E 99 W7 UC-NRLF THE SOCIAL OR ^ANIZATION OF THE WINNEBAGO INDIANS, AN INTERPRETATION by Paul Radin GIFT OF CONTENTS. PAGE INTRODUCTION 1 I. INTERPRETATION OF THE TWOFOLD DIVISION AND THE CLANS 4 II. THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE WlNNEBAGO 8 Relation of the present to previous Winnebago types of social organization 8 The twofold grouping names and religio-mythological interpretation 10 Functions of the twofold division 12 The clan organization 16 Legendary grouping of clans 17 Arrangement of clans in village 19 Individual names 20 Attitude toward clan animals 23 Relationship to clan animals 24 Theclantie 27 The socio-political complex. Clan functions 28 The reciprocal relationship of the clans 30 The "servant" relationship 32 The specific possessions of the clan 33 Immaterial possessions of the clan 34 The clan marks of identification 35 The clan as a socio-ceremonial complex 36 Influence of the clan upon ceremonial organization 38 PHONETIC KEY . . 40 May 16, 1915. Canada Geological Survey Museum Bulletin No. 10 ANTHROPOLOGICAL SERIES, No. 5. The Social Organization of the Winnebago Indians. An Interpretation. 1 BY PAUL RADIN. it INTRODUCTION. The social organization of the Winnebago is based upon a twofold division of the tribe, which seems to represent an historic ally ultimate social grouping, not only for the Winnebago but likewise for a majority of the other Siouan tribes the Dhegiha group, 2 the Tciwere group, 3 the Hidatsa, and the Mandan. What its original significance for these tribes was, it is now impossible to determine, for the different re-interpretations it has undergone necessarily preclude, in the absence of historical data, the possibility of satisfactorily demonstrating this point. As a matter of historical fact, we do not even know whether we are to regard the above social grouping as having been a common possession of these tribes before they parted company, or as having developed among one of them and subsequently spreading among the others. Could we unhesitatingly assume as criteria the tenacity with which these people adhere to this grouping when in contact with other groupings and the intimate linguistic and cultural relationship that seems to exist, at least between 1 Based on notes in the private possession of the author. 2 Includes Omaha, Ponca, Osage, Kansas, and Quapaw. a Includes Oto, Iowa, and Missouri. 362447 2 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. the Winnebago, Dhegiha, and Tciwere, we would be compelled to accept as true the former of these historical possibilities. Such, as a matter of fact, is probably the correct interpretation. However, it might properly be objected that the Mandan, cer tainly the Hidatsa, do not exhibit such an intimate cultural and linguistic relationship to the other tribes mentioned and yet exemplify the same social grouping; that it is found among the Creek and among a number of other tribes. The twofold grouping associated with exogamy has indeed developed fre quently enough to justify us in including it in a consideration of historical possibilities . Even were we to accept in tote the criteria of tenacity, how much does it tell us of social organization ? The social unit is itself a complex, and it is absolutely essential to know whether it is the social unit as such, or some element of the complex, that is really the prime mover in the "tenacity" ex hibited. A few examples will make this point clear. The Melanesian societies exclude women. They are, however, in all cases associated with religious and ceremonial observances in which women do not participate. Now, is the "tenacity" that the societies exhibit with regard to the exclusion of women an expression of the nature of a "society" or is it historically the reflex expression of the religious and ceremonial observances associated with it ? Among the White-earth Ojibwa, an English man or an American who marries into the tribe is enrolled in two new clans, the Lion and the Eagle, these animals having become associated in the Indian mind as clan totems with the respective people. That is, all the manifold differences of social organization between the Ojibwa and the whites play an insig nificant role as compared with a grouping apparently determined by "religious" criteria. Strangers, like Dakota, who have no animal associated with them, have among the Ojibwa no social status. Among the Winnebago, again, if a new clan were to be adopted among them, its connexion with one or the other of the divisions would depend upon its clan animal. If the clan animal was a bird, it would immediately be placed in one of the divisions; if any other animal, it would belong to the other division. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 3 These examples bring out quite forcibly the point made above, that the "tenacity" exhibited to-day or at any particular time is itself not a constant, for at different epochs different elements of the social unit may determine it. That, however, the twofold division of the Winnebago is a social-political grouping is, I believe, unquestionable, although to-day, to the minds of the Winnebago, not the social-political grouping, but one element and probably one that has been secondarily associated with the original grouping determines to what half a new clan shall belong. These general considerations are of considerable importance in the study of Siouan culture, because we are there confronted with a specific application of the criteria of "tenacity" and quantitative resemblances. The twofold division of the tribe is found among the Winnebago, Dhegiha, Tciwere, Hidatsa, and Mandan. The Dhegiha and Tciwere show numerous cultural and specific sociological similarities to the Winnebago, and this, together with the intimate linguistic affiliation, makes it fairly certain that the twofold division goes back to a common origin. Difficulties in the interpretation appear, however, as soon as we approach the Hidatsa and Mandan, who present only general cultural similarities to the above-mentioned tribes, and among whom nevertheless a dichotomous social division exists. If dichotomy is the significant factor in the social organization of all these tribes, one might very well claim that here an example of the "tenacity" of social organization is to be found. Such reasoning is, however, a typical example of a purely detached analytical interpretation. The essential characteristic of this social organization is not the dichotomy but the cultural complex-dichotomy, exogamy, specific names, and the functions of the two halves. Now, while it may be justifiable to consider this division as historically primary for the Winnebago, Dhegiha, and Tciwere, it does not follow, owing to the innumerable possibilities of the formation of a twofold division, that wherever such a division is found and a linguistic relationship can be demon strated, we are dealing with a common cultural possession. These social organizations can only then be considered as com- 4 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. parable when it can be demonstrated that the salient elements of the complex are the same. In the absence, however, of histor ical data, sameness at any given time may only mean sameness in the interpretation of the cultural phenomena by the people. INTERPRETATION OF THE TWOFOLD DIVISION AND THE CLANS. We have assumed that the twofold division of the Winnebago, Dhegiha, and Tciwere had a common historical origin, because this complex is the same in each case. As we have seen, our identification was based upon the existence in these three tribal units of specific similarities apart from those of social organiza- ation. Rigid proof that the type of social organization is his torically identical among these tribes is not, however, forth coming. This will become even more apparent when we con sider the twofold division from the point of view of the names they bear, the subdivisions within them, and their specific functions. According to our informants the twofold organization among the Dhegiha and Tciwere only existed upon specific occasions, when the tribe was on the tribal hunt. We are in com plete ignorance as to whether in olden times this arrangement was reflected in the village, but we know that whether it was or not, the twofold division was present in a very difinite manner in the consciousness of the people themselves, i.e., every individ ual definitely knew to which one of the two divisions he be longed, and that certain names and functions were associated with them. The moment, however, that we stop to analyse these names, functions, etc., we realize at once that to-day they connote different ideas in the different tribes under dis cussion. The names of the divisions seem particularly signi ficant in this connexion. Among the Omaha they are known as Ictacunda and Hayga, probably connoting Sky people and Leaders; among the Ponka as Wajaje and Tciju, Earth and Thun der; among the Kansa as Yata and Ictuyga, Right side and Left side; among the Osage as Tcjju and Hayga, Peace and War side. The names for the Kwapa, Oto, Missouri, and Iowa are not SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 5 known. It will be seen at a glance that the terms Ictacunda and Tciju are identical, and it will also be noticed by reference to the monographs of J. O. Dorsey 1 and Miss A. Fletcher and F. La Flesche 2 that these names as well as the name Hayga are names of subdivisions within these divisions. Were these names first used to designate the two divisions or the sub divisions ? There seems to be no reason for believing that the names were first applied to the larger divisions, whereas a number of facts speak strongly in favour of the reverse. In no case, for instance, can it be shown that the two divisions per se have any functions except that of regulating marriage. The various political and ceremonial functions displayed by these divisions pertain to the subdivisions composing them. Owing to the massing together of a number of such functions on each side, we often obtain the impression that these belong to the larger unit as such. And indeed this may be said to be true at the present time, in so far as the functions of one subdivision have become identified with the larger unit. We will treat of these points afterwards. All that we wish to point out here is that the names of the two divisions may be different, and that they may connote different ideas in the different divisions of an histor ically related culture, due to specific historical development within each. Among the Cegiha, there seem to be a number of reasons for assuming that the present names of the two divisions are not the historically primary ones, and we will have to look askance at such an attempt as that of Miss Fletcher and F. LaFlesche to regard the names of the Ictacunda and Harjga divisions of the Omaha as indicating the historically fundamental religio-social concepts of that tribe. It is far more difficult to discuss the names of the sub divisions or "gentes" within the two larger divisions. From a comparative point of view it must be regarded as significant that the names of the subdivisions within the Tciwere tribes tally almost exactly with those of the Winnebago and that those of the Dhegiha tribes tally with the names of many of the two latter, although they possess, in addition, a large number not 1 "A Study of Siouan Cults," B. A. E. Annual Reports, Vol. XI. "The Omaha Tribe," ibid., Vol. XXVII. 