, and both of 
 them with our own, will become a secure barrier against foreign invasion, 
 or the operation of foreign influence over our red neighbors in the South 1 
 and we have furnished the means not only of defraying the expenses of the 
 war against the Creeks, but of that which is carrying on against their ally 
 Great Britain. How ardently, therefore, is it to be wished that govern 
 
1814] HONORS TO THE VICTOR. 543 
 
 ment may take the earliest opportunity, and devise the most effectual 
 means, of populating that section of the Union. 
 
 " In acquiring these advantages to our country it is true we have lost 
 some valuable citizens, some brave soldiers. But these are misfortunes 
 inseparable from a state of war ; and while I mingle my regret with yours 
 for the loss, I have thi3 consolation, in common with yourselves, that the 
 sons of Tennessee who fell contending for their rights have approved them- 
 selves worthy the American name — worthy descendants of their sires of 
 the Revolution.' 
 
 No mock modesty, you perceive, gentle reader. He had 
 done his duty, and knew that he had done it. He also un- 
 derstood in part the value of what he had gained for his 
 country. 
 
 The old enmities seem for the time to have been all for- 
 gotten. No man then thought of the dismal scenes of the last 
 winter, nor of the bitterness and jealousies which at one time 
 raged between the two divisions of the State. Eight months 
 before, Jackson had left his home, sick, anxious, with many 
 enemies, and little known beyond the limits of Tennessee. 
 He now returned victorious, the idol of the State, the most 
 popular man in the militia of the borders, and with a consid- 
 erable national reputation. The closing events of the war 
 had attracted very general attention. The National Intelli- 
 gencer published General Jackson's later dispatches in full, 
 and called public attention to them in editorial paragraphs, 
 especially commending their modesty and vigor. The oppo- 
 sition journals, compelled to take some notice of these events, 
 were careful to show that the administration had no part nor 
 lot in the success of the campaign. 
 
 Jackson had, indeed, deserved well of his country. In 
 doing a man's part in the defense of his native land, which 
 all men owe, he had rendered it a service, the full extent of 
 which no one yet perceived. Peace reigned throughout the 
 extensive Mississippi Territory, before uninhabitable by white 
 men. The plan, formed by Tecumseh and adopted by the 
 British generals, of uniting all the western Indians in a cor- 
 don of blood and fire, against the border States, in aid of the 
 
544 LIFE UT ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 grand ministerial scheme of " shutting up the Americans in 
 their own country/' was quite frustrated. So much was 
 already understood. But the great benefit of Jackson's con- 
 quest was still to be developed. The militia of the border 
 States, freed by that conquest from all apprehension for the 
 safety of their own homes, could now be concentrated upon 
 any point, however remote, that might be menaced by the 
 enemy! The Creek war made the campaign of New Orleans 
 possible. It was this crushing of the Creek power in their 
 ancient seat, and the removal of the remnant of the tribe 
 from the places where they could again give trouble, that pre- 
 pared the way for all the swiftly-succeeding events in Jack- 
 son's wonderful military career. Who could have gone to 
 the defense of Mobile and New Orleans, saved the South-west 
 from temporary conquest, saved the banks of the great rivers 
 from terror and ravage, if the Creeks had remained hostile, 
 or powerful, or even accessible to influence from without? 
 A thousand hostile Creeks in the heart of the Mississippi 
 Territory would have paralyzed the forces of Georgia, Ten- 
 nessee, Louisiana, and Mississippi. Coming events in the 
 South-west cast but dim shadows before, in the early summer 
 of 1814 ; but President Madison, if he surveyed the scene 
 which he was appointed to overlook, with the intelligent eye 
 that ought to belong to a President of the United States, 
 must have drawn a long breath of relief when the news 
 came from Fort Jackson, that the coasts of the Gulf of 
 Mexico had thenceforth to be guarded only against an enemy 
 coming from the sea ! 
 
 In the conduct of the war, though it afforded few oppor- 
 tunities for the display of generalship, in the European sense 
 of the word, Jackson exhibited the qualities of a successful 
 leader. His tremendous will, and that alone, restored the 
 fortunes of the campaign, when every one else was inclined to 
 despair. His ceaseless activity in camp, and his audacious 
 celerity of movement, both before and after victory, were 
 admirable. He acted throughout on his favorite maxim, be- 
 before quoted, that, in war, nothing is done till all is done. 
 
1814.] HONORS TO THE VICTOR. M5 
 
 But where lie showed original power of character was m 
 confronting his turbulent volunteers. Sham democracy is 
 rebellion ; true democracy is obedience. At that period, 
 when it was accounted the first of honors to hold office under 
 the government, officers of the militia were prone to use their 
 military commissions for the purpose of promoting their po- 
 litical designs. Hence, the short-sighted among them were 
 more in the habit of flattering and humoring their men than 
 of compelling them to do their duty. Discipline, on the 
 parade ground ridiculously lax, in time of war was often 
 fatally so. Jackson, from the first, set his face resolutely 
 against all this. He was almost a martinet in enforcing dis- 
 cipline, and believed in the severe punishments of the olden 
 time. His first campaign witnessed a military execution, and 
 the last paper he ever issued as a military officer contains a 
 strong plea for flogging in the army. We of the present day 
 can not but think that the life of John Woods might have 
 been spared, and we indulge the dream that, from the hour 
 the army of the United States is governed on democratic 
 principles, every man serving first in the ranks, and rising by 
 merit alone, no degrading punishments will be thought of — 
 still less, necessary. Yet, in daring to cross the will and 
 oppose the intense desire of his rebellious regiments, and in 
 publishing opinions at war with the sentiment of the age, 
 Jackson displayed a certain courage which we can, in some 
 degree, admire. Upon the whole, he gave striking proof, in 
 the Creek war, of the correctness of Burr's opinion, that he 
 was a man who would do credit to a military commission. 
 
 The administration, however, seemed still reluctant to do 
 more than acknowledge his merit. Mr. Madison may have 
 clung to the prejudices he had inherited from the last admin- 
 istration. If he had possessed the gift of prophecy, and could 
 have seen in Jackson the destined destroyer of his dynasty, he 
 might indeed have been unwilling to bestow national recogni- 
 tion upon him. A petition was handed about the House of 
 Representatives by the western members, asking a commission 
 in the regular army for General Jackson ; and it appeared from 
 
546 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [18-14 
 
 other indications that such an appointment would he received 
 art the West with the highest favor. Nor was the government 
 in a position to slight any means of restoring its waning pop- 
 ularity. The darkest days of the war were near. The war 
 was a war of the Democratic party against England, in aid 
 of the "Armed Soldier of Democracy;" and the prospects 
 of the party changed with the varying fortunes of the field. 
 Victory and votes might have been the secret motto of the 
 leaders. 
 
 In the beginning of May, 1814, a few days after the news 
 of the battle of the Horseshoe reached Washington, a brig- 
 adier generalship fell vacant, which the President wms induced 
 to offer to General Jackson. Before it was known whether 
 the offer would be accepted, the unhappy misunderstanding 
 between the Secretary of War and General W'illiam Henry 
 Harrison resulted in the resignation of that brave officer and 
 honest gentleman. Whether it was the haste of the Secretary 
 to shelve an officer disagreeable to him, or the growing eclat 
 of Jackson's victories, or both of these causes together, that 
 induced the government to accept the resignation, and offer 
 the vacancy to Jackson, is a matter of no importance now. 
 The thing was done. Jackson received the offer of the brig- 
 adiership ; and while he was considering the question of ac- 
 ceptance or rejection, the mail of the day following brought 
 him the second offer, which he accepted promptly and gladly. 
 It was a reward which he desired and felt to be due to 
 his standing and services. The National Intelligencer of 
 May 31st, 1814, contained the announcement in the usual 
 form : — 
 
 "Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, is appointed Major 
 General in the army of the United States, vice William 
 Henry Harrison resigned." 
 
 The emoluments of his new rank were of importance to 
 General Jackson, for he was by no means a rich man in 1814. 
 The pay of a major general in the army of the United States 
 was twenty-four hundred dollars a year ; with allowances for 
 rations, forage, servants and transportation, that swelled the 
 
HONORS TO THE VICTOR. 547 
 
 income to an average of about six thousand five hundred dol- 
 lars. It was never less than six thousand dollars. 
 
 The Legislature of Mississippi Territory, about the same 
 time, voted General Jackson a sword, which was the first of 
 the many similar gifts bestowed upon him during his military 
 career. 
 
 It is worthy of remark, in view of succeeding events, that 
 no less than six generals had stood between Jackson and the 
 likelihood of his being entrusted with the defense of the 
 South-west.* First, General Wilkinson was transferred from 
 New Orleans to the North-west, where his failure was signal. 
 Next, Brigadier General Hampton resigned. Third, Major 
 General William Henry Harrison resigned. Fourth, General 
 Flourney, who succeeded Wilkinson at New Orleans, resigned. 
 Fifth, General Howard, of Kentucky, who was dispatched to 
 succeed Flourney, died before reaching his post. Sixth, Gen- 
 eral Gaines, sent from Washington in haste when the first 
 alarm for New Orleans was felt by the administration, did 
 not arrive till all was over. And all these singular and un- 
 expected changes occurred within the space of a very few 
 months. 
 
 The effects of Jackson's eight months' service upon his 
 health were permanently injurious. In reading of his exploits, 
 we figure to ourselves a man in the enjoyment of the full tide 
 of health. How different was the fact ! From the moment 
 of his being wounded in the affray with the Bentons, to the 
 close of the war, he was so much an invalid, that a man of 
 less strength of will would probably have yielded to the 
 disease, and spent his days in nursing it. Chronic diarrhoea 
 was the form which his complaint assumed. The slightest 
 imprudence in eating or drinking brought on an attack, 
 during which he suffered intensely. While the paroxysm 
 lasted, he could obtain relief only by sitting on a chair with 
 his chest against the back of it, and his arms dangling for- 
 ward. In this position he was sometimes compelled to 
 
 * History of War of 1812, by C. J. Ingersoll, iv. 86. 
 
548 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 remain for hours. It often happened that he was seized 
 with the familiar pain while on the march through the 
 woods at the head of the troops. In the absence of other 
 means of relief, he would have a sapling half severed and 
 bent over, upon which he would hang with his arms down- 
 ward, till the agony subsided. The only medicine that he 
 'took, and his only beverage then, was weak gin and water. 
 The reader is, therefore, to banish from his imagination the 
 popular figure of a vigorous warrior galloping in the pride of 
 his strength upon a fiery charger : and put in the place of it, 
 a slight attenuated form, a yellowish, wrinkled face, the dark 
 blue eyes of which were the only feature that told any thing 
 of the power and quality of the man. In great emergencies, 
 it is true, his will was master, compelling his impaired body 
 to execute all its resolves. But the reaction was terrible 
 sometimes : days of agony and prostration following an hour 
 of anxiety or exertion. He gradually learned, in some degree, 
 to manage and control his disease. But, all through the Creek 
 war, and the New Orleans campaign, he was an acute sufferer, 
 more fit for a sick chamber than the forest bivouac or the field 
 of battle. There were times, and critical times, too, when it 
 seemed impossible that he could go on. But, at the decisive 
 moment, he always rallied, and would do what the decisive 
 moment demanded. I believe I do not overstate this mat- 
 ter. The information was derived from gentlemen who 
 lived with the General in the closest intimacy, personal 
 and official. 
 
 That an impaired digestion is not calculated to improve 
 the temper, is a fact which must be perfectly well known to 
 a people who occupy brief, but busy, portions of every day of 
 their lives in destroying the digestive apparatus. Jackson 
 was naturally irascible, as we have seen, and in later years he 
 often exhibited extreme irritability. The state of his health 
 must not be forgotten when this is spoken of. And if ever 
 he attained a respectable degree of self-control, he did it in 
 spite of a constitution that constantly generated tinder for 
 every passing spark of offense to fall upon. A sound stomach 
 
1814.] TREATY OF FORT JACKSON. 549 
 
 would have saved him from saying and doing many things, 
 the faithful narration of which presents him neither in an 
 amiable nor an heroic light. 
 
 CHAPTER LI. 
 
 TREATY OF FORT JACKSON. 
 
 General Jackson rested from his labors three weeks. 
 As soon as his acceptance of the Major Generalship reached 
 Washington he was ordered to take command of the south- 
 ern division of the army, if division it could be called, which 
 consisted of three half-filled regiments. He was ordered to 
 halt, on his way to the southern coast, long enough to form 
 a definitive treaty with the Creeks, or rather to announce to 
 them the terms upon which the United States would consent 
 to a permanent peace. Colonel Hawkins, who had been the 
 agent for the Creeks since the days of General Washington, 
 was associated with the General in this business. On the 
 10th of July, General Jackson, with a small retinue, reached 
 the Holy Ground once more, the place appointed for meet- 
 ing the chiefs ; where he assumed the command of the troops, 
 and prepared to begin the negotiation. 
 
 This treaty of Fort Jackson, like every other event of 
 Jackson's career, was subjected to unrelenting criticism in 
 later years, and thus a flood of light was poured upon it 
 which revealed many particulars, creditable to the commis- 
 sioners, that might otherwise have been forgotten. The con- 
 ditions imposed upon the helpless Creeks were apparently 
 hard. The question is, whether they were harder than the 
 instructions of the government warranted, and the necessities 
 of the situation required. 
 
 The instructions from the Secretary of War set forth that 
 
550 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 terms were to be dictated to the Creeks, as to a conquered 
 people. The commissioners were to demand, first, an Indem- 
 nification for the expenses incurred by the United States in 
 the prosecution of the war by such a cession of land as might 
 be deemed an equivalent ; secondly, a Stipulation on the part 
 of the Creeks that they would cease all intercourse with any 
 Spanish garrison or town, and not admit among them any 
 agent or trader who did not derive his authority or license 
 from the United States ; thirdly, an Acknowledgment of the 
 right of the United States to open roads through the Creek 
 territory, and to establish such military posts and trading 
 houses as might be necessary and proper ; and, lastly, the 
 Surrender of the prophets and instigators of the war. 
 
 The land indemnity was obviously the difficulty of the 
 negotiation. The prophets and instigators of the war were 
 either dead, or had surrendered, or were beyond reach in the 
 wilds of Florida. The stipulations respecting posts, roads, 
 traders, and Spaniards were not objected to. But the land 
 question was one upon which it was impossible the two par- 
 ties should entertain the same opinion. Jackson demanded 
 a prodigious cession of territory, his object being fourfold : 
 first, indemnity ; secondly, to remove the Indians far from the 
 borders of Tennessee, Georgia, and Florida ; thirdly, by shut- 
 ting up the Indians in a compact territory, to break them of 
 their roving habits, and oblige them to resort more and more 
 to civilized modes of gaining subsistence ; fourthly, to have an 
 open and broad road from western Tennessee to the Gulf of 
 Mexico. In short, he trimmed the edges of the territory they 
 claimed, so as to leave them one hundred and fifty thousand 
 square miles of land furthest from the settlements, and best 
 adapted to their habits. The description of the original 
 Creek territory in the old books is vague, and refers to land- 
 marks now obliterated ; but the inference is fair, and proba- 
 bly correct, that Jackson demanded a surrender of a large 
 half of the ancient Creek domain. 
 
 One of the clippings comprised a great part of what is now 
 the State of Alabama, a tract of land which was, originally, 
 
1814.] TREATY OF FORT JACKSON. 551 
 
 perhaps the most productive region in the United States, and 
 which, to this day, yields a larger quantity of cotton than 
 any other of the same extent. The commissioners justified 
 their demand on the grounds that one half the tribe having 
 fallen or fled, the land reserved to it was more than sufficient 
 for its maintenance ; that the land to be ceded was no more 
 than a just indemnity for the expenses of the war, which 
 were to be reckoned by millions ; that this land would soon, 
 in any case, be overrun by the advancing tide of settlers ; that 
 it was this land which had been occupied chiefly by the hos- 
 tile party, and was, therefore, justly forfeited ; and that no 
 less a surrender of territory would secure the main object of 
 cutting off the Indians from intercourse with the Bed Sticks 
 and Spaniards of Florida, and with the hostile tribes of the 
 North and North-west. 
 
 An outline of a treaty, in accordance with these princi- 
 ples, was promptly submitted by the commissioners to the 
 council of chiefs ; an engagement being added, that, . in con- 
 sideration of the destitute condition of the tribe, supplies 
 would be furnished by the United States until the maturity 
 of the next crop. 
 
 In negotiation, the Indian is a slow, artful and ceremoni- 
 ous personage. It required all of General Jackson's usual 
 firmness, and much more than his usual patience, to bring 
 the chiefs to the point on this occasion. The treaty was first 
 debated in the secret council, where Jackson's demands pro- 
 duced astonishment and consternation — astonishment, because 
 the council was composed of friendly chiefs, who felt that they 
 deserved reward, not punishment — consternation, because 
 they thought the land left to them insufficient for the main- 
 tenance of a tribe so numerous. The voice of every chief 
 was lifted against the treaty, and the council asked an inter- 
 view with the commissioners to remonstrate against it. 
 
 A scene interesting and memorable ensued. On one side 
 of the General's spacious marquee were ranged the Creek 
 chiefs, grave, silent, dignified,, and wearing all the fantastic 
 insignia of their authority. On the other were General Jack- 
 
552 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 son, the venerable and beloved Colonel Hawkins, the Gen- 
 eral's aids, officers and secretary, and Colonel Hayne, then 
 the recently appointed inspector general of the army, now 
 (1858) representing the State of South Carolina in the Sen- 
 ate of the United States. There was also a great concourse 
 of Indians, Creek and Cherokee, and part of a regiment of 
 troops on the ground, all interested in the events transpiring. 
 Big Warrior, so named from his colossal proportions, a chief 
 renowned among both races for his eloquence, who had never 
 lifted against the white man a hostile hand, was the first to 
 express the feelings of the council. His speech made a deep 
 impression upon all who heard it ; the majestic manner of 
 the man adding force to his words. 
 
 He told the story of the war : from what causes it had 
 arisen ; what sufferings it had caused ; what desolation it 
 had left. He admitted that the coming of Jackson's army 
 alone had saved the friendly party from destruction, and that 
 the claim of the government for indemnity was just. They 
 were willing to transfer a portion of their land. But was not 
 negotiation to that end premature ? Was the war ended ? 
 The war party, it was true, had fled to Florida, but they 
 might return and renew the strife. The Indians required 
 large hunting grounds ; for their habits were not the habits 
 of white men, who staid at home and drew all their subsist- 
 ence from the soil. To give up so much land as the treaty 
 required, would reduce the tribe to the greatest distress ; 
 which seemed to them neither just nor necessary. 
 
 " The President, our father," concluded the great chief, 
 " advises us to honesty and fairness, and promises that justice 
 shall be done. I hope and trust it will be ! I made this war, 
 which has proved so fatal to my country, that the treaty en- 
 tered into a long time ago with father Washington might not 
 be broken. To his friendly arm I hold fast. I will never 
 break that chain of friendship we made together, and which 
 bound us to stand to the United States. He was a father to 
 the Muscoga people ; and not only to them, but to all the 
 people beneath the sun. His talk I now hold in my hand. 
 
1814.] TBEATY OF FORT JACKSON. 553 
 
 There sits the agent he sent among us. Never has he broken 
 the treaty. He has lived with us a long time. He has seen 
 our children born, who now have children. By his direction, 
 cloth was wove, and clothes were made, and spread through 
 our country ; but the Ked Sticks came and destroyed all. 
 We have none now. Hard is our situation, and you ought to 
 consider it. I state what all the nation knows ; nothing will 
 I keep secret. 
 
 " There is the Little Warrior, whom Colonel Hawkins 
 knows. While we were giving satisfaction for the murders 
 that had been committed, he proved a mischief-maker ; he 
 went to the British on the lakes ; he came back and brought 
 a package to the frontiers, which increased the murders here. 
 This conduct has already made the war party to suffer greatly; 
 but, although almost destroyed, they will not yet open their 
 eyes, but are still led away by the British at Pensacola. Not 
 so with us. We were rational, and had our senses — we yet 
 are so. In the war of the Revolution, our father beyond the 
 waters encouraged us to join him, and we did so. We had 
 no sense then. The promises he made were never kept. We 
 were young and foolish, and fought with him. The British 
 can no more persuade us to do wrong : they have deceived us 
 once, and can deceive us no more. You are two great peoples. 
 If you go to war, we will have no concern in it ; for we are 
 not able to fight. We wish to be at peace with every nation. 
 If they offer me arms, I will say to them, You put me in 
 danger, to war against a people born in our own land. They 
 shall never force us into danger. You shall never see that 
 our chiefs are boys in council, who will be forced to do any 
 thing. I talk thus, knowing that father Washington advised 
 us never to interfere in wars. He told us that those in peace 
 were the happiest people. He told us that if the enemy at- 
 tacked him, ^he had warriors enough, and did not wish his red 
 children to help him. If the British advise us to any thing, 
 I will tell you — not hide it from you. If they say we must 
 fight, I will tell them, No !" 
 
 When the Big Warrior had spoken, Shelokta, another 
 
554 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 friendly chief, addressed the commissioners to similar effect 
 Shelokta had joined Jackson's forces soon after hostilities 
 commenced ; had fought all through the war under the Gen- 
 eral's command, and stood high in the confidence and esteem 
 of the army. He now appealed eloquently to the feelings of 
 Jackson, entreating him to leave the tribe in possession of 
 the fine country west of the Coosa. He reminded the Gen- 
 eral of the dangers they had passed together, and how faith- 
 ful he had been to the white men in the most trying scenes. 
 
 To these speeches Jackson replied at considerable length. 
 Moved as he and all present had been by the addresses of the 
 two chiefs, he still felt it due to the United States to adhere 
 to his demands. " You know," said he, " that the portion 
 of country which you desire to retain is that through which 
 the intruders and mischief-makers from the lakes reached you, 
 and urged your nation to those acts of violence that have in- 
 volved your people in wretchedness and your country in ruin. 
 Through it leads the path Tecumseh trod, when he came to 
 visit you. That path must be stopped. Until this is done, 
 your nation can not expect happiness, nor mine security. I 
 have already told you the reasons for demanding it. They 
 are such as ought not, can not be departed from. This even- 
 ing must determine whether or not you are disposed to become 
 friendly. By rejecting the treaty, you will show that you are 
 enemies of the United States — enemies even to yourselves. 
 It is true the war is not ended, but that is an additional rea- 
 son why the cession should be made : because then a line will 
 be drawn by which my soldiers will be enabled to distinguish 
 and know their friends. When our armies came here, the 
 hostile party had even stripped you of your country. We re- 
 took it, and now offer to restore it ; theirs we propose to 
 retain. Those who are disposed to give effect to the treaty, 
 will sign it. They will be within our territory — will be pro- 
 tected and fed — and no enemy of theirs or ours shall molest 
 them. Those who are opposed to it shall have permission to 
 retire to Pensacola. Here is the paper : take it, and show 
 the President who are his friends. Consult, and this evening 
 
1814.] TREATY OF FORT JACKSON. 555 
 
 let me know who will assent to it, and who will not. I do 
 not wish, nor will I attempt to force any of you — act as you 
 think proper." 
 
 The chiefs withdrew, and proceeded to deliberate again 
 in secret council. Another cause of delay arose. Some 
 Cherokee chiefs, who were present at the treaty, wished to 
 turn the calamity of the Creeks to the advantage of their 
 own tribe. The Creeks, having owned more land than they 
 could occupy, had, of late years, permitted the Cherokees to 
 establish settlements on the Tennessee, upon lands which 
 were about to be surrendered. The Cherokees now besought 
 the Creek chiefs to declare that this land really belonged to 
 the Cherokees, thus rendering a service to a friendly tribe 
 without cost to themselves. After discussion, the Creeks re- 
 plied, in the lofty Indian manner : 
 
 " We can not lie. We can not say the land is yours." 
 