6 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. found among them. The Tciwere and Winnebago have animal appellations for their clans, the Dhegiha have animal appel lations, plus type of designation, descriptive of animal taboo. Which of the two types is older it is difficult to say. The fact might be noted, however, that the animal names have, to a large extent, been forgotten and that the descriptive taboo-appel lations have not; that in a number of cases there is some reason for believing that these animal appellations have been re-inter preted and in other cases replaced by non-animal designations; that the origin myths of these divisions always explain why a certain animal is associated with a subdivision, and rarely the origin of the taboo name ; and, lastly, that the larger percent age of personal names is strictly comparable to the clan names of the Winnebago and the Tciwere. On the other hand, the de scriptive taboo type of name is found frequently among the band appellations of the Plains Indians, with whom the Omaha have come in intimate contact and by whom they have been influenced along definite lines of ceremonial and social development. For these reasons we would like to suggest that the animal appellations are historically primary and that the taboo type became subsequently popular and spread over the whole tribe. Examples of changes in the names of subdivisions are by no means isolated. The Winnebago exhibit a tendency to substitute names indicative of the function of a clan for the old animal names and this has gone so far that a large number of individ uals would probably deny to-day that the Hawk and the Warrior clan are one and the same. Again, among the Osage, Kansa, and Kwapa we find Sun and Star clans, and, if we were to imagine that for some reason or another the latter type of name became popular, it might here become dominant within a comparatively short time. Like the twofold division, the clan may connote a number of different things to the minds of the Indians. The Omaha apparently use the term tonwQgfton, which means literally "place-of-habitation-of-those-related," g#0 being the possessive- reflexive pronoun. It would thus seem to coincide with a geographical unit. The Kwapa use the term enikaciga, evidently meaning "people"; the Kansa, the term way itmidq, "those- who- SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 7 sing-together"; the Osage, the term p$da, "fireplace"; and the Winnebago, the term hokik<a"radjdra, "those-related-to-one- another." The remarks made about the specific names of the twofold divisions apply here. There is no reason for assum ing that these names are historically primary. A possible historical hint that they are not will be mentioned later. The twofold division apparently regulates nothing but marriage. It has at the present time no other function per se. Nevertheless, a number of ethnologists, and for that matter Indians themselves, |peak of the functions of the two sides. If we consider the Omaha "circle," we notice that practically all the ceremonial functions are on one side; that among the Osage "war" and "peace" functions are found on both sides; and that, as a matter of fact, the functions of war and peace apparently relate to a certain reciprocal relation existing between the two divisions. Indeed, there is no reason to justify the use of these terms. Among the Iowa, J. O. Dorsey quotes Hamilton to the effect that the regulation of the hunt and other tribal affairs was in the hands of one "phratry" during the autumn and winter, and in that of the other in spring and summer. It is, however, doubtful whether this was the case. Among the Winnebago, as we shall see, the functions of war and peace were grouped together on one side, the functions of the other side being confined to those relating to the policing and regulation of the hunt. But the only fact with which we can concern ourselves is not whether there appears a balancing of functions connected with the social organization, but whether the Indian thinks there is; and here the consensus of opinion favours the view that no Omaha, e.g., would for a moment suppose that the Haygacenu division as such was the custodian of the real pipes of peace. This belonged to the Inkesabe gens, and there is not a shred of evidence to support the view that it was delegated to that clan by the larger unit. The same reasoning applies to the Hayga clan. That the importance of the possessions of the latter clan played an important part in the associations of the Omaha, even to the extent of impressing its name upon the whole division, we do not doubt for a moment. Other reasons 8 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. may have led to the designation of the other half by the name of one of its component clans. Similarly, among the Ponka, the Wajaje half corresponds to the Wajaje clan, the keepers of the sacred pipe; and among the Osage, the Tc\ju and Hayga divisions of one side, and the Wajaje divisions of the other correspond to clans with the same name that are associated with important ceremonial-political functions. On the other hand, we have the fact that among the Kansa the names of the two large divisions are distinct from any of the clans in those divisions, and the same is true for the Tciju division of the Ponka. If we correlate this last fact with the apparent absence of any association of important ceremonial or political functions with specific clans, the suggestion might be permitted that no incentive existed in the minds of these people for the clan becoming identified with the larger divisions. Among the Winnebago, the names for the divisions are quite different from those of the clans composing them, but at the present time the fact that the clan in each division has definite functions and powers has reacted on the interpretation of the social organization, and it is quite customary to refer to one half as huyk* or "Chiefs," and to the other as li manqp*e" or "Soldiers," the latter name for the second phratry, however, not being common. In short, we have a right to see in all the facts mentioned indications of a possible historical development whose character istics seem to lie in the identification of the name and function of an important clan with that of a much larger division. THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE WINNEBAGO. RELATION OF THE PRESENT TO PREVIOUS WINNEBAGO TYPES OF SOCIAL ORGANIZATION. The Winnebago social organization has long since broken down, but its details are still so well preserved in the minds of the older men, and particularly in the literature of the tribe, that no difficulty was experienced in reconstructing it. This recon struction, however, does not enable us to determine the relation of the clan and dichotomous division to the distribution of the SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 9 tribe over the large area once occupied in Wisconsin. That the 4,000 odd individuals composing the tribe at the advent of the whites lived together is extremely doubtful. The nature of the woodland of Wisconsin and the fairly extensive territory over which they (Winnebago) were found scattered not long after Nicollet s first visit are facts that practically exclude such a hypothesis. The myth that speaks of a village that at one time was so long that those living at one end did not know what was transpiring at the other, contains too many literary touches to justify its use as an historical document. The question of village groups is of considerable importance, because there may have been, cutting across the gentle organiza tion, another smaller, perhaps looser social unit, that of "band" or village setting off (to the minds of the people) one group against another. Systematic questioning has elicited from various individuals the information, also corroborated by historical records, that the villages were generally known accord ing to geographical location or were descriptive of the haunts of certain animals. Even to-day the group scattered over the Nebraska Winnebago reservation are commonly known under similar designations. There we find, for instance, the following names: kozo-atcira, "those living on the peninsula"; or k*q.hg. tc- ira, "those living below," i.e., in the timber; niwq hatcira, "those living near the dirty water"; hytcxedegominaygera, "where big bear settles," etc. If we may, then, suppose this to have been a customary association, we may quite properly ask whether the name of the village had any influence on the social organization, whether there is even a hint at a genetic relation between these two types of group names. The only hint of such a relation is the fact that formerly honi "band" seems to have been used instead of hokifcaradjdra; that an archaic name of the Wolf clan, regoni or degoni, may mean Lake-band; and that the villages all had geographical names. All of which, however, is, I realize, hardly sufficient evidence. No satisfactory demonstration has as yet been made indicat ing that the clan organization was ever associated with an histor ically simple social structure, whereas quite a number of reasons lead us to suspect that it was in all cases preceded by other 10 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. types of organization. In North America there is quite consider able evidence tending to show that village-group organization often preceded the clan, and for that reason the facts brought out above may be of more than casual significance. That a system of clan names different from that now in use existed is borne out by the archaic names for the Bear and Wolf clans. That another system was making headway against the animal- name type is apparent from the disappearance of the name Hawk and the substitution of the term Warrior clan; and from the common custom of calling the Thunder and Bear clans Chief and Soldier clan respectively. W T hat is especially significant is the fact that these three new names all represent the same type of change, the substitution for animal designations, with the correlated associations of descent or connexion with an animal ancestor, of designations indicative of the function of the clan. If the association of the social unit with a common animal ancestor was preceded by an association of a social unit with geographical location, we would then be able to demonstrate what is so rare in ethnology, the historical succession of types of nam ing. Having established that, there would be thrown open to us legitimately the historical-psychological question whether any necessary genetic relationship between these three types of naming existed, and whether this succession of names is to be regarded as a reflection of distinct changes in social organization. THE TWOFOLD GROUPING NAMES AND RELIGIO-MYTHOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION. The Winnebago are divided into two divisions, one known as the waygeregi herera, "those who are above," the other as the mqnegi her era, "those who are on earth." Descent was reckoned in the paternal line. But these appellations refer to the animals after whom the clans are named, the term warjgeregi covering the birds, the term mqnegi, land and water animals. So firmly has this idea of the division of animal forms become associated with the two divisions that, as mentioned before, were a new clan introduced now among the Winnebago its position would depend exclusively upon the nature of the animal associated with it. As similar reasons dictate clan groupings among some of the Cen- SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 11 tral Algonkin tribes, a few words concerning this type of associa tion will not be amiss. The groupings of the fauna into a distinct number of categories is extremely common in North America. Among the Winnebago, a number of other Siouan, and Central Algonkin tribes, there was a fivefold classification : earth animals, sky animals, empyrean animals, aquatic animals, subaquatic animals. Among the Winnebago, the thunderbird belongs to the empyrean; the eagle, hawk, and pigeon, to the sky; the bear and wolf, to the earth; the fish, to the water; and the water spirit, below the water. This religio-mythological conception has unquestionably received a certain amount of sympathetic elaboration at the hands of shamans, and particularly at the hands of the leaders of such ceremonies as the Winter Feast, the Clan Feast, and the Clan Wake, as well as at the hands of those who had in their keeping the clan origin myths. The characteristics of the thunderbird, eagle, bear, and water spirit as clan animals, and as animals connected with a division of fauna are related to the general conception of these animals per se. The eagle and hawk are birds of prey; the thunderbird is generally a deity granting long life, and associated with peace, although his connexion with war is by no means uncommon. Similarly, the bear is supposed to have a "soldier" nature, and the water spirit is intimately associated with rites pertaining to crossing streams, calming the sea, and ownership of water property. This correlation unquestionably indicates an influence of the religio-mythological conception of the animal upon the social group with which it is associated. How far this can go is abundantly attested by the names and behaviour of the ivayger- egi and mqnegi divisions. On the other hand we may legitimately ask: what influence have the two divisions had upon moulding the attributes of these animals, or upon the behaviour of the groups with which their name is associated ? The functions of a warrior may have determined, as they certainly have accentuated, the "warrior" characteristics of the eagle and hawk, nor is there any easily intelligible reason why the thunderbird should be associated with peace. From our knowledge of the social organization of other Siouan tribes, the political functions of the clan seem to be 12 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. the characteristic feature of the organization, and this being the case, the probability of associations of warlike and peace attributes with animals may as much be ascribed to the influence of the so cial unit as vice versa. As regards such functions as the exogamy of the two divisions or that of the clans, or of the reciprocal burial relationship of the waygeregi and mqnegi divisions, we, of course, know that the characteristics of the animal in question have nothing to do with the matter. We must, then, realize that we are dealing with reciprocal influences, of the religio- mythological conception of animals on the one hand, and of political functions of social units on the other. In some cases, such as the specific associations of the water spirit, it is probable that the religio-mythological conception of the animal is dominant. The association of the thunderbird with fire has likewise not been due to any activity of the social unit; and thus examples might be multiplied. In this connexion, the fact that animals with whom a multitude of associations have already been established are subsequently associated with social units, is fundamental. From this point of view, the animal names of social organization are intrusive features, and we will consequently expect to find historical adjustments. This, we think, is what has taken place here. The animal name with its religio-mythological conceptions was a remarkably strong unit, even as compared with the political unit, and as a result reciprocal influences took place. Although the religio-mythological influence must have been marked, it appears to have changed none of the marital and other functions of the two divisions, nor the political functions of the clans. What it did change, and change fundamentally, was the interpretation of the social organization. FUNCTIONS OF THE TWOFOLD DIVISION. The only function that the waygeregi and mqnegi divisions seem to have had was the regulation of marriage. A waygeregi man had to marry a mqnegi woman, and vice versa. The only other function exercised by these divisions was, according to some informants, reciprocal burial. Here the religio-mythologi cal interpretations seem in part to have determined this relation for a mqnegi man buried a warjgeregi man because, as a "land SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 13 division," it pertains to him to place a corpse in the earth. This, however, seems to be a doubtful function, for earth burial seems in olden times to have been characteristic only of the mqnegi division, the waygeregi clans having had scaffold burial. In addition, the burial relation was one of the many reciprocal duties of the "friend-clan," and if it was ever postulated of the waygeregi and mqnegi, this was likely due to the fact that the "friendship" relation seems also to have existed between two clans belonging to the two different divisions. According to one myth, however, the four clans of the waygeregi paired off as "friends" with four clans of the mqnegi. This would then be practically equivalent to saying that the mqnegi buried the warjgeregi. Figure 1. A, Mg.negi side; B, Waygeregi side. 1, Lodge of Bear clan; 2, Lodge of Thunderbird clan; 3, Lodge of Warrior clan; 4, Lodge of Buffalo clan. Thus far we have spoken only of the socio-political functions. The two divisions, however, play a part in a number of social and ceremonial connexions: first, in the organization of the village; second, in the arrangement of the clans while on the war path; third, as the basis of organization at the "chief" feast; and lastly, as the basis of organization of the ceremonial lacrosse game. 14 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. According to the majority of the older people, when the old social organization was still intact, each village was divided into two halves by an imaginary line running due northwest by southeast, thewaygeregi clans dwelling in one half, with the Chief s lodge in the south, and the mqnegi clans dwelling in the other half, with the Bear or Soldier lodge in the north (Figure 1). Although this arrangement has now become almost legendary, it was corroborated by many of the older people. To what extent every village was organized on this basis, it is impossible Figure 2. 1, Lodge of Bear clan; 2, Lodge of Thunderbird clan. to tell. When this question was directly put to individuals, the answer was always in the affirmative. Quite a number of old individuals, however, denied vigorously that such had ever been the organization of the village, and claimed, instead, that the lodges of the Chief and the Soldier (Bear) clan were in the centre of the village (Figure 2). In looking over the clan affiliations of the informants, we noticed, however, that arrangement 1 was always given by members of the bird clans, and arrangement 2 by members of the Bear clan and generally also by others on the mqnegi side. This fact, of course, makes the decision as to the relationship SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 15 of these two types of arrangements quite difficult. There can be no question as to the existence of a twofold division of the tribe as far as marital regulations were concerned, nor as to the segregation of specific clans in definite villages. When on the warpath, the twofold division manifested itself in the arrangement of fire-places, so that the question to be resolved here is whether we can credit the statements that this twofold division expressed itself in the arrangement of the village, and, if it did, whether this was characteristic of the whole tribe or only of parts of the tribe. That this was true for part of the tribe, can be accepted. Whether it was true for the whole tribe, however, cannot be definitely answered until we know more of the Dhegiha and Tciwere. In the subsequent discussion of the clan, we will touch on this subject again. The twofold organization is reflected in the arrangement of the fire-places when on the warpath, each division having two fire-places, whose location is determined by the direction in which the party is going. If they were going west, for instance, the two fire-places for the ivaygeregi would be on the south and the two for the mqnegi would be on the north side. On the other hand, when on the tribal move or hunting, no indication of the divisions exists. As the basis of ceremonial organization, we find the twofold division present only once at the Chief feast (huyfcwohq), but as this feast is to all intents and purposes a feast given by the bird clans in general, there is really nothing surprising about its use. The name (huyfcwohq) would seem to indicate that we are dealing simply with a feast of the Thunderbird clan, and this indeed may have been the case historically. Huyk* to-day, however, is frequently used to indicate the waygeregi division. As the basis of organization in a game the twofold division finds expression in ceremonial lacrosse. There the waygeregi are always pitted against the mqnegi. A well-known myth is associated with this arrangement, according to which the animal ancestors of the ivaygeregi and mqnegi decided their respective rank by playing a game where they were organized on this basis. The ivaygeregi won, and it is for this reason that the chiefs of the tribe have been selected from that division. The division of the 16 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. tribe into two halves when playing ceremonial lacrosse is character istic not only of the Winnebago, but of the Omaha, Menominee, Sauk, Fox, and other tribes. Among the former two, these sides are identical with the two aforementioned political divisions of the tribe, but among