 This matter disposed of, nothing remained but for the 
 Creeks to yield to the hard necessity of their lot, and consent 
 to sign the treaty. Before signing, however, another scene, 
 more curious than the last, occurred between the chiefs and 
 the American officers — a scene which, in later years, was made 
 the basis of attacks both upon the integrity and good sense 
 of General Jackson. In the official minutes of the treaty, 
 attested by Colonel Hawkins, and afterwards presented to 
 Congress, I find the following account of this singular and 
 interesting affair. On the morning of the 8th of August, the 
 chiefs assembled and sent a messenger to request General 
 Jackson and Colonel Hawkins to visit them, as they had 
 something particular to communicate. On the arrival of the 
 commissioners, some further conversation took place respect- 
 ing boundaries, after which one of the chiefs addressed the 
 General as follows : — 
 
 "The points now about boundary are pretty well settled, 
 and we shall sign it ; but before we do it and yield it up, we 
 have something to say to you. We are a poor distressed peo- 
 ple, involved in ruin, which we have brought on ourselves. 
 It is not caused by a foreign people among us, but of our own 
 
556 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 color, of our own land, and who speak our tongue. They 
 arose against us to destroy us, and we could not help our- 
 selves. We called on three brothers, Cherokees, Chickasaws, 
 and Choctaws, to help, but they did not come. We then 
 called on Colonel Hawkins for our white friends and brothers 
 to help, and you came. You have seen our red and white 
 brothers mix their blood in battle. You have risked your 
 life for us, and come here, and here we meet. You have 
 saved my life, and I an. thankful for it. We have put our 
 heads together, and consulted on it, and have come to one 
 opinion about what we should do. We, the Creek nation, 
 give you three miles square of land, to be chosen where you 
 like, from what we are going to give up. We wish you to 
 take it where you like, and as near us as you can ; as, if we 
 have need of you, you will be near, to aid and advise us. We 
 give you this in remembrance of the important services you 
 have done us, and as a token of the gratitude of the nation. 
 
 " There is a man near you, Colonel Hawkins ; the same 
 we give him, three miles square. He has been long among 
 us, helping us, and doing good for our nation, and is their 
 friend. He and I met at Colerain and were young men, and 
 are now old. His children are born in our land. He is to 
 select the land we give where he chooses in the land we are 
 about to give up, and to sit down on it, and if he dies his 
 children will have a place to live on. We do this as a token 
 of the gratitude of the nation. 
 
 " There is standing by you George Mayfield, a white man 
 raised in our land, a good and true man, an interpreter. We 
 give him one mile square of land, near you, that you may 
 have an interpreter at hand if we have need of you to talk 
 with you. 
 
 " Here is an old interpreter, thirty years in our service. 
 Alexander Cornells, we give him one mile square of land to 
 sit down on, where he selects, near Colonel Hawkins, that he 
 may continue his usefulness to us." 
 
 To this address General Jackson replied, according to the 
 official report, that " he should accept of this national mark 
 
1814.] TREATY OF FORT JACKSON. 557 
 
 of regard, if approved of by the President, and he (the Presi- 
 dent) might, if he would, appropriate its value to aid in 
 clothing their naked women and children. He was well 
 pleased they had noticed their old friend, Colonel Hawkins, 
 and his children born among them, and their conduct on this 
 head towards him and them was much to the credit of the 
 nation." 
 
 Colonel Hawkins then addressed the chiefs. " I have 
 been long among you," said he, " and grown gray in your 
 service ; I shall not much longer be your Agent. You all 
 know me, that when applied to by White, Ked, or Black, I 
 looked not to color, but to the justice of the claim. I shall 
 continue to be faithful and useful to you while I live, and 
 my children born among you will be brought up to do the. 
 same. I accept your present, and I esteem it the more highly 
 by the manner of bestowing it, as it resulted from the im- 
 pulse of your own minds, and not from any intimation from 
 the General or me." 
 
 The chiefs retired ; but, upon conferring together, they 
 were not quite satisfied with General Jackson's reply, and 
 desired to explain themselves further. In the official narra- 
 tive for the same day we find a second entry as follows : — 
 " Eight o'clock, p. m. This evening the chiefs expressed to 
 Colonel Hawkins : e They did not give to General Jackson 
 the land to-day to give it back to them in clothing and other 
 things ; they want him to live on it, and when he is gone his 
 family may have it ; and it may always be known what the 
 nation gave it to him for. They say that, in the instrument 
 to convey their intentions, it must be plainly expressed what 
 are the towns and masters of the land ; that they have been 
 uniformly friendly to the United States, and faithful to their 
 engagements in peace and in war ; that they consider the ex- 
 tending the line through their lands in the Lower Creeks as 
 taking from them more than the equivalent offered, and they 
 have claims which should be attended to ; but as the Gen- 
 eral has no powers about them, they will sign the line with 
 him, it being demanded by him, and advised by their friend, 
 vol. i. — 36 
 
558 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 Colonel Hawkins. Mrs. Hawkins must be put in with hei 
 children, as she had much trouble to teach the Indians tc 
 spin and weave." 
 
 On the day following, the instrument conveying the land 
 was drawn up by an interpreter, signed by the principal chiefs, 
 and presented to General Jackson, who received and preserved 
 it. This instrument, after an involved preamble claiming a 
 moral right to the lands conveyed, and designating the Head 
 Towns of the Creek nation, proceeded thus : — 
 
 " First. Wishing to give a national mark of gratitude to Major Gen- 
 eral Andrew Jackson for his distinguished services rendered us at the 
 head of the army from Tennessee, we give and grant him, and his heirs 
 for ever, three miles square of land, at such place as he may select out of 
 the national lands. 
 
 " Second. Our nation feel under obligations to Colonel Benjamin 
 Hawkins, our agent, and to Mrs. Lavinia Hawkins, his wife, for the un- 
 wearied pains they have for a long time taken to introduce the plan of 
 civilization among us, and to be useful to us ; and as their children are 
 born in our land, we, as a token of gratitude, give and grant to Colonel 
 Hawkins, for himself, his wife, and his children, three miles square of land, 
 to him and his heirs for ever ; to be located in such part of the national 
 lands as Colonel Hawkins may select, in one tract or survey of one mile 
 square each. 
 
 " Third. We give to George Mayfield, an interpreter with General 
 Jackson, a white man raised in our land, one mile square of land, where 
 he may select, as a mark of our respect for his honesty and usefulness to 
 us as an interpreter. 
 
 " Fourth. We give and grant to Alexander Cornells, a half-breed, an 
 old and faithful interpreter, who has been long in the public service, one 
 mile square of land, at his option, to be located by him. 
 
 " We finally request, that the government of the United States will 
 ratify the foregoing acts of national gratitude, and by suitable deeds of con- 
 veyance to enable the parties to receive and hold the said lands, agreeably 
 to our intentions as herein expressed." 
 
 These are the facts respecting the famous land-gift to 
 General Jackson, and they are given here for the first time in 
 a work accessible to the public. The reader can now judge 
 them for himself. It was, of course, made a great point of 
 ridicule, in after times, that General Jackson should have 
 
1814.] TREATY OF FORT JACKSON. 559 
 
 accepted lands for himself on the 9th of August, which he re- 
 ceived for the United States on the 10th. But the point was 
 not fair ; because the Indians did their best, in their rude 
 way, to set forth in the instrument of conveyance, that they 
 still claimed the lands, and looked to the United States to 
 make their claim good at some future day. It were absurd 
 to deny, however, that the acceptance of such a grant was 
 an error of judgment on the part of the negotiators : natural 
 and very pardonable in the circumstances ; but still an error. 
 There is no nation, I presume, civilized or barbarous, that 
 would permit men sent to negotiate a treaty to receive im- 
 portant benefits from the nation to which they were accred- 
 ited. The thing is utterly and universally inadmissible. It 
 would be opening the door to the worst corruption, and offer- 
 ing a reward to treason. 
 
 The subject was brought before Congress in 1816, when 
 Jackson was at the zenith of the greatest popularity enjoyed 
 by any citizen of the United States since the days of Gen- 
 eral Washington. President Madison called attention to the 
 matter in a special message. " Taking into consideration," 
 said the President, " the peculiar circumstances of the case — 
 the expediency of indulging the Indians in wishes which they 
 associated with the treaty signed by them, and that the case 
 involves an inviting opportunity of bestowing on an officer 
 who has rendered such illustrious services to his country a 
 token of its sensibility to them, the inducement to which can 
 not be diminished by the delicacy and disinterestedness of his 
 proposal to transfer the benefit from himself : I recommend 
 to Congress that provision be made for carrying into effect 
 the wishes of the Indians." 
 
 Congress differed from the President, and the recom- 
 mendation was never complied with. The Senate referred 
 it to various committees, and took no direct action upon 
 it of any kind. In the House it was referred to the Com- 
 mittee on Public Lands, who reported that it was " inex- 
 pedient to ratify the donations of land as recommended/' 
 This report came afterwards before the Committee of the 
 
Ot)0 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 Whole, by whom it was indefinitely postponed, and never 
 again taken up. 
 
 On the 10th of August, 1814, after a delay of a whole 
 month in intrigue and negotiation, the treaty of Fort 
 Jackson was signed. Amid the stir of the mighty events 
 of that period, this treaty, so unique, so important, wholly 
 escaped public observation. In 1819, Henry Clay, the great 
 politician of the war, confessed that he had only recently 
 become acquainted with its provisions. It made noise enough 
 then, however. For the convenience of readers who would 
 like to examine this most peculiar of American treaties, it is 
 given as an appendix to this volume. 
 
 The chiefs went their ways. The concourse at the Holy 
 Ground dispersed. A strong garrison of newly-raised militia 
 were left in the ancient fort to overawe the Indians. Unhappy 
 garrison ! We shall be obliged to look in upon them some 
 weeks hence to see how they endure the tedium and solitude 
 of that most sequestered retreat. A few days after the sign- 
 ing of the treaty, General Jackson, with his staff and a small 
 escort, continued his journey toward Mobile and — immortal- 
 ity ! 
 
 CHAPTER LII. 
 
 THE DARK DAYS OF THE WAR. 
 
 The Allies in Paris ! Napoleon fallen ! The images of 
 the idol smashed by the populace of the French towns ! 
 The Bourbons to be restored ! Peace in Europe ! What 
 news, even to the news-hardened people of 1814 ! 
 
 A thoughtful and humane citizen of the United States, 
 upon reading this thrilling intelligence in the New York 
 papers of the 6th of June, must have been agitated by 
 contending emotions. As a friend of humanity, he could 
 
1814.] THE DARK DAYS OF THE WAR. 561 
 
 not have been insensible to what Sydney Smith, in the 
 exultation of the moment, styled " the stupendous happi- 
 ness of getting rid of Bonaparte :" a man who had brought 
 the art of tyranny to perfection, and whose position had for 
 some years been so inextricably false, that his continued exist- 
 ence as a European power could be nothing but destructive. 
 On the other hand, the fall of the Destroyer inflamed the 
 arrogance and released the resources of the British empire. 
 That wonderful fleet of a thousand vessels, those victorious 
 armies of the Peninsula, those generals who had learned war 
 in contending against the greatest of soldiers, that prodigious 
 revenue which had subsidized a continent for half a genera- 
 tion, and supported the most tremendous contest ever waged 
 on earth, were now free to be concentrated upon a republic 
 in the thirty-eighth year of its existence, weakened by two 
 years of war, and presenting a line of coast that invited 
 attack at a thousand points. Patriotism and philanthropy 
 seemed, for once, to be in conflict. 
 
 But if any man were in doubt whether he ought to 
 rejoice or mourn over Napoleon's ruin, party came in to 
 solve the doubt. The Federalists rejoiced ostentatiously. 
 They held meetings, passed resolutions, consumed dinners, 
 drank toasts, hoisted flags, fired cannons, wrote leading 
 articles and preached sermons in honor of the great event. 
 The Democrats, of course, made a point of lamenting the 
 triumph of the allied sovereigns, and they had good reason 
 to lament it, both as partisans and as patriots. Can any one 
 doubt, they asked, that the Federalists are monarchists and 
 traitors, now that they glory in the success of their country's 
 foes, and hail the increased peril of their country as a party 
 triumph ? To which the Federalists replied, that they did 
 indeed exult in the fall of a tyrant and scourge of the human 
 race, and the more, because now the administration would be 
 compelled to restore peace to the country it had ruined; for 
 not even the infatuation of a Madison and an Armstrong 
 would dare to attempt a struggle with the undivided power 
 of Napoleon's conquerors. 
 
562 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 If there were any individuals in the United States who 
 desired peace more ardently than any others, the members of 
 the administration were those individuals; because none knew 
 so well as they how unfit the nation was to cope with a pow- 
 erful enemy. The ablest men they could command, Clay, 
 Crawford, Gallatin, John Quincy Adams, Bayard, Kussell, 
 were all in Europe in various capacities, but all having in 
 view the one overruling object of obtaining, if not an honor- 
 able peace, the least dishonorable one that would not involve 
 the ruin of the party making it. The tidings of Napoleon's 
 downfall reached Clay at Gottenburg, Crawford at Paris, 
 Bayard at Leyden, Gallatin at London, Kussell at Stock- 
 holm; and all having access to sources of intelligence, united 
 in the opinion that the events at Paris had rendered an 
 American peace one of the most improbable of events. 
 
 A letter written on the 22d of April, by Albert Gallatin 
 to Henry Clay, explains the posture of affairs with the clear 
 intelligence that marks Mr. Gallatin's writings : — 
 
 "You are sufficiently aware," he wrote, "of the total change in our 
 affairs produced by the late revolution, and by the restoration of universal 
 peace in the European world, from which we are alone excluded. A well 
 organized and large army is at once liberated from any European employ- 
 ment, and ready, together with a superabundant naval force, to act imme- 
 diately against us. How ill prepared we are to meet it in a proper man- 
 ner no one knows better than yourself; but, above all, our own divisions 
 and the hostile attitude of the eastern States give room to apprehend that 
 a continuance of the war might prove vitally fatal to the United States. I 
 mderstand that the ministers, with whom we have not had any direct inter- 
 course, still profess to be disposed to make an equitable peace. But the 
 hope not of ultimate conquest, but of a dissolution of the Union, the con- 
 venient pretense which the American war will afford to preserve large 
 military establishments, and above all, the force of popular feeling, may all 
 unite in inducing the cabinet in throwing impediments in the way of peace. 
 They will not certainly be disposed to make concessions, nor probably dis- 
 pleased at a failure of negotiations. That the war is popular, and that 
 national pride, inflated by the last unexpected success, can not be satisfied 
 without what they call the chastisement of America, can not be doubted. 
 The mass of the people here know nothing of American politics but through 
 the medium of Federal speeches and newspapers, faithfully transcribed in 
 
1814.] THE DARK DAYS OF THE WAR. 563 
 
 their own journals. They do not even suspect that we have any just cause 
 of complaint, and consider us altogether the aggressors, and as allies of Bona- 
 parte. In these opinions it is understood that the ministers do not partici- 
 pate; but it will really require an effort on their part to act contrary to 
 public opinion ; and they must, even if perfectly sincere, use great caution 
 and run some risk of popularity." 
 
 The American war was indeed popular in England, and it 
 soon appeared that the ministry, whatever their private opin- 
 ions may have been, were disposed to foment and flatter the 
 popular humor. Among the shows exhibited in Hyde Park 
 during the public rejoicings at the peace was a sham fight 
 between an American and an English fleet, in which, of 
 course, the American fleet suffered a most ignominious de- 
 feat. Among the crowd of spectators who saw the show were 
 officers who, a very few months later, fell under that fright- 
 ful blaze of American rifles at the battle of New Orleans. 
 Let us add, that at least one of those brave men felt the ill 
 taste and bad morality of the exhibition.* The English press, 
 from the Quarterly Review to the evening papers, teemed 
 with the most irritating and scurrilous abuse of the Amer- 
 ican people during this summer of intoxication. For one 
 specimen paragraph, from the London Sun of September 3d, 
 1814, room may be afforded here, in illustration of Mr. Gal- 
 latin's letter : — 
 
 * Captain John Henry Cooke, in his Narrative of the Attack on New Orleans, 
 says : " I saw the last of the grand illuminations. It was strange enough, that, 
 having arrived in London only the night before, and going to see the sham attack 
 made on the American fleet, got up in miniature for the occasion, on the Serpen- 
 tine river in Hyde Park, I buttoned an olive pelisse coat over the very uniform 
 which I afterwards wore at New Orleans. 
 
 " This sham fighting did not savor of good taste, because at that time peace 
 was anxiously looked for in that quarter of the g!obe ; and many of these scenes 
 acted during the delirium of the moment, fell to a great discount when the senses 
 of Englishmen recovered their equilibrium, and they found that they did not pos- 
 sess Aladdin's lamp. 
 
 " In addition to which it may be remarked, that a sham fight is as unlike 
 a real one as the two most opposite things in nature. In this instance the 
 show was exceedingly mal-d-apropos, and any thing but prophetic; for, al- 
 though the wild bonnet rouge had been laid low, yet the broad brim retained 
 its steadiness." 
 
564 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 " The American armies, of copper captains and Falstaff recruits, defy 
 the pen of satire to paint them worse than they are — worthless, lying? 
 treacherous, false, slanderous, cowardly, and vaporing heroes, with boasting 
 on their loud tongues, and terror in their quaking hearts. Were it not 
 that the course of punishment they are undergoing is necessary to the 
 ends of moral and political justice, we declare before our country that we 
 should feel ashamed of victory over such ignoble foes. The quarrel resem- 
 bles one between a gentleman and a chimney-sweeper ; — the former may 
 beat the low scoundrel to his heart's contentment ; but there is no honor in 
 the exploit, and he is sure to be covered with the soil and dirt of his igno- 
 minious antagonist. But necessity will sometimes compel us to descend 
 from our station to chastise a vagabond, and endure the disgrace of a con- 
 test in order to repress, by wholesome correction, the presumptuous inso- 
 lence and mischievous designs of the basest assailant." 
 
 The Times also spoke of President Madison as " this fel- 
 low," " notorious for lying, for imposture of all kinds, for his 
 Barbarous warfare both in Canada and against the Creek In- 
 dians ; for every thing, in short, that can debase and degrade 
 a government/' Again, on the 2d of July, while discoursing 
 on the American naval victories, which were delicately styled 
 the " late painful events on the sea," the Times, which always 
 flattered the fighting propensities of the British bull-dog, held 
 the following magnanimous language : " There is but one 
 way to turn the current of the Americans' thoughts and 
 efforts from their present direction, and that is to crush their 
 growing navy to atoms! The enterprise may be twice as 
 difficult now as it would have been had our means then per- 
 mitted, in the first month of the war ; but it will infallibly 
 be ten times as difficult, nay, it may become absolutely im- 
 possible if it is delayed till a future war. Now America 
 stands alone, hereafter she may have allies. Let us strike 
 while the iron is hot !" 
 
 Such was the temper of John Bull in the first flush of the 
 great triumphs of 1814. Indeed, there was acrimony enough 
 on both sides, which, on the part of the Americans, increased 
 as the season advanced. An incident related by Judge 
 Brackenridge, in his excellent History of the War, exhibits 
 the angry feeling of both nations : — 
 
1814.] THE DARK DATS OF THE WAR. 565 
 
 " Twenty-three American soldiers, taken at the battle of Queenstown 
 in the autumn of 1812, were detained in close confinement on the charge 
 of being native-born British subjects, and afterwards sent to England to 
 undergo a trial for treason. On this being made known to our govern- 
 ment, orders were given to General Dearborn to confine a like number of 
 British prisoners taken at Fort George, and to keep them as hostages for 
 the safety of the Americans ; instructions which were carried into effect, 
 and soon after made known to the Governor of Canada. The British gov- 
 ernment was no sooner informed of this, than Governor Prevost was or- 
 dered to place forty-six American commissioned and non-commissioned 
 officers in confinement. Governor Prevost, in his letter. to General Wil- 
 kinson upon this subject, stated, that he had been directed to apprise him, 
 that if any of the British prisoners should suffer death, in consequence of 
 the twenty-three American soldiers above mentioned being found guilty 
 and the known law of Great Britain and of every other country in similar 
 circumstances being executed on them, double the number of American 
 officers should suffer instant death : he further notified the general, for the 
 information of his government, that orders had been given to the British 
 commanders to prosecute the war with unrelenting severity, if, unhappily, 
 after this notice, the American government should not be deterred from 
 
 putting to death the British soldiers now in confinement The 
 
 arrogance and haughtiness of the British officer in holding this language, 
 so far from intimidating a people who are proud of their independence and 
 jealous of their national honor, was only calculated to render resistance 
 more obstinate ; and justly excited the indignation of every American. 
 General Wilkinson soon after informed Governor Prevost, that, in conse- 
 quence of orders he had received from his government, he had put forty- 
 six British officers in confinement, to be there detained until it should be 
 known that the American officers were released. On the receipt of this 
 intelligence, the Canadian governor ordered all the American prisoners 
 into close confinement ; and a similar step was soon after taken by our 
 government." 
 
 Elias Darnell, an American militiaman under General 
 Winchester, says in his narrative : — " Six of us stopped at a 
 Major Boon's (a Canadian), and asked him 'if we might stay 
 all night/ He said we could. His father, who lived with 
 him, let us know he had been a tory major in the American 
 ^Revolution. He said ' he had lived in the Jerseys, and had 
 one of Lord Howe's commissions in the house then, and was 
 a half-pay officer/ He said ' the Americans would have no 
 possible chance to take Canada, for the British next spring 
 
566 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 would bring seventy thousand Indians from the North-west, 
 and as many negroes from St. Domingo, besides three hun- 
 dred thousand Turks V Said James Allen, i I suppose you 
 will set dogs on us next!' "* 
 
 The British ministry acted promptly, in accordance with 
 the national humor. The same ship that conveyed to New 
 York the news of Napoleon's ruin, brought a letter from the 
 watchful and sagacious Albert Gallatin to the President, giv- 
 ing him information derived from secret sources in London, 
 that the most prodigious and overwhelming efforts against 
 America had been resolved upon. He knew not where the first 
 blow was to fall. He gave no hint, for he had none to give, of 
 the intended conquest of the South-west. He knew only that 
 great fleets were equipping, that many of the finest regiments 
 in the service were preparing to embark, that simultaneous 
 operations in many directions were contemplated, and that 
 every sea-port on the Atlantic coast was in danger. This warn- 
 ing letter arrived none too soon. When President Madison read 
 it, on the 12th of June, the expedition that in August was to 
 lay in smoking ruins the city of Washington, was already 
 eight days on its voyage from Bordeaux to the Chesapeake. 
 
 The well-known words attributed to Lord Castlereagh, 
 upon the arrival at Paris of the news of the capture of Wash- 
 ington, are not likely to have been uttered by a diplomatist, 
 or, if uttered, to have been reported ; but they express both 
 the intentions and the expectations of the British govern- 
 ment. According to the newspaper version of the story, 
 Castlereagh said to the King of France, who had uttered 
 doubts respecting the truth of the intelligence : — " Sire, it is 
 true, beyond all question ; and I expect that at this time 
 (about October 15th) most of the large sea-port towns in 
 America are laid in ashes — that we are in possession of New 
 Orleans, and have command of all the waters of the Missis- 
 sippi and the lakes ; so that the Americans are now little 
 better than prisoners at large in their own country." 
 
 * Journal of Elias Darnell, page 12. 
 