the latter two, where no such division exists, the tribe seems to divide itself into two halves merely on this occasion, although we know that this is not the only occasion upon which it behaves in this manner. Up to the present, we have treated the two divisions as social units per se, but now, before entering on the discussion of the clans, it may be well to point out the fact that the waygeregi people are sometimes spoken of as the Bird clan (wantyk* hoki- fraradjara), and that the four clans composing this side are so intimately related, and their clan origin myths so similar, one of them even declaring the other three bird clans to be merely the descendants of the three younger thunderbird ancestors, that the assumption of the four clans representing one clan that became split up into a number of divisions, is not outside the realm of historical possibility. This is, however, quite immaterial, for whether we have one bird clan opposed to eight other animal clans is of little consequence, since historically it is not the bird clan that is opposing the other clans, but one social unit, the division, set off against another. The numerical equality that exists between these two sides, in spite of the disparity in the number of clans, is perhaps another confirmation of the fundamental character of the twofold structure. THE CLAN ORGANIZATION. There are twelve clans (hokik aradjdra) among the Winne bago: the Thunderbird (wak andja), the Warrior (wonayere ivayk- cck*),ihe: Eagle (tcaxcep<),a.nd Pigeon (ru tcge), now extinct, belong ing to the warjgeregi half; and the Bear (huyk<), Wolf (cuyktcuyk*), Buffalo (tee), Water-spirit (waktcexi), Deer (tea-), Elk (hiswq), Snake (wafcq), and Fish (ho ), all belonging to the mqnegi half. In addition to the above names, we have the name Chief (huyk) applied to the Thunderbird; Hawk (keretcy), to the Warrior; (manype) Soldier, to the Bear clans. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNER AGO INDIANS. 17 Clans are likewise referred to by names indicative of respect. Thus, the Water-spirit is referred to as huyge, male members of the Bear clan as haga, and female members of the same clan as warowjna. It was claimed that these names were employed to avoid using the others. Degoni (meaning unknown, perhaps "lake-people") was also applied to the Bear; and tconarjke (meaning unknown) to the Wolf. Referring to the two village diagrams, we notice that accord ing to Figure 1, four clans have their lodges definitely located the Thunderbird, Warrior, Buffalo, and Bear; but that according to Figure 2 only two clans have definite location of lodges the Thunderbird, and Bear. In addition there is, however, a special lodge for the men who have especially distinguished themselves in war, not necessarily to be identified with the mem bers of the Warrior clan. The significance of the clan names has been discussed before. The meaning of tconayke is unknown to-day, but it may be of interest as an example of the manner in which the name of a clan may possibly be reinterpreted that, when pressed for a meaning, tconayke was translated blue-back, which is a literal translation of too and nayke, but which unquestionably represents a folk etymology, for, according to Winnebago grammar, blue- back would have to be nayke too. Legendary Grouping of Clans. According to many clan legends, the clans originated in a definite order. As might be expected, this differs according to each clan, but the order of origin of the important ones seems to be constant. That is, practically all clan origin myths speak of the bird-clans as having originated first, and the Bear clan as having followed next. Yet even this did not hold true for all informants. J., of the Bear clan, gave the following list: Good Thunders (Thunderbird) Bad Thunders (Warrior) Eagle Pigeon Bear 18 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. Wolf Water-spirit (?) Buffalo Deer Elk Snake The same order was given by a number of other informants. In the Bear clan legend the order is water-spirit, birds, bears, and in practically all the versions of the Bear clan legends the bear always finds the footprints of the wolf, which would indicate that the latter had preceded him. Nevertheless, in the versions of the Wolf clan myth, the bear footprints are found by the Wolf people, and, strangely enough, in the same version the Wolf people are represented as the last clan, whereas in another version of the myth they are represented as being the first clan. In still another myth, the Water-spirit is represented as first, etc. These discrepancies can be explained in only one way, one that was to be expected, namely, that each clan tried to augment its own importance by insisting that it was one of the first, if not the first, to have originated. About one thing all seem to be agreed that the Snake clan was the last. The Fish clan is rarely mentioned and, in general, appears to be a very late addition. It is thus clear that no historical importance can be attached to the order of the clans. More significance must, however, be attached to the statements that certain clans have originated at special places. Thus, while the majority trace their origin to Green bay, the members of the Warrior and Buffalo clan claim certain lakes far to the south of Green bay as their original home. Here the literary tendency to associate the origin of the clans with a lake of a definite character makes any discussion practically futile. It is, of course, quite plain that the tribe as a unit, localized in a definite place, did not adopt animal names for their various clans, but that a type of name gradually spread over all the local groups. One of these local groups may have become associated with a definite place of origin. Perhaps the association of Green bay as the place of origin is precisely such an instance. The local associations of the Warrior and Buffalo clans can also be taken as suggestive of an historical past. That the prevalent association of Green bay as the SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 19 origin of the tribe is due to the literary-legendary tendency towards uniformity, is, on the whole, quite likely. This seems illustrated by the fact that the Warrior and Buffalo clans in some of the versions of their clan myths claim specific places, while others claim Green bay as their ancestral home. Green bay must, therefore, be considered as one of probably many local associations, connected with a prominent clan, which came to be accepted in the course of time by most of the others. Arrangement of Clans in Village. As in Figure 1, all the clans of the warjgeregi division except the Thunderbird and Warrior, could occupy any position in the half-circle, and the same was true of those of the manegi division except the Bear clan. The Buffalo clan seems to have been grouped on the warjgeregi side. However, in both divisions the members of each clan had to be grouped together, a segregation that was further emphasized by the erection near each clan of an earthen effigy of the clan animal. According to all informants, each village was inhabited by members of various clans; in no case did a village merely include members of the same clan, as seems to have been the case among the Menomini. Among the latter, village exogamy probably existed, while no trace of this is found among the Winnebago. This clan segregation in every Winne- bago village became, after a while, practically identical with blood relationship, although the close relationship existing between members of the same clan may also partially represent the persistence of a local group consciousness. This distribution of the same clan over many villages would, indeed, seem to militate against the local group origin of the clans, but it must be remembered that the clan organization was of considerable age and there is no reason to suppose that the local groups could have had any influence now discernible. The village arrangement must, of course, not be pushed too hard, for we should expect a tendency on the part of informants whose knowledge was entirely hearsay, to cast their information in a more or less schematic mould. The old village sites seem to indicate that the bird effigy was dominant in some places and 20 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. the bear in others, although both are also often found together. Looking at our facts from another point of view, it is quite clear that clan segregation must not be taken too literally. Clan exogamy would necessarily prevent that. If the old exogamy of the two divisions was in force and a man was thus compelled to marry into his mother s division but not into her clan, every village would have had to be arranged in an extremely artificial manner, that was not likely to have occurred frequently. That a man often lived with his parents-in-law, would in addition again disorganize the regularity of the scheme. Finally, we have the evidence of the myths, which often speak of a man as depart ing on a journey when seeking a bride. All these customs, cutting across the village scheme in a number of ways, must have rendered it a rather complex unit. That, in spite of all this, clan exogamy could have been maintained even in a small village is unquestionable, but the reason for this lay, we suspect, in the limitation of the concept of blood-relations. With these considerations in mind, we may, then, admit clan segre gation. Individual Names. With the animal appellation of the clan, one naturally associates animal names of individuals, for there is, indeed, a correlation between them. ^ Animal names of individuals are, however, frequently found when the social units have names of an entirely different kindJ A similar lack of correlation exists between the manner and system of naming and the type of social organization. That, on the other hand, the social organization may fundamentally influence the nature of the individual name is also apparent. Only with these points in mind can the Winnebago individual names become intelligible. The study of Winnebago names can be approached from a purely static point of view, and the attempt made to bring them analytically under a certain system of naming; or, on the other hand, from a dynamic historical view-point. We shall try to undertake both, i Every clan has a distinct set of names. The Winnebago individual names lend themselves easily to categories of classification. We have the following classes: SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 21 I. According to colour. II. According to physiological characteristics. III. According to social functions. IV. De scriptive of animal and plant forms. V. Descriptive of animal characteristics. VI. Descriptive of natural phenomena. VII. According to quality. VIII. According to episodes of a legend ary origin. IX. Descriptive of personal achievement.) According to practically all informants only one of these classifications is present in the minds of the Winnebago to-day that commemorating incidents relating to the origin of each clan. (Thus, for instance, because the first thunderbird lit on a tree, the name He-who-lights-on-a-tree exists; because a wave swept over the shore in the wolf myth, we have the name Wave; etc. However, the most representative names of this type are such as Gives-forth-fruit-as-he-walks, Makes-the-day-tremble, He-who-comes-singing, Judge-of-the-contest, etc. The vast ma jority of names, although many can be interpreted as possible episodes of the clan ancestors, belong under the first seven categories described above. Yet the Winnebago interpret them all in terms of category VIII. Can we accept this present interpretation as historically primary ? We think not. / A large number of the clan names are purely descriptive of animal habits, others express the influence of social organization, for instance "Soldier" in the Bear clan, "Chief" in the Thunderbird, and others refer to personal achievements, etc.; secondly, the interpretation is of too specific a nature to be regarded as one that could possibly have dictated an original system of naming; and, thirdly, in spite of its prevalence, other systems of inter pretations are present. For example, the interpretations ob tained by J. O. Dorsey are largely symbolical, and make no men tion of the one we found so prevalent. A purely symbolical inter pretation was, it is true, obtained in some cases, notably from what one might call the "exoteric" members of the tribe, that is, from those who were insufficiently acquainted with the clan myths and customs. Another type of name characteristically developed among the Omaha and Central Algonkins, is the so- called "dream-name," a name supposed to represent some incident connected with the dream of the individual bestowing it. In all these cases we are speaking of the specific names. 22 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. If we include the nicknames, and then the birth names, we have five distinct systems of individual names. ( Remembering that every individual had three names, a birth name, clan name, and nickname, of co-ordinate importance, we must not exaggerate the importance of the clan name, especially in its social signifi cance. An individual is known by his birth name or nickname, generally, however, by the former, which sufficed absolutely as a mark of identification under normal conditions^ v,The clan name was rarely known by a member of another clan or even to all members of the clan.) A marked religious symbolical flavour clung about it, and this was enhanced and elaborated by the shaman and principal members of the clan. The way was thus open for the development of specific interpretations such as the dream, symbolical, and notably the ancestor-episode type.j The ancestor-episode type seems to have been the last. The uniformity it brought about in the interpretation of individual names was all the more easily accomplished in view of the fact that this esoteric interpretation was not disturbed by the influ ence of any popular system, since, as has been pointed out, the nature of the clan name prevented it from having any distinctively social-political value. Many such reinterpretations must have taken place in the history of the tribe, and we may thus obtain some idea of the insurmountable difficulties in the way of a proper understanding of names. Psychologically two processes are always active in these changes in name connota tion: first, the reinterpretation of the old names according to some definite system of classification ; and, secondly, the formation of new names on this basis. Interpreting a name, probably merely descriptive of the bear s manner of walking, like Re- traces-her-footsteps, into an incident connected with the origin of the clan, and, on the other hand, giving a name like Scatters- flowers-as-he-walks, are two examples of the two processes, which must have occurred at every change. In the case here cited, reinterpretation in no way does injury to the name itself. It frequently happens, however, that the significance of a word is lost and that, in the process of reinterpretation, names are interpreted in a characteristic folk-etymological manner. Tcoy- anke, given above, is a case in point. In addition to the possible SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 23 meaning of "blue-back," it has been interpreted as "first," from tconi. In the same way degoni has been interpreted as re "to go" and honi, "to hunt"; and hotcarjgera has been subjected to a multitude of interpretations. This folk-etymology not only overrides the grammatical peculiarities of Winnebago, but even makes faulty compounds conform to the Winnebago principles of grammar. Inquiry into the origin of the clan names will, for these various reasons, have to be regarded as one of the most unprofitable of investigations. Attitude Toward Clan Animals. We mentioned before that when the animal names became associated with the social groups, they were accompanied by the specific associations clustering around these animals. These associations were probably of the same type, if not indeed identical with those grouped around the animals as guardian spirits. (The clan animals are among the principal guardian spirits to-day, and we must expect to find an explanation of the attitude toward them as clan animals in the attitude the Winne bago exhibit toward the guardian spirit. To a certain extent it would be quite correct to say that the guardian spirit became the clan animal.) This does not, however, mean, in the slightest degree, that the guardian spirit of the individual became the clan animal, but merely that the concept of the guardian spirit became associated with a local group. (The guardian spirit is at the present time conceived as an immaterial being in control of an animal species. The attitude toward this spirit is a purely religious one, and exhibits a marked absence of taboo of any kind.^ It is an open question whether a vision must be attested by obtaining some part of the animal "embodiment" of the spirit, but there is no doubt that every vision is symbolized by a special gift from the "spirit." The guardian spirit complex may thus be said to consist of a special religious attitude plus symbol. The attitude toward the clan animal is characteristically different in this respect, that more emphasis is laid upon identi fication with the animal itself, as contrasted with the "spirit." 24 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. / As far as could be determined, the clan animal is the thunder- bird with his characteristics of lightning and thunder, of the bear who likes honey and raisins, etc. The animal is engraved as clan symbol and used as a property mark, and he is brought in intimate contact with the group by the postulation of descent. ^ Natur ally, descent is not from the "spirit" animal but from the animal. Nevertheless the clan animal has, at the same time, retained its place as a guardian spirit, and in a most suggestive way. /The blessing of a clan animal is more easily obtained by a member of the clan than by an outsider. The clan animal is a sort of clan protector^ In this change of attitude two considerations seem pertinent: first, the possibility of the "spirit" nature of the guardian spirit being a product of the esoteric elaboration of the religious societies, and that its apparent absence in the clan animal represents an exoteric conception; and, secondly, that under the influence of the social functions of the clan, an originally strong religious conception of the clan animal gave place to an identification with the animal species itself. It might be ob jected that there is no inherent correlation between social organization and animal species as contrasted with spirit animals. It seems certain, however, that descent could only be reckoned from the animal, and as long as it is postulated it must be from the animal. With regard to the historical priority of the "spirit" conception, little can be definitely said except, first, that the systematization it has undergone suggests the influence of the esoteric societies, and secondly, that the visions obtained during fasting appear to speak of the guardian "spirit" as an animal. On general psychological considerations we are inclined to believe in the contrast of the material and spiritual conception of the animal as a real fact, although it would be hazardous to say whether one or the other lies at the basis of the attitude of the individual toward his clan animal. Relationship to Clan Animals. The question of descent from the animal brings us to the consideration of the whole intricate relationship of the individual to the clan animal, a subject that has played so prominent a SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 25 part in discussions of totemism. There are two distinct sources for the determination of this relationship, data obtained in reply to direct questioning, and that contained in some miscellaneous myths and in the origin myths. Part of the oral data is merely a reflex of the origin myths, but part is not. The value of this "unwritten" material lies in the fact that it represents the popu lar, exoteric attitude, the attitude that, on the whole, is not the result of conscious rationalization, and also in the fact that this exoteric view may very likely have been the basis for the esoteric interpretation. ( r The most prevalent view of the relationship of the individual to his clan animal is that of descent from an animal, transformed at the origin of the human race into human beings. This view is expressed in some of the origin myths and reflects the general conversation with individuals. Direct descent from an animal was never postulated.