1814.] THE DARK DAYS OF THE WAR. 567 
 
 These being the designs of Great Britain, in what condi- 
 tion were the United States to resist them ? 
 
 The country was canying on war without the hearty 
 concurrence of its brain and conscience. New England, 
 that had led the Kevolution, could never overcome her 
 repugnance to this war. The instincts of the country, 
 which reside chiefly in the West and South, declared and sus- 
 tained the war of 1812. No wonder, then, that it was a war 
 of blunders and disasters, relieved by victories, brilliaut, flat- 
 tering, and unimportant. The deep discontent of New En- 
 gland was about to issue in the Hartford Convention ; a most 
 innocent and patriotic convention, it is true, but one of those 
 cautious feelers which a virtuous and thoughtful people put 
 forth when they begin to foresee a necessity of a change in the 
 basis of their affairs. If events had gone wrong in the South- 
 west — if the war had been continued another year — if the ships 
 of New England had gone on rotting at the wharves — if the 
 great army of fishermen had been kept from their accustomed 
 haunts another season — if the industry of New England, in 
 short, had remained paralyzed much longer — other conven- 
 tions would doubtless have assembled, whose resolves would 
 not have been as vague, or general, or fruitless, as those of 
 Hartford. It required a great many years for slow New En- 
 gland to arrive at Lexington and Bunker Hill — but she got 
 there at last. It took two years and a half of a war which 
 she had utterly disapproved, and which had brought her to 
 the verge of ruin, to extort from her so mild and kind a 
 protest as that of the Hartford Convention. But there is 
 danger in a people who begin radical movements in that 
 quiet way. 
 
 Fiery Jackson, the favorite and representative of the na- 
 tional instincts, told President Monroe, a few years later, that 
 if he had been in command of the eastern division when the 
 Hartford Convention met, he would have hung every man of 
 them. To which, I may add, that if General Jackson had 
 been in command of the eastern division at that time, ha 
 would have been too busy in keeping the British out of 
 
568 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 Penobscot Bay, or in driving them from the soil of Maine, 
 and making impossible their return, to have been much con- 
 cerned about a score of quiet gentlemen in black passing mild 
 resolutions in secret conclave at Hartford. General Jackson, 
 moreover, knew no more about the Hartford Convention than 
 any orator on the democratic stump. No man of his party 
 knew any thing about it at that day, or would know,* be- 
 cause it was too good a party cry to spoil by correct in- 
 formation. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin's warning letter reached the President when 
 the pecuniary resources of the government were at the low- 
 est ebb. The Treasury was empty — it was worse than 
 empty — its credit was impaired. At the beginning of the 
 war, John Jacob Astor, Stephen Girard, James Parrish and 
 other capitalists had been glad to take the loan of sixteen 
 millions authorized by Congress on terms which the gov- 
 ernment considered "advantageous." In May, 1814, just 
 before the bad news came, a sum of nine millions was bor- 
 rowed by the government at rates varying from eighty-five to 
 eighty-eight. In August, when the government's need was 
 sorest, and the news of June 6th had done its worst, a loan 
 of six millions was advertised for, but only three millions 
 could be obtained, and that by a loss of more than twenty 
 dollars in every hundred. Colonel McKenney, in his Memoirs, 
 mentions an amusing instance of the poverty of the govern- 
 ment during the last months of the war. " There was not 
 even money enough to buy fuel to keep the cadets at West 
 Point from perishing, when resort was had by them to every 
 old building and out-house, to fence rails, and shrubs and 
 roots, until Governor Tompkins threw in five hundred dol- 
 lars' worth of wood, which was met by the cadets on its 
 way to the Point, and borne to their quarters on their 
 shoulders." 
 
 The disorder in the currency was extreme. John Quincy 
 Adams, an actor in the events of that day, gives us his opin- 
 
 * For a full and highly interesting account of the Hartford Convention, sea 
 B. G. Goodrich's Recollections of a Lifetime, ii. 9. 
 
1814.] THE DARK DAYS OF THE WAR. 569 
 
 ion of the cause and a statement of the extent, of that de- 
 rangement ; which, in view of events to be hereafter related, 
 the intelligent reader should mark and remember. Mr. Adams 
 says :• 
 
 " By an unpropitions combination of rival interests, and 
 of political prejudices, the first Bank of the United States, 
 at the very outset of the war, had been denied the renewal 
 of its charter : a heavier blow of illusive and contracted 
 policy could scarcely have befallen the Union. The polar 
 star of public credit, and of commercial confidence, was 
 abstracted from the firmament, and the needle of the compass 
 wandered at random to the four quarters of the heavens. 
 From the root of the fallen trunk, sprang up a thicket of 
 suckers — never destined to bear fruit : the offspring of sum- 
 mer vegetation, withering at the touch of the first winter's 
 frost. Yet, upon them was our country doomed to rely ; it 
 was her only substitute for the shade and shelter of the par- 
 ent tree. The currency soon fell into frightful disorder : 
 banks, with fictitious capital, swarmed throughout the land, 
 and spunged the purse of the people, often for the use of their 
 own money, with more than usurious extortion. The solid 
 banks, even of this metropolis, were enabled to maintain their 
 integrity, only by contracting their operations to an extent 
 ruinous to their debtors and themselves. A balance of trade, 
 operating like universal fraud, vitiated the channels of inter- 
 course between North and South : and the Treasury of the 
 Union was replenished only with countless millions of silken 
 tatters and unavailable funds : chartered corporations, bank- 
 rupt, under the gentle name of suspended specie payments, 
 and without a dollar of capital to pay their debts, sold, at 
 enormous discounts, the very evidence of those debts ; and 
 passed off, upon the government of their country, at par, 
 their rags — purchasable, in open market, at depreciations of 
 
 * Life of James Monroe, written by Mr. Adams in 1831 — just as the smoul- 
 dering war between General Jackson and the Bank of the United States was 
 about to break forth. Hence, the warmth and force of the passage quoted— 
 John Quincy Adams being a leader of the Bank party. 
 
570 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 thirty and forty per cent. In the meantime, so degraded was 
 the credit of the nation, and so empty their Treasury, that 
 Mr. Monroe, to raise the funds indispensable for the defense 
 of New Orleans, could obtain them only by pledging his 
 private individual credit, as subsidiary to that of the nation." 
 
 Not much assistance of any kind could the central gov- 
 ernment afford to General Jackson in his operations at the 
 South. The little money that was required to dispatch some 
 barge loads of muskets down the Ohio from Pittsburg, most 
 of which arrived too late, and the comparatively small sums 
 expended in Tennessee, New Orleans, and at Mobile, were 
 raised, as Mr. Adams intimates, by the personal exertions of 
 Mr. Monroe. It chanced that Major William B. Lewis, Jack- 
 son's neighbor and quarter-master, was in Washington at 
 this time. " Can men be raised for New Orleans in Ten- 
 nessee and Kentucky ?" asked Secretary Monroe of Major 
 Lewis. " Unquestionably/' replied the Major, " but there 
 are no arms in the lower country." " Then we must send 
 arms," said the Secretary. 
 
 Colonel McKenney, a friend of the parties in the transac- 
 tion, and perfectly informed of all its particulars, describes 
 the interesting and honorable scene to which Mr. Adams 
 refers : " There was no money ! Applications were made in 
 all directions ; appeals to the patriotism of the people were 
 heralded in all directions, and the most imploring calls ut- 
 tered to come to the rescue. But the arm of the nation was 
 paralyzed. There was no more money, and confidence was 
 gone ! It was in this dark crisis that Mr. Monroe went in 
 person to the Bank of Columbia, and made an appeal. Gov- 
 ernment securities were freely offered, and at great sacrifices, 
 but in vain ; when he looked the cashier, William Whann, in 
 the face, and throwing into his countenance all that was im- 
 ploring and impressive, he said, 
 
 " Mr. Whann, have you confidence in my honor ? Will 
 you accept a pledge of that, backed by all my private fortune, 
 that this sum, now so indispensable to the wants of the gov- 
 ernment, shall be made good ? I pledge them \" 
 
1814.] THE DARK DATS OF THE WAR 571 
 
 " Mr. Whann repaired to the directors' room, and with 
 a heart full of solicitude, reported all that had passed, when 
 the amount wanted was placed at the disposal of the govern- 
 ment. It was that very amount, obtained in that way, and 
 which could have been obtained in no other way, that sustained 
 Jackson's army, and enabled it to reach New Orleans ; and 
 but for which, or an indispensable portion of it, it could not 
 have moved at all."* 
 
 Another fact must be recalled to the reader's recollection. 
 The war had been thus far a northern war, and the war ma- 
 terial in the possession of the government — armies, arms, 
 ammunition, forts, barracks, navy yards-^-were mostly in the 
 North. It is idle to blame the administration, as many writ- 
 ers have done, for neglecting the coast of the Griilf of Mexico. 
 Always embarrassed for money, always compelled to attempt 
 too much, it was impossible to spare means and men for the 
 protection of posts six weeks from Washington, and not threat- 
 ened by the enemy. At the beginning of the war, General 
 Wilkinson, then in command at New Orleans, gave the Presi- 
 dent an outline of a plan for the defense of that city, which, 
 if carried out, would have absorbed half the revenue of the 
 government. " To defend New Orleans and the mouths of 
 the Mississippi," wrote Wilkinson, "against a dominant na- 
 val force and six thousand veteran troops, rank and file, from 
 the West India station, the following force is indispensable :" 
 four of the heaviest national vessels; forty gun-boats to mount 
 eighteen and twenty-four pounders ; six steamboats for trans- 
 portation, each to hold four hundred men and a month's pro- 
 visions ; four stout radeaux, each to mount ten twenty-four 
 pounders ; ten thousand regular troops ; four thousand five 
 hundred militia. All this was indispensable, argues the gen- 
 eral at length, and he bitterly condemns the President for hi3 
 "obstinacy" in not adopting the scheme. He also boasts 
 that the President said during the alarm for the safety of 
 
 * Mr. Adams says that this act was the cause of the pecuniar}' embarrass 
 ments that embittered the last years of James Monroe. 
 
572 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 New Orleans, that " it was a pity General Wilkinson's plans 
 had not- been carried out." 
 
 It was late in the summer of 1814 before the administra- 
 tion began to suspect the enemy's designs upon the ports of 
 the Gulf. Kumors of those designs had been floating about 
 in the newspapers ; but they do not appear to have been 
 credited by men at the head of affairs, who looked to their 
 envoys in Europe for early notice of the enemy's intentions. 
 The secret was well kept in Europe ; the first intimations of 
 danger came from the West Indies. In the New York Even- 
 ing Post for April 6th, 1814, appeared a letter from New 
 Orleans, which stated that the captain of a schooner from 
 New Providence had brought rumors of an intended attack 
 on New Orleans, for which gun-boats were building at New 
 Providence. The information was said to have been derived 
 from the captain of a British man-of-war. The editor of the 
 Post, in commenting upon this letter, said that he had for 
 some time thought, for various reasons, that such an expedi- 
 tion was in contemplation. Whether it was that the Federal 
 editors were given to prognosticating evil, or that public at- 
 tention was absorbed by passing events, this rumor attracted 
 little notice and less credit. 
 
 And what an advantage 'the British had in the practi- 
 cal possession of Florida, with Pensacola, the best harbor 
 on the Gulf, only half a day's sail or two days' march from 
 Mobile ! The Spanish held Florida with too feeble a grasp 
 to have withheld it from British uses, even if they had 
 desired to do so. They could not have desired it. En- 
 gland, that had just restored the Spanish king to his throne, 
 would soon (who could doubt it ?) have Louisiana in her 
 gift — the long-lost, ever-lamented, Spanish province of Loui- 
 siana ! In such circumstances what could Florida be but 
 an English colony, kept up at Spanish expense ? The Brit- 
 ish fleet of twelve ships sent in 1814 to take Savannah, 
 lay for several weeks under Amelia Island, across which the 
 Spaniards of East Florida, aided by the authorities, carried 
 the provisions that saved the fleet from the necessity of retix*- 
 
1814.] THE DARK DAYS OF THE WAR. 573 
 
 ing. The Spanish governor, as we have seen, congratulated 
 Wea therefore!, upon his victories over the Americans, and re- 
 ceived to the shelter of Pensacola the defeated Creeks flying 
 before the resistless march of Jackson. And now Pensacola 
 had been selected by the English as the basis of their opera- 
 tions in the Gulf of Mexico ; to be the rendezvous of their 
 fleets, and their point of departure against Mobile and New 
 Orleans. v 
 
 Spain kept up a show of friendship with the United 
 States, which, the United States, unwilling to add to the 
 number of its enemies, made a show of reciprocating. The 
 Governor General of Cuba went through the form of refus- 
 ing to permit the landing of British troops at Pensacola, 
 and, instantly after the refusal, the commander of the van- 
 guard and forerunner of the great expedition, sailed from 
 Havana to Pensacola, where he landed troops, hoisted the 
 British flag, took up his quarters in the Governor's house, 
 built barracks for his soldiers, and comported himself, in all 
 respects, as though he had landed in a British colony. This 
 was Spanish neutrality in the war of 1812. 
 
 With such advantages on the side of the enemy, General 
 Jackson found himself, on his arrival at Mobile, in command 
 of parts of three regiments of regular troops, a thousand miles 
 of coast to defend, without a fort garrisoned or adequately 
 armed. As the nature of his situation gradually became 
 apparent to him, he had to act without instructions. Sel- 
 dom has the most experienced officer been thrown more 
 exclusively upon the resources of his own mind. He was 
 alone, this wild borderer, this man of the fiery word and 
 ready blow, this unlettered soldier who had never seen the 
 face of a civilized enemy ; alone, to solve nice questions of 
 diplomacy, and vital questions of internal police ; alone, 
 against one of the most powerful and confident expeditions 
 ever sent forth by the mistress of the seas ! 
 
 vol. i.-— 37 
 
574 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSOK. [1814. 
 
 CHAPTER LIII. 
 
 THE ENGLISH AT PENSACOLA. 
 
 At the end of a narrow, beautiful bay that penetrates the 
 coast of Florida ten miles ; on a low, sandy plain half a mile 
 wide, open in front to the breezes of the bay, and bounded 
 behind by a peat swamp ; its harbor, deep enough for the 
 largest frigates, sheltered from the storms of the Gulf by an 
 island that narrows the entrance to three quarters of a mile ; 
 stands the ancient town of Pensacola. Eenowned, in the 
 palmy days of Spanish rule, for its gardens and grandees, for 
 its fine public edifices and impregnable fortifications, for its 
 showy garrison and wealthy oitizens, it had been reduced, 
 many years before the period of which we now write, to a 
 poor straggling town of two hundred small wooden houses, 
 and fifteen hundred inhabitants. The Government House 
 itself, in 1814, was a two-story frame building, of the most 
 ordinary appearance, and the church an old store-house con- 
 verted to sacred uses by the addition of a little belfry and a 
 white cross. The gardens were all overgrown with weeds ; 
 the imposing edifices had been burnt ; the regularity of the 
 streets had been destroyed through the corrupt avarice of the 
 governors, and the place was as dull and uninviting as idle 
 poverty and idle pride could make it. 
 
 To the harbor alone the town owed whatever importance 
 it possessed. The entrance to the harbor was commanded 
 by Fort Barrancas, six miles from the town, a fort which, if 
 properly garrisoned, was capable of preventing the coming in 
 or the departure of a fleet. The land approaches to the place 
 were guarded by another fort, a battery, and some inferior 
 fortifications. The Governor of Pensacola, besides being an 
 adept in other arts of the Spanish Circumlocution Office, 
 wrote dispatches in the style of a Spanish grandee of the 
 first magnitude. But his garrison consisted of a few com- 
 
1814.] THE ENGLISH AT PENSACOLA. 575 
 
 panies of troops ; and when he had in his magazines powder 
 enough to fire two royal salutes, he had more powder than 
 his magazines could always boast. In short, he was one of 
 the poorest, and one of the proudest of Spanish governors. 
 The inhabitants of his principality seem to have been a 
 miscellaneous assemblage of fishermen, West India traders, 
 soldiers, Indians, half-breeds, negroes, and a class of men 
 called in their own language privateersmen, in ours pi- 
 rates. 
 
 Pensacola has not yet, after thirty years of American gov- 
 ernment, shaken oif the spell of dullness which the Spanish 
 governors left upon it. It has added but five hundred to the 
 number of its people. It boasts of but twenty-five hundred 
 tons of shipping. It possesses a custom-house officer, who 
 has leisure to attend to the chief end of his appointment.* 
 
 In the latter days of August, 1814, the town and port of 
 Pensacola exhibited nothing of their wonted tropical lethar- 
 gy. There was life and movement everywhere. In the harbor, 
 eight or nine British armed ships lay at anchor. Arms and 
 ammunition in great quantities were landing and being con- 
 veyed to the forts. A body of negro soldiers from the West 
 Indies, in the British uniform, had come on shore, along with 
 several companies of English troops. The forts were in course 
 of repair; from one of them floated the English flag in friendly 
 conjunction with the standard of Spain. The commander of 
 the English forces had taken up his residence with the Span- 
 ish governor, who swelled with the greatness of the occasion. 
 The town swarmed with Indians, new multitudes of whom 
 were coming in every hour. 
 
 These ships and troops were the forerunners and preparers 
 of the way of the great expedition. The fleet was under 
 the command of Captain the Honorable W. H. Percy, of the 
 ship Hermes. The commander of the troops, and the leadei 
 
 * The new Custom House at Pensacola, Florida, has just been finished. The 
 cost was $50,000. The amount of revenue collected at that port for the yeai 
 ending 30th June, 1857, was, in round numbers, $478. To collect this sum il 
 cost the government $3,012. — Newspaper Paragraph, 1858. 
 
576 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 of the expedition, was Lieutenant Colonel Edward Nichols, 
 an Irish officer, who had served with distinction in Europe. 
 
 Secrecy, one would have thought, would have character- 
 ized the preliminary operations of the English in the Gulf 
 of Mexico. Nothing was further from the thoughts of Col- 
 onel N : chols. If his superiors had designed to put the 
 AmfVicans on their guard, to give them the longest possible 
 time in which to prepare for defense, and to excite to the ut- 
 most their combative propensities, they could not have 
 accomplished those benevolent objects better than by appoint- 
 ing to the command of this preparatory expedition the brave, 
 the loud, the robustious, the wonderfully ill-informed Colonel 
 Nichols. Singularly unfitted as he was for an independent 
 command in scenes so novel, a fatality attended all his move- 
 ments from the beginning, and he failed in every one of his 
 zealous efforts to promote the ends of his employers. On his 
 way from the Bahamas to Pensacola, he had touched at Ha- 
 vana, where the secret of his destination and his precise objects 
 escaped, and was promptly conveyed to New Orleans. No 
 sooner had he reached Pensacola than he published to his 
 troops an Order of the Day, which in a few days appeared in 
 the newspapers of New Orleans, and soon in many other 
 newspapers of the South, conveying to every mind the idea 
 of most earnest and stupendous preparation. 
 
 Fancy the citizens of Mobile and New Orleans, already 
 alarmed by rumor upon rumor of coming invasion, reading, 
 early in September, such a document as the following, signed, 
 ei Edward Nichols, commanding his Britannic Majesty's forces 
 at Pensacola ;" report magnifying his three hundred men to a 
 great army : — 
 
 " Soldiers : — You are called upon to discharge a duty of the utmost 
 danger, of the utmost peril. You will have to perform long and tedious 
 marches through wildernesses, swamps and water-courses ; your enemy 
 from long habit inured to the climate, will have great advantages over you. 
 But remember the twenty-one years of toil and glory of your country, 
 and resolve to follow the example of your glorious companions, who have 
 fought and spilt their blood in her service. Be equally faithful and strict 
 
1814.] THE ENGLISH AT PENSACOLA. 577 
 
 in your moral discipline, and this, the last and most perfidious of your ene- 
 mies, will not long maintain himself before you. A cause so sacred as that 
 which has led you to draw your swords in Europe, will make you unsheathe 
 them in America, and I trust you will use them with equal credit and advan- 
 tage. In Europe, your arms were not employed in defense of your coun- 
 try only, but of all those who groaned in the chains of oppression, and in 
 America they are to have the same direction. The people whom you are 
 now to aid and assist have suffered robberies and murders committed on 
 them by the Americans. 
 
 u The noble Spanish nation has grieved to see her territories insulted ; 
 having been robbed and despoiled of a portion of them while she was 
 overwhelmed with distress and held down by the chains which a tyrant 
 had imposed on her gloriously struggling for the greatest of all possible 
 blessings (true liberty). The treacherous Americans, who call themselves 
 free, have attacked her, like assassins, while she was fallen. But the day 
 of retribution is fast approaching. These atrocities will excite horror in 
 the heart of a British soldier, they will stimulate you to avenge them, and 
 you will avenge them like British soldiers. Valor, then, and humanity ! 
 
 " As to the Indians, you are to exhibit to them the most exact disci- 
 pline, being a pattern to those children of nature. You will have to teach 
 and instruct them ; in doing which you will manifest the utmost patience, 
 and you will correct them when they deserve it. But you will regard 
 their affections and antipathies, and never give them just cause of offense. 
 Sobriety, above all things, should be your greatest care — a single instance 
 of drunkenness may be our ruin ; and I declare to you, in the most 
 solemn manner, that no consideration whatsoever shall induce me to for- 
 give a drunkard. Apprised of this declaration, if any of you break my 
 orders in this respect, he will consider himself as the just cause of his own 
 chastisement. Sobriety is your first duty ; I ask of you the observance of 
 it among your brethren. Vigilance is our next duty. Nothing is so dis- 
 graceful to our army as surprise — nothing so destructive to our cause." 
 
 Not satisfied with this piece of imprudence, and pleased, 
 apparently, with the effusions of his pen, Colonel Nichols 
 next produced his celebrated, his immortal Proclamation, 
 addressed to the inhabitants of Louisiana and Kentucky. 
 Considering all the circumstances, this address may be classed 
 among the comic productions of the war. But though it 
 can not now be read without a smile at the author's amazing 
 ignorance of American feelings and character, it excited, at 
 the time of its appearance, soon afterwards, in the southern 
 newspapers, boundless contempt and rage : — 
 
578 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 " Natives of Louisiana ! on you the first call is made to assist in liber- 
 ating from a faithless, imbecile government, your paternal soil : Spaniards, 
 Frenchmen, Italians, and British, whether settled or residing for a time in 
 Louisiana, on you, also, I call to aid me in this just cause : the American 
 usurpation in this country must be abolished, and the lawful owners of the 
 soil put in possession. I am at the head of a large body of Indians, well 
 armed, disciplined, and commanded by British officers — a good train of 
 artillery with every requisite, seconded by the powerful aid of a numerous 
 British and Spanish squadron of ships and vessels of war. Be not alarmed, 
 inhabitants of the country, at our approach ; the same good faith and dis- 
 interestedness which have distinguished the conduct of Britons in Europe, 
 accompanies them here ; you will have no fear of litigious taxes imposed 
 on you for the purpose of carrying on an unnatural and unjust war ; your 
 property, your laws, the peace and tranquillity of your country, will be 
 guaranteed to you by men who will suffer no infringement of theirs ; rest 
 assured that these brave red men only burn with an ardent desire of satis- 
 faction, for the wrongs they have suffered from the Americans, to join you 
 in liberating these southern provinces from their yoke, and drive them into 
 those limits formerly prescribed by my sovereign. The Indians have 
 pledged themselves, in the most solemn manner, not to injure, in the slight- 
 est degree, the persons or properties of any but enemies to their Spanish 
 or English fathers. A flag over any door, whether Spanish, French, or 
 British, will be a certain protection, nor dare any Indian put his foot on 
 the threshold thereof, under penalty of death from his own countrymen ; 
 not even an enemy will an Indian put to death, except resisting in arms, 
 and as for injuring helpless women and children, the red men, by their good 
 conduct and treatment to them, will (if it be possible) make the Ameri- 
 cans blush for their more inhuman conduct lately on the Escambia, and 
 within a neutral territory. 
 