^ The definition of the term "animal" is, however, very difficult. The Indians themselves seem to make a distinction between the animal of to-day and the animal of the heroic age. ^The main characteristic of the animal of the heroic age was his power of transformation into human form and vice versa,) Although he has lost this to-day, he is neverthe less descended from this animal. The human beings are, however, descended from precisely the same "animals," so that it might be well to bear in mind that descent from the transformed animal does not mean descent from the animal of to-day. This view is more systematically expressed in some places. According to one miscellaneous myth , the existing human beings and animals were descended from the same being, who once possessed infinite powers of transformation now into human, now into animal shape. At one time, presumably the beginning of our present creation, these "beings" either consciously or unconsciously exhausted all their "transforming" power, and the form into which they changed themselves, human or animal, remained fixed for all time. The existing animals have never succeeded in regaining their power of transformation, and among human beings this power has only been vouchsafed to those few who have obtained it as a special gift from some spirit. Even then, however, it is ludicrously incomplete, as compared 26 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. with the same powers of the primordial beings." This con ception of the animal-human archetype must not be regarded as at all flavouring of a philosophy, developed after contact with Europeans. The error that has always been committed in discussions as to the nature of descent from the animal lies in confusing our concept of animal species with the term "animal" as used by primitive people, and also in lack of discrimination between the possible connotations of that same term, as applied to animals of to-day and those animals which are brought into intimate contact with the clan ancestor. There is no reason for regarding the specific descent from the totem as a transformation of this Winnebago idea of the origin of human and animal forms. The latter conception is entirely a religious one, whereas the former is merely an extension of the genealogical tendency prevalent in many types of social organization. Instead of being merely descended from an individual in a given social unit, the bond of membership within this unit has been strengthened by the postulation of blood relationship to the clan animal. Descent may thus be looked upon as one of the elements necessary for the stability of a political unit, and is far older than its specific extension to those clan animals. A very illuminating example of a case in point can be selected from the history of the war bundle in the Thunder- bird clan. This bundle, like the others, was obtained as a gift from the thunderbird in his capacity as a guardian spirit. The Winter Feast has, however, been markedly influenced by the clan organization and as a result, we find descent from the thunderbird and night spirit, the two most important spirits in the ceremony, postulated of the original owner of the war bundle. The same tendency is exhibited in the numerous stories of the connexion of an individual of the heroic age with a village. Here the individual, generally a transformed guardian spirit or animal, comes to the aid of the people in their struggle against cannibals, defeats the latter, and marries into the village, becoming the ancestor of the subsequent village group. At the same time no strong correlation apparently exists between a totemic organization and the extension of descent to include the clan animal, for this seems to be a peculiarity of SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 27 individual cultures. ( Bonds other than descent from the animal are frequently found and must unquestionably be considered as older than the latter in a number of cases. On the Northwest Coast, among the Creek, Iroquois, and other tribes, descent from the totem is not found. Among the Winnebago themselves we find, in addition to the above, the idea that the Thunderbird clan takes its name from the fact that its members imitate the actions of that animal.) Some versions of the origin myth give no reason at all for the name, while according to others an animal is killed and becomes reincarnated as a human being in a certain village, the group taking its name from this fact. The descent from the totem, however, where it has not been primary, owing to its being a reflex expression of the social organization, quite generally .supplants the other interpretation. The Clan Tie. , In intimate relation to the attitude toward the clan animal is the conception of the tie binding one member of the clan to another. In no case did an individual regard the bond between him and another member of the same clan as based upon descent from the same animal. Blood relationship was always given as the reason for exogamy, as is brought out by the word for clan (hokifcaradjdra). This concept of blood relationship was extended to the mother s clan generation.) As we have pointed out, there is no reason for assuming that blood relationship is the primary explanation. The number of explanations for exogamy existing between one clan and another, and that of the clans of one side as opposed to those of another, indicate clearly how readily interpretations of this phenomenon change. The Bear does not marry into the Wolf clan because they are friends (hitcak 1 oro) , and does not marry into the Buffalo clan because it belongs to the same side, or no reason is assigned at all. Before the question of the clan tie can be thoroughly understood, the kind of blood relationship that is here meant must be more carefully defined. This is not a general but a very definite notion, and may be said not to extend beyond four generations, in fact, not beyond the direct knowledge of some living individual. 28 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. This will be brought out more clearly by the following tables, based on actual genealogies: (F) Thunderbird (F) Bear Bear (M) 1 (F) Eagle Eagle (M) 2 (F) Wolf Wolf (M) 3 (M) Thunderbird Thunderbird (M) 4 Bear (F) 5 or: (F) Thunderbird (M) Bear Bear (M) 1 (M) Bear Eagle (F) 2 Thunderbird (F) 3 All these marriages are permitted. In the first case a man marries into his maternal grandmother s maternal grand father s clan; and in the second a man marries into his paternal grandmother s clan. We will consequently have to consider blood relationship as extending only to four, sometimes three, generations, and have to regard the statement of blood-relation ship as the tie binding the members of the clan together as purely fictitious and secondary. That, nevertheless, this fictitious tie called forth the same feeling as that of real relationship, there is abundant evidence to show, and that it was of consider able importance in the development of the Winnebago clan- complex is borne out by the fact that the clan was called "those- who-are-relati ves- to-one-another . THE SOCIO-POLITICAL COMPLEX. Clan Functions. The association of political functions with definite social units is a common phenomenon for most cultures where a tendency toward socialization exists. It is strictly comparable to the association of ceremonial and religious functions with ceremonial units. In this connexion, the difference between an association with a group unit and an association with an individual, is of fundamental importance. Is the former, for instance, merely an extension of the latter ? This only individual SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 29 history can demonstrate. Such a genetic relationship between the two depends probably as much upon the nature of the political function as upon anything else. The exact time when this socialization took place is also of great import here. ( Among the Winnebago, some individuals claim that the functions of the public crier were inherent in the Buffalo clan, while others insist that any person who had counted coup four times was eligible for the office. Now, in this case not only is it possible but it is extremely probable that public criership was originally connected with an individual, and that subsequently it became associated with the Buffalo clan, probably by reason of a certain relationship existing between this clan and the Chief clan. It must, of course, be remembered that a grouping had already taken place, because the requirement of having counted coup four times made a large number of warriors potentially public criers. (Here the grouping together was due to the successful performance of certain test-acts.) Its association with membership in the Buffalo clan represented on the one hand a restriction of the number of individuals, on the other hand the addition of another qualification. Historically, then, the qualification of member ship in the clan supplanted the other qualifications, at least in the eyes of a large number of individuals. What has been said of the development of the functions of the Buffalo may also be generally applied to that of the Warrior or Hawk clan.j Political functions may, however, become connected with a group unit without the individual playing any role either in directing or in developing such an association. The functions of preserving peace and of acting as intermediary, that among the Winnebago are connected with the Thunderbird clan, and the police and disciplinary functions connected with the Bear clan, may represent such types of association.] In the absence of historical data, no demonstration can be made. It will, however, be shown later that association of ceremonial-religious functions with a social unit has actually occurred. That the police and disciplinary functions of the Bear clan developed from those of individiuals, on the basis of requirements similar to those of the public crier, is quite improbable, and no indication of that exists. The functions of the Thunderbird clan likewise do not 30 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. lend themselves readily to such an interpretation. But even should we accept the necessity for the priority of the one over the other types of association, we must still insist that psycho logically the functions are in each case associated with a group unit and that we are not dealing with the relation of cause and effect but with a new association. ( Four of the Winnebago clans have specific political functions, the details of which cannot be discussed here. The Thunderbird is the chief clan, and in addition to the fact that the chief of the tribe is selected from it, has important functions connected with the preservation of peace; the Warrior clan, that relating to war; the Bear clan, that relating to policing and discipline, both within the village and while on the hunt, etc.; and the Buffalo clan, that of public crier and intermediary between the chief and his people. The Wolf, Water-spirit, and the Elk clans seem also to have possessed minor political-social functions. Thus, the Wolf people were considered in the light of "minor" soldiers; the Water-spirit people as connected with the passage of streams, etc. ; and the Elk as connected with the care of the fire-places while on the hunt and warpath. This accounts for seven of the twelve clans, and it thus seems as if the association of political functions with clans was a type that had found great favour among the Winnebago, and was perhaps being extended to every clan) Among the Dhegiha, associations of ceremonial functions with social units seem to have found cor responding favour, while among the Central Algonkin neither type occurred. Marked political and ceremonial functions of the clan are the distinguishing characteristics of the Siouan organization and have given an entirely different picture to clan structure there. The Reciprocal Relationship of the Clans. \ We have seen that one of the bonds between the clans was the fact that they belonged to the same side. But there is a special bond between certain clans known as "friendship" relation (hitcak o-ro).) This always subsists between two, although it SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 31 seems occasionally to have been extended to three or four clans. Most informants gave these groups in such a manner that the "friendship" relation was not postulated between clans belonging to different divisions; although one individual postulated them just on this basis, i.e., Thunderbird Bear, Warrior Wolf, etc. There can, however, be no doubt that the prevalent arrange ment is :^ Thunderbird Warrior; Eagle Pigeon; Bear Wolf; Buffalo Water-spirit; Elk Deer ; Snake Fish. Most informants do not claim any pairing for the Snake, while some associate it in a threefold grouping with the Buffalo and Water-spirit.^ The four clans of the ivaygeregi are generally united in a fourfold group of "friend," although some divide them into Thunderbird Warrior and Eagle Pigeon. Blinder the term "friend clan" is included the idea of mutual service. \ i This becomes especially marked on two occasions; first, when a member of one clan visits his "friend-clan," and second, when an injustice has been done a member of the "friend- clan.") On the former occasion every possible privilege is extended to him, even to his occupying the seat and bed of the host. There is no indication of "wife borrowing," however. On the latter occasion, the "friend-clan" will seek to revenge the injustice just as if the wrong had been done one of its own members. The respect shown by one clan to its "friend-clan" is again apparent at the "naming" feast. There he may be called upon to give the dog names for an individual of the clan with which he is associated, and, at times, to lend one of his clan names to the latter. The relation of "hitcafci ro" or "friend-clan" is strictly analogous to that which exists between two individuals who are hitcak rro to each other. It is one of the characteristic traits of Siouan culture that two individuals often form a strong inextricable friendship. Not only are they always together, but the death of one on the warpath involves that of the other. The same intimate relationship seems to exist between an uncle (hidek*) and his nephews (hitcycge). There is, however, one fundamental difference between such relations as that existing between the hidek* and hitcycge, the members of the family group, and the members of the same clan, on the one hand, and the in- 3 32 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. dividual and clan hitcafco ro, on the other. In the former there is the bond of blood, real or fictitious, in the latter only that of mutual service. On the other hand, while the hidefc-hitcycge relation, the individual hitcak rro, and the clan hitcafcrro may be all of different historical origin, they are psychologically the same. The postulation even of a fictitious blood bond between the different individual hitcafco ro and the clan hitcak^ ro is not unheard of. For the hitcafcrro relation of individuals this is always possible, for if one individual dies, his hitcafco ro is generally adopted to fill his place. On the other hand, the myths seem to indicate that no blood bone was regarded as existing between them, for they generally married each other s sisters. What historical relation the clan hitcak rro bears to the individual hitcafco ro relation of individuals, it is impossible to state, but the remarks made before are pertinent here, and no genetic relationship need be postulated. The "Servant" Relationship. The hitcafco ro relation is entirely one between equals, irrespective of the inequality of one member of this grouping, with regard to the other, in social standing. The Bear clan is, for instance, incomparably greater than the Wolf, but this is entirely forgotten here. (In addition to this "friendship," there seems to exist a faintly developed "servant" relation.) The concept of servant is not that conveyed by the English word. (It means essentially that a certain clan performs a service for another without that specific service being reciprocal] f Among the Winnebago such a relation exists between the Thunder- bird and Buffalo, and the Thunderbird and Elk clans.j This is not to be confused with the general subordination of all the other clans to the Thunderbird and Bear clans when these exercise their specific governmental functions. This "servant" relation ship between the Thunderbird and Buffalo clans is politically expressed by the fact that a member of the latter visits the chief every morning to receive certain directions from him, which he then announces to the whole village. But this relation ship expresses itself in another more striking manner the SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 33 lodge of the Buffalo clan is on the waygeregi side of the village circle, although the Buffalo clan is one of the mqnegi clans. In explanation of this fact we might, on the one hand, assume that its relationship to the chief clan influenced its position in the village, or that it always was there. The latter seems rather improbable, in the face of the unanimity of agreement as to its inclusion among the mqnegi clans, and we may, therefore, provisionally accept the hypothesis of a shifting of position from one side to the other. As this might entail a possible readjustment of the Buffalo clan, as regards exogamy, we tried to obtain as many instances of Buffalo intermarriages as possible. No case of inter marriage with the waygeregi clans was found. However, as only eight cases were instanced, no safe inference can be drawn. The "servant" relation of the Elk clan to the Thunderbird expresses itself in the fact that the former takes care of the fire-places of the latter while on the warpath, etc., and that the members are supposed to distribute the fire to the other clans. In the social customs this relationship is perhaps shown by a certain preference of the Elk to intermarry with the Thunder- bird clan. This preference is not reciprocal. The word prefer ence is used with the added significance of being consciously expressed, and differs from a tendency to intermarriage which may exist between the clans, but which is not present in their consciousness. Some Winnebago informants even went so far as to postulate a hitcafci ro relation between the Elk and Thunder- bird clan. Among the Osage a marked development of the "servant" relationship is found. Viewed from a broad point of view, the reciprocal social v and religious services of one clan toward another in the hitcafcrro and "servant" relations are similar in nature to the political functions of the clan, and they may be taken as another indication of the association of political, social, and religious functions with a strongly individualized social unit. The Specific Possessions of the Clan. Among the Omaha, a number of clans have in their posses sion certain objects, around which not merely the clan but also 34 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. the tribal reverence is centred. Historically, we believe that these were originally possessions of an individual clan, which subsequently became identified with the entire tribe. Among the Winnebago nothing in the remotest manner comparable to these clan possessions exists, and the few specific objects pos sessed by the clan have never become of real tribal significance. ( The specific material possessions of the clan consist of certain war-bundles, one in each clan; and two crooks in the possession of the Bear clan. Of more general possession are the war clubs, of which there are two types, one found among the waygeregi, the other among the mqnegi divisions. In connexion with the clan-bundles there are certain ceremonials known as clan-bundle or war-bundle feasts, popularly as winter feastsA The distribution of the clan-bundle differentiates these from the specific possessions of the Omaha clans, and suggests a hint as to their historical associations. To all intents and purposes, as their individual history shows, (these bundles are merely gifts from one spirit, the thunderbird, and a secondarily associated night-spirit (hqhe)^ The winter feast might thus be interpreted as a society of those who have obtained blessings from the thunderbird. /The bundle remains in the possession of a certain family, however, and cannot pass out of the clan. The war- bundle may, therefore, be said to be primarily the personal possession of a family which has become associated with all the members of the clan to such an extent that it is almost regarded as a clan possession.") ( In the possession of the two crooks by the Bear clan we have an example of specific clan property. The crooks are in the nature of emblems and are used on the warpath to indicate the extreme line of advance) They are thus of tribal significance. When not in use, they are kept in the lodge of the Bear clan. Immaterial Possessions of the Clan. Although there are no specific material possessions/ each clan possesses a type of what might be called "immaterial" possessions.^ These all have the added connotation of s_acred- n,ess. vFor the bird clans, this is the possession of fire; for the SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 35 Bear, the doorway of his lodge; for the Wolf and Water-spirit, waterj They were not obtained for all the clans. We indicated before that these "possessions" may have been primarily connected with the animals associated with the clan, upon which an additional socio-religious interpretation has been superimposed. The whole subject is, however, closely related to that of clan etiquette, for which no explanations can, of course, be given now. The Clan Marks of Identification. As if more fully to set off the social unit of the clan, there have come to be associated with it definite marks of identifica tion, such as symbols, property marks, facial decorations, and songs. ( The symbols of only two clans were obtained, although a number of other clans seem to have possessed them. There were the war club (nqmqtce) of the Thunderbird clan, and the peculiarly whittled stick (namqxtnixcni) of the Bear clan.) When a member of the Thunderbird clan died, a miniature war club was buried with him. Whether the namqxtnixcni was buried with a member of the Bear clan, we do not know. (The property mark consisted of the effigy of the clan ani mal, and was woven on such objects as bags, tobacco pouches, etc. It was also frequently engraved on wooden objects.) Its most peculiar uses, however, were the emblematic earthen effigy mounds, in the shape of the clan animal, which were erected near the habitation of each clan in the village and in the centre of clan squash fields, corn fields, etc. 1 ( Associated with every clan are also four clan songs. These are supposed to be the four songs sung by the ancestors of each clan when they came to this earth. They are always sung on the death of an individual, and are supposed to serve as a mark of identification in the journey of the soul to the land of the spirits.) The use of these songs is so intimately associated with death, that when some hardened offender, l For a fuller discussion of these, see Radin, Some Aspects of Winnebago Archceology, American Anthropologist, N.S., 13, 1911, pp. 517-538. 