 " Inhabitants of Kentucky, you have too long borne with grievous 
 impositions — the whole brunt of the war has fallen on your brave sons ; 
 be imposed on no longer, but either range yourselves under the standard 
 of your forefathers, or observe a strict neutrality; if you comply with 
 either of these offers, whatever provisions you send down, will be paid for 
 in dollars, and the safety of the persons bringing it, as well t as the free navi- 
 gation of the Mississippi, guaranteed to you. 
 
 " Men of Kentucky, let me call to your view (and I trust to your ab- 
 horrence) the conduct of those factions which hurried you into this civil, 
 unjust, and unnatural war, at a time when Great Britain was straining 
 every nerve in defense of her own and the liberties of the world — when 
 the bravest of her sons were fighting and bleeding in so sacred a cause 
 — when she was spending millions of her treasure in endeavoring to pull 
 down one of the most formidable and dangerous tyrants that ever disgraced 
 
1814.] THE ENGLISH AT PENSACOLA. 579 
 
 the form of man — when groaning Europe was almost in her last gasp 
 — when Britons alone showed an undaunted front — basely did those assas- 
 sins endeavor to stab her from the rear ; — she has turned on them, reno- 
 vated from the bloody but successful struggle. Europe is happy and free, 
 and she now hastens justly to avenge the unprovoked insult. Show them 
 that you are not collectively unjust ; leave that contemptible few to shift 
 for themselves, let those slaves of the tyrant send an embassy to Elba, and 
 implore his aid ; but let every honest, upright American spurn them with 
 united contempt. After the experience of twenty-one years, can you any 
 longer support those brawlers for liberty, who call it freedom when them- 
 selves are free ? Be no longer their dupes — accept of my offers — every 
 thing I have promised in this paper I guarantee to you, on the sacred 
 honor of a British officer." 
 
 While Colonel Nichols was thus employed in the pleasing 
 toil of composition, Captain Woodbine, one of his officers, 
 was busy with the Indians of Florida. Runners had been 
 dispatched in every direction to invite the Creeks and Senii- 
 noles to come to Pensacola, and enroll themselves into the 
 service of the King of England. Arms had been distributed 
 in great numbers to the Indians of Florida, from a British 
 ship at Appalachicola, a month before. A body of seven 
 hundred painted warriors were soon at hand, to receive any 
 thing else the English might have to give away, and to bind 
 themselves in the most solemn manner to do any thing the 
 English might require. Arms and ammunition were again 
 given out in profusion. In ludicrous ignorance of the Indian 
 character, Colonel Nichols and Captain Woodbine supposed 
 it possible to drill Indians into serviceable soldiers, as the 
 Indians of the East Indies are drilled. Accordingly, Captain 
 Woodbine, to whom this duty was assigned, committed the 
 absurdity of clothing a large number of them in the red uni- 
 form of the army, and forming them into regular companies 
 and battalions ! Such scenes of preposterous costuming, of 
 tripping over swords, of hopeless drill, and mad marching and 
 countermarching, as the common of Pensacola then witnessed, 
 can be imagined only by those who know precisely what sort 
 of creatures Indians are. Captain Woodbine might as well 
 
580 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 have attempted to train the alligators of the Florida lagoons 
 for the British artillery service. 
 
 To a gentleman in the situation of Colonel Nichols it was 
 easier to write a proclamation for the people of Louisiana and 
 Kentucky than it was to place that proclamation where the 
 people of Louisiana and Kentucky could read it. To that 
 more difficult feat the commander of the forces next addressed 
 himself. He succeeded in his object, as shall be narrated in a 
 moment ; and it was the only object in which he did succeed 
 during his residence in Florida. 
 
 Captain Percy, a man of different caliber from the doughty 
 Nichols, was, meanwhile, attending to the vital objects of 
 the expedition, which were to obtain knowledge of the Gulf 
 ports, and, above all, to procure native pilots for the coming 
 fleet. 
 
 On the 1st of September, the sloop-of-war Sophia, under 
 the command of Captain Lockyer, left her anchorage in the 
 harbor of Pensacola, passed by the frowning Fort Barrancas, 
 and sailing down the long narrow bay, stood out into the open 
 Gulf. She was bound upon an errand from which the most 
 important results were expected. 
 
 CHAPTER LIV. 
 
 THE DEEP GAME OF JEAN LAFITTE. 
 
 A fair breeze wafted the Sophia so swiftly across the 
 Gulf that, on the morning of the 3d of September, she was 
 firing signal guns off Barrataria, a little bay formed by the 
 island of Grand Terre, forty miles directly south of New 
 Orleans, with which it has communication by water. Bar- 
 rataria was the far-famed " Pirates' Home," the residence of 
 that renowned individual who is known to the lovers of ro- 
 mance as " Lafitte, the Pirate of the Gulf." 
 
1814] THE DEEP GAME OF JEAN LAFITTE. 581 
 
 Jean Lafitte, it will distress the ingenuous youth of the 
 United States to learn, was no pirate at all, nor even a sailor, 
 but a French blacksmith, who emigrated from Bordeaux to 
 New Orleans, at which latter city there are persons still living 
 who remember seeing him ply the useful hammer in his shop 
 at the corner of Bourbon and St. Philip streets. He did not 
 know enough of the art of navigation to manage a sail-boat,* 
 and was never at sea but twice in his life ; once, when he came 
 from France, and again when, flying from the odious name 
 of pirate, he and all his possessions sank to the bottom of the 
 Gulf of Mexico. 
 
 At the beginning of the present century, when the signal 
 success of the American Revolution, aided by the subsequent 
 prosperity and orderly government of the young republic, had 
 set half the world revolutionizing, the American colonies of 
 Spain were deep in the great business of " throwing off the 
 yoke/' As one mode of warring upon the mother country 
 letters of marque were granted by the new governments to 
 adventurers of every nation. In the long wars between France 
 and Spain, and between France and England, privateering 
 commissions were sold by the French, and granted by the 
 English, to all applicants. And thus it was, that during the 
 greater part of the first fifteen years of the nineteenth cen- 
 tury, the Gulf of Mexico, the Caribbean Sea, and the waters 
 adjacent, swarmed with privateers, waging a comparatively 
 safe and most lucrative war upon the industry of mankind. 
 In course of time, the bay of Barrataria, which afforded safe 
 anchorage for small vessels, and into which large ships could 
 not enter, became the head-quarters, the rendezvous, the grand 
 depository of these licensed pirates. Thither were brought 
 the dollars from the Spanish galleons, the rich cargoes of 
 Indiamen, the spoils of all nations. There the wounded 
 privateersmen healed their gashes, and reposed after their 
 toils. Thither resorted the traders of New Orleans to buy, 
 at their own prices, the costly plunder of the world's com- 
 
 * Walker's Jackson and New Orleans. 
 
582 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 merce, which was conveyed with a show of secrecy to New 
 Orleans, to be sold on a scale of profit that laid the founda- 
 tions of many a great estate. 
 
 Into this bad trade Jean Lafitte and his two brothers, 
 Pierre and Dominique, were seduced. They removed to Bar- 
 rataria, where Jean, by his talents, tact, and energy, became, 
 at length, the leading man, and ruled the whole body of free- 
 booters with an authority rarely disputed, and when disputed, 
 enforced by the silencing argument of the pistol. For the ac- 
 commodation of the men, a number of huts and houses had 
 been erected, which were defended by some rude fortifications 
 and a battery mounting several pieces of cannon. There, for 
 some years, the Lafittes lived and flourished, enriching the 
 illicit traders of New Orleans, damaging the legitimate mer- 
 chant, and defrauding the revenue of the United States. We 
 must not judge the deeds of the past by the moral feeling of 
 the present ; else it were hardly creditable to the fame of Ed- 
 ward Livingston, the ablest lawyer of the South-west, and one 
 of the ablest men in the Union, that he was long the legal adviser 
 of the Lafittes, and aided them essentially at critical times. 
 
 It happened that the very time of which we are writing 
 was a very critical one for Jean Lafitte. Either the regular 
 dealers of New Orleans had remonstrated so vigorously against 
 the illegal traffic that the government were compelled to take 
 measures for its suppression, or, as others assert, the fabulous 
 wealth that was supposed to be stored at the Pirates' Home 
 was a prize they were resolved to seize. Dominique Lafitte 
 had been already arrested, and was in irons in a New Orleans 
 prison. Commodore Patterson, the naval commander of the 
 station, was fitting out an expedition at that city for the 
 purpose of breaking up the settlement at Barrataria, and 
 seizing all the goods and persons to be found there. Jean 
 Lafitte was in sore perplexity. At the moment of his hear- 
 ing the signal guns of the sloop-of-war Sophia, he might have 
 been, he probably was, preparing to execute the intention he 
 had formed of removing his establishment to some safer haven 
 on the Gulf. 
 
1814.] THE DEEP GAME OF JEAN LAFITTE. 583 
 
 The Sophia's guns brought the whole settlement, two 
 hundred persons or more, to the beach. Lafitte ordered out 
 his boat, and proceeded, rowed by four men, to the shallow 
 strait that formed the entrance to the harbor ; where he saw, 
 not without astonishment, an armed vessel showing British 
 colors. At the same moment a boat, with a white signal fly- 
 ing from the bow, and the British flag from the stern, darted 
 from the vessel's side and rapidly approached him. It con- 
 tained three officers in British uniform, who proved to be 
 Captain Lockyer, a lieutenant of the Sophia, and a captain 
 of the army. Upon coming up. Captain Lockyer called out 
 his name and rank, and inquired if Mr. Lafitte was at home. 
 Lafitte, puzzled at these proceedings, replied that that indi- 
 vidual could be seen on shore at the settlement, and invited 
 the officers to accompany him to Mr. Lafitte's quarters. On 
 the way across the harbor, however, he announced himself as 
 Jean Lafitte ; whereupon Captain Lockyer handed him a 
 package, directed to " Mr. Lafitte," which Captain Lockyer 
 stated was an important communication from the British 
 government. Lafitte cautioned them to conceal their object 
 from the men on shore. These lawless buccaneers, it may be 
 remarked, besides being, in their way, loyal to the United 
 States, had a lively recollection of a dash made upon their 
 settlement by British ships at the beginning of the war, when 
 some of their vessels had been captured, and some of then- 
 plunder carried off. When, therefore, the uniform of the 
 officers was recognized by the crowd on the beach, a tumult 
 arose, and they clamored loudly for their seizure. 
 
 Lafitte contrived to pacify them for the moment, and con- 
 ducted the officers to his quarters. Before proceeding to 
 business, Lafitte, who was a man of superior address, and 
 exceedingly polite, ordered a repast to be prepared for his 
 guests. The costliest wines of Spain, the daintiest fruits of 
 the West Indies, the fish and game of the neighborhood, were 
 served to the astonished officers on the finest carved silver 
 plate ; and the urbane Lafitte presided at the feast with the 
 courtly grace that belonged to Frenchmen of that day, whether 
 
584 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 peasants, privatee-rsmen, or nobles. The banquet over, cigars 
 were h an led round, of a flavor which, seldom regales the senses 
 of people who obtain their cigars by the vulgar process of 
 purchase. While these were discussed, the polite and reticent 
 Mr. Lafitte proceeded to open and examine the packet ad- 
 dressed to him. 
 
 It proved to contain four documents : First, Colonel 
 NichoFs proclamation, which the reader has already had 
 an opportunity of admiring ; Secondly, a letter from " Ed- 
 ward Nichols to Mr. Lafitte, the commandant at Barrataria," 
 which read thus : — 
 
 " I have arrived in the Floridas for the purpose of annoying the 
 only enemy Great Britain has in the world, as France and England are 
 now friends. I call on you, with your brave followers, to enter into the 
 service of Great Britain, in which you shall have the rank of a captain ; 
 lands will be given to you all in proportion to your respective ranks, on a 
 peace taking place, and I invite you on the following terms. Your prop- 
 erty shall be guaranteed to you, and your persons protected ; in return for 
 which I ask you to cease all hostilities against Spain, or the allies of Great 
 Britain. Your ships and vessels to be placed under the orders of the com- 
 manding officer on this station, until the commander-in-chief's pleasure is 
 known ; but I guarantee their fair value at all events. I herewith inclose 
 you a copy of my proclamation to the inhabitants of Louisiana, which will 
 I trust, point out to you the honorable intentions of my government. You 
 may be a useful assistant to me, in forwarding them ; therefore, if you 
 determine, lose no time. The bearer of this, Captain M'Williams, will 
 satisfy you on any other point you may be anxious to learn, as will Cap- 
 tain Lockyer of the Sophia, who brings him to you. We have a powerful 
 reinforcement on its way here ; and I hope to cut out some other work for 
 the Americans than oppressing the inhabitants of Louisiana. Be expedi- 
 tious in your resolves, and rely on the verity of your very humble servant, 
 
 "Edward Nichols." 
 
 This was a strong appeal to Mr. Lafitte's sense of interest, 
 though the offer of a captaincy in the navy must have amused 
 him. Another letter in the package, however, appealed to 
 his fears. It was a general epistle from Captain Percy to 
 the inhabitants of Barrataria, of which the following is a 
 copy :— 
 
1814.] THE DEEP GAME OF JEAN LAFITTE. 585 
 
 " Having understood that some British merchantmen have been de- 
 tained, taken into and sold by the inhabitants of Barrataria, I have directed 
 Captain Lockyer, of his majesty's sloop Sophia, to proceed to that place, 
 and inquire into the circumstances, with positive orders to demand instant 
 restitution, and in case of refusal to destroy to his utmost every vessel there, 
 as well as to carry destruction over the whole place, and at the same time 
 to assure him of the cooperation of all his majesty's naval forces on this 
 station. I trust, at the same time, that the inhabitants of Barrataria, con- 
 sulting their own interest, will not make it necessary to proceed to such 
 extremes. I hold out at the same time, a war instantly destructive to them ; 
 and, on the other hand, should they be inclined to assist Great Britain in 
 i:er just and unprovoked war against the United States, the security of 
 their property, the blessings of the British constitution ; and, should they 
 be inclined to settle on this continent, lands will, at the conclusion of the 
 war, be allotted to them in his majesty's colonies in America. In return 
 for all those concessions on the part of Great Britain, I expect that the 
 direction of their armed vessels will be put into my hands (for which they 
 will be remunerated), the instant cessation of hostilities against the Span- 
 ish government, and the restitution of any undisposed property of that 
 nation. 
 
 " Should any inhabitants be inclined to volunteer their services into 
 his majesty's forces, either naval or military, for limited service, they will 
 be received ; and if any British subject, being at Barrataria, wishes to re- 
 turn to his native country, he will, on joining his majesty's service, receive 
 a free pardon." 
 
 Lastly, the package contained a copy of Captain Percy's 
 orders to Captain Lockyer, part of which the latter was then 
 and there obeying, and which concluded with these words : 
 " Should you succeed completely in the object for which you 
 are sent, you will concert such measures for the annoyance 
 of the enemy as you judge best from circumstances — having 
 an eye to the junction of their small armed vessels with me 
 for the capture of Mobile, etc. You will, at all events, your- 
 self join me with the utmost dispatch at this post with the 
 accounts of your success."* 
 
 * These documents, and all others relating to this singular affair, are from the 
 appendix to Major Latour's " Historical Memoir of the War in West Florida and 
 Louisiana in 1814 and 1815." Many of the minor particulars were derived 
 from "Jackson and New Orleans," by Mr. Alexander Walker. Other facts T 
 have obtained from newspapers and conversation. 
 
586 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 As soon as Lafitte had possessed himself of the contents 
 of the package, Captain Lockyer opened a conversation with 
 him, unfolding more fully the plans of the British govern- 
 ment, and setting forth the many and brilliant advantages 
 that would accrue to him if he should engage in the British 
 service. Besides the naval captaincy, he offered to Lafitte a 
 sum of thirty thousand dollars in cash, payable at New Or- 
 leans or Pensacola. The war, said Lockyer, was about to be 
 prosecuted with unusual vigor. The great expedition against 
 New Orleans was already on its way. There could be no 
 doubt of its success. Indeed, they expected to meet with 
 scarcely any opposition in Louisiana, the people of which 
 being of different manners and temper from the Americans, 
 would receive the expedition, he thought, with joy. As 
 soon as the English were in possession of New Orleans, they 
 intended to effect a junction with the foices in Canada, when 
 the United States would be at their mercy. From being pro- 
 scribed and persecuted, his brother in prison and his estab- 
 lishment in danger, he had only to join the English, and give 
 them the benefit of his intimate knowledge of the Gulf, and 
 rank, fame, and fortune were his own. 
 
 What a situation for an ex-blacksmith, and wholesale 
 dealer in privateers' plunder ! Tempted with offers he 
 could not accept, in return for services it was impossible 
 for him to render ! 
 
 Lafitte, like the canny Frenchman that he was, seemed 
 to acquiesce in all that Captain Lockyer had advanced ; but, 
 wishing to gain time for reflection, he said he desired to go on 
 board a vessel in the bay to consult with an old comrade in 
 whose judgment he confided. He left the officers at his house, 
 <*^d departed. In his absence, the Barratarians, who had 
 watched this long conference with suspicious eyes, gathered 
 round the house, and began again to threaten the officers 
 with seizure. The timely return of the chief quieted the 
 tumult. Lafitte then politely conducted the officers to their 
 boat, telling them, on their way, that they should hear from 
 him the next morning. He remained on the beach until the 
 
1814.] THE DEEP GAME OF JEAN LAFITTE. 587 
 
 officers were safely beyond the little fleet at anchor in the 
 bay, and then returned to his quarters. 
 
 On the following day, Lafitte sent on board the Sophia 
 the following letter to Captain Lockyer : — 
 
 " Sir : The confusion which prevailed in our camp yesterday and this 
 morning, and of which you have a complete knowledge, has prevented me 
 from answering in a precise manner to the object of your mission : nor 
 even at this moment can I give you all the satisfaction that you desire. 
 However, if you could grant me a fortnight, I would be entirely at your 
 disposal at the end of that time. This delay is indispensable to send away 
 the three persons who have alone occasioned all the disturbance. The two 
 who are the most troublesome are to leave this place in eight days, and the 
 other is to go to town. The remainder of the time is necessary to enable 
 me to put my affairs in order. You can communicate with me in sending 
 a boat to the eastern point of the pass, where I will be found. You have 
 inspired me with more confidence than the Admiral, your superior officer, 
 could have done himself. With you alone I wish to deal, and from you 
 also I will claim in due time the reward of the services which I may render 
 to you. Be so good, sir, as to favor me with an answer, and believe me 
 yours, Lafitte." 
 
 A well-executed letter for the writer's purpose. Captain 
 Lockyer replied that he would return in fifteen days to accept 
 Mr. Lafitte's services. 
 
 Apart from his vocation, Jean Lafitte was an honorable 
 and feeling man. Without having wavered for one moment 
 in his allegiance to the United States, or having had any 
 other design but to deceive the British officers, be began on 
 that very day, the 4th of September, to take measures for 
 sending an account of what had occurred to the authorities at 
 New Orleans. A packet was promptly prepared, enclosing all 
 the documents left by Captain Lockyer, and two letters from 
 Lafitte, one addressed to M. Blanque, a member of the Legis- 
 lature, and the other to Governor Claiborne. Lafitte's letters 
 do him honor. To M. Blanque, after enumerating the con- 
 tents of the package, he wrote : — 
 
 u You will see the advantages I might have derived from that kind of 
 association. I may have evaded the payment of duties to the custom 
 
588 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 house, but I have never ceased to be a good citizen ; and all the offenses I 
 have committed I was forced to by certain vices in our laws. In short, 
 sir, I make you the depository of the secret on which perhaps depends 
 the tranquillity of our country; please to make such use of it as your judg- 
 ment may direct. I might expatiate on this proof of patriotism, but I let 
 the fact speak for itself. I presume, however, to hope that such proceed- 
 ings may obtain amelioration of the situation of my unhappy brother, with 
 which view I recommend him particularly to your influence. It is in the 
 bosom of a just man, of a true American, endowed with all other qualities 
 that are honored in society, that I think I am depositing the interests of 
 our common country, and what particularly concerns myself. 
 
 " Our enemies have endeavored to work on me by a motive which few 
 men would have resisted. They represented to me a brother in irons — a 
 brother who is to me very dear ! whose deliverer I might become, and I 
 declined the proposal. Well persuaded of his innocence, I am free from 
 apprehension as to the issue of a trial ; but he is sick, and not in a place 
 where he can receive the attention his state requires. I recommend him 
 to you in the name of humanity." 
 
 His letter to Governor Claiborne was in a higher strain : 
 
 " In the firm persuasion that the choice made of you to fill the office 
 of first magistrate of this State was dictated by the esteem of your fellow- 
 citizens, and was conferred on merit, I confidently address you on an affair 
 on which may depend the safety of this country. 
 
 " I offer to you to restore to this State several citizens, who perhaps in 
 your eyes have lost that sacred title. I offer you them, however, such as 
 you could wish to find them, ready to exert their utmost efforts in defense 
 of the country. This point of Louisiana which I occupy is of great impor- 
 tance in the present crisis. I tender my services to defend it ; and the 
 only reward I ask is that a stop be put to the proscription against me and 
 my adherents, by an act of oblivion for all that has been done hitherto. I 
 am the stray sheep wishing to return to the sheepfold. If you were 
 thoroughly acquainted with the nature of my offenses I should appear 
 to you much less guilty, and still worthy to discharge the duties of a good 
 citizen. I have never sailed under any flag but that of the republic of 
 Carthagena, and my vessels are perfectly regular in that respect If I could 
 have brought my lawful prizes into the ports of this State I should not have 
 employed the illicit means that have caused me to be proscribed. I de- 
 cline saying more on the subject until I have the honor of your excellency's 
 answer, which I am persuaded can be dictated only by wisdom. Should 
 your answer not be favorable to my ardent desires, I declare to you that I 
 will instantly leave the country, to avoid the imputation of having copd- 
 
1814.] THE DEEP GAME OF JEAN LAFITTE. 589 
 
 erated toward an invasion on this point which can not fail to take place, 
 and to rest secure in the acquittal of my own conscience." 
 
 Upon the reception of these letters Governor Claiborne 
 called a council of officers of the army, navy, and militia, and 
 laid the documents before them, with the requisite explanations. 
 The letters which gave those sapient counselors the first de- 
 finite and reliable information of the impending invasion, 
 produced an effect as different as possible from that which 
 Lafitte had anticipated. Governor Claiborne asked their 
 opinion on two points : 
 
 First. Are the letters genuine ? 
 
 Secondly. Is it fit that the Governor of Louisiana 
 should hold intercourse with the Lafittes and their asso- 
 ciates ? 
 
 Full of the scheme then on foot for breaking up the es- 
 tablishment at Barrataria, and not inclined to lose an ad- 
 venture that was sure to be pleasant, and might be profitable, 
 the council concluded that the letters were forged ; that La- 
 fitte's story was an invention, and the whole a plan to deliver 
 Dominique from captivity, and avert the threatened attack 
 upon Barrataria. Governor Claiborne did not coincide in 
 this opinion, nor did General Villere of the militia ; but it 
 prevailed. And thus it was that the only effect, so far as the 
 authorities at New Orleans were concerned, of Jean's honor- 
 able and patriotic conduct, was to hasten the departure of 
 Commodore Patterson's expedition ! No, not the only effect ; 
 for Governor Claiborne took the precaution to send copies of 
 the letters and papers to General Jackson. 
 
 Jean Lafitte, meanwhile, little foreseeing the result of his 
 zealous endeavors, continued to give proof upon proof of his 
 attachment to the United States, and of his strong desire to 
 atone for the past. A few days after Captain Lockyer's de- 
 parture, an anonymous letter from Havana fell into the hands 
 of Lafitte, which confirmed Lockyer's statements in every par- 
 ticular, and called on all Americans residing on the Gulf to pre- 
 pare for an overwhelming invasion. This letter was promptly 
 
 vol. i.— 38 
 
590 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 forwarded to New Orleans. On the 10th of September, Pierre 
 Lafitte, the eldest of the three brothers, who had been absent 
 during Lockyer's visit, returned to Barrataria. He, too, wrote 
 to Governor Claiborne, approving all that his brother had done 
 " under such difficult circumstances/' and declaring that he 
 was " fully determined to follow the plan that may reconcile 
 us with the government." 
 
 All in vain. On the 11th of September, Commodore Pat- 
 terson sailed for Barrataria, which he reached on the 16 th, 
 and answered the letters of Jean and Pierre Lafitte by seizing 
 nine of their vessels, taking prisoners many of their men, and 
 destroying their establishment. The Lafittes escaped, but 
 Barrataria was no more. Punctually, on the fifteenth day, 
 Captain Lockyer returned, and thundered with his signal 
 guns, at intervals, for forty-eight hours. But no boat an- 
 swered his summons. Concluding that Lafitte had played 
 him false, and fearing to fall into a trap if he sent a boat to 
 reconnoiter, he sailed away — soon to reappear in those waters, 
 and play a gallant part in the tragic drama about to open. 
 
 Fortunately, the communications of the Lafittes, and the 
 papers which accompanied them, were soon made public in 
 New Orleans. They made an impression upon the popular 
 mind very different from that which they had produced upon 
 the official understanding. Edward Livingston, the master 
 spirit of the American population, knew the Lafittes too well 
 to adopt the ruse theory for a moment ; and, through his in- 
 fluence chiefly, the efforts of the privateer chiefs were turned 
 to account in rousing the people of Louisiana to a sense of 
 their danger and of their duty. 
 
1814] AN EYE ON FLORIDA. 591 
 
 CHAPTER LV, 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON HAS AN EYE ON FLORIDA. 
 
 It may have surprised the reader that a commander so 
 remarkable for celerity of movement as General Jackson 
 should have lingered a whole month at the junction of the 
 Coosa and Tallapoosa, concluding a treaty with the Creeks. 
 But that was by no means his principal employment there, 
 as shall now be shown. 
 
 All that summer he had had a watchful, and frequently 
 a wrathful eye on Florida. That the flying Red Sticks should 
 have been afforded a refuge in that province, first moved him 
 to anger ; for it was the nature of Andrew Jackson to finish 
 whatever he undertook. He went, as Colonel Benton often 
 remarked, for "a clean victory or a clean defeat." As long 
 as there was, anywhere on earth, one Creek maintaining an 
 attitude of hostility against the United States, he felt his 
 work incomplete, and regarded any man, or governor, as an 
 enemy who gave that solitary warrior aid and comfort. Being 
 a man with less of the spirit of the Circumlocution Office in 
 him than any other individual then extant ; a man, in fact, 
 with not a shred of red tape in his composition, the im- 
 pulse of his mind was to march straight into the heart of 
 Florida, and extinguish the hostile remnant of the Creeks 
 without more ado That, however, was a measure of which 
 he was not ready to assume the whole responsibility yet. 
 
 Even on his way from the Hermitage to Fort Jackson, a 
 rumor reached his ears that a British vessel was at Appala- 
 chicola, landing arms for distribution among the Indians. 
 His first act, therefore, on arriving at the treaty ground, 
 was to select, by the aid of Colonel Hawkins, some trust- 
 worthy Indians to send to Appalachicola, to ascertain what 
 was going on there. Before they returned, a piece of very 
 tangible evidence of the truth of the rumor reached him in 
 
592 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 the form of a new musket, of English manufacture, which, 
 had been given to a Creek of the peace party by a friend of 
 his at Appalachicola, only a week before. We can imagine 
 the feelings and the manner of Jackson as he handled, ex- 
 amined, and descanted upon this shining weapon. The 
 owner of the musket, upon being questioned, stated that a 
 party of British troops were at Appalachicola, giving out 
 arms and ammunition to all of the hostile Indians that ap- 
 plied for them. 
 
 Then it was that Jackson began dimly to foresee the 
 work he was destined to do in the South-west. He wrote in- 
 stantly to Governor Claiborne. " This morning," wrote he 
 to the governor, (July 21st,) " I was presented with a new 
 British musket, given to a friendly Indian by those at Appa- 
 lachicola bay. Information has been received by this fellow 
 tending to confirm the rumor of a considerable force having 
 landed there with a large quantity of arms and other muni- 
 tions of war, and with intentions to strike a decisive blow 
 against the lower country. Mobile and Orleans ' are of such 
 importance as to hold out strong inducements to them. At 
 such a crisis, I must look to the constitutional authorities 
 of the State of Louisiana for such support as will be effective 
 in any emergency, and I trust this support will be afforded 
 with promptitude whenever required." 
 
 Governor Claiborne, after receiving this letter, issued a 
 long address to the militia of Louisiana, ordering them to be 
 in readiness for active service, but expressing utter incredulity 
 as to the designs of the British upon Louisiana. The pro- 
 ject of wrestling Louisiana from the United States, he said, 
 was too " chimerical" to have been " seriously contemplated." 
 " That the bare rumor of such a design," he added, " should 
 awaken some anxiety, is cause of no surprise." 
 
 In fifteen days the friendly Indians returned to Fort Jack- 
 son, confirming the testimony of the new musket and its pro- 
 prietor. Soon came rumors that a large force of British were 
 expected at Pensacola, and, at length, positive information of 
 the landing of Colonel Nichols, of the welcome he had re- 
 
1814.] AN EYE ON FLORIDA. 593 
 
 ceived from the Spanish governor, and of his extraordinary 
 proceedings. 
 
 Florida delenda est was thenceforth the burthen of Gen- 
 eral Jackson's secret thoughts, communicated only to two or 
 three of his most confidential officers. Florida delenda est 
 was the burthen of his letters to the Secretary of War. " If 
 the hostile Creeks," he wrote to the Secretary, " have taken 
 refuge in Florida, and are there fed, clothed, and protected ; 
 if the British have landed a large force, munitions of war, 
 and ars fortifying and stirring up the savages ; will you only 
 say to me, raise a few hundred militia, which can be quickly 
 done, and with such regular force as can be conveniently col- 
 lected, make a descent upon Pensacola, and reduce it ? If so, 
 I promise you the war in the South shall have a speedy ter- 
 mination, and English influence be for ever destroyed with the 
 savages in this quarter." 
 
 The answer of Secretary Armstrong to this letter, whether 
 from accident or design will never be known, was six months 
 on its way from Washington to the hands of General Jack- 
 son. It reached him at New Orleans, when the campaign 
 and the war were over. It gave him all the authority he de- 
 sired. " The case you put," wrote the Secretary of War, " is 
 a very strong one ; and if all the circumstances stated by you 
 unite, the conclusion is irresistible. It becomes our duty to 
 carry our arms where we find our enemies. It is believed, 
 and I am so directed by the President to say, that there is a 
 disposition on the part of the Spanish government, not to 
 break with the United States, nor to encourage any conduct 
 on the part of her subordinate agents having a tendency to 
 such rupture. We must, therefore, in this case, be careful to 
 ascertain facts, and even to distinguish what, on the part of 
 the Spanish authorities, may be the effect of menace and 
 compulsion, or of their choice and policy ; the result of this 
 inquiry must govern. If they admit, feed, arm, and coope- 
 rate with the British and hostile Indians, we must strike on 
 the broad principle of self-preservation ; under other and 
 different circumstances we must forbear." 
 
594 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 What more could Jackson have wished ? "If this let- 
 ter," he would say in after years, " or any hint that such a 
 course would have been even winked at by the government, had 
 been received, it would have been in my power to have captured 
 the British shipping in the bay. I would have marched at 
 once against Barrancas, and carried it, and thus prevented 
 any escape ; but, acting on my own responsibility against a 
 neutral power, it became essential for me to proceed with 
 more caution than my judgment or wishes approved, and con- 
 sequently important advantages were lost, which might have 
 been secured."* 
 
 Left thus to act without instructions, Jackson resorted to 
 the expedient which he always adopted when he was power- 
 less to do any thing else ; he wrote to Maurequez, the Gov- 
 ernor of Pensacola. He told the governor what he had heard 
 of the proceedings at Appalachicola and Pensacola ; asked 
 him why the enemies of th« United States were aided and 
 protected in a territory claimed to be neutral in the war, and 
 friendly to the United States ; requested him to state whether 
 the facts were as he had represented them ; and, finally, de- 
 manded the surrender of such of the hostile Creek chiefs as 
 were at Pensacola. 
 
 The governor's answer, written with the hauteur of a 
 grandee, evaded these direct questions. The governor said 
 he would feed, clothe and protect his Indians, without con- 
 sidering the wishes of General Jackson, who would shortly 
 hear more from him. This letter exasperated the General 
 nearly to the fighting point ; but it was one of the many 
 contradictory peculiarities of that most irascible of men, never 
 to indulge his anger till he could make it cooperate with his 
 prudence — till he could insure it victory. He wrote again to 
 the lofty governor, repeating his demands more peremptorily, 
 and arguing the case more at length. This letter he intrusted 
 to Captain Gordon, the famous and eccentric spy captain of 
 the Creek war, who was empowered to converse with the gov- 
 
 * Eaton. 
 
1814.] AN EYE ON FLORIDA. 595 
 
 ernor, and directed to obtain from him, if possible, some ex- 
 plicit information as to his designs. 
 
 Captain Gordon proceeded alone to Pensacola, where he 
 saw the British fleet in the harbor, the British flag floating 
 from the fort, Colonel Nichols quartered with the governor, 
 Captain Woodbine drilling his ridiculous regiment of Indians 
 in the public square, and Governor Maurequez on the most 
 cordial footing with his new friends. The latter potentate 
 was at first inclined to dismiss Captain Gordon without 
 deigning any reply ; but, after detaining the ambassador for 
 some days, he concluded to bestow upon the impertinent and 
 peremptory General Jackson an epistle that should finally 
 quench him. 
 
 As to the Creek chiefs, said the Governor, whom General 
 Jackson demanded, they were not then with him, and, there- 
 fore, he could not give them up. Nor could he, without vio- 
 lating the laws of common hospitality, have refused them aid 
 in their distress. Their surrender, he believed, would be in 
 open violation of the law of nations, to which the King of 
 Spain had always strictly adhered ; of which he had given 
 the United States a recent and conspicuous proof, in not de- 
 manding the surrender of the traitors, insurgents, incendiaries 
 and assassins, whom the American government had counte- 
 nanced in fomenting revolutions and lighting the flames of 
 discord in the Spanish provinces. The governor, moreover, 
 protested against the recent cession of the Creek territory on 
 the Alabama, as an act done without the concurrence of the 
 tribe. With regard to the presence of British forces in Flor- 
 ida, was not General Jackson aware that there existed a treaty 
 between England and the Creek nation, as well as one be- 
 tween Spain and the Creeks ? " But," added the governor, 
 " turn your eyes to the island of Barrataria, and you will there 
 perceive that within the very territory of the United States, 
 pirates are sheltered and protected, with the manifest design 
 of committing hostilities by sea, upon the merchant vessels of 
 Spain ; and with such scandalous notoriety, that the cargoes 
 of our vessels taken by them have been publicly sold in Loui- 
 
596 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 siana." The governor concluded by remarking upon General 
 Jackson's last letter, which, he intimated, was not couched in 
 the polite and respectful terms that should alone be employed 
 in correspondence between officers of friendly governments. 
 
 This letter needed no reply in words ; but the writing of 
 a reply furnished an opportunity of airing his antipathy to 
 Spanish governors, which General Jackson could not neglect. 
 If there was any subject upon which he could write with 
 point and force, it was one which he was wont to sum up in 
 the favorite and comprehensive phrase, " Spanish treachery." 
 His answer to Maurequez, on this occasion is too character- 
 istic of the man to be omitted or abbreviated. 
 
 " Were I clothed," he began, " with diplomatic powers, 
 for the purpose of discussing the topics embraced in the wide 
 range of injuries of which you complain, and which have 
 long since been adjusted, I could easily demonstrate that the 
 United States have been always faithful to their treaties ; 
 steadfast in their friendships ; nor have ever claimed any 
 thing that was not warranted by justice. They have endured 
 many insults from the governors and other officers of Spain, 
 which, if sanctioned by their sovereign, amounted to acts of 
 war, without any previous declaration on the subject. They 
 have excited the savages to war, and afforded them the means 
 of waging it. The property of our citizens has been captured 
 at sea, and if compensation has not been refused, it has at 
 least been withheld. But as no such powers have been dele- 
 gated to me, I shall not assume them, but leave them to the 
 representatives of our respective governments. 
 
 " I have the honor of being intrusted with the command 
 of this district. Charged with its protection, and the safety 
 of its citizens, I feel my ability to discharge the task, and 
 trust your excellency will always find me ready and willing 
 to go forward in the performance of that duty, whenever cir- 
 cumstances shall render it necessary. I agree with you, per- 
 fectly, that candor and polite language should, at all times, 
 characterize the communications between the officers of 
 friendly sovereignties ; and I assert, without the fear of con- 
 
1814.] AN EYE ON FLORIDA. 597 
 
 tradiction, that my former letters were couched in terms the 
 most respectful and unexceptionable. I only requested, and 
 did not demand, as you asserted, the ringleaders of the Creek 
 confederacy, who had taken refuge in your town, and who 
 had violated all laws, moral, civil, and divine. This I had a 
 right to do, from the treaty which I sent you, and which I 
 now again inclose, with a request that you will change your 
 translation; believing, as I do, that your former one was 
 wrong, and has deceived you. 
 
 " What kind of an answer you returned, a reference to 
 your letter will explain. The whole of it breathes nothing 
 but hostility, grounded upon assumed facts, and false charges, 
 and entirely evading the inquiries that had been made. 
 
 "I can but express my astonishment at your protest 
 against the cession on the Alabama, lying within the ac- 
 knowledged jurisdiction of the United States, and which has 
 been ratified, in due form, by the principal chiefs and warriors 
 of the nation. But my astonishment subsides, when, on com- 
 paring it, I find it upon a par with the rest of your letter and 
 conduct ; taken together, they afford a sufficient justification 
 for any consequences that may ensue. My government will 
 protect every inch of her territory, her citizens, and her 
 property, from insult and depredation, regardless of the po- 
 litical revolutions of Europe ; and although she has been at 
 all times sedulous to preserve a good understanding with all 
 the world, yet she has sacred rights that can not be trampled 
 upon with impunity. Spain had better look to her own in- 
 testine commotions, before she walks forth in that majesty of 
 strength and power which you threaten to draw down upon the 
 United States. Your excellency has been candid enough to 
 admit your having supplied the Indians with arms. In ad- 
 dition to this, I have learned that a British flag has been seen 
 flying on one of your forts. All this is done whilst you are 
 pretending to be neutral. 
 
 " You can not be surprised, then, but on the contrary will 
 provide a fort in your town, for my soldiers and Indians, 
 should I take it in my head to pay you a visit. 
 
598 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 " In future, I beg you to withhold your insulting charges 
 against my government, for one more inclined to listen to 
 slander than I am ; nor consider me any more as a diplomatic 
 character, unless so proclaimed to you from the mouths of my 
 cannon." 
 
 Thus ended the epistolary part of the intercourse between 
 General Jackson and Governor Maurequez. When next they 
 took counsel together, there was no occasion for writing ma- 
 terials. 
 
 The Secretary of War was promptly advised of all these 
 events. Jackson's letters to that functionary are curious from 
 their total want of the official character. He lectured the 
 Secretary ; he remonstrated with him ; he almost implored 
 him to sanction what the crisis required. On the present oc- 
 casion, for example, he held language like this : — " How long 
 will the United States pocket the reproach and open insults 
 of Spain ? It is alone by a manly and dignified course that 
 we can secure respect from other nations, and peace to our 
 own. Temporizing policy is not only a disgrace, but a curse 
 to any nation. It is a fact that a British captain of marines 
 is and has for some time past been engaged in drilling and 
 organizing the fugitive Creeks, under the eye of the governor ; 
 endeavoring, by his influence and presents, to draw to his 
 standard as well the peaceable as the hostile Indians. If per- 
 mission had been given me to march against this place twenty 
 days ago, I would, ere this, have planted there the American 
 eagle; now, we must trust alone to our valor, and to the 
 justice of our cause." 
 
 It required six or seven weeks at that time for an express 
 to travel from Fort Jackson to Washington and return with 
 an answer. Before six or seven weeks rolled by after the 
 dispatch of the letter just quoted, what events had trans- 
 pired ! 
 
 Colonel Nichols, taking no precautions whatever to con- 
 ceal his designs, but rather courting publicity, General Jack- 
 son was kept well informed of what was transpiring in Florida. 
 Early in September it was noised about in Pensacola, and 
 
1814.] AN EYE ON FLORIDA. 599 
 
 soon reported to General Jackson, that Colonel Nichols had 
 hostile designs upon Mobile. The General's mind, from that 
 moment, was made up. He would dally no longer with a 
 Secretary of War a month distant ; he would take the re- 
 sponsibility ; he would fight the southern campaign himself, 
 as best he could, orders or no orders. Already he had writ- 
 ten to the governors of Tennessee, Louisiana, and Mississippi, 
 urging them to complete the organization of their militia ; 
 "for," said he, " there is no telling when or where the spoiler 
 may come." " Dark and heavy clouds," he said in another 
 letter, " hover around us. The energy and patriotism of the 
 citizens of your States must dispel them. Our rights, our 
 liberties, and free Constitution, are threatened. This noble 
 patrimony of our fathers must be defended with the best 
 blood of our country : to do this, you must hasten to carry 
 into effect the requisition of the Secretary of War, and call 
 forth your troops without delay." 
 
 On the 9th of September, Colonel Butler, Jackson's ad- 
 jutant general, who had been sent to Tennessee to hasten the 
 organization of the new levies in that State, received the wel- 
 come order from Jackson to call out the troops, and march 
 them, with all dispatch, southward toward Mobile. The call 
 was obeyed with far greater alacrity than that of the last year, 
 when the massacre of Fort Mims was to be avenged. Gen- 
 eral Coffee was promptly in the field once more. Such was 
 the eagerness of the Tennesseeans to share a campaign with 
 General Jackson, that considerable sums, ranging from thirty 
 to eighty dollars, were paid for the privilege of being substi- 
 tutes for those who could not go. On the appointed day, two 
 thousand men appeared at the rendezvous, well armed and 
 equipped, ready to march with General Coffee, four hundred 
 miles, to the scene of expected combat. At the same time 
 a small body of recruits for the regular army set out from 
 Nashville toward Mobile. Colonel Butler, as soon as he had 
 completed his business in Tennessee, hurried forward to con- 
 duct to the same place the forces stationed at the posts which 
 had been established during the late Creek war. 
 
600 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 There was no lingering on the way. By swift marches, 
 from various points, the whole available force of Tennessee 
 was pouring southward, through the wilds of Alabama, past 
 the Creek battle fields, and along the familiar rivers that 
 spoke of Jackson and of victory. The troops left Tennessee 
 about the 1st of October. The hot season was gone by ; the 
 sickly days of early autumn were nearly over ; the weather was 
 beginning to be as bracing as it was pleasant ; and the later 
 rains had not yet flooded the streams and softened the soil. 
 Flushed with expectation, confident in themselves, their 
 leader and their cause, the men made a merry tramp of it 
 down through the Creek wilderness, and a merrier camping 
 out when the day's march was done. All this marching and 
 careless merriment was made possible through the complete- 
 ness of General Jackson's subjugation of the Creeks. The 
 Creek country was as safe to the white man then as the lawn 
 of the Hermitage. Jackson first opened the road ; then he 
 used it. 
 
 CHAPTER LVI. 
 
 COLONEL NICHOLS AND CAPTAIN PERCY VISIT MOBILE POINT. 
 
 Mobile, that is now a city of thirty thousand inhabitants, 
 and boasts a daily export of two thousand bales of cotton, 
 yielding the precedence among the cotton marts of the world 
 only to its great neighbor, New Orleans, was an insignificant 
 village of a hundred and fifty houses when Jackson arrived 
 there .to defend it in the latter part of August, 1814. Like 
 Pensacola, it derived whatever importance it had from the 
 bay at the head of which it was situated, and the great river 
 system of which that bay is the outlet. 
 
 The coast of the Gulf of Mexico is curiously adapted by 
 nature for the purposes of defense. Broad, lake-like bays 
 
1814.] VISIT TO MOBILE POINT. 601 
 
 protect some parts of the coast by their shallowness. The 
 bays into which the rivers flow have a general resemblance to 
 the bay of Mobile, which runs up thirty miles inland, and has 
 an average breadth of twelve miles. A cluster of small, low 
 islands lie off the entrance to this fine sheet of water, and a 
 long strip of an island slants across the entrance, serving as a 
 breakwater to the mighty billows of the Gulf, and rendering 
 the bay at once safe, easily defended, and difficult of access. 
 A long, low, sandy peninsula reaches out from the mainland 
 toward this island, and terminates in Mobile Point, close to 
 which runs the narrow channel, and the only channel by 
 which vessels of any magnitude can enter the bay. Place 
 twenty well-served and well-protected pieces of cannon upon 
 Mobile Point, and you are master of a hundred miles of Gulf 
 coast, of Mobile, and of all that fertile region watered by the 
 great rivers that unite to flow into Mobile Bay. It was as 
 lonely, silent and desolate a shore, down there at the mouth 
 of the bay, as ever disheartened an invading host. 
 
 When General Jackson reached Mobile, he found it little 
 better prepared for defense against any but an Indian foe 
 than if war were unknown to the civilized part of man- 
 kind. There were some block houses and stockades in the 
 town, but no structure that could resist artillery. Nor indeed 
 was there need of any ; for the place was to be defended or 
 lost at Mobile Point, thirty miles down the bay. If Colonel 
 Nichols and Captain Percy had touched at the Point on their 
 way to Pensacola, and landed two hundred men there, they 
 would have given General Jackson much more trouble than 
 they did. There was nothing to hinder their doing so at the 
 time. 
 
 To Mobile Point Jackson repaired soon after his arrival 
 at Mobile. There he found the remains of that fortification 
 which will be known to posterity as Fort Bowyer, though the 
 name has since been most unpatriotically and immorally 
 changed to Fort Morgan. Incomplete, and yet falling into 
 ruin, without a bombproof, and mounting but two twenty- 
 four pounders, six twelves, and twelve smaller pieces, it was 
 
602 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814, 
 
 plain that Fort Bowyer was Mobile's chance of safety. It 
 had been untenanted for a year or more, and contained noth- 
 ing of the means of defense except cannons and cannon balls. 
 For the information of unprofessional readers, it is enough to 
 say that the fort was a semicircular structure, with such ad- 
 ditional outworks as were necessary to enable it to command 
 the all-important channel, the peninsula and the open sea. 
 It was surrounded by a ditch twenty feet wide. Its weak 
 point was similar to that by which Fort Ticonderoga was 
 once taken : it was overlooked by some tall hillocks of sand 
 within cannon range.* 
 
 Into this fort General Jackson, with all haste, threw a 
 garrison of one hundred and sixty men, commanded by Major 
 Lawrence of the second regiment of United States infantry, 
 as gallant a spirit as ever stood to his country's defense. A 
 
 * For the convenience of professional readers, a professional description of 
 Fort Bowyer is appended, taken from " Latour's Historical Memoir of the War." 
 Latour was an engineer, and did good servicG in this campaign : — 
 
 " Fort Bowyer is a redoubt formed on the sea side by a semicircular battery 
 of four hundred feet in development, flanked with two curtains sixty feet in 
 length, and joined to a bastion whose capital line passes through the center of 
 the circular battery. This bastion has but thirty-five feet in its gorge, with two 
 flanks, each capable of receiving but one piece of artillery, and fifty feet in length 
 on its front and rear aspects. 
 
 " Its interior dimensions are one hundred and eighty feet in length from the 
 summit of the bastion to the parapet of the circular battery, and two hundred feet 
 for the length of the cord of .the arc described by the battery. The receding 
 angles formed by the curtains with the flanks of the bastion and those of the 
 battery, considerably diminish the dimensions of this fort, the superfices of which 
 may be estimated at twenty-two thousand feet. 
 
 " The circular parts and the flanks which join it to the curtains, have a para- 
 pet fifteen feet thick at the summit, and in all the rest of the perimeter of the 
 fort, the parapet does not exceed the thickness of three feet above the platforms; 
 a fosse twenty feet wide surrounds the fort, and a very insufficient glacis without 
 a covered way completes the fortification. The interior front of the parapet is 
 formed of pine, a resinous wood which a single shell would be sufficient to set 
 on fire. The fort is destitute of casemates (the only shelter from bombs) even 
 for the sick, the ammunition or provisions. To these inconveniences may be 
 added the bad situation of the fort, commanded by several mounds of sand, as 
 above described, at a distance of from two to three hundred yards. On the sum- 
 mit of these mounds, it would be very easy to mount pieces of artillery, whose 
 Blanting fire would command the inside of the fort." 
 
1814.] VISIT TO MOBILE POINT. 603 
 
 large proportion of the little garrison were totally ignorant of 
 gunnery, and had to learn the art by practicing it in fighting 
 the enemy. The first twelve days in September were em- 
 ployed by them in repairing the essential parts of the fortifi- 
 cation, while General Jackson was busy on shore dispatching 
 provisions and ammunition, and counting over and over again 
 the days that must elapse before he could reasonably expect 
 the arrival of reinforcements. 
 
 No signs of an enemy appeared till the morning of the 
 12th of September, when an out-sentinel came running in 
 with the report that a body of British marines and Indians 
 had landed on the peninsula, within a few miles of the fort. 
 Colonel Nichols, it afterwards appeared, was the commander 
 of this detachment, which consisted, according to American 
 writers, of one hundred and thirty marines and six hundred 
 Indians ; according to James, the English historian, of sixty 
 marines and one hundred and twenty Indians. Captain 
 Woodbine commanded the Indian part of this force. To- 
 ward evening of the same day four British vessels of war 
 hove in sight, and came to anchor near the coast, six miles 
 from the Point. These proved to be the Hermes, Captain 
 Percy, twenty-two guns ; the Sophia, in command of our 
 acquaintance, Captain Lockyer, eighteen guns ; the Carron, 
 twenty guns ; and the Childers, eighteen guns ; the whole 
 under the command of Captain Percy. 
 
 Night fell upon the fleet, the land force, and the anxious 
 garrison, without any movement having been attempted on 
 either side. The garrison slept upon their arms, every man 
 at his post. 
 
 The next day a reconnoitering party approached within 
 three quarters of a mile and then retired. A little after 
 noon Colonel Nichols drew a howitzer, the only one he 
 had with him, behind a mound seven hundred yards from 
 the fort. He fired three shells and a cannon ball, which 
 splintered a piece of timber that crowned part of the ram- 
 part, but did no other damage. The garrison, without being 
 able to see the enemy, fired a few shots in the direction of the 
 
604 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 mound. Under cover of other sand-hills, Nichols then with- 
 drew his party to a point a mile and a half distant, where he 
 appeared to be throwing up a breastwork. Three well-aimed 
 shots from the fort again dispersed the party, and drove them 
 beyond range, within which they did not return that day. 
 Later in the afternoon several small boats put off from the 
 ships, and attempted to sound the channel near Mobile Point. 
 A few discharges of ball and grape drove them off also, and 
 they returned to the ships. Night again closed in upon the 
 scene, and the garrison again went to sleep upon their arms, 
 encouraged and confident. 
 
 As soon as it was light enough to discern distant objects 
 on the following morning, the enemy were seen at the same 
 place, still engaged, as it seemed, in throwing up works, the 
 ships remaining at their former anchorage. As the morning 
 wore away without any further movement, Major Lawrence 
 concluding that the enemy designed to take the fort by regu- 
 lar approaches, thought it most prudent to send an express 
 to General Jackson, informing him of the enemy's arrival, 
 and asking a reinforcement. It so chanced that Jackson had 
 set out on that very morning to visit the fort, and had sailed 
 to within a few miles of it when he met the boat bearing Major 
 Lawrence's messenger. Back to Mobile he hurried, his barge- 
 men straining every nerve. He reached the town late at 
 night, where he instantly mustered a body of eighty men, 
 under the command of Captain Laval, hurried them on 
 board a small brig, and saw them off toward Mobile Point 
 before he left the shore. At the fort the whole day passed 
 in inaction. Night came on apace, and once more the be- 
 leaguered garrison lay upon their arms, wondering what the 
 morrow would bring forth. 
 
 Day dawned upon the 15th of September. Straining eyes 
 from the summit of the fort sought to penetrate the morning 
 mist. Gradually the low, dark line of the enemy's bivouac, 
 and then the dim outline of the more distant ships became 
 visible. There they were, unchanged from the day before. 
 Are we to have another day, then, of puzzle and inactivity ? 
 
1814.] VIST TO MOBILE POINT. 605 
 
 As the morning cleared it was observed that there was an 
 unwonted stir and movement among the enemy. There was a 
 marching hither and thither upon the peninsula ; boats were 
 passing and repassing between the shore and the ships ; and 
 all those nameless indications were noticed which announce 
 that something absorbing and decisive is on foot. There is a 
 magnetism in the very air on such occasions which conveys 
 an intimation of coming events to the high-strained nerves 
 of belligerent men. Still, hour after hour passed on, and the 
 ships lay at anchor, and the busy troops upon the shore made 
 no advance. 
 
 An hour before noon the wind, which had been fresh, fell 
 to a light breeze, favorable for a movement of the squadron. 
 The ships now weighed anchor, and stood out to sea ; the 
 little garrison looking out over the ramparts and through the 
 port-holes with an interest that no human being, who has 
 never taken part in such a scene, can begin to imagine. For 
 nearly three hours the ships beat up against the light wind, 
 away from the fort, till they were hull-down in the blue Gulf. 
 Have they given it up, then, without a trial ? At two o'clock 
 in the afternoon they were observed to tack, get before the 
 wind, and bear down toward the fort in line of battle, the 
 Hermes leading. The suspense was over. They were going 
 to attack ! In two hours they will be upon us ! 
 
 Then Major Lawrence, in the true spirit of a classical 
 hero, called his officers together to concert the requisite 
 measures. " Don't give up the fort," was adopted as the 
 signal for the day, and it did but express the unanimous feel- 
 ing of the garrison. The officers, while agreeing to defend 
 the fort as long as it was tenable, defined, also, the terms 
 upon which alone the survivors should surrender. These 
 were the words of their resolution, deliberately concluded upon 
 while the fleet was approaching, and the force on the penin- 
 sula was preparing for simultaneous attack : — 
 
 " That in case of being, by imperious necessity, compelled 
 to surrender (which could only happen in the last extremity, 
 on the ramparts being entirely battered down, and the gar- 
 vol. i. — 39 
 
606 LIFE OP ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 rison almost wholly destroyed, so that any further resistance 
 would be evidently useless), no capitulation should be agreed 
 on, unless it had for its fundamental article that the officers 
 and privates should retain their arms and their private prop- 
 erty, and that on no pretext should the Indians be suffered 
 to commit any outrage on their persons or property ; and 
 unless full assurance were given them that they would be 
 treated as prisoners of war, according to the custom estab- 
 lished among civilized nations."* 
 
 The officers ratified this resolution by an oath, each 
 man solemnly swearing to abide by it in any and every ex- 
 tremity. Now, every man to his post, and Don't give up the 
 Fort ! 
 
 At four o'clock the Hermes came within reach of the 
 fort's great guns. A few shots were exchanged with little 
 effect. One by one the other vessels came up and gave the 
 garrison some practice at long range ; but no great harm was 
 done them. At half past four Captain Percy, like the gallant 
 sailor that he was, ran the Hermes right into the narrow 
 channel that leads into the bay, dropped anchor within 
 musket shot of the fort, and turned his broadside to its guns. 
 The other vessels followed his brave example, and anchored 
 in the channel, one behind the other, all within reach of the 
 long guns of the fort, though considerably more distant from 
 them than the Hermes. 
 
 Then arose a thundering cannonade. Broadside after 
 broadside from the ships ; the fort replying by a steady, 
 quick fire, that was better and better directed as the fight 
 went on. Meanwhile Captain Woodbine, from behind a 
 bluff in the shore, opened fire from his howitzer ; but a few 
 shots from the fort's south battery silenced him, and com- 
 pelled him, for a time, to keep his distance. 
 
 For an hour the firing continued on both sides without a 
 moment's pause ; the fleet and the fort enveloped in huge 
 volumes of smoke, lighted up by the incessant flash of the 
 
 ♦ Eaton. 
 
1814.] VISIT TO MOBILE POINT. 607 
 
 guns. At half past five, the halliards of the Hermes' flag 
 were severed by a shot, and the flag fell into the hell of fire 
 and smoke below. Major Lawrence, thinking it possible the 
 ship might have surrendered, ceased his fire. A silence of 
 five minutes succeeded the dreadful roar ; at the expiration of 
 which a new flag fluttered up to the mast-head of the com- 
 modore's ship, and the Sophia that lay next her renewed the 
 strife by firing a whole broadside at once. In the interval, 
 every gun in the fort had been loaded, and the broadside was 
 returned with a salvo that shook the earth. A most furious 
 firing succeeded, and continued for some time longer without 
 any important mishap occurring on either side. 
 
 At length, a shot from the fort, a lucky shot indeed for 
 the little garrison, cut the cable of the Hermes ! The cur- 
 rent of the channel in which she lay caught her heavy stern, 
 and turned her bow-foremost to the fort, where she lay for 
 twenty minutes raked from bow to stern by a terrible fire. 
 At this time it was that the flag-staff of the fort was shot 
 away. The ships, it is to be presumed, either because they 
 did not perceive the absence of the flag, or because they knew 
 the cause of its absence, redoubled their firing at the moment ; 
 while Captain Woodbine and his whooping savages, supposing 
 the fort had surrendered, ran up to seize their prey. A few 
 discharges of grape drove the Indians howling back behind 
 the hillocks out of sight, and another flag, fastened hastily to 
 a sponging rod, was raised above the ramparts. 
 
 The Hermes, totally unmanagable, her decks swept of 
 every man and every thing, drifted slowly along with the 
 current for half a mile, and then ran aground. Still exposed 
 to the fire, and damaged in every part by the hail of shot she 
 had received, it was impossible either to save or fight her. 
 Captain Percy, therefore, got out his wounded men, trans- 
 ferred them to the Sophia, set his ship on fire, and abandoned 
 her to her fate. Then the Sophia, which was also severely 
 crippled, contrived with difficulty to get out of range. The 
 two other vessels, which were not seriously harmed, hoisted 
 sail, and departed to their old anchorage off the coast. The 
 
608 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 fort guns continued to play upon the Hermes till dark, when 
 the fire burst through her hatches, and lighted up the scene 
 with more than the brilliancy of day. At eleven o'clock she 
 blew up with an explosion that was heard by General Jack- 
 son at Mobile, thirty miles distant. 
 
 When the next day dawned, Nichols, Woodbine, marines, 
 Indians, had vanished from the peninsula. The three vessels 
 were still in sight, but early in the afternoon they weighed 
 anchor, stood to sea, and were seen no more. 
 
 Then the heroic little garrison came forth exulting from 
 their battered walls, surveyed the scene of the late encounter, 
 and reckoned up their victory. Four of their number lay dead 
 within the fort. Four others were wounded in the battle. Six 
 men had been injured by the bursting of some cartridges. Both 
 of the great twenty-four pounders were cracked beyond using. 
 Two guns had been knocked off their carriages ; one had burst, 
 one had been broken short off by a thirty-two pound ball. 
 The walls of the fort showed the holes and marks of three 
 hundred balls, and the ground about the fort was plowed into 
 ridges. Though but twelve pieces had been brought to bear 
 upon the fleet, the stock of cannon balls had been dimin- 
 ished by seven hundred. The wreck of the gallant Hermes 
 lay near by, her guns visible in the clear water of the 
 channel. 
 
 The garrison were ignorant, as yet, of the name, the force, 
 and the loss of the enemy. They knew not whence they had 
 came, whither they were gone, nor how soon they might re- 
 turn in greater numbers to renew the attack. In the course 
 of the day, two marines, deserters from the party under Col- 
 onel Nichols came in, and gave the eager garrison all the in- 
 formation they desired. They reported the British loss at one 
 hundred and sixty-two killed and seventy wounded. This 
 was an exaggeration. The real loss of the English, as officially 
 given by themselves, was thirty-two killed and forty wounded. 
 Among the wounded was Colonel Nichols himself, who lost 
 an eye in one of his reconnoiterings. The deserters stated 
 that the ships had returned to Pensacola, leaving the marines 
 
1814.] VISIT TO MOBILE POINT. 609 
 
 and Indians to march back to the same place as best they 
 could. 
 
 But where was the brig with Captain Laval's eighty men, 
 whom General Jackson had sent to reinforce Fort Bowyer ? 
 The adventures of that vessel were remarkable, almost to the 
 degree of being ludicrous. 
 
 Arriving in the vicinity of the fort as the battle was begin- 
 ning, and unable to land his men in such a storm of cannon 
 balls as soon swept the peninsula, Captain Laval withdrew 
 his vessel to a sheltered part of the shore, a few miles distant, 
 intending to wait till the darkness of the night should enable 
 him to land and march in. Unluckily, he withdrew to too 
 remote a place for him to comprehend the issue of the strife. 
 Night came, but not darkness. The conflagration that illu- 
 mined the scene of contest Captain Laval concluded must be 
 the burning of the resinous pine timbers that formed part of 
 the fortifications. And when the great explosion occurred, 
 lifting the little brig half out of water, nothing was more 
 natural than for him to suppose that the fort had blown up, 
 and that the garrison was taken or destroyed. Regarding the 
 capture of the brig as inevitable if he remained where he was 
 till daylight, Laval hoisted sail, and made a swift voyage of 
 it back to Mobile and General Jackson. 
 
 A day of more agonizing anxiety Jackson never passed 
 than the 15th of September, 1814. Compelled to remain in- 
 active, knowing well the importance to the campaign of the 
 result of that day's work, aware of the enemy's superior force, 
 and of the garrison's inexperience, he paced the shore of Mo- 
 bile Bay, not without fear that the next news from the Point 
 would loom up from the horizon in the form of a British fleet 
 in full sail toward the town. The dull thunder of the explo- 
 sion only told him that something had occurred at the mouth 
 of the bay. On the morning of the 16th the brig hove in 
 sight, and Laval's crushing intelligence was soon reported to 
 the General. At first, he would not believe it. He declared 
 that the explosion had come from the water, not the shore. 
 Yielding, at length, to the united force of strong probability 
 
610 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 and positive testimony, he resolved, on the instant, to retake 
 Mobile Point at every hazard. Retaken it must be, or the 
 campaign was lost ; retaken it must be, or the Creek war had 
 been fought in vain ; retaken it must be, or the arrogant 
 boasting of a Maurequez was made good. The requisite 
 orders were issued ; the troops were mustering. And it was 
 in the midst of preparation for speedy departure down the 
 peninsula that an express arrived from Major Lawrence with 
 the glorious truth of yesterday's events, thrilling every heart 
 in Mobile, and sending the troops rejoicing back to their 
 quarters. 
 
 Well might the General exult at this well-timed, auspicious 
 victory. There was now an inspiring piece of news to greet 
 and rouse each detachment of his Tennesseeans as they should 
 arrive. The General knew enough of the tickle Indian char- 
 acter to be sure that the prestige of the British name among 
 the Creeks could not survive such an unexpected and signal 
 defeat. What a fortunate beginning of his career under his 
 new commission ! And what an abundant justification he 
 now had for the dashing movement he secretly contemplated ! 
 Every circumstance of the action combined to make his satis- 
 faction with it perfect. The deserters, whom Major Lawrence 
 had sent with the express, reported that Captain Percy had 
 said he would give the fort twenty minutes to capitulate ; 
 and now his own ship lay a wreck under that fort's guns, 
 while the stars and stripes waved above the ramparts from 
 that immortal sponging-rod ! What did Maurequez now 
 think of his new allies, as they crept back into the harbor 
 of Pensacola, the flag-ship missing, the Sophia damaged, 
 Nichols without an eye, and Percy without a ship ? It 
 added something, perhaps, to the zest of Jackson's delight 
 that two of the British naval commanders were the sons of 
 British peers ; Captain Percy the son of Lord Beverly, and 
 Captain Spencer the son of Earl Spencer. 
 
 A warm and generous dispatch the General wrote the 
 next morning to the Secretary of War. " The result of this 
 engagement," ne said in conclusion, " has stamped a charac- 
 
1814.] VISIT TO MOBILE POINT. 611 
 
 ter on the war in this quarter highly favorable to the Ameri- 
 can arms ; it is an event from which may be drawn the most 
 favorable augury. An achievement so glorious in itself, and 
 so important in its consequences, should be appreciated by the 
 government ; and those concerned are entitled to, and will 
 doubtless receive, the most gratifying evidence of the appro- 
 bation of their countrymen. In the words of Major Lawrence, 
 ' Where all behaved well, it is unnecessary to discriminate/ 
 But all being meritorious, I beg leave to annex the names of 
 the officers who were engaged and present, and hope they 
 will individually be deemed worthy of distinction. Major 
 William Lawrence, second infantry, commanding ; Captain 
 Walsh of the artillery ; Captains Chamberlain, Brownlow, 
 and Bradley, of the second infantry ; Captain Sands, deputy 
 commissary of ordnance ; Lieutenants Yillard, Sturges, Con- 
 way, H. Sanders, T. K. Sanders, Brooks, Davis, and C. Sand- 
 ers, all of the second infantry. I am confident that your own 
 feelings will lead you to participate in my wishes on the sub- 
 ject. Permit me to suggest the propriety and justice of allow- 
 ing to this gallant band the value of the vessel destroyed by 
 them." 
 
 The defense of Fort Bowyer produced the effect upon the 
 minds of the people of the Gulf States which might have been 
 expected. It gave them confidence in themselves and in their 
 means of defense. When the news reached New Orleans, the 
 Committee of Public Defense, of which Edward Livingston 
 was the chairman and animating soul, voted a saber to Major 
 Lawrence, and thanks to his brave companions in victory.* 
 
 * A trifling incident connected with the attack on Fort Bowyer, related by 
 Nolte, in his " Fifty Years in both Hemispheres," may serve to illustrate the 
 time and scene. Nolte was then a cotton speculator of New Orleans. He was 
 the owner, as will be seen by and by, of those immortal cotton bales which did 
 not compose part of the " lines" on the day of a certain great battle. 
 
 "At Pensacola," says Nolte, " Louisiana cotton could not be procured by the 
 English for less than from twenty-two to twenty-four cents per pound, while in 
 New Orleans it cost only half that rate. Intercourse was then carried on be- 
 tween the country bordering the lakes, and even between New Orleans and Pen- 
 aacola, by means of small craft, counting from ten to fifteen tons, which conveyed 
 
612 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 A few days after the affair of Fort Bowyer, General Jack- 
 Bon received from New Orleans the account of Captain Lock- 
 yer's interview with Jean Lafitte, and a copy of Colonel 
 Nichols" proclamation. The feelings which the latter docu- 
 ment kindled in his already excited mind may he inferred 
 from a counter-proclamation which he promptly issued, and 
 sent flying over the southern States. September 21st was 
 the date of this fiery composition : — 
 
 " Louisianians — The base, the perfidious Britons have attempted to in- 
 vade your country. They had the temerity to attack Fort Bowyer with 
 their incongruous horde of Indian and negro assassins. They seemed to 
 have forgotten that this fort was defended by freemen. They were not 
 long indulged in this error. The gallant Lawrence, with his little Spartan 
 band, has given them a lecture that will last for ages ; he has taught them 
 what men can do when fighting for their liberties, when contending against 
 
 flour, wine, spirituous liquors, etc., etc., to and fro. The whole flotilla amounted 
 to about twenty -five sail. One morning I chartered the larger of these, loaded 
 them with cotton, to the extent of about two hundred and fifty bales in all, 
 and dispatched them to Mobile Bay, there to await my arrival. A day or two 
 afterwards I reached the place in a small empty schooner, and lay close to Fort 
 Mobile, before, which a small English squadron was cruising, and at length 
 began to make preparations for bombarding the fort. The attack came at last, 
 and continued, right before my eyes, from one o'clock in the afternoon till 
 seven in the evening. The little fort withstood the cannonade of five war ves- 
 sels most bravely, and responded to it with such effect as evidently to occasion 
 them very great damage. I now brought the whole of my little flotilla from 
 the middle of the bay, close to the fort, and waited in my little clipper for the • 
 retreat of the British squadron. When this occurred, at sundown, I sailed along 
 close at its heels, yet at a certain distance, and saw that it bore direct for Pensa- 
 cola, where, thought I, they would be more likely to occupy themselves with 
 repairing their damage than in capturing small craft like mine. So I returned 
 to the bay, hauled out my flotilla, and, favored during the night by a cloudless 
 moon and fair wind, brought it, by sunrise, safe into the harbor of Pensacola. 
 Here I sold my cotton on the spot at twenty-two cents per pound, and in return 
 purchased three packs of woolen blankets at five and a half to six dollars. With 
 these I went through Mobile Bay and the small lakes back to New Orleans, 
 where the blankets were worth from ten to eleven dollars. The proper period 
 for the sale of that article is in December, at the beginning of the sugar crop. 
 Everybody thought this little venture of mine a pretty thing, and greeted me on 
 Change with, ' Ah, you have been to visit your friends, the English 1' " 
 
1814.] VISIT TO MOBILE POINT. 613 
 
 Blaves. He has convinced Sir W. H. Percy that his companions in arms 
 are not to be conquered by proclamations ; that the strongest British bark 
 is not invulnerable to the force of American artillery, directed by the steady 
 nervous arm of a freeman. 
 
 " Louisianians ! — The proud Briton, the natural and sworn enemies of all 
 Frenchmen, has called upon you, by proclamation, to aid him in his tyr- 
 anny, and to prostrate the holy temple of our liberty. Can Louisianians, 
 can Frenchmen, can Americans, ever stoop to be the slaves or allies of 
 Britain. 
 
 " The proud, vain-glorious boaster, Colonel Nichols, when he addressed 
 you, Louisianians and Kentuckians, had forgotten that you were the vo- 
 taries of freedom, or he would never have pledged the honor of a British 
 officer for the faithful performance of his promise, to lure you from your 
 fidelity to the government of your choice. I ask you, Louisianians, can we 
 place any confidence in the honor of men who have courted an alliance 
 with pirates and robbers ? Have not these noble Britons, these honorable 
 men, Colonel Nichols and the Honorable Captain W. H. Percy, the true 
 representatives of their royal master, done this ? Have they not made 
 offers to the pirates of Barrataria to join them, and their holy cause ? 
 And have they not dared to insult you by calling on you to associate, as 
 brethren, with them and this hellish banditti. 
 
 " Louisianians ! — The government of your choice are engaged in a just 
 and honorable contest for the security of your individual and her national 
 rights. On you, a part of America, the only country on earth where every 
 man enjoys freedom, where its blessings are alike extended to the poor and 
 the rich, calls to protect these rights from the invading usurpation of Brit- 
 ain ; and she calls not in vain. I well know that every man whose soul 
 beats high at the proud title of freeman; that every Louisianiau, either by 
 birth or adoption, will promptly obey the voice of his country ; will rally 
 round the eagle of Columbia, secure it from the pending danger, or nobly 
 die in the last ditch in its defense. 
 
 " The individual who refuses to defend his rights, when called upon by 
 his government, deserves to be a slave, and must be punished as an enemy 
 to his country, and a friend to her foe. 
 
 " The undersigned has been intrusted with the defense of your country. 
 On you he relies to aid him in this important duty ; in this reliance he 
 hopes not to be mistaken. He trusts in the justice of his cause and the 
 patriotism of his countrymen. Confident that any future attempt to in- 
 vade our soil will be repelled as the last, he calls not upon either pirates 
 or robbers to join him in the glorious cause. 
 
 " Your governor has been fully authorized by me to organize any vol- 
 unteer company, battalion, or regiment which may proffer its services 
 under this call, and is informed of their probable destination." 
 
614 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 It was a poor return to the Lafittes to use the precious 
 information they had given, and then call them a "hellish 
 banditti." Jackson did them justice a few weeks later, and 
 was glad enough of their help in the day of trial. The sting- 
 ing epithets of the proclamation, however, sank deep into the 
 mind of Jean Lafitte, and helped to drive him afterwards to 
 exile and a watery grave. 
 
 It had been proposed, earlier in the war, to organize some 
 battalions of free colored troops, as the British had long 
 before done in the West India Islands. The plan was so 
 strenuously objected to by some of the planters, that it was 
 given up. The time had now come, however, when General 
 Jackson deemed it essential to summon to the defense of the 
 country its entire available strength. Hence, the proclama- 
 tion annexed : — 
 
 " To the Free Colored Inhabitants of Louisiana : — Through a mistaken 
 policy you have heretofore been deprived of a participation in the glorious 
 struggle for national rights in which our country is engaged. This no 
 longer shall exist. 
 
 " As sons of freedom, you are now called upon to defend our most 
 inestimable blessing. As Americans, your country looks with confidence 
 to her adopted children, for a valorous support, as a faithful return for the 
 advantages enjoyed under her mild and equitable government. As fathers, 
 husbands, and brothers, you are summoned to rally round the standard of 
 the eagle to defend all which is dear in existence. 
 
 " Your country, although calling for your exertions, does not wish you 
 to engage in her cause without amply remunerating you for the services 
 rendered. Your intelligent minds are not to be led away by false repre- 
 sentations. Your love of honor would cause you to despise the man who 
 should attempt to deceive you. In the sincerity of a soldier, and the lan- 
 guage of truth I address you. 
 
 " To every noble-hearted, generous freeman of color, volunteering to 
 serve during the present contest with Great Britain, and no longer, there 
 will be paid the same bounty in money and lands, now received by the 
 white soldiers of the United States, viz., one hundred and twenty-four 
 dollars in money, and one hundred and sixty acres of land. The non- 
 commissioned officers and privates will also be entitled to the same 
 monthly pay and daily rations and clothes, furnished to any American 
 soldier. 
 
1814.] NICHOLS* VISIT RETURNED. 615 
 
 u On enrolling yourselves in companies, the major general commanding 
 wall select officers for your government, from your white fellow-citizens. 
 Your non-commissioned officers will be appointed from among yourselves. 
 
 " Due regard will be paid to the feelings of freemen and soldiers. You 
 will not, by being associated with white men in the same corps, be exposed 
 to improper comparisons or unjust sarcasm. As a distinct, independent 
 battalion or regiment, pursuing the path of glory, you will, undivided, 
 receive the applause and gratitude of your countrymen. 
 
 " To assure you of the sincerity of my intentions and my anxiety to 
 engage your invaluable services to our country, I have communicated my 
 wishes to the Governor of Louisiana, who is fully informed as to the man- 
 ner of enrollment, and will give you every necessary information on the 
 subject of this address." 
 
 These stirring appeals fell upon no reluctant ears. The 
 whole South and West was awakening. Tennessee was al- 
 ready on the march. Kentucky was mustering her rifle- 
 men. Louisiana was getting ready to take the field. Missis- 
 sippi was sending all her forces to Mobile. The drama 
 was quickening its pace. Jackson and the troops at Mobile 
 were burning with impatience to open the next scene, for 
 which every thing was in readiness except that without 
 which no scene in real or mimic war has much effect, " the 
 army 1" 
 
 CHAPTER L VII. 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON RETURNS COLONEL NICHOLS' VISIT. 
 
 Military events succeed one another with deceptive ra- 
 pidity upon the printed page. In truth, the chief employ- 
 ment of a soldier's life is waiting. He waits half a lifetime 
 for the breaking out of war ; consuming his years in the dull 
 barracks or the solitary fortress. He waits for months after 
 the campaign opens for the day to arrive which decides its fate 
 and his own. Through the long hours of the day of battle, 
 
616 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 he waits, comprehending nothing of the hurly-burly around 
 him, till it comes Ms turn to advance and he shot. He waits 
 — how long he waits ! — for his promotion ; waiting for dead 
 men's epaulettes. On the parade, at the grand review, still 
 he waits and waits for the slow development of the compli- 
 cated maneuver. He is a man whose lifetime's work is done 
 in a few thrilling hours or minutes, and the rest of his life is 
 a waiting for those hours or minutes to come round. 
 
 After the defense of Fort Bowyer, General Jackson had 
 to endure six weeks of most intolerable waiting. Nothing 
 could be done before the arrival of the troops from Tennessee. 
 To the tedium of delay was added a torturing uncertainty 
 with regard to the nature, the extent, the proximity of the 
 impending danger. The intelligence received through Lafitte 
 had exaspei cited and roused the people ; but, after all, the 
 Lafitte documents gave little available information. Might 
 not these be the mere bluster of an ignorant and boastful 
 officer, desirous to magnify his mission ? His puerile exploits 
 at Mobile Point, his subsequent inactivity, the non-arrival of 
 additional forces, seemed to favor the supposition. Yet other 
 considerations, numerous and cogent, weighed against it, and 
 kept all the General's anxiety alive. If a powerful expedition 
 should arrive, which rumor with a thousand tongues foretold, 
 to which so many probabilities pointed, New Orleans was 
 open to its approach, and Fort Bowyer, with its battered 
 ramparts and cracked guns, could make but a poor and brief 
 resistance. It is not surprising that during these weeks, the 
 chronic malady under which the General suffered should 
 have given him many a pang, and frequently laid him pros- 
 trate for many successive hours. His attenuated form and 
 yellow, haggard face struck every one with surprise who saw 
 him then for the first time. 
 
 And what news is this which comes, on one of the last 
 days of September, from Fort Jackson, towards which the 
 General was looking for the arrival of the Tennessee troops ? 
 Another mutiny ! A revival of the old dispute about the 
 length of the term of service ! Two hundred men, of those 
 
1814.] NICHOLS' VISIT RETURNED. 617 
 
 who had been called out three months before to garrison the 
 post, defying all authority, went off rioting and tumultuous 
 toward home ! This mutiny, occurring at such an important 
 crisis, at a station that lay in the path by which the new 
 levies would necessarily march, kindled in Jackson's breast 
 such rage and disgust as nothing could appease. He was 
 absent in body from the fort, but he soon, by his orders and 
 dispatches, made himself so powerfully present in spirit, that 
 a large number of the deserters, if deserters they were, volun- 
 tarily returned to duty, for fear that worse might befall them. 
 Worse did befall them. Jackson resolved to prosecute the 
 affair to the utmost. A court martial was ordered ; nearly 
 two hundred men were placed under arrest ; the trials pro- 
 ceeded. It will be time enough to give the particulars of this 
 mutiny when the course of our narrative brings us to the 
 hideous tragedy to which it led. It is mentioned here, that 
 the reader may know precisely when it was, and in what cir- 
 cumstances it was, that the tidings of an outbreak, so dan- 
 gerous and formidable, reached Jackson's intensely excited 
 mind. 
 
 On the 25th of November, came, at length, an express 
 from General Coffee, announcing his arrival on the Mobile 
 river, with an army of twenty-eight hundred men. The next 
 day Jackson joined him and took the command. Including 
 the troops led by General Coffee, the garrison of Mobile, a 
 body of mounted Mississippians, and a small number of Creek 
 Indians, General Jackson found himself, by the 1st of No- 
 vember, in command of an army of four thousand men ; of 
 whom, perhaps, one thousand were troops of the regular 
 service. A large proportion of the volunteers, not less than 
 fifteen hundred, were mounted. It is mentioned as a signal 
 proof of their zeal in the service, that they willingly left their 
 horses to pasture on the Mobile river, and served as infantry 
 during the subsequent operations ; forage being scarce on the 
 way they were next to go. 
 
 General Jackson had resolved, without waiting for any 
 further development of the enemy's plans, to "rout the En- 
 
618 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 glish out of Pensacola," as he was wont to express it. The 
 press and the people of the southern States had been clam- 
 oring for this, with increasing vehemence and unanimity, 
 ever since they had heard of the landing of Colonel Nichols. 
 Jackson was nothing loth. In the whole range of military 
 enterprise, no expedition could have been suggested which he 
 would have undertaken with so keen a zest as a march upon 
 Pensacola. If a Dante had desired to invent a heaven for 
 Andrew Jackson at this period of his life, he would have 
 had to assign him an endless series of Spanish governors, to 
 whom he could dictate rasping letters ad libitum, and end 
 the controversy with each successive governor by marching 
 an army of Tennesseeans into his province, and dictating 
 terms of submission in the streets of his capital. The 
 western people generally shared this antipathy. Governor 
 Blount, in one of his letters during the Creek war, says, 
 that difficult as it was to raise men for that service, yet if 
 any thing were intended against Pensacola, there would be 
 no difficulty in mustering any number of troops that might 
 be desired. 
 
 The treasure-chest being empty, Jackson was compelled 
 to purchase supplies, partly with money of his own, and 
 partly on the credit of the government. On the 3d of No- 
 vember, rations for eight days having been distributed, he 
 marched, with three thousand men, unincumbered with bag- 
 gage, toward Pensacola, and halted, on the evening of the 
 6th, within a mile and a half of the place. 
 
 Not less prudent than impetuous on great occasions, 
 Jackson immediately sent forward Major Piere, of the forty- 
 fourth infantry, with a flag, to confer with Governor Maure- 
 quez. He was ordered to give a friendly and candid explana- 
 tion of the object of General Jackson ; which was, not to 
 make war upon a neutral power, nor to injure the town, nor 
 needlessly to alarm the subjects of the Spanish king ; but 
 merely to deprive the enemies of the United States of a 
 refuge and basis of offensive operations. Major Piere was 
 also to demand the immediate surrender of the forts, which 
 
1814.] NICHOLS' VISIT RETURNED. 619 
 
 General Jackson pledged himself to hold only in trust, and 
 to restore uninjured as soon as the present peril of the Gulf 
 ports was passed. 
 
 As the major approached Fort St. Michael, bearing the 
 flag of truce, he was fired upon ; upon which he retired, and 
 reported the fact to the General. Jackson then rode forward 
 and discovered, upon inspecting the fort, that it was garri- 
 soned both by British and Spanish troops, though only the 
 Spanish ensign now floated from the flagstaff. Ordering the 
 troops to bivouac for the night, he resolved, on the following 
 day, to storm the town. Upon reflecting, however, that the 
 firing upon the flag was probably the work of the English 
 part of the garrison, he made another attempt in the course 
 of the evening to reach the governor and bring him to terms. 
 A Spanish corporal had been taken on the march, to whom 
 Jackson now entrusted a message to the governor, asking an 
 explanation of the insult to the flag. Late in the evening, 
 the corporal returned with a verbal communication from the 
 governor, to the effect that he was powerless in the hands of 
 the British, who alone had been concerned in firing upon the 
 flag of truce, and that he would gladly receive any overtures 
 the American general might be pleased to make. Jackson, 
 rejoicing in the prospect of a bloodless and speedy success, at 
 once dispatched Major Piere again to the town, who was soon 
 in the governor's presence, performing his mission. Jackson 
 had hastily written a letter to Maurequez, summing up his 
 demands and purposes in his brief, decisive way. " I come," 
 said he, " not as the enemy of Spain ; not to make war, but 
 to ask for peace ; to demand security for my country, and 
 that respect to which she is entitled and must receive. My 
 force is sufficient, and my determination taken, to prevent a 
 future repetition of the injuries she has received. I demand, 
 therefore, the possession of the Barrancas, and other fortifica- 
 tions, with all your munitions of war. If delivered peaceably, 
 the whole will be receipted for and become the subject of 
 future arrangement by our respective governments ; while 
 the property, laws, and religion of your citizens shall be re- 
 
620 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 spected. But if taken by an appeal to arms, let the blood 
 of your subjects be upon your own head. I will not hold 
 myself responsible for the conduct of my enraged soldiers. 
 One hour is given you for deliberation, when your determina- 
 tion must be had." 
 
 The governor left Major Piere alone, and consulted with 
 his officers. He returned after a short absence, and said, ap- 
 parently with reluctance, for the man was in a sore strait 
 between two, and cared only for the preservation of his town, 
 that the terms proposed by General Jackson could not be ac- 
 ceded to. In the small hours of the morning, Major Piere 
 returned to the General, and reported the governor's answer. 
 
 " Turn out the troops," was Jackson's sole commentary 
 upon the events of the night. 
 
 An hour before daylight, the men were under arms and 
 ready to advance. They had slept upon the main road lead- 
 ing into the town ; a road commanded by Fort St. Michael, 
 and exposed to the full force of a cannonade of seven British 
 men-of-war that lay at anchor in the harbor. But let the 
 General himself state the events of the morning : — 
 
 " On the morning of the 7th," he wrote to Governor 
 Blount, a few days after, " I marched with the effective regu- 
 lars of the third, thirty-ninth and fourth infantry, part of Gen- 
 eral Coffee's brigade, the Mississippi dragoons, and part of the 
 West Tennessee regiment, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel 
 Hammonds (Colonel Lowry having deserted and gone home), 
 and part of the Choctaws, led by Major Blue of the thirty- 
 ninth, and Major Kennedy, of Mississippi Territory. Being 
 encamped on the west of the town, I calculated they would 
 expect the assault from that quarter, and be prepared to rake 
 me from the fort, and the British armed vessels, seven in 
 number, that lay in the bay. To cherish this idea, I sent out 
 part of the mounted men to show themselves on the west, 
 while I passed in rear of the fort undiscovered to the east of 
 the town. When I appeared within a mile I was in full view. 
 My pride was never more heightened than in viewing the 
 uniform firmness of my troops, and with what undaunted 
 
1814] NICHOLS* VISIT RETURNED. 621 
 
 courage they advanced, with a strong fort ready to assail them 
 on the right ; seven armed vessels on the left ; strong block 
 houses and batteries of cannon in their front ; but they still 
 advanced with unshaken firmness, and entered the town, 
 when a battery of two cannon was opened upon the center 
 column, composed of regulars, with ball and grape, and a 
 shower of musketry from the houses and gardens. The bat- 
 tery was immediately stormed by Captain Laval and his com- 
 pany, and carried, and the musketry was soon silenced by the 
 steady and well-directed fire of the regulars." 
 
 In storming the battery, Captain Laval fell severely 
 wounded, but the troops pressed forward into the town, and 
 took a second battery before the party posted in it could more 
 than three times reload. There was still some firing from 
 behind houses and garden walls, when the governor, in utter 
 consternation, ran out into the streets bearing a white flag to 
 find the General. He came up first with Colonel William- 
 son and Colonel Smith, commanding the dismounted troops, 
 to whom he addressed himself with faltering speech, entreat- 
 ing them to spare the town, and promising to consent to 
 whatever terms the General in command might propose. 
 Jackson, who had halted for a moment at the spot where 
 Captain Laval had fallen, soon rode up, and hearing what 
 had occurred, proceeded to the governor's house, where he 
 received in person the assurance that all the forts should be 
 instantly surrendered. 
 
 Hostilities ceased. Owing to what General Jackson styled 
 " Spanish treachery," but- probably to the confusion and be- 
 wilderment that prevailed, and the consequent misunder- 
 standing of orders ; or perhaps to the irresolution of the gov- 
 ernor and his desire to stand excused in the eyes of his En- 
 glish friends, the forts were not instantly surrendered. More 
 than once in the eourse of the day, Jackson, exasperated at 
 the delay, was about to open fire upon them. But, one by 
 one, the forts were given up, and late in the evening the town 
 was fully his own. 
 
 The town, but not the jportj — which was far more impor- 
 vol. i. — 40 
 
622 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 tant. Fort Barrancas, six miles distant, which commanded 
 the mouth of the harbor, was in the hands of the English, 
 and gave complete protection to their fleet. Maurequez had 
 given a written order for its surrender, addressed to the 
 nominal commandant, and Jackson was prepared to march, 
 with the dawn of the next day, to receive it, if the order were 
 obeyed ; to carry it by storm, if it were not. 
 
 He was still in hopes that by the prompt seizure of Fort 
 Barrancas he could catch the British fleet as in a trap, and 
 either force it to surrender, or do it terrible damage if it 
 should attempt to escape. But before the dawn of day a 
 tremendous explosion was heard in the direction of the 
 mouth of the harbor. Then another explosion, not so loud ; 
 and, a few seconds later, a third. There was little doubt 
 what had occurred. Early in the morning a party that was 
 sent out to reconnoiter returned with the intelligence that 
 Fort Barrancas was a heap of ruins, and that the British 
 vessels had disappeared from the bay. Colonel Nichols, Cap- 
 tain Woodbine, the garrison, and some hundreds of friendly 
 Indians, had gone off with the ships, leaving their friend 
 Maurequez to settle it with the American General as best he 
 could. 
 
 It is remarkable that neither Nichols nor Woodbine, 
 nor their regimented Indians, had been seen in the action 
 of the day before — much to the surprise of the American 
 troops, who had heard so much of the redoubtable "com- 
 mander of his Majesty's forces at Pensacola." With regard 
 to the Indians, the name of Jackson had become such a 
 terror to the southern tribes that probably no influence that 
 could have been brought to bear upon their minds could 
 have induced them to stand in arms against him. A striking 
 anecdote related by that benevolent friend to the Indians, 
 Colonel McKenney, may have to illustrate this. He was sit- 
 ting in his tent, on the banks of the lower Mississippi, 
 several years after these events, when a party of half- 
 drunken Indians came staggering and rioting up to his fire 
 before the tent. 
 
1814.] NICHOLS' VISIT RETURNED. 623 
 
 " One of them passing on," he says, " came to the door of my tent, and 
 pulling aside the curtain, began to reel in, with gestures of a sort that in- 
 timated his intention to take possession. The light from the fire made every 
 thing bright, almost as day. I knew one side or the other must be master ; 
 so I ran my fingers through the guards of two of the pistols, and spring- 
 ing to my feet, took him by the neck and gave him a shove. He lost his 
 balance and tumbled heels over headj when the remaining five seizing, 
 some their knives, and some their rifles, made for me. Seeing my pistols 
 cocked, and pointed in the direction of the two foremost, a pause was made, 
 accompanied by silence ; when one, who had been too drunk to come up 
 with the rest, rose upon his feet, and stretching out his arm, and pointing 
 at me with his finger, said, in a loud voice, 'Jackson!' That moment 
 knives were put up, and rifles lowered, and I became the object of a gen- 
 eral gaze. Shortly after, they all, in tolerable quiet, left the ground. My 
 hair being gray, and having grown unusually long, and it having been al- 
 ways my practice to wear it thrown up from my forehead, this Indian, 
 having doubtless seen G-eneral Jackson, and his hair also being gray, and 
 worn after the same fashion, concluded that the G-eneral was sure enough 
 before him. He had not only seen G-eneral Jackson, but was, there is 
 little doubt, acquainted with his manner of handling Indians, and thought 
 it best, therefore, with his comrades, not to place himself in a situation 
 where the same sort of treatment might be enacted over again." 
 
 Governor Maurequez, justly indignant at the desertion of 
 his allies, and his faith in their prowess, which had been 
 shaken by their defeat at Fort Bowyer, being now com- 
 pletely destroyed, transferred his affections to General Jack- 
 son. He was profuse in his professions of friendship to the 
 General, and extolled highly the conduct of his troops, who 
 had scrupulously respected the property and the feelings of 
 the inhabitants. When the British officers offered, a few 
 weeks later, to assist in rebuilding Fort Barrancas, the gov- 
 ernor is said to have refused the offer, adding that whenever 
 he had need of assistance he should apply to his friend Gen- 
 eral Jackson. 
 
 The sudden departure of the British fleet was not less 
 alarming than disappointing to the American General. 
 Whither had they gone ? The most probable supposition 
 was that they were hastening away to attack Fort Bowyer 
 
624 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 and capture Mobile in the absence of the troops ! To retain 
 Pensacola, in the circumstances, was equally needless and im- 
 possible. Sending off a dispatch to warn the garrison of Fort 
 Bowyer of their danger, the General at once prepared to evac- 
 uate the town, and fly to the defense of Mobile. The next 
 morning he was in full march. Not a man had been lost. 
 Less than twenty of the troops had been wounded, of whom 
 Captain Laval alone was obliged to be left behind to the care 
 of Governor Maurequez. The gallant captain received every 
 attention which his situation required. He recovered from 
 his wound, and still lives, an honored citizen of Charleston, 
 to tell the story of his own and his General's exploits. 
 
 This dash of General Jackson into Florida well illustrates 
 his audacity and promptitude. Observe the dates : on the 
 3d of November he left the banks of the Mobile. On the 6th 
 he reached Pensacola. On the 7th he was master of the 
 town. On the 8th the British took the alarm and fled. 
 On the 9th Jackson set out on his return. On the 11th 
 he was again on the Mobile, ready for the reception of Colonel 
 Nichols. 
 
 When the invasion of Florida was known at Washington, 
 and in the northern States, it by no means met with general 
 approval. The Federal papers, of course, denounced the act 
 as a wanton violation of the soil of a friendly power, and one 
 which was likely to lead to an immediate declaration of war 
 on the part of Spain. The Spanish ambassador wrote a 
 protesting dispatch. The administration itself was no doubt 
 secretly displeased at having to encounter a new danger, and 
 a new pretext of attack. The West, the South, the Demo- 
 cratic party, and the Democratic press, sustained and ap- 
 plauded the invasion. 
 
 To discuss the right or the wrong of so natural a retort to 
 the attack on Fort Bowyer, would be to insult the under- 
 standing of the reader. A more right action was never done 
 in war than the invasion of Florida in 1814. It was plain to 
 every man in the South, that as long as the British held Pen- 
 
1814] NICHOLS' VISIT RETURNED. 625 
 
 sacola and used Pensacola as their own, issuing from it to 
 attack, and retiring to it to recruit, at their pleasure, the 
 coast of the Gulf of Mexico could not be safe from invasion 
 for one day. It was folly to calculate upon Fort Bowyer's 
 sustaining a second cannonade. With Mobile in the hands 
 of the enemy, it would require all the little force that Jack- 
 son could hope to assemble, to overlook and hem him in 
 there ; leaving New Orleans defenseless. And of what avail 
 would it be to defend New Orleans, if the mouth of the Mo- 
 bile and its great system of tributaries, extending hundreds 
 of miles into the heart of the country, were held by an enemy ? 
 No : it was a wise, it was a necessary movement ; and it was 
 executed with as much prudence as audacity. Would that 
 all of General Jackson's audacities were equally susceptible 
 of justification ! 
 
 Jackson waited in the vicinity of Mobile for ten days in 
 expectation of the arrival of Colonel Nichols. That officer 
 did not appear, and from the top of Fort Bowyer no ap- 
 proaching fleet was descried. At length, came intelligence 
 that Nichols, Woodbine, and their Indians, had been landed 
 at Appalachicola, where they were fortifying a position in all 
 haste. Against them, Jackson dispatched a body of troops 
 and friendly Creeks, under Major Blue, who, after many re- 
 markable adventures and some severe fighting, drove the sav- 
 ages into the interior, and Colonel Nichols from the peninsula. 
 He will return, however ; and we shall meet him there again> 
 a few hundred pages hence, little wiser for the experience he 
 had had of Florida campaigning. 
 
 General Jackson, now freed from apprehension for the 
 safety of Mobile, could direct all his thoughts to the defense 
 of New Orleans. He left Mobile in command of General 
 Winchester of the regular army. Fort Bowyer was still in- 
 trusted to the brave Major Lawrence. General Coffee was 
 ordered to move by easy marches towards New Orleans ; 
 choosing the roads and the course that promised the best 
 forage. On the 22d of November, the General, without any 
 
626 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 escort but his staff, mounted horse and rode off in the same 
 direction. He had a journey before him of a hundred and 
 seventy miles, over the roads of forty-five years ago. Hiding 
 a little more than seventeen miles a day, he arrived within 
 one short stage of New Orleans on the 1st of December. 
 
 
1814] GENERAL JACKSON'S BIRTH-PLACE. 627 
 
 APPENDICES. 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON S BIRTH-PLACE. 
 
 The following letter, received too late for use at the proper place, from 
 Joseph F. White, Esq., of Fort Mills, York District, South Carolina, is con- 
 firmatory of the early part of our narrative. Mr. White is a gentleman of 
 the highest respectability, a very old resident near the boundary line of the 
 Carolinas. He relates the recollections of an aunt, long since deceased : — 
 
 " I will first give you the age of the old aunt spoken of, from a family 
 record. She was born in the year 1756, being eleven years old at the time 
 of General Jackson's birth, quite old enough to recollect perfectly such an 
 incident taking place at a short distance from her father's residence. Major 
 Robert Crawford's wife and she were first cousins ; at whose house, from 
 her report, she frequently visited. She said that G-eneral Andrew Jack- 
 son was born at a place called Davis, in North Carolina ; Davis might have 
 been some original occupier of the place. She said, that a short time after 
 the birth of her son, the widow moved over to the South Carolina side. 
 She and her children became dependent On the charities of the Irish settlers 
 of the Waxhaws, especially the Crawfords. She said that Andrew Jackson 
 attended a school, taught in the Waxhaws, by one Humphreys. This 
 school broke up about the time of G-eneral Gates' defeat, and was not 
 resumed again. At this school General Jackson received his first and last 
 Latin lessons. Shortly after the close of the war, General Jackson studied 
 law in Salisbury, N. C, and, to the best of my recollection, she said that 
 he (Jackson) commenced the practice of the law at Charlotte ; have no 
 recollection of hearing it said that the General ever taught school. Never 
 heard of the father of Jackson being a landholder, but believe, from the old 
 story about the family of Jackson, they must have been very poor, and of 
 that class of Irish emigrants, denominated thriftless. My aunt persisted in 
 asserting, to the day of her death, that General Jackson was born in North 
 Carolina, a short distance east of the main road leading from Lancastervilla 
 
628 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 to Charlotte, and near where the said road crosses Waxhaw Creek. I do 
 not recollect to have ever heard my aunt speak of the General's father. 
 She seems to have become acquainted with the family about the time of 
 the birth of Andrew Jackson. From her being acquainted with the removal 
 of Jackson's mother to Waxhaw, and that too, so soon after the birth, 
 it is fair to conclude that the father had died before the child was born. 
 This is the sum of my knowledge of the parentage and early life of General 
 Jackson, in the Waxhaws." 
 
 II. 
 
 EARLY LAW PRACTICE IN TENNESSEE. 
 
 The foJbwing extraordinary advertisement is copied from a Tennessee 
 paper, and is respectfully dedicated to young practitioners at the Bar : 
 
 FIAT JUSTITIA. 
 
 Having adopted the above motto as early as I had the honor of admis- 
 sion to the bar, I have covenanted with myself that I will never knowingly 
 depart from it, and on this foundation I have built a few maxims which 
 afford my reflections an unspeakable satisfaction : 
 
 1. I will practice law because it offers to me opportunities of being a 
 more useful member of society. 
 
 2. I will turn a deaf ear to no man because his purse is empty. 
 
 3. I will advise no man beyond my comprehension of his cause. 
 
 4. I will bring none into law who my conscience tells me should be kept 
 out. 
 
 5. I will never be unmindful of the cause of humanity ; and this com- 
 prehends the widows, fatherless, and those in bondage. 
 
 6. I will be faithful to my client, but never so unfaithful to myself as to 
 become a party in his crime. 
 
 7. In criminal cases I will not underrate my own abilities ; for if my 
 client proves a rascal, his money is better in my hands; and if not, I hold 
 the option. 
 
 8. I will never acknowledge the omnipotence of the Legislature ; or 
 consider their acts to be law beyond the spirit of the Constitution. 
 
 9. No man's greatness shall elevate him above the justice due to my 
 client. 
 
 10. I will not consent to a compromise where I conceive a verdict i 
 
1814.] THE CREEK WAR. 629 
 
 tial to my client's future reputation or protection ; for of this he can not be 
 a complete judge. 
 
 11. I will advise the turbulent with candor, and if they will go to law 
 against my advice, they must pardon me for volunteering it against them. 
 
 12. I will acknowledge every man's right to manage his own cause if he 
 pleases. 
 
 The above are my rules of practice, and though I will not (at any crit- 
 ical juncture) promise to finish my business in person, if the public interest 
 should require my removal from hence, I will do every thing in my power 
 for those who like them, and endeavor to leave it in proper hands if I should 
 be absent. William Tatham. 
 
 Knoxvillk, Term. 
 
 — Royal Gazette and Bahama Advertiser^ Nassau, New Providence, 
 May 9th, 1818. 
 
 III. 
 
 THE CREEK WAR. 
 
 Statement of certain Tennessee Volunteers who Served under Q-eneralJackson 
 m the Creek War. 
 
 On the tenth of December, eighteen hundred and twelve, the Volun- 
 teers, in pursuance of orders from G-eneral Jackson, rendezvoused at Nash- 
 ville, and were mustered into the service of the United States, by Robert 
 Hays, muster master or inspector of the division, under whose direction 
 and inspection, muster rolls were made out, designating the date of enroll- 
 ment or enlistment, tenth of December, eighteen hundred and twelve, with 
 the date at which their term of service would expire, tenth of December, 
 eighteen hundred and thirteen. Copies of these rolls were furnished the 
 inspectors and paymasters, and recorded in the company books of each 
 captain. The acts of Congress of February sixth, eighteen hundred and 
 twelve, authorizing the President to accept of fifty thousand volunteers, (of 
 which these constituted a part,) after prescribing the mode of tender, ac- 
 ceptance, etc., provides that if they shall be called into actual service, they 
 shall be bound to continue in service twelve months from the time they 
 shall have arrived at the place of rendezvous, unless sooner discharged. 
 From the provision in that law, it was believed by the whole detachment, 
 that they could not be kept in service beyond the time limited by the mus- 
 ter rolls, the only written evidence of their engagement with government 
 
630 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 Under these impressions the volunteers descended the Mississippi, and ar- 
 rived at Washington, at which place they were stationed until about the 
 fifteenth of March, eighteen hundred and thirteen, when the General com- 
 municated to them an order said by him to have been just then received 
 from the War Department, of which the following is (in substance) a copy : 
 
 44 Wab Depabtment, 15th January, 1813. 
 
 " The purposes for embodying and marching to New Orleans the troops 
 under your command having ceased to exist, you will, on the receipt of 
 this letter, dismiss them from public service and take measures for deliver- 
 ing over every article of public property in your possession to Major Gen- 
 eral Wilkinson. John Armstrong." 
 
 The General, for certain reasons, did not literally obey this order, but 
 marched the detachment back to that section of country from which they 
 had been taken, and after having them regularly mustered out of service, 
 gave to each non-commissioned officer and private a certificate in the fol 
 lowing words : 
 
 " I certify that A. B. enrolled himself as a volunteer under the acts of 
 Congress, of February sixth and July sixth, eighteen hundred and twelve, 
 and has served as such under my command, on a tour to the Natchez 
 country, from the tenth of December, eighteen hundred and twelve, until 
 the twentieth of April, eighteen hundred and thirteen, and is hereby dis- 
 charged. 
 
 " Andrew Jackson, Major General." 
 
 Thus the volunteers thought themselves absolved from the obligation 
 ihey had come under by their tender. This opinion was supported by the 
 fact, that the arms which they had received from the government as a 
 reward for their patriotism, they were permitted to carry with them with- 
 out any injunction not to part from them ; and if further evidence had been 
 necessary to satisfy them of the validity of that certificate, as a complete 
 discharge, the General's declarations on that day were conclusive, to wit • 
 u The discharge was good and complete." 
 
 In this belief the men returned to their respective homes, not expecting 
 again to be called on in virtue of their former tender. In September a 
 campaign against the Creek Indians was determined on, and the volunteers 
 ordered again to take the field. Whether this order originated in Nash- 
 ville or in Washington city, is a question worthy of consideration. In thi> 
 they were told they owed further service pursuant to their former tender 
 They were also told, that the Secretary of War had informed Genera/ 
 Jackson that they were not discharged, because the power of discharging 
 
1814.] THE CREEK WAR. 631 
 
 was not vested in him, nor had, as he believes, the President that power, 
 until the term of service expired. Notwithstanding all this, there was a 
 disinclination to obey the order of the General, not only on account of the 
 sacrifice of personal consideration, but because they had been once dis- 
 charged, and an attempt to bring them into service again under their 
 former tender, was an abuse of their rights. A circumstance, however, 
 which had taken place before the issuance of this order, had the greatest 
 influence in bringing the volunteers to the belief that they owed further 
 service. When a committee, composed of volunteer officers and others, 
 met at Nashville in September last for the purpose of devising the most 
 speedy and effectual means of affording aid to the settlers on Mobile and 
 Tombigbee, a sub-committee was appointed to wait on General Jackson 
 (then confined in his bed in town) for the purpose of obtaining his opinion 
 on some particular points touching their deliberations. In the course of 
 the conversation, a campaign against the Creek Indians was spoken of as 
 the most effectual way of defending those settlements, and at the same 
 time the United States Volunteers were named as a desirable force, on 
 which a question arose as to the legality of calling them out, having been 
 discharged from public service by the proper authority. The General re- 
 plied to this, that the Secretary at War had settled that question, and pro- 
 duced a letter purporting to have been received from Mr. Campbell, in 
 Congress, stating the Secretary at War had said the volunteers were not 
 discharged, and that neither he nor the President had the power of dis- 
 charging. To this the General added, that if they had not been discharged, 
 they were still in service and entitled to pay for the whole time. Thi3 
 opinion of the General was circulated with great industry by all the offi- 
 cers, several of whom were present, and prevailed on the men to relinquish 
 the idea of having been legally discharged, and to adopt that of being 
 bound for further service. This latter opinion was the more readily 
 adopted when it was recollected that the acts under which they had 
 engaged placed them under the same rules and regulations which governed 
 regular troops. The men now began to inquire at what time they would 
 be entitled to a discharge, and from a view of the laws under which they 
 engaged, and the muster rolls, no other conclusion could be drawn but 
 that they would be entitled to a discharge on the tenth of December, eight- 
 een hundred and thirteen. From these considerations, and with assurances 
 from their officers that they would not, by any fair construction of the law, 
 be kept longer than that time, the men were generally induced to enter 
 the field. Taken at this surprise, and precipitated from their homes with 
 only two or three days' notice, they were badly provided for a long winter 
 campaign. 
 
 As the tenth of December approached, they began to speak of being 
 discharged on that day, not in secret as men about to mutiny would do, 
 
632 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 but publicly, as an indubitable right This was communicated officially to 
 the General, who replied (in substance) that the claim was founded in 
 error ; that they had engaged to serve one complete year, and denied ever 
 having discharged! them ; that that year would not be completed for four 
 or five months to come, and until it was he could not discharge them, 
 without express authority from the President ; that he had written to the 
 Goverror of Tennessee for permission to discharge them ; that if he would 
 even hint at such permission, he would obey it as a command; that so 
 soon as Colonel Carroll arrived with reinforcements, soon expected (if the 
 Governor should not have power to discharge,) he would permit those who 
 were discontented to return home, and concluded by declaring that if they 
 attempted to leave the camp it should be at the hazard of their lives. In 
 vain they represented the time and manner of their engagement, their dis- 
 charge in April last, their unexpected and sudden call to the field, their 
 naked situation, the deranged condition of their domestic affairs, owing to 
 their absence from home during the last campaign, and, last of all, they 
 claimed to be discharged as their right The General was reminded of 
 what he had said on the validity of their discharges at Columbia. To this 
 he replied with extreme intemperance, and the more they urged their 
 claim, the more violence was opposed to it, until the night of the ninth 
 December presented a scene to be remembered only with horror and 
 indignation. The men quietly in their camps between eight aud nine 
 o'clock, p. m., were ordered to form in front of the fort for the purpose of 
 being disarmed by the militia. After being formed, they were insultingly 
 charged by the General with mutiny, desertion, and many other opprobri- 
 ous expressions; he concluded by saying that the flash of the cannon 
 should be the signal of their destruction. It was denied that the troops 
 were in a state of mutiny ; they only asked an indulgence of their rights. 
 At this time the militia were in front of the line, for the purpose of dis- 
 arming the volunteers, the cannon loaded, manned, and stationed, under 
 the immediate direction of the General, so as to rake the line, and other, 
 arrangements made to carry on the work of death. After the General had 
 disgorged his rage, he proposed their waiting the arrival of Major Searcy 
 or Colonel Carroll, as before mentioned ; this was assented to, and the 
 brigade dismissed. On the thirteenth, the General addressed the volun- 
 teers in a manner calculated to insult and wound their feelings, and imme- 
 diately issued an order to General Hall, commanding him to march the 
 brigade to Nashville, and there await the orders of Governor Blount and 
 the President of the United States. On the fourteenth the line of march 
 was taken up, and on the twenty-fifth they arrived at Fayetteville, where, 
 by the advice of the Governor, they were dismissed until further orders. 
 
 During the dispute between the volunteers and the General, they be- 
 haved with their usual subordination and decorum, having determined not 
 
1814.] TREATY OF FORT JACKSON. 633 
 
 to disperse without an honorable discharge. They contended for this with 
 a respectful firmness, not to be shaken by boisterous threats. Many of the 
 officers advised the General to use conciliatory measures. They believed 
 that although the men never would relinquish their right to be discharged, 
 yet by proper management the services of a great part might be continued. 
 This advice was treated as an idle tale, and none but coercive measures 
 resorted to. Under these circumstances, the men felt as might be expected. 
 When they were denied, by the arm of military power, the exercise of a 
 right guaranteed by the laws and Constitution of the country, and traduced 
 for modestly and respectfully asking the indulgence of that right, they 
 could but feel the indignation to be expected from freemen. They felt 
 mortified at leaving the service under existing circumstances, but a choice 
 of evils only being left them, either to go off in the manner proposed, or 
 passively submit to an unqualified abuse of their best rights, they preferred 
 the former, believing that the example of the latter, when once set, would 
 gain strength with the use, and be difficult to correct. 
 
 Wm. Hall, Brig. Gen. T. Y. 
 
 E. Bradley, 0. C. 1st R. T. V. 
 
 S. D. Lauderdale, Lt, C. T. Y. 
 
 Wm. Martin, Lt. C. 2d R. T. Y. 
 
 W. L. Alexander, Maj. 1st R. T. Y. 
 
 H. L. Douglass, Capt. 1st R. T. Y., 
 and Aid-de-camp. 
 
 D. Humphreys, Brigade Major. 
 
 R. Alexander, Brig. Q. Master. 
 Gallatin, March 4, 1814. 
 
 IV. 
 
 TREATY OF FORT JACKSON. 
 
 Articles of Agreement and Capitulation made and concluded this 9th day of 
 August, 1814, between Major General Andrew Jackson, on behalf of the 
 President of the United States of America, and the Chiefs, Deputies and 
 Warriors of the Creek Nation. 
 
 Whereas, an unprovoked, inhuman and sanguinary war, waged by the 
 hostile Creeks against the United States, hath been repelled, prosecuted and 
 determined successfully on the part of said States, in conformity with prin- 
 
634 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 
 
 ciples of national justice and honorable warfare ; and whereas, considera- 
 tion is due to the rectitude of proceeding dictated by instructions relating 
 to the reestablishment of peace ; be it remembered that, prior to the con- 
 quest of that part of the Creek nation hostile to the United States, num- 
 berless aggressions have been committed against the peace, the property 
 and the lives of citizens of the United States, and those of the Creek nation 
 in amity with her, at the mouth of Duck river, Fort Mims and elsewhere, 
 contrary to national faith, and the regard due to an article of the treaty 
 concluded at New York, in the year 1790, between the two nations; that 
 the United States, previous to the perpetration of such outrages, did, in 
 order to insure future amity and concord between the Creek nation and 
 the said States, in conformity with the stipulations of former treaties, fulfill, 
 with punctuality and good faith, her engagements to the said nation ; that 
 more than two thirds of the whole number of chiefs and warriors of the 
 Creek nation, disregarding the genuine spirit of existing treaties, suffered 
 themselves to be instigated to violations of their national honor, and the 
 respect due to a part of their own nation, faithful to the United States and 
 the principles of humanity, by impostors denominating themselves proph- 
 ets, and by the duplicity and misrepresentation of foreign emissaries, whose 
 governments are at war, open or understood, with the United States. 
 Wherefore, 
 
 Article 1. The United States demand an equivalent for all expenses 
 incurred in prosecuting the war to its termination, by a cession of all the 
 territory belonging to the Creek nation within the territories of the United 
 States lying west, south and south-eastwardly of a line to be run and de- 
 scribed by persons duly authorized and appointed by the President of the 
 United States, beginning at a point on the easterly bank of the Coosa 
 river, where the south boundary line of the Cherokee nation crosses the 
 same ; running from thence down the said Coosa river, with its eastern 
 bank, according to its various meanders, to a point one mile above the 
 mouth of Cedar creek, at Fort Williams, thence east two miles, thence 
 south two, thence west, to the eastern bank of the said Coosa river, thence 
 down the eastern bank thereof, according to its various meanders to a point 
 opposite the upper end of the great falls (called by the natives Woetumka), 
 thence east, from a true meridian line, to a point due north of the Ofucskee, 
 thence south, by a like meridian line, to the mouth of the Ofucskee, on the 
 south side of the Tallapoosa river, thence up the same, according to its vari- 
 ous meanders, to a point where a direct course will cross the same, at the 
 distance of ten miles from the mouth thereof; thence a direct line to the 
 mouth of Summochico creek, which empties into the Chatahouchie river on 
 the east side thereof, below the Eufaulan town ; thence east, from a true 
 meridian line, to a point which shall intersect the line now dividing the 
 lands claimed by the said Creek nation from those claimed and owned by 
 
1814] TREATY OF FORT JACKSON. 635 
 
 the State of Georgia : provided, nevertheless, that where any possession of 
 any chief or -warrior of the Creek nation, who shall have been friendly to 
 the United States during the war, and taken an active part therein, shall 
 be within the territory ceded by these articles to the United States, every 
 such person shall be entitled to a reservation of land within the said terri- 
 tory, of one mile square, to include his improvements, as near the center 
 thereof as may be, which shall inure to the said chief or warrior, and his 
 descendants, so long as he or they shall continue to occupy the same, who 
 shall be protected by and subject to the laws of the United States; but 
 upon the voluntary abandonment thereof, by such possessor or his descend- 
 ants, the right of occupancy or possession of said lands shall devolve to 
 the United States, and be identified with the right of property ceded 
 hereby. 
 
 Article 2. The United States will guarantee to the Creek nation the in- 
 tegrity of all their territory eastwardly and northwardly of the said line, 
 to be run and described as mentioned in the first article. 
 
 Article 3. The United States demand that the Creek nation abandon 
 all communication and cease to hold any intercourse with any British or 
 Spanish post, garrison, or town ; and that they shall not admit among them 
 any agent or trader, who shall not derive authority to hold commercial, or 
 other intercourse with them, by license from the President or authorized 
 agent of the United States. 
 
 Article 4. The United States demand an acknowledgment of the right 
 to establish military posts and trading houses and to open roads within the 
 territory guarantied to the Creek nation by the second article, and a right 
 to the free navigation of all its waters. 
 
 Article 5. The United States demand, that a surrender be immediately 
 made, of all the persons and property taken from the citizens of the United 
 States, the friendly part of the Creek nation, the Cherokee, Chickasaw, and 
 Choctaw nations to the respective owners ; and the United States will 
 cause to be immediately restored to the formerly hostile Creeks, all prop- 
 erty taken from them since their submission, either by the United States, 
 or by any Indian nation in amity with the Un'.ted States, together with all 
 the prisoners taken from them during the war. 
 
 Article 6. The United States demand the caption and surrender of all 
 the prophets and instigators of the war, whether foreigners or natives, who 
 have not submitted to the arms of the United States, and become parties 
 to these articles of capitulation, if ever they shall be found within the ter- 
 ritory guarantied to the Creek nation by the second article. 
 
 Article 7. The Creek nation being reduced to extreme want, and not at 
 present having the means of subsistence, the United States, from motives 
 of humanity, will continue to furnish, gratuitously, the necessaries of life 
 until the crops of corn can be considered competent to yield the nation a 
 
636 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. 
 
 supply, and will establish trading houses in the nation, at the discretion of 
 the President of the United States, and at such places as he shall direct, 
 to enable the nation, by industry and economy, to procure clothing. 
 
 Article 8. A permanent peace shall ensue from the date of these pres- 
 ents, for ever, between the Creek nation and the United States, and be- 
 tween the Creek nation and the Cherokee, Chickasaw, and Choctaw nations. 
 
 Article 9. If in running east from the mouth of Summochico creek, it 
 shall so happen that the settlement of the Kinnards fall within the lines of 
 flie territory hereby ceded, then, and in that case, the line shall be run east 
 in a true meridian, to Kitchofoonee creek, thence down the middle of said 
 creek to its junction with Flint river, immediately below the Oakmulgee, 
 town, thence up the middle of Flint river, to a point due east of that at 
 which the above line struck the Kitchofoonee creek, thence east to the old 
 line hereinbefore mentioned ; to wit, the line dividing the lands claimed by 
 the Creek nation from those claimed and owned by the State of Georgia. 
 
 The parties to these presents, after due consideration for themselves 
 and their constituents, agree to ratify and confirm the preceding articles, 
 and constitute them the basis of a permanent peace between the two na- 
 tions ; and they do hereby solemnly bind themselves, and all the parties 
 concerned and interested, to a faithful performance of every stipulation 
 contained therein.* 
 
 * Indian Treaties. Washington, 1826, p. 207. 
 
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