36 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. let us say, some individual who has killed a member of the tribe and who refuses to make atonement of any kind, is pursued, he defiantly sings his clan songs. ( As a last element in the clan-complex may be mentioned the specific facial decorations existing in each clan. ) We have now completed the discussion of clan organization. As we saw, it consisted of a large number of cultural elements of the most heterogeneous historical origin. So many indica tions are there, indeed, of interpretations, reinterpretations, and secondary associations that it is impossible to form any correct idea of what is historically primary, except the self- evident fact that the complex has grown around a strong social-political unit. THE CLAN AS A SOCIO-CEREMONIAL COMPLEX. Up to the present our attention has been directed entirely to the clan as a socio-political complex and only passing men tion has been made of those religious or ceremonial associations that may also have clustered around it. Among the Omaha, as we have frequently pointed out, these latter associations were of paramount importance and probably dwarfed the development of the political functions. ( Among the Winnebago, on the whole, they were unimportant. This very fact makes the solitary instance in which a fairly marked development took place of all the greater val le, quite apart from the fact that it happens to give, on the one hand, an exceptionally instructive illustration of the secondary association of a cere monial function with a social unit, and, on the other, a similarly instructive illustration of the association of a function generally belonging to an individual shaman with a social unit. Such an association has taken place with the Bear clan, and, owing to its importance, we will quote the data in extenso. The ceremony is known as * soldiers Ldance (manype wad). "When sickness comes upon a Winnebago village, the people go to the chief and say, Sickness has come upon us, O chief! See that your soldiers arise! And the chief goes to the lodge of the leading Bear clansman and, offering him tobacco, speaks SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 37 as follows, My soldier, I am offering you tobacco, for my people have been smitten with disease. Then the latter rises and thanks him. He then informs all his clansmen and they give a feast. Then, of those participating, a number of males and females are selected, who on the next day, accompan ied by the leader, go around the village four times. If a dog crosses their path, they kill it. After they have made the fourth circuit, they enter the village from the east end. They there upon visit the sick individuals one after another, dance in their presence, and lay their hands upon them. After they have visited all the sick, they go to the chief s lodge, where a feast is spread for them by the chief s people. The next day all those who had been ill become well." Here the Bear clan behaves at the same time like a cere monial organization associated with shamanistic practices and like an individual shaman. That, to the minds of the Win- nebago, this ceremonial function of the Bear clan on this occa sion was regarded as a real ceremony is indicated by the term many pe wad. For the moment, the Bear clan as a social unit is entirely lost sight of. Nevertheless, it is the Bear clan as such a unit around which the ceremony has crystallized. This case is all the more instructive for the very reason that this ceremonial association does not form an inextricable element in the clan complex, but is merely an aspect that it assumes on certain occasions, to the exclusion of its socio-political nature. The ceremonial function of the clan is, therefore, not as firmly fixed as is the political function. This may merely be an expression of the fact that among the Winnebago it had become customary to associate, ceremonial functions with religious societies. With regard to the analogy with the individual shaman, it might be said that treating a social unit like an individual must have been quite common wherever the former was strongly marked off by specific functions such as the Bear clan. The association of the shamanistic function with this clan may have occurred just because of the police functions the clan already possessed. On the other hand, it might be pointed out that the bear, both black and grizzly, was intimately 38 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. associated with the treatment of disease and was the especial guardian spirit of the Indian doctors. INFLUENCE OF THE CLAN UPON CEREMONIAL ORGANIZATION. (Perhaps the most characteristic trait of Winnebago culture is the existence of two strong socialized units, that of the clan and that of the secret societyO Historically both are old, and even if we are of the opinion that the clan is historically younger, the political unit upon which it is superimposed is probably an ultimate historical fact. From the earliest times one would have supposed reciprocal influences to have occurred repeatedly. The nature of these influences, insofar as they are not conditioned by chance, would depend on the respective centre of gravity in either unit. It is evident that for the clan the organization was of paramount importance, and that the addition of cultural associations probably tended to strengthen its stability from the point of view of organization. On the other hand, the absence of political or governmental functions in the religious societies, and the clustering of the most multitudinous religious and shamanistic ideas within them, rendered the emotional complex of the latter the centre from which influences would radiate. At the same time, the ceremo nial unit of organization seems to have been so firmly fixed, that any influence of the clan unit of organization upon it does not seem likely. As a matter of fact, in the typical sche matic, religious society, like the medicine dance, grizzly-bear dance, and night-spirit dance, no influence is perceptible. But these religious societies may be regarded as presenting no possible points of contact. Where, however, the bond of union is supernatural communication with a guardian spirit who subsequently became the clan animal, an obvious point of contact is given, and this brings to mind a very suggestive fact of Winnebago culture there are, strictly speaking, no religious societies based on communication from a clan animal. There are, however, clan and clan-bundle (Winter) feasts which, in many respects are absolutely identical with the relig ious societies, and which furnish, it seems to us, an example SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 39 of just those two kinds of influence that we wished to point out, one radiating from the clan, as a unit of organization, the other from the entire clan complex. In the Winter feasts the unit of organization is the clan. Generally all the clans were represented in the person of the owner of each specific clan war-bundle. The order of invitation was traditionally fixed, but it seems that in a number of cases the "friend" clan always had the position of honour. The war- bundle owner was not, however, supposed to represent the clan at all, but the spirits to whom offerings were being made. In every case, although the participants were supposed to impersonate a fairly large number of animals, the main blessings contained in the bundle were from the thunderbird and night- spirit and the main offerings were made to them. Indeed, there seem to be two separate ceremonies involved, one to the thunder- bird and the other to the night-spirits. The question that arises with regard to the clan basis of these ceremonial organizations is whether we are to imagine that the ceremonial unit of organization was displaced by the clan unit, or that the ceremony is of comparatively recent origin, let us say at least long after the clan organization had been perfected, and that a number of things combined to determine the acceptance of the clan as a unit of organization, as opposed to the traditional ceremonial one. To the foregoing, we must also add the fact that the Winter feast seems to be related to similar ceremonies of the Central Algonkin, whose influence on the Winnebago must first be determined. If, then, we are not in a position at present to suggest the course of development, there can be no doubt that the content of the ceremony is strictly comparable to that of the religious societies, and that there are hints that the ceremonial unit of organization had begun to assert itself. If this could be definitely established, it would indicate that the clan basis of organization is historic ally primary. The clan unit of organization is found in no other Winne bago ceremony, although the specific clan feasts show marked influences radiating from the clan complex, i The clan feast is a typical ceremonial complex, both in type of organization 40 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. and in content. The difference between it and a society like the night-spirit dance lies in the fact that although the five principal participants must have specific blessings (bundles), they must at the same time belong to the clan. To what extent a member of one clan who has obtained a bundle from some other clan-spirit can take part in the specific clan feast of the latter, it is difficult to determine, but in the buffalo feast, assuming that this is unquestionably the real Buffalo clan feast, and there seems to be little doubt of it, any person who has obtained a bundle from the buffalo can participate, although the leader must always belong to the Buffalo clan. This example may be taken as an indication of the historical origin of these feasts, namely, that they are really religious societies in which the influence of the clan has restricted the number of individuals who are ordinarily supposed to occupy the five places of honour. That this restrictive influence of the clan was caused by the identity of the clan animal with the guardian spirit, there can be little doubt. PHONETIC KEY. a, as in German Mann, e, as in French ete. e, as in English men. i, as in English pique. (, as in English pin. o, as in English note, o, as in German voll. u, as in English food. u, as in English put. 9, obscure vowel like a of English idea. c , denotes nasalization of vowel. ;;, ng of English sing. n, n pronounced with tip of tongue against upper teeth, y, voiced guttural spirant, g of North German sagen. , denotes aspiration. , denotes that preceding vowel is long. , denotes main stress. cam TV A TT! 14 DAY USE RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED LOAN DEPT. This book is due on the last date stamped below or on the date to which renewed. Renewals only Tel. No. 642-3405 Renewals may be made 4 days priod to date due. Renewed books are subject to immediate recall. Due end of WINTER Quarter . ffr f MAR 671 83 WAR I? REC DLD 7 197285 BEFDLD IKZ372-1PII17 MAR 1 C J975 7 8 LD21A-60m-8, 7 (N8837slO)476 General Library of California rkeley UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY