SECHET HISTOUY OF THIS COURT OF ENGLAND, fi-ROM THE ACCESSION OF GEOBGT! THB THIRD TO THK DEATH OF G F.OB IE THE FOUKTU. t IS. > *->,■! .» ( ' ^ 1 5 1 -J ■> ) [This IB a faitlifnl reprint of a work which produced an eztraordi- oarj sensation on its first appearance fifty-one years ago, and was speedily suppressed. It is the same, too, for which the snm of a Thousand Pottuds was offered in New York about ulna years ago.] SECRET HISTORY OF THB COURT OF ENGLAND, FBOM THE ACCESSION OF GEORGE THE THIRD TO THE DEATH OF GEORGE THE FOURTH; INCLUDING, AMONG OTHER IMPORTANT MATTERS, PULL PARTICULARS OF THE MYSTERIOUS DEATH OP THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE AND THB MURDER OP THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S VALET. SELLIS. BT THB RIGHT HONOURABLE LADY ANNE HAMILTON, SISTER OP HIS GRACE THE PRESENT DUKE OF HAMILTON AND BRANDON, AND OF THE COUNTESS OF DUNMORE. London : Published by WiLiiiAM Henbt Stevenson, 13, Wellington Street, Strand. 1832, LONDON : EEYNOLDS'S NEWSPAPEE OFFICE, 313, STEAND. ^0^^ THE ORIGINAL PUBLISHER TO THE READER. Thb source from -whence this work proceeds will be a suffi- cient guarantee for the facts it contains. A high sense oil duty and honour has prompted these details, which have for many years been on the eve of publication. It will be worthy of the perusal of the great, because it will serve aa a mirror, and they who do not see themselves or their actions reflected, will not take offence at the unvarnished^ picture. It may afford real benefit to the statesman and politician, by the ample testimony it gives, that, wheu justice is perverted, the most lamentable consequences ensue i- and, to that class of society whose station is more humble, it may unfold the designing characters by whom they have so frequently been deceived. They only are competent to detail the scenes and intrigues of a Court who have been most intimately acquainted with it j and it must at all times be acknowledged that it is a climate not very conducive to. the growth of virtue, not very frequently the abode of truth ; yet, although its atmosphere is so tainted, its giddy crowd is thought enviably happy. The fallacy of such opinions is here set forth to public view by one who haa spent much of her time in the interior of a Court, and whose immediate knowledge of the then passing events give ability to narrate them faithfully. Many, very many, facts are here omitted, which hereafter shall appear ; and there is little doubt but that some general good may result from an unprejudiced and cabn perusal of the subjects sub- joined. / 4714'?*? PREFACE to THS How far the law of libel (as it now stands) may affect us io best to be ascertained by a reference to the declaration c^ Lord Abingdon in 1779, and inserted, verbatim, at page 69, 1st vol. of this " Secret History." The following pages are intended as a benefit — not to do injury. If the facts could not have been maintained, proper methods ought to have been adopted to have caused the most minute in- quiry and investigation upon the subject. Many an arrow has been shot, and innumerable suspicions entertained from what motive, and by whose hand, the bow was drawn ; yet here all mystery ceases, and an open avowal is made. Would to Heaven, for the honour of human nature, that the subjoined documents were falsehoods and calumniations, inserted for the purpose of maligning character, or for per- sonal resentments ; but the unusual corroboration of events, places, times, and persons, will not admit the probability. In the affair of the ever-lamented death of the Princess Charlotte, the three important letters commencing at page 369, vol. Ist, are of essential importance, and deserve the most grave and deliberate inquiry. For the first time they tww appear in print. The subjects connected with the royal mother are also of deep interest. The conduct of the English Government towards Napoleon is introduced, to give a true and impartial view of the reasons which dic- tated such arbitrary and unjust measures enforced against that great man, and which will ever remain a blot upoi the British nation. These xinhandsome derelictions from honourable conduct could alone be expressed by those who were well informed upon private subjects. Eespect for the illustrious dead has materially encou- raged the inclination to give publicity to scenes which were as revolting in themselves as they were cruel and most heartrending to the victims. Throughout the whole, it is quite apparent that certain persons were obnoxious to the ruling authorities, and the sequel will prove that the ex- tinction of such persons was resolved upon, let the means and measures to obtain that object be what they might. During this period we find those who had longr been opposed ^m FEEFACE. in political sentiments to all appearance perfectly recon- ciled, and adhei-ing to that party from whom they might •expect the greatest honours and advancement in the State. We need only refer as proofs for this to the late Spencer Percival and George Canning, who, to obtain preferment, joined the confederations formed against an unprotected Princess, and yet who had previously been the most •strenuous defenders of that lady's cause. Well may it be •observed that vanity is too powerful, — " The seals of office glitter in their eyes. They leave the truth, and by their falsehood rise." These remarks are not intended as any disparagement to the private characters or virtues of those statesmen, whose talent was greatly and well cultivated, but to establish the ' j)osition which it is the object of this work to show — that justice has not been fairly and impartially administered when the requirement was in opposition to the Koyal wish or the Administi'ation. With these volumes will also be found urgent remon- strances against the indignities offered to the people of Ireland, whose forbearance has been great, and whose sor- rows are without a parallel, and who merit the same regard as England and Scotland. Much is omitted relative to the private conduct of persons who occupy high stations; but should it be needful, it shall be published, and all the cor- respondence connected therewith. It is true, much honour will not be derived from such explanations, but they are forthcoming if requisite. The generality of readers will not criticise severely upon the diction of these prefatory remarks ; they will rather have their attention turned to the truths submitted to them and the end in view. That end is for the advance- ment of the best interests of society ; to unite more closely «ach member in the bonds of friendship and amity; and to •expose the hidden causes which for so long a period have fceen barriers to concord, unity, and happiness. " May God defend the Eight." SECRET HISTORY OF THS COURT OF ENGLAND. VBOM THE ACCESSION OF GEORGE THE THIRD TO THE DEATH OF GEORGE THE FOURTH, The secret history of the Court of England during the reigns of the last two Georges will afford the reflecting mind abundant matter for regret and abhorrence. It has, however, been so much the fashion to speak of kings and their ministers in all the fulsome terms of flattery, that the inquirer frequently finds it a matter of great difficulty to arrive at the truth. But, fearless of consequences, we will ■speak of facts as they really occurred, and only hope our readers will accompany us in the recital with feelings un- warped by party prejudice and with a determination to judge the actions of Kings, Lords, and Commons, not as beings of a superior order, but as men. Minds thus con- etituied will have little difficulty in tracing the origin of our present evils, or of perceiving " How many that command should be commanded." We commence with the year 1761, about which period <5eorge the Third was pressed by his Ministers to make choice of some royal lady and demand her in marriage. They urged this under the pretext such a connection was indispensably necessary to give stability to the Monarchy, to assist the progressive movements in morality and reli- gion, and to benefit all artificers by making a display at Court of their ingenious productions. His Majesty heard the proposal with an aching heart, and to many of his Ministers he seemed as if labouring under bodily indisposition. Those persons, however, who were in the immediate confidence of the King felt no sur- prise at the distressing change so apparent in the coun* 8 8ECRET HISTORY OF THK tenance of his Majesty, the cause of which may be traced in the following particulars: — The unhappy Sovereign, while Prince of Wales, was in the daily habit of passing through St. James's Street and its immediate vicinity. In one of his favourite rides through that part of the town he saw a very engaging young lady, who appeared by her dress to be a member of the Society of Friends. The Prince was much struck by the delicacy and lovely appearance of this female, and for several succeeding days was observed to walk out alone. At length the passion of his Royal Highness arrived at such a point that he felt his happiness depended upon receiving the lady in marriage. Every individual in his immediate circle, or in the list of the Privy Council, was very narrowly questioned by the Pi-ince, though in au indirect manner, to ascertain who was most to be trusted, that he might secure, honourably, the possession of the object of his ardent wishes. His Eoyal Highness, at last, confided his views to his next brother, Edward, Duke of York, and another person, who were the only witnesses to the legal marriage of the Prince of Wales v to the before-mentioned lady, Haimah Lightfoot, which took ^v\ place at Curzon-street Chapel, Mayfair, in the year 1759. >"^^ | This marriage was productive of issue, the particulars of which, however, we pass over for the present, and only look to the results of the union. Shortly after the Prince came to the throne by the title of George the Third, Ministers became suspicious of his marriage with the Quakeress. At length they were in- formed of the important fact, and immediately determined to annul it. After innumerable schemes how they might best attain their end, and thereby frustrate the King's wishes, they devised the Royal Marriage Act, by which every prince or princess of the blood might not marry or intermarry with any person of less degree. This Act, how- ever, was not passed till thirteen years after George the Third's union with Miss Lightfoot, and therefore it could no! render such marriage illegal. From the moment the Ministry became aware of his Majesty's alliance to the lady just named, they took posses- sion of their watch-tower, and determined that the new Sovereign should henceforth do even as their will dictated; while the unsuspecting mind of George the Third was easily beguiled into their specious devices. In the absence of the King's beloved brother, Edward, Duke of York (who was tl\en abroad for a short period), his Majesty was assured by his Ministers that no cognizance would be taken at any time of his late unfortunate amour and marriage ; and per- suaded him that the only stability he could give to his throne was demanding the hand of Princess Chariot te of COURT OF ENGLAND. 3 Mecklenburgh Strelitz. Every needful letter and paper for the negociation was speedily prepared for the King's signature, which, in due course, each received ; and thus was the foundation laid for the ill-fated Prince's future malady. Who can reflect upon the blighted first love of this monarch without experiencing feelings of pity for his early sorrows? With his domestic habits, had he only been allowed to live with the wife of his choice, his reign might have passed in harmony and peace, aud the English people now been affluent, happy, and contented. Instead of which, his unfeeling Ministers compelled him to marry one of the most selfish, vindictive, and tyrannical women that ever disgraced human nature. At the first sight of the German Princess, the King actually shrunk from her gaze; for her countenance was of that cast that too plainly told of the nature of the spirit working within. On ths 18th of September, the King was obliged to sub- scribe to the formal ceremony of a marriage with the be- fore-named lady at the Palace of St. James's. His Majesty's brother Edward, who was one of the witnesses to the King's marriage with Miss Lightfoot, was now also present, and used every endeavour to support his royal brother through the " ti'ying ordeal," not only first meeting the Princess on her entrance into the garden, but also at the altar. In the meantime, the Earl of Abercorn informed the Princess of the previous marriage of the King, and of the then existence of his Majesty's wife; and Lord Harcourt advised the Princess to well inform herself of the policy of the kingdom, as a measure for preventing much further dis- turbance in the country, as well as securing an uninter- rupted possession of the throne to her issue. Presuming, therefore, that this German Princess had hitherto been an open and ingenuous cliaracter (which are certainly traits very rai-ely to be found in the mind of a German of her grade), such expositions, in4imations, and dark mysteries were ill calculated to nourish honourable feelings, but would rather operate as a check to their farther existence. To the public eye, the newly married pair were contented with each other — alas ! it was because each feared an ex- posure to the nation. The King reproached himself that he had not fearlessly avowed the only wife of his affections; the Queen, because she feared an explanation that the King was guilty of bigamy, and thereby her claim, as also that of her progeny (if she should have any), would be known to be illegitunate. It appears as if the result of these re- flections formed a basis for the misery of millions, and added to that number millions then unborn. The secret marriage c-f the King proved a pivot on which the destiny of kingdoms was to turn. ft BECBET HI8TORT OF TWK At this period of increased anxiety to his Majesty, Miss Ligbtfoot was disposed of durinj^ a temporary absence of his brother Edward, and from that time no satisfactory tidings ever reached those most interested in her welfare. The only information that could be obtained was that a young gentleman, named Axford, was offered a large amount, to be paid on the consummation of his marriage with Miss Lightfoot, which offer he willingly accepted. The King was greatly distressed to ascertain the fate of his much-beloved and legally-married wife, the Quakeress, and entrusted Lord Chatham to go in disguise and endea- vour to trace her abode ; but the search proving fruitless, the King was again almost distracted. Everyone in the Queen's confidence was expected to make any personal sacrifice of feeling whenever her Majesty might require it ; and consequently new emoluments, honours, and posts of dignity were continually needful for the preservation of such unnatural friendships. From this period new creations of peers were enrolled ; and, as it be- came expedient to increase the number of the " privy cabal," the nation was freely called upon, by extra taxation and oppressive burdens of various kinds, to supply the necessary means to support this vile system of bribery and misrule ! We have dwelt upon this important period bo- cause we wish our countrymen to see the origin of our overgrown national debt — the real cause of England's present wi-etchedness. The coronation of their Majesties passed over, a few days after their marriage, without any remarkable feature save that of an additional expense to the nation. The Queen generally appeared at ease, though she seized upon every possible occasion to slight all persons from whom she feared any State explanation which might prove inimical to her wishes. The wily Queen thought this would effectually prevent their frequent appearance at Court, as well as cause their banishment from the council chamber. A Bill was passed this year to fix the Civil List at the annual sum of eight hundred thousand pounds, payable out of the Consolidated Fund, in lieu of the hereditary revenue settled on the late King. Another Act passed, introduced to Parliament by a Speech from the Throne, for the declared purpose of giving additional security to the independence of the judges. Although there was a law then in force, passed in the reign of William the Third, for continuing the commissions of judges during their good behaviour, they were legally de- termined on the death of the reigning Sovereign. By this Act, however, their continuance in office was made tnde- pendent of the royal demise. Twelve millions of money were raised by loans this year COUET OF ENGLAND. and the interest thereon agreed to be paid by an additional duty of three shillings per barre.l on all strong beer or ale, the Sinking Fund being a collateral security. The imposi- tion of this tax was received by the people as it deserved to be, for every labourer and mechanic felt himself insulted by so oppressive an Act. The year 1762 was ushered in by the hoarse clarion ?f war. England declared against Spain, wliile France and Spain became opposed to Portugal on account of her alli- ance with Great Britain. These hostilities, however, were not of long duration, for preliminaries of peace were signed before the conclusion of the year by the English and French plenipotentiaries at Fontainebleau. By this treaty the original cause of the war was removed by the cession of Canada to England. This advantage — if advantage it may be called — cost this country eighteen millions of money, besides the loss of three hundred thousand men. Every fidend of humanity must shudder at so wanton a sacrifice of life, and so prodigious an expenditure of the public money ; but this was only the commencement of the reign of imbecility and Germanism. On the 12th of August her Majesty was safely delivered of a Prince. Court etiquette requires mimerous witnesses of the birth of an heir-apparent to the British throne. On this occasion, however, her Majesty's extraordinary delicacy dispensed with a strict adherence to the forms of State ; for only the Archbishop of Canterbury was allowed to be in the room. But there were more more powerful i-easons tlian delicacy for this unusual privacy, which will hereafter appear. On the 18th of September following, the ceremony of christening the royal infant was performed by the Arch- bishop of Canterbury in the great council-chamber of his Majesty's palace, and the young Prince was named George Augustus Frederick. In this year, the city of Havannah surrendered to the English, whose troops were commanded by Lord Albemarle and General Pococke. Nine sail of the line and four frigates were taken in the harbour ; three of the line had been pre- viously sunk by the enemy, and two were destroyed on the stocks. The plunder in money and merchandize was sup- posed to have amounted to three millions sterling, while the sum raised by the land-tax, at four shillings in the pound, from 1756 to 1760 inclusive, also produced ten mil- lions of money. But to what purpose this amount was devoted remained a profound secret to those from whom it was extorted. In the November of this year, the famous Peter Annet was sentenced by the Court of Queen's Bench to be impri- Boned one month, to stand twice in the pillory within that 6 BECRBT HISTOBT OF THE time, and afterwards to be kept to hard labour in Bridewell for a year. The reader may feel surprised when informed that all the enormity this man had been guilty of consisted in nothing more than writing the truth of the Government, which was published in his "Free Inquiror." The un- merited punishment, however, had only this effect — it made him glory in suiTering for the cause of liberty and truth. The year 1763 was a continuation of the misrule which characterized the preceding year. In May, Lord Bute resigned the office of First Lord of the Treasury, and the conduct of the Earl became a ques- tion of much astonishment and criticism. He was the foundation-stone of Toryism, in its most arbitrary form; and there cannot be a doubt that his lordship's influeuce over the State machinery was the keystone of all the mis- chief and miseries of tha. nation. It was Lord Bute's opinion that all things should be made subservient to the Queen, and he framed his measiires accordingly. The Earl was succeeded by Mr. George Grenville. Little alteration for the better, however, was manifested in the Administra- tion, although the characters and principles of the new Ministers were supposed to be of a liberal description ; but this may possibly be accounted for by the Earls of Halifax and Egremont continuing to be the Secretaries of State. In this memorable year, the celebrated John Wilkes, editor of the North Briton, was coumiitted to the Tower for an excellent, though biting, criticism on his Majesty's Speech to the two Houses of Parliament. The Queen vigorously promoted this uncons'^itutional and tyrannical act of the new Government, which was severely censured by many members of the House of Commons. Among the rest, Mr. Pitt conside:;ed the act as an infringement upon the rights of the people ; and, although he condemned the libel, he said he would come at the author fairly — not by an open breach of the constitiition and a contempt of all restraint. Wilkes, however, came off triumphantly, and his victory was hailed with delight by his gratified country- men. In the midst of this public agitation, the Queen, on the 16th of August, burdened the nation with her second son, Frederick, afterwards created Duke of York, Bishop of Osnaburgh, and many other et ceteras, which produced a good round sum ; and, we should think, more than s'jfB- cient to support this Right Keverend Father in God, at the age of — - eleven months ! Colonel Greme, who had been chiefly instrumental in bringing about the marriage of the Princess Charlotte of Mecklenburgh with the King of England^ was this year appointed Master of St. Catherine, near the Tower, an excellent sinecure in the peculiar gift of the Queen I couBT or BNaUlND. 7 The most important public event on the Continent was the death of Augustus, third King of Poland, and Elector of Saxony, who had lately returned to his electoral do- minions, from which he had been banished for sir years, in consequence of the war. Immediately after his demise, his eldest son, and successor to the electoi-ate, declared himself a candidate for the Crown of Poland, in which ambition he was supposed to be countenanced by the Court of Vienna ; but he fell a victim to the small-pox a few weeks after his father's death. During the year 1764 much public anxiety and dis- quietude was manifested. Mr. Wilkes again appeared before a public tribunal for publishing opinions not in accordance with the reigning powers. The House of Com- mons sat so early as seven o'clock in the morning to con- sider his case ; the Speaker actually remained in the chair for twenty hours, so important was the matter considered. About the end of this year, the King became much indis- posed, and exhibited the first signs of that mental aberra- tion which, in after years, so heavily afflicted him. The nation in general supposed this to have arisen from his M.ajesty's anxiety from the fearful aspect of aifairs, which were then of the most gloomy nature, both at home and abroad. Little, indeed, did the multitudes imagine the real cause ; little did the private gentleman, the industrious tradesman, the worthy mechanic, or the labourer, think that their sovereign was living in splendid misery, bereft of the dearest object of his solicitude, and compelled to asso- ciate with the woman he all but detested ! Nature had not formed George the Third for a king; she had not been profuse to him, either in elegance of manners or capacity of mind ; but he seemed more fitted to shine in a domestic circle, where his affections were centred, and in that sphere only. But, with all hereditary monarchies, an incoinpetent person has the same claim as a man adorned with every requisite and desirable ability. In this year Lord Albemarle received twenty thousand- POUNDS as his share in the Havannah prize-money; while one pound two shillings and sixpence was thought sufficient for a corporal, and thirteen shillings and fivepence for a pri- vate ! How far this disbursement was consistent with equity we leave every honest member of society to deter- mine. In December, a most excellent edict was registered in the Parliament of Paris, by which the King of France abo- lished the Society of Jesuits /or ever. Early in the year 1765, the Queen was pressingly anxious that her marriaj;e with the King should again be solemnized; and, as the Queen was then pregnant, his Majesty readily acquiesced in her wishes. Dr. Wilmot, by his Majesty's 8 SKCBKT HI8TORT OF THE appointment, performed the ceremony at their palace at Kew. The King's brother, Edward, was present upon this occasion also, as he had been on the two former onea Under the peculiar distractions of this year, it was sup- posed, the mind of the Sovereign was disturbed. To pre- vent a recurrence of such interruptions to the royal au- thority, a law was passed, empowering his Majesty to appoint the Queen, or other member of the royal family, assisted by a council, to act as regent of the kingdom. Al- though his Majesty's blank of intellect was but of short duration, it proved of essential injury to the people gene- rally. The tyrannical Queen, presuming on the authority of this Bill, exercised the most unlimited sway over national affairs. She supplied her own requirements and opinions in unison with her trusty, bought clan, who made it appa- rent that these suggestions were offered by the King, and were his settled opinions, upon the most deliberate investi- gation of all matters and things connected therewith! During the King's indisposition he was most passionate in his requests that the wife of his choice should be brought to him. The Queen, judging her influence might be of much consequence to quell the perturbation of her hus- band's mind, was, agreeably to her own request, admitted to the solitary apartment of the King. It is true he recog- nised her, but it was followed by extreme expi-essions of disappointment and disgust ! The Queen was well ac- quainted with all the subjects connected with his Majesty's unfortunate passion and marriage ; therefore, she thought it prudent to stifle expressions of anger or sorrow, and, as soon as decency permitted, left the place, resolving thence- forth to manage the helm herself. On the 31st of October, his Majesty's uncle, the Duke of Cumberland, died suddenly at his house in Upper Gros- venor-street, in the forty-fifth year of his age; and on the 28th of December, his Majesty's youngest brother. Prince Frederick William, also expired, in the sixteenth year of his age. On December 1st, 1766, his Majesty's sister, Matilda, was married to the King of Denmark, and the Duke of York was proxy on that occasion. Soon afterwards, his Royal Highness took leave of his brother, and set out on a projected tour thi'ough Germany, and other parts of the Continent. The Queen was most happy to say "Adieu !" and, for the first time, felt something like ease on his account. The supplies granted for the service of this year, although the people were in the most distressed state, amounted to eigJit millions, ttvo hundred and seventy-three thousand, two hundred and eighty pounds. In the year 1767, the noble-minded and generous Duke of COURT OF ENGLAND. 9 York was married to a descendant of the Stuarts, an amiable and conciliating lady, not only willing, but anxious, to live without the splendour of royal parade, and desirous also of evading the flatteiies and falsehoods of a Court. In August, the Duke lived very retired in a chateau near Monaco, in Italy, blessed and happy in the society of his wife. She was then advancing in pregnancy, and his solicitude for her was sufficient to have deeply interested a heart less susceptible than her own. Their marriage was kept from public declaration, but we shall refer to the proofs hereafter. In the ensuing month, it was annoiinced that (17th of September) the Duke "died of a malignant fever/' in the 29th year of his age, and the news was im- mediately communicated to the King of Englamd. The body was said to be embalmed (?), and then put on board his Majesty's ship Montreal, to be brought to England. His lioyal Highness was interred on the evening of November 3rd in the royal vault of King Henry the Seventh's Chapel. The fate of the Duke's unfortunate and inconsolable widow, and that of the infant to whom she soon after gave birth, must be reserved for its appropriate place in this history. The high price of provisions this year occasioned much distress and discontent, and excited tumults in various parts of'^the kingdom. Notwithstanding this. Ministers attempted to retain every tax that had been imposed during the late war, and appeared perfectly callous to the suffering of the productive classes. Even the land tax, of four shil- lings in the pound, was attempted to be continued, though contrary to all former custom ; but the country gentlemen became impatient of this innovation, and contrived to get a Bill introduced into the House of Commons to reduce it to three shillings in the pound. This was carried by a great majority, in spite of all the efforts of the Ministry to the contrary. The defeat of the Ministers caused a great sensation at the time, as it was the first money Bill in which any Ministry had been disappointed aince the Revolution of 1688. But what can any ministers do against the wishes of a determined people? If the horse knew his own strength, would he submit to the dictation of his rider ? On account of the above Bill being thrown out. Ministers bad considerable difficulty in raising the the necessary sup- plies for the year, which were estimated at eight million' and a-half, including, we suppose, secret service money, which was now in great demand. The King experienced a fluctuating state of health, sometimes improving, again retrograding, up to the year 1768. , . „ . ^ In his Speech, in the November of this year, his Majesty .fcunounced that much disturbance had been exhibited in 10 SECRET m8TORT OP THE Bome of the colonies, and a disposition manifested to throw aside their dependence upon Great Britain. Owing to this circumstance, a new office was created, under the name of " Secretary of State for the Colonies," and to which the Earl of Hillsborough was appointed. The Earl of Chatham having resigned, Parliament was dissolved. Party spirit running high, the electioneering contests were unusually violent, and serious disorders oc- curred. Mr. Wilkes was returned for Middlesex ; but being committed to the King's Bench for libels on the Govei-n- ment, the mob rescued Wilkes from the soldiers who were conducting him thither. The military were ordered to fire on the people, and one man, who was singled out, and pursued by the soldiers, was shot dead. A coroner's inquest brought this in wilful murder, though the higher autho- rities not only acquitted the magistrates and soldiers, but actually returned public thanks to them ! At this period the heart sickens at the relations given of the punishments inflicted on many private soldiers in the Guards. They were each allowed only fourpence per day. If they deserted, and were retaken, the poor delinquent suffered the dreadful infliction of five hundred lashes. The victims thus flagellated very seldom escaped with life. In the navy, also, the slightest offence or neglect was punished with inexpressible tortures. This infamous treatment of brave men can only be accounted for by the fact that officers in the army and navy either bought theu" situations, or received them as a compensation for some Secret Seevick performed for, or by the requtst of, the Queen and her servile Ministry. Had officers been promoted from the ranks for performing real service to their country, they would have then possessed more commiseration for their broth ers-in-arms. We must here do justice to the character of George the Third from all intentional tyranny. Many a time has this monarch advocated the cause of the productive classes, and as frequently have his ministers, urged on by the Queen, defeated his most sanguine wishes, until he fovmd himself a mere cijiber in the aft'airs of State. The King's simplicity of style and unaffected respect for the people would have induced him to desj se the gorgeous pageantry of state; he had been happy, indeed, to have been " the real father of his subjects." His Majesty well knew that the public good ought to be the sole aim of all Governments, and that for this purpose a prince is invested with the regal crown. A king is not to employ his authority, patronage, and riches, merely to gratify his own lusts and ambition ; but, if need require it, he ought even to sacrifice his own eaite and pleasure for the benefit of his country. We gi\e George the Third credit for holding these sentiments. .•!OURT OF ENGLAND. 11 which, howevor, ouly increased his regrets, as he had no power to act — that power being in possession of his Queen and other crafty and designing persons, to whose opinions and detei minations he had become a perfect slave. It is to be regretted that he had not sufficient nerve to ejec-t such characters from his councils ; for assuredly the nation would have been, to a man, willing to protect him from their vile machinations ; but, once subdued, he was sub- dued for ever. From the birth, a prince is the subject of flattery, and is even caressed for his vicious propensities — nay, his minions never appear before him without a mask, while every artifice that cunning can suggest is practised to deceive him. He is not allowed to mix in general society, and, therefore, is ignorant of tlie wants and wishes of the people over whom he is destined to reign. When he becomes a king, his councillors obtain his signature whenever they desire it; and as his extravagance increases, so miist sums of money, in some way or other, be extorted from his suffer- ing and oppressed subjects. Should his ministers prove ambitious, war is the natural result, and the money of the poor is again in request to furnish the means of their own destruction; whereas, had the prince been associated with the intelligent and respectable classes of society, he might have warded off the evil, and, instead of desolating war, peace might have shed her gentle influence over the land. Another barbarous custom is the injunction imposed upon royal succession that they shall not marry only with their equals in birth. But is not this a violation of the most vital interests and solemn engagements to which humanity have subscribed? What unhappiness has not such an un- natural doctrine produced ? Quality of blood ought only to be recognised by corresponding nobility of sentiments, principles, and actions. He that is debarred from possess- ing the object of his virtuous regard is to be pitied, whether he be a king or a peasant; and we can hardly wonder at his sinking into the abyss of carelessness, im- becility, and even madness. In February, 1769, the first of those deficiencies in the Civil List, which had occurred from time to time, was made known to Parliament by a messnge in the name of the un- happy King, but who only did as he was ordered by his ministerial cabal. This debt amounted to five hundred thousand pounds, and his Majesty nas tutored to say that he relied on the zeal and affection of his faithful Commons to enaVjle him to discharge it! The principal part of this money was expended upon wretches of the most abandoned description for services performed against the welfare of England. The year 1770 proved one of much political interest. 12 SECRET HISTORY OP THE The Queen was under the necessity of retiring a little from the apparent part she had taken in the affairs of State ; nevertheless, she was equally active, but from policy did not appear so. Another plan to deceive the people being deemed necessary, invitations for splendid parties were given in order to assume an appearance of confidence and quietness which her Majesty could not and did not possess. In this year. Lord Chatham publicly avowed his senti- ments in these words : — " Infuse a portion of health into the Constitution to enable it to bear its infirmities." Pre- vious to making this remark, his lordship, of course, was well acquainted with the causes of the then present dis- tresses of the country, as well as the sources from whence those causes originated. But one generous patriot is not sufScient to put a host of antagonists to flight. The Earl'a measures were too mild to be heeded by the minions of the Queen then in power, his intention being " to persuade and soften, not to irritate and offend." We may infer that had he been merely a " party man," he would naturally concur in any entei-prise likely to create a bustle without risk to himself ; but, upon examination, he appears to have loved the cause of independence, and was willing to support it by every personal sacrifice. About this time, the Duke of Grafton resigned his office of First Lord of the Treasury, in which he was succeeded by that disgrace to his country. Lord North, who then commenced his long and disastrous Administration. Doctor Wilmot was a friendly preceptor to this nobleman while at the University, but it was frequently a matter of regret to the worthy doctor that his lordship had not imbibed those patriotic principles which he had so strongly endea- voured to inculcate ; and he has been known to observe that Lord North's Administration called for the most pain- ful animadversions, inasmuch as he advocated the enaction of laws of the most arbitrary character. Mr. Wilkes, previous to the meeting of the Commons in January, was not only acquitted, but had damages to a large amount awarded him ; and the King expressed a desire that such damages should be paid out of his privy purse. The Earl of Halifax, who issued the warrant for his com- mittal to the Tower in 1763, was finally so disappointed that he offered his resignation, though he afterwards ac- cepted the Privy Seal. It was during this year that the celebrated "Letters of Junius" first appeared. These compositions were distin- guished as well by the force and elegance of their style as by the violence of their attacks on individuals. The first of these letters was printed in the Public Advertiser of December the 19th, and addressed to the King, animad- verting on all the errors of his reign, and speaking of his COUST OF ENGLAND. 13 Ministers in terms of equal contempt and abhorrence. An attempt was made to suppress this letter by the strong arm of the law ; but the effort proved abortive, as the j ury ac- quitted the printer, who was the p€rson prosecuted. Junius (though under a feigned name) was the most competent person to speak fully upon political subjects. He had long been the bosom friend of the King, and spent all his leisure tin>e at Court, No one, therefore, could better judge of the state of public affairs than himself, and his sense of duty to the nation animated him to plead for the long-estranged rights of the people; indeed, upon many occasions he displayed such an heroic firmness, such an in- vincible love of truth, and such an unconquerable sense of honour, that he permitted his talents to be exercised freely in the cause of public justice, and subscribed his ad- denda under an envelope, rather than injure his prince, or leave the interests of his countrymen to the risk of fortui- tous circumstances. We know of whom we speak, and therefore feel authorized to assert that in his character were concentrated the steady friend of the prince as well as of the people. Numerous disquisitions have been written to prove the identity of Junius, but, in spite of many arguments to the contrary, we recognise him in the person of the Kev. James Wilmot, D.D., rector of Barton-on-the-Heath and Aubcester, Warwickshire, and one of his Majesty's justices of the peace for that county. Doctor Wilmot was born in 1720, and during his stay at the University became intimately acquainted with Dr. Johnson, Lord Archer, and Lord Plymouth, as well as Iiord North, who was then entered at Trinity College. From these gentlemen the doctor imbibed his political opinions, and was introduced to the first society in the kingdom. At the age of thirty Dr. Wilmot was confidently trusted with the most secret affairs of State, and was also the bosom friend of the Prince of Wales, afterwards George the Third, who at that time was under the entire tutorage of Lord Bute. To this nobleman Dr. Wilmot bad an invete- rate hatred, for he despised the selfish principles of Tory- ism. As soon as the Princess of Mecklenburg (the late Queen Charlotte) arrived in this country, in 1761, Dr. Wil- mot was introduced, as the especial friend of the King, and this will at once account for his being chosen to perform the second marriage ceremony of their Majesties at Kew Palace, as before related. A circumstance of rather a singular nature occurred to Dr. Wilmot in the year 1765, inasmuch as it was the im- mediate cause of the bold and decisive line of conduct which ho afterwards adopted. It was simply this : the doctor re- ceived an anonymous letter, requesting an interview with 14 SECRET HISTORY (W THB the writer in Kensington-gardens. The letter was written in Latin, and sealed, tbe impression of which was a Medusa's head. The doctor at first paid no attention to it, but during the week he received four similar requests, written by the same hand ; and, upon the receipt of the last. Dr. Wilmot provided himself with a brace of pocket- pistols, and proceeded to the Garden* at the hour appointed. The doctor felt mi^ch surprise when he was accosted by — Lord Bute I who immediately suggested that Dr. Wilmot should assist the Administration, as her Majesty had entire confidence in him ! The doctor briefly declined, and very soon afterwards commenced his political career. Thus the German Princess always endeavoured to inveigle the friends of the people. Lord Chatham had been introduced to Dr. Wilmot by the Duke of Cumberland, and it was from these associations with the Coui't and the members of tlie several Adminis- trations that the doctor became so competent to write his unparalleled "Letters of Junius." We here subjoin an incontrovertible proof of Dr. Wilmot's being the author of the work alluded to : — " I have this day completed my last letter of Ju s, and sent the same to L — d S — ne. W , March 17th, 1772." This is a fac-simile of the doctor's handwriting, and must for ever set at rest the long-disputed question of " Who was the author of Junius ?" The people were really in need of the advocacy of a writer like Junius, for their burdens at this time were of the most grievous magnitude. Although the country was not in danger from foreign enemies, in order to give posts of command, honour, and emolument to the employed syco- phants at Court, our navy was increased, nominal situations were provided, while all the means to pay for such services were again ordered to be drawn from the people. The year 1771 was productive of little else than harass- ing distresses to the poor labourer and mechanic. At this period, it was not unusual to tear the husband from the wife, and the parent from the child, and immure them within the damp and noisome walls of a prison, to prevent any interposition on the part of the suffering multitudes. Yes, countrymen, such tyranny was practised to ensure the secrecy of truth, and to destroy the wishes of a monarch, who was rendered incompetent to act for himself. Various struggles were made this year to curb the power of the judges, particularly in cases relating to the liberty of the press, and also to destroy the power vested m the Attorney-General of prosecuting, ex-officio, without the in- tervention of a grand jury, or the forms observed by courts of law in other cases. But the borough-mongers and COUET OF ENGLAND, 15 minions of the Queen were too powerful for the Liberal party in the House of Commons, and tlie chains of slavery were, consequently, riveted afresh. A question of great importance also occurred this year, respecting the privi- leges of the House of Commons. It liad become the practice of newspaper writers to take the liberty, not before ven- tured upon, of printing the speeches of the members, umler their resi^ective names; some of which in the whole, and others in essential parts, were spurious productions. and, in any case, contrary to the standing orders of the House. A complaint on this ground having been made by a member against two of the printers, an order was issued for their attendance, with which they refused to comply; a second order was given with no better success. At length, one of the printers being taken into custody under the authority of the Speaker's warrant, he was carried before the celebrated Alderman John Wilkes, who, regarding the capture as illegal, not only discharged the man, but bound him over to prosecute his captor for assault and false imprisonment. Two more printers being apprehended, and carried before Alderman Wilkes and the Lord Mayor Crasby, were, in like manner, discharged. The indignation of the House was then directed against the City magistrates, and various measures adopted towards them. The contest finally terminated in favour of the printers, who have ever since continued to publish the proceedings of Parliament, and the speeches of the members, without obstacle. In this year the marriage of the Duke of Cumberland with Mrs. Horton took place. The King appeared electri- fied when the matter was communicated to him, and de- clared that he never would forgive his royal brother's conduct, who, being informed of his Majesty's sentiments, thus wrote to him : — " Sire, my welfare will insure your own ; you cannot condemn an affair there is a precedent for, even in your own person !" — alluding to his Majesty's mar- riage with Hannah Lightfoot. His Majesty was compelled to acknowledge this marriage, from the Duke of Cumber- land having made a confidant of Colonel Luttrell, brother of Mrs. Horton, with regard to several important State secrets which occurred in the years 1759, 1760, 1761, 1762, and 1763. This Duke of Cumberland also imbibed the family com- plaint of bigamy; for he had been married, about twelve months previous, to a daughter of Dr. Wilmot, who, of course, remonstrated against such unjust treatment. The King solemnly assured Dr. Wilmot that he might rely upon his humanity and honour. The doctor paused, and had the courage to reply, " I have once before relied upon the promises of your Majesty, but " "Hush! hush!"' said the King, interrupting him ; " I know what you are going 16 8£CK£T UISTOBt OF THB to say ; but do not disturb me with wills and retrospection of past irreparable iv^jury." The death of the Earl of Halifax, soon after the close of the session in this year, caused a vacancy ; and the Duke of Grafton returned to office, as Keeper of the Privy Seal. His Grace was a particular favourite with the Queen, but much disliked by the intelligent and reflecting part of the community. The political atmosphere bore a gloomy aspect at the commencement of the year 1772, and petitions from the people were sent to the King and the two Houses of Parliament for the repeal of what they believed to be un- just and pernicious laws upon the subject of religious liberty. Several clergymen of the Established Church prayed to be liberated from their obligation to subscribe to the " Thirty-nine Articles." But it was urged, in oppo- sition to the petitions, that Government had an undoubted right to establish and maintain such a system of instruction as the ministers thereof deemed most suitable for the public benefit. But expedience and right are as far asunder, in truth, as is the distance from pole to pole. The policy of the State required some neto source from whence to draw means for the secret measures needful for prolonging the existence of its privacy ; and it was there- fore deemed expedient to keep politics and religion as close together as possible, by enforcing the strictest obedience of all demands made upon the clergy, in such forms and at Buch times as should best accord with the political system of the Queen. In consequence of which the petitions were re- jected by a majority of 217 borough-mongers against 71 real representatives of the people. An Act passed this session, for " making more effectual provisions to guard the descendants of the late King George the Second from marrying without the approbation of his Majesty, his heirs, and successors first had and obtained," was strenuously opposed by the Liberal party in every stage of its progress thi-ough both Houses. It was generally supposed to have had its origin in the marriage contracted but a few months before by the Duke of Cumberland with Mrs. Horton, relict of Colonel Horton, and daughter of Lord Trenham; and also in a private, though long-suspected, marriage of the Duke of Gloucester to the Countess-Dowager of Waldegrave, which the Duke at this time openly avowed. But were there not other reasons which operated on the mind of the Qiieen (for the poor King was only a passive instrument in her power) to force this Bill into a law ? Had she not an eye to her husband's former alliance with the Quakeress, and the Duke of York's marriage in Italy? The latter was even more dangerous to her peace than the former, for the Duke had man-ied a descendant of the Stuarts. COVET OF ICNGLAND. 17 Lord Chatham made many representationa to the King^ and Queen of the improper and injudicious state of the penal laws. He cited an instance of unanswerable dispro- portion — namely, that, on the 14th of July, two persona were publicly whipped round Covent Garden Market, in iccordance with the sentence passed upon them. But mark the difference of the crimes for which they were punished. One was for stealing a bunch of radishes ; the other, for debauching his own niece ! In vain, however, did this friend of humanity represent the unwise, unjust, and in- consistent tenour of such laws. The King was anxious to alter them immediately, but the Queen was decided in her opinion that they ought to be left entii-ely to the pleasure and opinion of the judges, well-knowing that they would not ilisobey her will upon any point of law, or equity, so-called. Thus did the nation languish under the tyrannical usurpa- tion of a German Princess, whose disposition and talent? were much better calculated to give laws to the brute crea- tion than to interfere with English jurisprudence. In November of this year it was announced that the Kin^ earnestly desired Parliament should take into consideration the state of the East India Company. But the King was ignorant of the subject, though it was true. The Queen desired it, because she received vast emoluments from the various situations purchased by individuals under the de- nomination of cadets, &c. Of course her Majesty's will was tantamount to law. The Earl of Chatham resolved once more to speak to the Queen upon the state of things, and had an audience for that purpose. As an honest man, he very warmly advocated the cause of the nation, and represented the people to be in a state of high excitement, adding that if they be re- pelled they must be repelled by force ! And to whom ought an unhappy, suffering people to have had recourse but to the Throne, whose power sanctioned the means used to drain their purses ? The Queen, how- ever, was still unbending. She not only inveighed against the candour and sentiments of the Earl, but requested she might not again be troubled by him upon such subjects. Before retiring. Lord Chatham said, " Your Majesty must excuse me if I say the liberty of the subject is the surest protection to the monarch ; and if the Prince protects the guilty instead of punishing them, time will convince him that he has judged erroneously and acted imprudently." The Earl of Chatham's " labouring breast knew not peace ;" and he resolved, for the last time, to see the King in private. An interview was requested, and as readily granted. "Well, well," said the King, "I hope no bad news ?" — " No bad news, your Majesty ; but I wish to sub- mit to your opinion a few questions." — " Quite right — quite 18 SECRET HISTORY OF TH« right," said the King; "tell me all." The Earl did so, and after his faithful appeal to the King, concluded by saying, " My Sovereign will excuse me, but I can no lonjfer be a party to the deceptions poured upon the people, as I am, and consider myself to be, amenable to God and my conscience !" Would that England had possessed a few more such patriots ! This year will ever be memorable in history as the com' mencement of that partition of Poland between three con- tigvious Powers — Russia, Austria, and Prussia — which hat served as an example and apology tor all those shameful violations of public riglit and justice that have stained the modern annals of Europe. The unfortunate Poles ap- pealed in vain to Great Britain. Prance, Spain, and the States General of Holland, on the atrocious perfidy and in- justice of these proceedings. After some unavailing re- monstrances, the Diet was compelled, at the point of the bayonet, to sign a treaty for the formal cession of the several districts which the three usurpers had fixed upon and guaranteed upon to each other. The partitioning legitimates also generously made a present of an aristocratic constitution to the suffering Poles. In the year 1773, commercial credit was greatly injured by extensive failures in England and Holland. The dis- tress and embarrassment of the mercantile classes wei"e further augmented by a great diminition in the gold coin, in consequence of wear and fraud; such loss, by Act of Parliament, being thrown upon the holders ! At this time the discontent which had long been mani- fest in the American colonies broke out into open revolt. The chief source of irritation against the mother country was the impolitic measure of retaining a trifling duty on tea, as an assertion of the right of the British Parliament to tax the colonies. The year 1774 bore a gloomy and arbitrary character, with wars abroad and uneasiness at home. The county of Nottingham omitted to raise their militia in the former year, and in this they were fined two thousand pounds. Louis the Fifteenth died this year of the small-pox, caught from a country girl introduced to him by Madame du Barr6 (du Barry) to gratify his sensual desires. He was in the sixty-fourth year of his age and the fifty-ninth of his reign. The gross debaucheries into which he had sunk, with the despotic measures he had adopted towards the Chamber of Deputies in his latter years, had entirely deprived him of his appellation of the " Well-beloved." Pew French sove- reigns have left a less respected memory. 1775 was also a year of disquiet. The City of London addressed the throne, and petitioned against the existing grievances, expressing their strong abhorrence of the mea- COURT OF ENGLAND. 19 Bures adopted towards tlie Araeric.ins, justifying their resisi ance, and beseeching his Majesty to dismiss his Ministei-q The invisible power of the Queen, however, prevented their receiving redress, and the Ministers were retained, contrary to all petition and remonstrance. Upon these occasions the King was obliged to submit to any form of expression dictated by the Minister, that Minister being under the entire control of the Queen, and though the nation seemed to wear a florid countenance, it was sick at heart. Lord North was a very considerable favourite with her Majesty, whilst his opponents, Messrs. Fox and Burke, were propor- tionately disliked. The Duke of Grafton now felt timid of his situation, and told the Queen that he could no longer continue in office ; in consequence of which the Earl of Dartmouth received the Privy Seal. The Americans, in the meantime, wei'e vigorously pre- paring for what they conceived to be inevitable — a war. Various attempts, notwithstanding, were made by the en- lightened and liberal-minded part of the community to pre- vent ministers from continuing hostilities against them. That noble and persevering patriot. Lord Cuatham, raised his warning voice against it. " I wish," said he, " not to lose a day in this urgent, pressing crisis ; an hour now lost in allaying ferments in America may produce years of calamity ! Never will I desert, in any stage of its progress, the conduct of this momentous business, unless fettered to my bed by the extremity of sickness. I wUl give it unremitted attention j I will knock at the gates of this sleeping and confounded Ministry, and will, if it be possible, rouse them to a sense of their danger. The recpJl of our army I urge as necessary preparatory to the restoration of your peace. By this it will appear that you are disposed to treat amicably and equitably, and to consider, revise, and repeal, if it should be found necessary, as I affirm it will, those violent acta and declarations which have disseminated confusion through the empire. Resistance to these Acts vjas necessary, and there- fore, just; and your vain declarations of the omnipotence of Parliament, and your imperious doctrines of the n-ecessity of submission, will be found equally impotent to convince or enslave America, who feels that tyranny is equally intole- rable whether it be exercised by one individual part of the legislature, or by the collective bodies which compose it." How prophetic did this language afterwards prove ! Oh, England ! how hast thou been cursed by debt and blood, through the impotency and villany of tliy rulers ! In the year 1776 the Earl of Harcourt was charged with a breach of privilege, but his services for the Queen operated as a sufficient reason for reiecting the matter of complaint. So expencive did the unjust ana disgraceful war with 20 BKCBEr HlsroKt OF THK America prove this year, that more than nine millions were supplied for its service. In order to raise this shameful amount extra taxes were levied on newspapers, deeds, and other matters of public utility. Thus were the industrious and really productive classes imposed upon, and their means exhausted, to gratify the inordinate wishes of a German princess, now entitled to be the cause of their misery and ruin. The Queen knew that war required soldiers and sailors, and that those soldiers and sailors must have officers over them, which would afford her an opportunity of selling commissions, or of bestowing them upon some of her favourites. So that these things contri- buted to her Majesty's individual wealth and power, what cared she for the increase of the country's burdens ? It is wonderful to reflect upon the means with which individuals in possession of power have contrived, in all ages and in all countries, to control mankind. From thoughtlessness and the absence of knowledge, the masses of people have been made to contend, with vehemence and courageous enterprise^ against their own interests, and for the benefit of those mercenary wretches by whom they were enslaved ! How monstrous it is that, to gratify the san- ^inary feelings of one tyrant, thousands of human beings should go forth to the field of battle as willing sacrifices ! Ignorance alone has produced such lamentable results; for a thirst after blood is never so effectually quenched as when it is repressed by the infiuence of knowledge, which teaches humility, moderation, benevolence, and the practice of «very other virtue. In civilized society, there cannot be an equality of property ; and, from the dissimilarity of human organization, there cannot be equality in the power and vigour of the mind. All men, however, are entitled to, and ought to enjoy, a perfect equality in civil and political rights. In the absence of this just condition, a nation can only be partially free. The people of such a nation exist under unequal laws; and those pe''sons upon whom injuries are inflicted by the partial operation of those laws, are, it must be conceded, the victims of an authority they cannot control. Such was, unhappily, the condition of the English people at this period. To prevent truth having an impartial hearing and ex- planation, the plans of Government were obhged to be of an insecure and unjust character. The consequences were, the debasement of morals, and the prostitution of the hap- piness and rights of the people. But Power was in the grasp of Tyranny, attended on each side by Pride and Cruelty, while Fear presented an excuse for Silence and Apathy, and left Artifice and Avarice to extend their bane- ful influence over society. British courage was stifled by arbitrary persecutions, fines, and imprisonment, which COURT OF BNQLAND. 21 threatened to orerwlielni all who dai-ed to resist the tide of German despotism. Had Unity and Resolution been the watchwords of the sons of Great Britain, what millions of debt might have been prevented ! What oceans of blood liiight have been saved ! The iniquitous ministers who dic- tated war with America should have suffered as traitors to their country, which would have been their fate had not blind ignorance and servility, engendered by priests and tyrants, through the impious frauds of Church and State, overwhelmed the better reason of the great mass of man- kind. It was, we say, priestcraft and statecraft that kin- dled this unjustifiable war, in order to lower human nature, and induce men to butcher each other under the most ab- surd, frivolous, and wicked pretences. Englishmen, at the commencement of the American war, appear to have been no better than wretched captives, without either courage, reason, or virtue, from whom the Queen's banditti of gaolers shut out the glorious light of day. There were, however, some few patriots wlio raised their voices in oppo- sition to the abominable system then in practice, and many generous-hearted men who boldly jref used to fight against the justified resistance of the Americans; but the general mass remained inactive, cowardly inactive, against their merciless oppressors. The Queen pretended to lament the sad state of affairs, while she did all in her power to con- tinue the misrtile. At the commencement of 1777, the several States of Europe had their eyes fixed on the contest between this country and the colonies. The French Government assisted the Americans with fleets and armies, though they did not enter into the contest publicly. Queen Charlotte still per- severed in her designs against America, and bore entire sway over her unfortunate husband. The country, as might be expected, was in a state of great excitement, owing to the adoption of measures inimical to the wishes and well- being of the people. The greater power the Throne as- sumed, the larger amounts were necessarily drawn from the people, to reward fawning courtiers and borough pro- prietors. This year, thirteen millions of money were deemed need- ful for the public service, and the debts of the Civil List a second time discharged ! At this time the revenue did not amount to eight millions, and to supply the consequent deficiency, new taxes were again levied on the people, for Ministers carried all their Bills, however infamous they might be, by large majorities. In May, Lord Chatham again addressed the " Peers," and called their attention to the necessity of changing the pro- ceedings of Government. Although bowed down by age and iafirmity, and bearing a crutch in each hand^ he do- 22 RECBET HISTORY OF THE livered his sentiments with all the ardour of youth, in these words: — "I wish the removal of accumulated grievances, and the repeal of every oppressive Act which have been passed since the year 1763! I am experienced in spring hopes and vernal promises, but at last will come your equinoctial disappointment!" On another occasion he saici, "I will not join in congratu- lation on misfortune and disgrace! It is necessary to in- struct the Throne in the language of truth. We must dis- pel the delusions and darkr.ess that envelope it. I am old and weak, and at present unable to say more; but my feelings and indignation were too strong to permit me to say less." Alas ! this patriot stood nearly alone. In his opinion, the good of the people was the supreme law ; but this was opposed to the sentiments of the hirelings of State and their liberal mistress. As a last effort, the Eai-1 resolved to seek an audience of the Queen, and the request was readily complied with. The iaj previous to his last speech delivered in the House of Lords, this interview took place. His lordship pressed the Queen to relieve the people, and, by evei-y possible means, to mitigate the public burdens. But though her Majesty was gentle in her language, she expressed herself positively and decisively as being adverse to his views ; and took the opportunity of reminding him of the secresy of State affairs. As Lord Chatham had once given his solemn promise never to permit those secrets to transpire, he resolved faith- fully to keep his engagement, though their disclosure would have opened the eyes of the public to the disgraceful pro- ceedings of herself and Ministers. The noble Earl retired from his royal audience in much confusion and agitation of mind, and on the following day, April the 7th, went to the House, and delivered a most energetic speech, which was replied to by the Duke of Richmond. Lord Chatham after- wards made an effort to rise, as if labouring to give ex- pression to some great idea ; but before he could utter a word, pressed his hand on his bosom, and fell down in a convulsive fit. The Duke of Cumberland and Lord Temple caught him in their arms, and removed him to the Prince's chamber. Medical assistance being imme it will be said that this House, in its capa- city of a court of justice, has a right to call for evidence at its bar, and to punish the witness who shall not attend. I admit it, my lords ; and I admit it not only as a right belonging to this House, but as a right essential to every court of justice, for, without this right, justice could not be administered. But, my lords, was this House sitting as a court of justice (for we must distinguish between our judicial and our legislative capacities) when Mr. Parker was ordered to be taken into custody and brought before this House? If so, at whose suit was Mr. Parker to be ex- amined ? "Where are the records ? Where are the papers of appeal ? Who is the plaintiff, and who is the defendant ? There is nothing like it before your lordships; for if there had, and j\Ir. Parker, in such case, had disobeyed the order of this House, he was not only punishable for his contumacy and contempt, but every magistrate in the kingdom was bound to assist your lordships in having him forthcoming at your lordships' bar. Whereas, 05 it is, every magistrate in the kingdom, is bound by the laio of the land to release Mr. Parker if he he taken into custody by the present order of this House. Nothing can be more true even that in our judicial capacity we have a right to call for evidence at our bar, and to punish the witness if he does not appear. The whole body of the law supports us in this right. But, under the pretext of pris-ilege, to bring a man by force to the bar when we have our remedy at law; to accuse, con- demn, and punish that man at the mere arbitrary will and pleasure of this House, not sitting as a court of justice, it tyranny in the abstract. It is against law ; it is subversive of the co7istitution ; it is incompetent to this House ; and there- fore, my Icrds, thinking, as I do, that this House has no right forcibly to bring any man to its bar but in the dis- charge of its proper functions as a court of judicature, I shall now move your lordships that the body of W. Parker, printer of the General Advertiser , be relieved from the cus- tody of the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, and that COURT OF ENGLAND. 27 the order for the snid Parker being brought to the bar of this IIousG be now discharged. " Before I sit down, I will just observe to yovir lordships that I know that precedents may be adduced in contra- distinction to the doctrine I have laid down. But, my lords. precedents cannot make that legal and constitutional which is, in itself, illegal and unconstitutional. If the precedents OF THIS REIGN ARE TO BE RECEIVED AS TEECEDENTS IN THE NEXT, THE Lord have mercy on those WHO ARE TO COBJR AFTER US " There is one observation more I would make, and it is this : — I would wish noble lords to consider how much it lessens the dignity of this house, to ngitate privileges which you have not power to enforce. It hurts the constitution of Parliament, and, instead of being respected, makes us contemptible. The privilege wliich you cannot exercise— and of right, too — disdain to keep." If the country had been blessed with a majority of such patriots as Lord Abingdon, what misery had been pre- vented ! — what lives had been saved ! Early in the year 1780, meetings of the populace took place in vai-ious parts of the kingdom, and Ministers were boldly accused of having prodigally and wastefuUy spent the public money; while petitions were presented, praying for a correction of abuses in the public expenditure. Riots in many parts of England were the consequences of un- justly continuing wars and taxation, and several hundred people were killed and wounded by the military; while many others forfeited their lives on the scaffold for daring to raise their arms against tyranny. Lord George Gordon was also committed to the Tower on a charge of high trea- son; but no jury of his countrymen could be foiind to consider his undaunted attempt to redress tbe people's grievances as treasonable, and he was, consequently, honourably acquitted. The influence of her Majesty, how- ever, kept" a minister in office, though contrary to the sense of the wisest and best part of the community; and a ruinous war was still permitted to drain the blood and money of the many. War might probably be considered by those in power a legal trade ; but was it not continued for the untenable purpose of avarice? Wo think it was. There did not appear to be any rational hope for reform or re- t»enchment, while men versed in corruption were so en- riched, and had an almost unlimited sway over the councils of the reigning authority. Popular commotion was dreaded ; yet the Ministers could not be prevailed upon to dispel the cause of anxiety by conciliatory measures, by a timely re- dress of grievances, by concession of rights, and by re- formation of abuses. If they had done so, they would have given satisfactory eviden-^ that Government had no other 28 dECRET HISTOBT OP THE object in view than faithfully to discharg^e their duty, by adopting such plans as would really benefit mankind, an«l furnish means to secure the happiness and comfort of all men. In the meantime, much distress was imposed upon the un- fortunate King by the increasing and uncontrollable prodi- gality of some of his children, especially of George. The Queen would not hear of anything to his discredit ; and thus, what little of family comfort remained, was ultimately destroyed. The unrestrained predilections of this youthful prince now became habitual pursuits, and excesses of the most detestable description were not unknown to him. Within the circle of his less nominally illustrious ac- quaintances, every father dreaded the seduction of his child, if she possessed any personal charms, while the mother feared to lose sight of her daughter even for a moment. It is not in our power to give an adequate idea of the number of those families whose happiness he ruined ; but we well, too well, know the number was infamously great. The country gave him credit for being liberal in political principles, and generously disposed for reform. But little of his real character was then known ; his faults, indeed, were named as virtues, and his vices considered as gentlemanly exploits, so that his dissembled appearance was received, by those unacquainted with him, as the sure and /ncontestable mark of a great and noble soul. But, before our pages are concluded, we fear we must, in duty, prove him a widely different character. It is true, his acquaintance with political characters was chiefly amongst "the Whigs." It may also be added that those " Whigs" so particularly intimate with this Prince did not gain much by their con- nexion with him, but finally became as supine and venal as himself. They determined that, as the heir-apparent, he should not be allowed to suffer any deterioration of great- ness, and the principles and practices of so mighty an indi- vidual were considered by them to constitute a suflficient patent for continual imitation. At this period Mr. Dunning moved his famous resolution to the House, with unbending firmness and uncompro- mising fidelity. He said, " The influence of the Crown has increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished." It was carried by a majwity of 233 votes against 215 ; but a second resolution, which was to give effect to the first, was lost by a majority of fifty-one votes. In the year 1781, William Pitt, the second son of the late Lord Chatham, delivered his first speech in the Commons, in favour of the Bill introduced by Mr. Burke, on the sub* ject of reform. Lord North brought forward the Budget on the 7th of March, containing the various items needful for the service COURT OF ENGLAND. 29 of the year. The amount so calculated was twerdy-one millions of money — twelve of which were raised by loans, the terms being very high. From this bold imposition upon the public purse and credit, the Ministry were much lowered in public opinion. During this year the brave General Washington struck the decisive blow which afterwards gave liberty to his countrymen. He kept General Clinton at New York, la constant alarm, and then suddenly appeared before York Town in full force, and obtained a grand victory over Lord Cornwallis, who was there with his army. The American war consequently became more unpopular than ever ; and, shortly after the meeting of Parliament, in March, 1782, a resolution was moved, and passed witliout a division, de- claring that the House of Commons would consider as enemies to his Majesty and the country all who should advise the prosecution of offensive war in North America. Shortly after. Lord North resigned, and the Marquis of Eockingham was placed at the head of the new Adminis- tration. Amongst the promotions at this time was Mr. Dunning, who, at her Majesty's request, was created BaroD Ashburton, and also Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. A treaty of peace was now entered into with General Washington, and Sir Guy Carleton was deputed to conduct the happy affair. In the beginning of July, the unexpected death of the Marquis of Eockingham threw the whole Cabinet into ex- treme disorder; and another resignation of Ministers took place, on which Mr. Pitt was constituted Chancellor of the Exchequer, although only twenty-three years of age. Lord Shelburne accepted the office of Premier, at the request of the King, which gave great offence to Mr. Fox and the Duke of Portland, who resigned. The country was little benefited by this change, as the money required for the service of the year was more than twenty-four millions, of which thirteen had to be raised by loans. In November, the provisional articles of peace were signed at Paris between the Commissioners of England and those of the United States. The Shelburne party were obliged to retire in 1783,. having by their arbitrary measures drawn upon themselves- general displeasure throughout the country. Much sur- prise was created at the unexpected coalition of Lord NortK and Mr. Fox, which was the natural result of the pressing care of the Prince, to whom the Queen had confidentially- entrusted his father's breach of the law in the solemniza- Hon of his marriage with herself. The Queen, in fact, used the Prince's influence to prevail on Mr. Fox to join Lord North, as he was well informed upon all the circumstances of the King's first marriage. Altuough the political senti- 80 SECRET HI8TOBT OF THB ments of these gentlemen were opposed, it -w as representee^ as a safe line of conduct to ensure the tranquillity of the kiTigdom. Thus, again, was every portion of truth sacrificed to the will of the Queen. This year the King agreed that the heir-apparent should receive fifty thousand pounds per annum, and sixty thou- sand pounds to equip him suitably to his dignity. In the meantime it became a public fact that the Prince had so deeply involved himself in debt as to be mean enough to resort, through the medium of others, to borrow money (of various amounts) of his tradespeople ! Before the conclusion of this year the Whig and Tory Ministry were ejected, to the entire satisfaction of nearly every individual in the nation, who despised such an unholy alliance of opposite principles. Mr. Pitt was now made " First Lord of the Treasury," which was a change very satisfactory to her Majesty, as, from the youth of the new "Premier," she augured her likely influence over the political hemisjihere to be in- creased. It was well known that her Majesty did not like any of the Prince's associates, more especially Messrs. Fox and Sheridan. Mr. Burke was not supposed to be so in- formed upon all subjects ; and, though much in the neces- sary confidence of the Prince, the Queen presumed it was chiefly in procuring pecuniary accommodation. It was not until an after period that the whole tmth was stated to her by the Prince. New taxes alone could furnish means for the immense ad- ditional annuities now imposed upon the country ; and thus were sums for every succeeding jtr'ar's demand increased. At this period, the Prince of Wales and his next brother were associated in dissipation of every kind. Their love of gaming was proverbial, and their excess of indulgence in voluptuousness soon exhausted the income allowed them by the country. Their caprices were various, but those of the Prince were most strikingly evinced in his abruptly de- clining his engagements with the celebrated Mrs. Robinson. His usual plan was, when fascinated by the appearance of a new object, to exert every nerve to possess it. Presents, accompanied by the highest eulogiums and protestations of eternal love and constancy, were always pressed upon the acceptance of the intended victim ; and thus, by apparent devotion and unconquerable passion, many were the delu- sions he practised, and the outrages he committed, upon the unsuspecting virtue of woman. Had a plebeian committed but one act similar to those in which the Prince was so frequently the princij^al character, his life must have atoned for his fault, and a destitute family, in consequence, been plunged into distraction. Burt, because the Prince was of such high-reputed family. COURT OF ENGLAND. 31 he must, forsooth, be accounted a noble-minded gentleman : and, instead of exposition and punishment, the venal and hired press of the day launched out into the most fulsome eulogiums of his graceful, all-attracting elegance of style and manners, without even speaking of the infamy of his amours, intrigues, and debaucheries. Some wnters, alas ! are so fearful of speaking the truth, lest they should offend the side they have espoused, or the inclinations and political principles of those by whom they are likely to be read, that they almost persuade themselves there is a sort of impropriety in presenting facts in their proper colours. But is it not beneath the dignity of the press to act in so cowardly a manner ? In the year 1781 (notwithstanding the dreadfully enor- mous weight of the National Debt, borrowed by the Ministers upon nominal annuities, for which large interest was given), the King was again solicited to assist the Prince, in order that his debts might be discharged. This request was refused, and Messrs. Fox and Sheridan ad- vocated the subject to no purpose. During this year, much public display of talent was made in the House. Mr. Pitt was now fully and entirely in her Majesty's "confidence," and he well knew, if "the system" were to be continued, war must be carried on, and oppres- sion would increase, rather than decrease. While engaged in a private interview with the Queen, Mr. Pitt submitted his opinion upon the extravagance and improper pursuits of the Prince, adding, "I much fear, your Majesty, in his delirium of debauchery, some expressions may escape him to the injury of the Crown !" — " No," answers the Queen, •' he is too well aware of the consequences to himself, if that transpire ; so on that point I can rely upon him." — " Is your Majesty aware," said Mr. Pitt, " that at this time the Prince is engrossed by a fair beauty ? and I believe, from good authority, I may say, intends to marry her ? He is now so much embarrassed, that, at the suggestion of a trusty friend (Sheridan) he borrows large amounts from a Jew, who resides in town, and gives his bonds for much larger amounts than he receives. By this means, he is actually involved in debt to the amount of above a million of money ; and the interest and principal must, some day, be honourably discharged, or else he must never ascend the throne, as the dishonour would cause him eternal disgrace, if not an abdication." I'ruly, this was a fine pictui'e of England's future monarch ! In the year 1785, Mr. Pitt caused prosecutions to be issued and enforced, to check the rising spirit of the Irish, as they appeared determined to press onward until they received reform in the representation ; and, in order to divert the exasperated feelings oi the people of England, as he stood 32 8KCRET HISTORY OF THB deeply pledged to the reformers, as a man and a minister, to bring in a " Bill to amend the representation of the peo- ple," he moved, April 18th, for leave to bring it forward for the consideration of the House. His plan was to transfer the right of election from thirty-six rotten boroughs, to the counties and principle (principal?) unrepresented towns, allowing a pecuniary compensation to the owners of the dis- enfranchised boroughs, and to extend the right of voting for knights of the shires to copyholders. This Minister suffered his motion to be negatived by 248 against 194 Had there been honesty on the part of the Minister towards the people, unfettered by any State secrets, he would have been prepared to meet the numerous opposers ; but he found himself unable to serve the cause of liberty and slavery at the same time, and so, to save his word of pro- mise, he did bring in "the Bill," when he well knew it waa impossible to carry it, under t)ie then existing corruptions. In the farce here played, under the management of that youthful renegade, Pitt, we have a fair specimen of the way in which the English have bcjn treated. But there is a time rapidly approaching when the supporters of des- potism cannot thus delude their countrymen. The whole oest of Court sycophants, however, seem determined rather to see England reduced to a state of the most grievous bondage, than imagine one of their own ill-gotten acres endangered, or the least of their absui'd and exclusive pri- vileges called in question. But are such creatures, their imagined interests, and affected opinions, to triumph over the views oi the most virtuous patriots and wisest men of the present age ? Forbid it, Justice ! The year 1786 was ushered in under some peculiar cir- •cumstances of distress and alarm. The King was evidently declining in health, and strong signs of imbecility were apparent. He positively refused to see the Prince upon the subject of his debts, and was otherwise much distracted at the recollection of various impositions upon the public, -which might have been avoided, if, in the moment of ne- cessity, he had explained himself fully to the nation, and pressed for an amelioration of all unnatural and uncivilized Acts of Parliament, detrimental to the peace, welfare, and happiness of the Sovereign and the subject. In July, the Prince was so beset with appeals from his numerous creditors, that, partly to silence them, and partly to induce the House to pay his long-standing arrears of bon'owed money, he announced his intention to give up hiB establishment, and, out of his annual income of fifty thousand pounds, to i-eserve ten thousand, and appropriate €orty thousand for the benefit of his creditors. In the early part of this year the Prince was married <» Mrs. Fitzherbert. Messrs. Fox, Sheridan, and Burke COURT OF ENGLAND. 33 ■were present upon the occasion, as also were some of the relatives of the bride. After the ceremony Mr. Fox handed them into a carriage, and they di'ove to Eichmond, where they spent some days. In the interim the Queen was made acquainted with the marriage. Her Majesty requested an audience with the Prince, which was immediately complied ■with. The Queen insisted on being told if the news of his marriage were correct. " Yes, madam," replied he, "and not any force under heaven shall separate us. If his Ma- jesty had been as firm in acknowledging his marriage, he might now have enjoyed life instead of being a misan- thrope, as he ia. But I beg, further, that my wife be re- ceived at Court, and proportionately as your Majesty re- ceives her and pays her attention from this time, so shall I render my attentions to your Majesty. The lady I have married is worthy of all homage ; and my very confidential friends, with some of my wife's relations, only witnessed ovu* marriage. Have you not always taught me to consider myself heir to the first sovereignty in the world ? Where, then, will exist any risk of obtaining a ready concurrence ifrom the House in my marriage ? I hope, madam, a few houra' reflection will satisfy you that I have done my doty in following this impulse of my inclinations, and therefore I wait j'our Majesty's commands, feeling assured you would not wish to blast the happiness of your favourite Prince." The Queen presumed it would prove her best policy to signify her acquiescence to the Prince's wishes, and the interview terminated without any furtUer explanation or remonstrance ; nevertheless, the substance of the interview was immediately communicated to Mr. Pitt. The extrava- gant expenditure of the Prince at this period was so in- creased, that he frequently promised cent, per cent, for advances of cash ! The Duke of Richmond, this year, pro- posed to erect fortifications all over England ! Monstrous as this attempt to enslave the country must appear, the power of Pitt brought the division of the House of Cc^m- mons on the IJill exactly even, so that the Speaker was obliged, by his conscience, to give his casting vote against ■BO disastrous an affair ! The establishment of a sinking fund was next brought forward ; and on a surplus of taxes appearing, amounting to Nine Hundred Thousand Pounds^ new taxes were levied, on the plea of making up this sum One Million, which, with compound interest, was to be invariably applied to the reduction of the ISiational Debt. In the year 1787 the Queen received the wife of the Prince (Mrs. Fitzherbcrt) in the most courteous manner in public. The mental illness of the King became more appa- rent to those around him, but it was not spoken of publicly. In April, Mr. Newnhara, member for the City of London, gave notice that he should bring forward a motion, the B 34 SECRET HISTORY OF THE intent of which was, " To address the King, in order to pro- cure his approbation to relieve the Prince of Wales from aI3 emban-assments of a pecuniary natm-e !" to which he hoped the House would cordially agree. This announcement created much conversation, as well it might, and Mr. Newn- ham was earnestly solicited to withdraw his motion, lest its results should do injury to the State, and be productive of other inconvenience and mischief. The Minister (Pitt) said, " that if Mr. Newnham persevered in pressing his motion upon the notice of the House, he should be driven to make disclosures of circumstances which otherwise he be- lieved it to be his imperative duty to conceal." Mr. Rolle, member for Devonshire, considered that an investigation of this matter involved many questions of consequence, which would affect both Church and State. Messrs. Fox and Sheridan, with some other private acquaintances of the Prince, were bold in their language, and replied that "the Prince did not fear any investigation of his conduct, and that respect or indulgence, by an affected tenderness or studied ambiguity, woiild be disagreeable to the wishes and feelings of his Eoyal Highness !" A few days after this debate, Mr. Fox called the attention of the House to the strange and extraordinary language used by Mr. Rolle, saying, "that he presumed those remarks were made in reference to the loose and malicious calumny which had been propagated out of doors by the enemies of the Prince, in order to depreciate his character, and injure him in the opinion of the country." Mr. Rolle replied to this by saying that " though the marriage could not have been accomplished under the formal sanction of the law, yet if it existed as a fact, it ought to be satisfactorily cleared up, lest the most alarming consequences should bb the result." Mr. Fox, in reply, said, " that he not only denied the calumny in question, with respect to the effect of certain existing laws, but he also denied the marriage in toto ;" adding, " though he well knew the matter was illegal under every form of statute provided, yet he took that opportunity to assert it never did happen." Mr. Rolle again asked, " Do you, sir, speak from direct or indirect autho- EiTT ?" Mr. Fox replied, " From direct authoritt." The House was now anxious that Mr. Rolle should express his satisfaction ; but he positively and • deter minately re- fused," as he wished every member of the House to judok for himself." Now, mark the result. Mr. Sheridan (the bottle-companion of the Prince) rose, and declared, warmly, "That if Mr. Rolle would not be satisfied, or put the matter into some train for his further satisfaction, his opinion was, the House ought to resolve that it was seditious and dis- loyal to propagate reports injurious to the Prince." But notice Mr. Pitt's reply, who rose and protested against an COURT OF ENGLAND. 35 attack on the freedom of speecli in that House. Mr. Pitt, indeed, would do no less than stop the inquiry ; for, if it had proceeded to any greater length, the legitimact of the Prince might have been doubted. The Prince again souglit advice to shield himself from his variouB opponents, whose impertinent yet honest ex- pressions might prove an alloy to his character, and render void all his pretensions to even common honesty. His Royal Higness deigned to consult some persons of conse- quence; but he could not receive any advice equal to hia wishes. At length he saw the Queen, and partly explained his difBculties and debts, concluding his remarks by these threatening words : — " Unless the King suggests his desirb for the payment of these debts, I will explain all this State mystery, and I would receive a shot from a musket in preference to the galling insults which I well know the kingdortis infer from these shameful arrears." Again the State secrets operated. Again was Truth to be hidden in a napkin. The Prince retired from the audience; but the Queen was no sooner disengaged, than Mr. Pitt was announced and introduced. The interview was short but decisive, and the Minister departed on a mission to the Prince at Carlton House. There he promised that his RoyftJ Highness should immediately receive means to discharge his debts ; and, accordingly, on the very next day, a mes- sage was laid before the House, and an address voted to the King, to request Lim to grant out of the "Civil List" the sum of one hundred and sixty-one thousand pounds to discharge the debts of George, called Prince of Wales, with an additional sum of f.wenty thousand pounds to finish the repairs of Carlton Palace. When this infamous proposition was made, distress and wretchedness were at an alarming height. But the King was more an object of pity than of blame. Royalty, to him, was a deceitful bauble. Those who beheld it at a distance saw nothing but greatness, splendour, and delight; but could they have examined it closely, they would have found toil, perplexity, and care its constant companions. The King was now fast exchanging the bloom of youth for the languor of age. He knew his duty was to repress calumny and falsehood, and to support innocence and truth ; and not only to abstain from doing evil, but to exert himself in every way to do good, by preventing the mischiefs evil counsellors might devise. Yet the State secrets kept him from acting as his heart dictated, and his mind soon lost all its vigour. The Prince, from this time, was sure of the attainment of his wishes, if witnin the power of the Queen to bestow; and, from this conquest, he gave loose rein to the impetuous desires of his wayward inclinations. Splendid f6tes werfl 36 SECRET HIBTOET OF THE given t money was lavished upon tt-e most insignificant an3 most indecorous occasions ; virtue openly insulted in every possible shape ; and the man, who was expected shortly to reign over the destiny of millions, was frequently exhibited to his friends as an ukprincipled libertine, a notorious GAMESTER, AND AN UNGRATEFUii SON. But the rank of royal distinction, and the means he possessed to gratify his lusts (being devoid of all positive integrity on many points), were sufficient causes of excuse in the estimation of himself and nis minions. His graceful bow and ensnaring address led many good-natured people into a belief that he was really an honest man and a gentleman ! From the commencement of the year 1788, the King's health declined. His mind appeared full of gloomy appre- hensions and forebodings ; sometimes he uttered the most incoherent language ; and then, dissolving in tfears, would ask after the health of the several members of his family, and especially of his youngest daughter, to whom he was more particularly attached. This state of aberration was, however, strictly concealed from the public as long as pos- sible by the Queen. Here, again, mark her German policy I Fearing she could not much longer conceal the King's in- disposition, she determined to consult her favourite Minis- ter, and they resolved upon a proposition to give to the Queen's care the charge of his Majesty's person, presuming that step was finally needful, as by its adoption only could she retain an opportunity of exercising complete control over her afflicted husband ! On the reassembling of Par- liament, therefore, the project of the Queen was brought forward by Pitt, who, possessing a decided majority, passed what resolutions he pleased. He contended, in opposition to Fox, that the Prince of Wales had no more right to the regency than he had. The debates upon this subject were long and warm; but Pitt and the Queen finally triumjihed. The care of the King's person and the disposition of the royal household was to be committed to her Majesty, who would, by this means, be vested with the patronage of four hundred places, amongst which were the great offices of Lord Steward, Lord Chamberlain, and Master of the Horse ! These "loaves and fishes" offered the Queen a fine opportunity of exercising her tyranny, and further increasing her power. Let us her* digress a little, to reflect upon the enviable state in which her Majesty was placed at this period. Behold, then, the Queen of England, in the enjoyment of health, surrovmded with all the luxuries of life, knowing the intricacies of State infamy, and anxious to hold the reins of government in her own hands, constantly closeted with the Minister — alone! his years not half so many as COURT OF knglawd. 37 those of his royal mistress ! See lier confiding in his secrecy, submitting her opinions tor his decision, and knowing that herself and her family are in his power ! The man who, after this retrospect, pronounces there never was a false step or a deviation from rectitude, we venture to say i-s but very little acquainted with humanity ! It is also well known to more than one or two individuals that the Prince of Wales dared to jest with her Majesty upon the occasional ^private interviews she held with this Minister; and his Koyal Highness was once seriously sent from her presence in consequence of a tkiflinq discoveky lie made. It there- fore seemed the more requisite that the appearance of a rigid decorum must exist at Court ; consequently, if any lady had been known to violate tlmse bounds, she must be excluded from royal favour, and never again enter the pre- cincts of the palace ! Her Majesty, it will be perceived from this, knew how to put on the garb of virtue, if she possessed it not ! Our love of impartiality, however, obliges us to give an instance contrary to the general edict of the Queen. Her Majesty was made fully acquainted with Mrs. Fitzherbert's history, and therefore knew that this lady had been left a widow twice ; and that she afterwards accepted the protection of the Marquis Bellois, which intimacy was of considerable duration. Yet, as soon as the Prince married her, she was a general visitant at Court, and received the most especial and unlimited polite attentions from the Queen. Let this example suffice to show her Majesty's scrupulous delicacy ! In March, 1789, the King was declared convalescent, so as to be able to resume his duties, and defeat those air-drawn schemes of power which his Queen was about to assume. The insulted Sovereign thus freed the people, for a time, from the artful stratagems and devices arising from the charnel-house of oppression. It is certain that his Majesty was free from all violent paroxysms, and generally manifested a quiet and unobtru- sive disposition in all things. But, then, this was the utmost of his improvement. Reason's empire was fatally shook (shaken ?), and the recollection of the past incapa- citated him for forming an opinion either upon the present or the future. The Queen, in the meantime, resolved not to be entirely debarred of her prospects of patronage; for, under the specious disguise of kingly authority, her Majesty gave appointments and honours to the hirelings around her, and carried " majorities " whenever she pleasad. It was not deemed prudent that the King should open the House in person ; therefore the Chancellor delivered the speech in the name of his Majesty. During this session Mr. AVilberforce pleaded ably for the 38 SECRET HISTORT OF THE abolition of West Indian slavery, though to very littla advantage. Some excesses of an unhappy description were practised by the Duke of York ; but they were passed over without any public punishment, or parental rebuke, although a family of high respectability suffered the loss of their only daughter — a most beautiful and accomplished girl, nearly iwenty years of age. She was a victim of the Duke's sensuality, and destroyed herself by poison soon afterwards, such were the extreme sentiments of honour and virtue en- tertained by her. Some of her family still live to moui-n her loss, and regret the privileges of royalty ! In this year a revolution broke out in Fi'ance, and innu- uerable lives were lost. The opposite views which Burke and Fox took of this event dissolved the friendship that had so long existed between them. In February, 1790, the printer of tbe Times newspaper «vas fined ONE hundred p unds for a libel on the Prince of Wales, and the like sum for a libel on the equally illus- trious seducer, the Duke of York. If a verdict had been given otherwise, royalty would have been humbled. In this year a most remarkable occurrence transpired. A very respectable clergyman was induced to marry two per- sons upon an extreme emergency, without their obtaining a license or the publishing of banns. The clergyman waa tried at Leicester for this offence, and sentenced to be transported for fourteen years ! Many appeals were made, in a quiet and peaceable manner, to the judge. Expostula- tions upon the disproportion of the punishment were also made by various classes of society ; but, alas ! the happi. ness of the subject was destroyed, while the higher autho- rities remained, not only unimpeached, but defended. During this session, the House was solicited to supply extra sums for the expenditure of the secret service, to which, however, many voices were raised in opposition. The Prince and his former friends and companions were now apparently in a state of disunion, as each one appeared ^ dissatisfied with the other. Mr. Fox proved the most unremitting member of the House in the discharge of his duties, opposing the increase of the National Debt and the imposition of new taxes. The salary of the Speaker of the House of Commons, however, was advanced to six thousand pounds, remonstrance prov- ing of no avail. About this time the Prince and two of his brothers be- came 80 embarrassed by their imprudent conduct, that they found it expedient to resort to some measure for the obtain- ment of means tc satisfy the clamorous demands of their creditors. Jews and money-brokers were tried, but to no effect ; and their last resource seemed to be by obtaining COURT OF ENGLAND. 39 the amount desired upon their respective or joint bonds. Every Hkely person was solicited to grant the loan ; yet, after a long and mortifying attempt, all their endeavours proved fruitless. A large interest was offered, and had the parties been persons of indubitable integrity, many of their countrymen would have gladly lent their money upon such terms ; but former inaccuracies paved the way for future misgivings. At length the sum was furnished, from foreign houses chiefly, — the amount of which was One Million ! ! ! The Princes received nearly half a million immediately, and the other portion was to be paid according to the stipu- lation, — the interest being fixed at six per cent. This interest however, was not paid upon its becoming due; consequently, there was a suspicion of unfair dealing ; but of this subject we must treat anon. A trifling dispute with Spain this year cost the country Three Hundred Thousand Pounds. The year 1791 was a period of continued debate and of harassing vexation, both • at home and abroad. In the meanwhile, the Prince was engrossed in his pursuits of pleasure, ever searching after variety in every posssible shape. Such also were the pursuits of his royal brothers. It now becomes our painful duty to speak of the Females of this " Illustrious Family." It is one of the unnatural distinctions of royalty, and which is often fatal to the happiness of society, that their ways are not the ways of the other sons and daughters of humanity. Though royal blood is not of itself considered a barrier against marriage, the very few persons who are eligible to marry a king's daughter, besides the insurmount- able difficulties which religion opposes to such unions, makes them almost amount to absolute exclusion. It would argue a callous heart not to feel tlie force of the above reflection, while speaking of the royal daughters of Queen Charlotte. They were at this period in the bloom of youth, in all the glowing exuberance of health ; but from the real enjoyment of which the miserable etiquette of regal splen- dour, and the feigned prudery of their mother, debarred them. In the full meridian of their state, possessing every exterior advantage calculated to excite vulgar envy and admiration, these royal ladies were less blessed in reality than the daughters of peasants, who were free to marry the men of their choice. When this secluded state of royalty is considered, the reflecting mind will feel disposed to exeicise chaiity and forbearance ; but the subjects of our present notice partook of rather more of female frailty than ought to have been allowed. We have heard, indeed, of the uiost desperate excesses committed by royal ladies, and are ourselves acquainted with an accoucheur who officiated under a circumstance of a lamentable kind. 40 SECRET HISTORY OF THB Independent of the bieth op Captain Garth, alas! were the crimes of the Court of Charlotte but painted in their true colours, how would Virtue blush ! — how would Honesty be abashed ! — how would Credulity be staggered ! The slightest deviation from honour in a tradesman's daughter is generally punished by eternal disgrace ! _ For the present, we must leave these very painful reflections, though we fear the truth wiU compel us to renew the subject. The revenue was, as usual, unequal to meet the extrava- gances of the royal family, and so was added, every succeed- ing year, an increase to the already immense national DEBT. The Queen became now much disturbed by the dissatis- faction so generally expressed by all classes of society, and she therefore resolved to give the Minister her opinion upon the subject. Mr. Pitt accordingly presented himself, and was i-eceived with courteous attention. The Queen ex- pressed her fears of an ill ultimatum, unless some plan could be proposed to satisfy the desires of the people. After various propositions were made and rejected, it was deemed prudent to resist any and every motion which might be made in the Commons for reform in the State, or repre- sentation, and to rule over the people by force, if found needful. The House met early in the year 1792, and the King announced the marriage of his second son, Frederick, with a daughter of the King of Prussia. In March Mr. Pitt proposed to settle ^30,000 per annum upon their Royal Highnesses ! The Opposition remonstrated, but the motion was finally carried. Much interest was excited upon the subject of the slave trade, and Mr. Wilberforce urged the abolition of it very strongly, in warm and generous language. Mr. Pitt was eloquent on this occasion, and pleaded most animatedly in favour of its entire abolition; but the Minister was not sincere. A series of resolutions were ultimately agreed upon, and sent np to the Lords for their concurrence. The Duke of Clarence now commenced his parliamentary career, by violently declaiming against the abolition of slavery and its advocates. This caused it to be delayed, and the guilt of Britain increased. The Queen appeared vexed at this circumstance, as she had imagined such a concession would have given great satisfaction, without decreasing her influence at home. In a private conversation with an illustrious person, some days after this defeat, Mr. Wilberforce said, " He did not believe the Queen or the Minister were truly desiroiis of the abolition of slavery, for, if it had been intended by them to be carried, they would have secured it in the Upper House." COURT OF ENGLAND. 41 After thus trifling with the wishes of tba people, it ap- peared probable that dissatisfaction might arise amongst the middle classes of society ; to provide against which the establishment of a new police for Westminster was proposed and carried. The year 1793 commenced with the usual aspects, and power appeared to have had a hardening influence upon the minds of statesmen. The crisis seemed near, that some salutary and healing measure of reform in the state of the representation must be adopted ; for it was imprudent any longer to be silent on the subject. Mr. Gray, therefore, moved the question in the House, on the 30th of April, and was supported ably by Mr. Ei-?ki-ne and others; but the Minister (Mr. Pitt) repelled the motion, and spoke as warmly for its withdrawal as he had formerly spoken in its defence and of its necessity. The result was prejudicial to the rights and privileges of fi-ee-born men; the motion was dismissed, and a royal proclamation issued against aU seditious writings and correspondences, plainly proving that the Crown needed the aid of spies and informers, in order to continue its baneful influence over a deluded and degraded people. Thus was an attempt to obtain justice defeated by a combination of overbearing tyranny and oppression ; and thus was the " State automaton " moved at pleasure by the secret spings of Court intrigue and in- famy, regulated by the Queen ! One extreme generally leads to another, and so, by degrees, the freedom of the con- stitution was changed to tyrannical fetters, under the assumed title of "improvement in our code of laws," whilst distress continued, and expostulation, as usual, proved fruitless. Mr. Pitt, at this time, through a private channel, com- municated his desire to see Mr. Canning, who of course, promptly attended. The Premier complimented Mr. Can- ning on his reputation as a scholar and a speaker, and stated that, if he concurred in the policy which Govern- ment was then pui'suing, arrangements would be made to bring him into Parliament. These few words will briefly explain to future generations the manner of introducing members to Parliament by this Minister. Previous to this honourable offer Mr. Canning belonged to what was then termed " the Opposition faction," and amongst those who were the most violent in their opinions, he had been considered and spoken of as their pro^gr^. But a seat in Parliament from the hands of a Prime Minister who, however haughty and reserved in his general man- ners, had perhaps for that very reason a peculiar power iu fixing himself in the minds of those whom he wished to please, was a tempting offer to a young man conscious of superior talent, but rendered by his situation iu life agree- 42 BECEET HISTORY OF THB ably alive to sncli flattering and powerful notice. Oiir readers will hardly feel surprised, then, at his after vacil- lating conduct, which we shall have occasion frequently to notice. The Prince of "Wales now veered in his political expres- sions, and deserted his former acknowledged principles in obedience to the wishes of the Queen. The other male branches of the royal family were revelling in the vortex of voluptuousness, and so expensive were their amours and gallantries, in addition to their gambling transactions, that they were continually involved in debt, and, for momentary relirif, borrowed sums of every person willing to run the risk of a loan or afraid to incur the royal displeasure. The King was ignorant of the most dishonourable transac- tions in which his sons were so deeply involved ; what he did know was siif&cient to make him miserable. Their sup- plies and income were to an enormous extent; yet his Majesty was aware that the Duke of York's horses and carriages were seized while going down Piccadilly, and his Royal Highness obliged to walk home ! Declaration of hostilities was announced between Great Britain and France, and the year's supply amounted to TWENTY MILLIONS. To provide this emormous sum, extra taxes were again levied upon the people. "We enter upon the year 1794 with sorrow and indigna- tion, as it was the commencement of an all-important era in the national affairs. The King beheld the critical state of the emjiire with much sorrow and disquietude. The extravagant and imprudent conduct of his sons also acted as a canker on his heart. In vain did he endeavour to represent to them that to be worthy of holding their rank in such a great nation they ought to lay aside the foUies which had so long been practised by them; and as earnestly, yet as vainly, did he press them to retire from the society of voluptuous acquaintances, with whom he too well knew they were so deeply involved in various ways. At this period of our history we are gi'ieved to record the tyrannical acts of Government in apprehending a number of persons on the charge of treason. Some of our readers will, doubtless, recollect the gloriox;s acquittal of Hardy, Tooke, and Thelwall ; but there were others less fortunate. We would rather have been Claudius, or Caligula, Nero, Tiberius, or the Christian, blood-stained Constantino, tkan the man who, in cold blood, could deliberately sign a war- rant against those patriotic ma^ttyrs, Muir, ScrRviNG, MoR- GAROT, Palmer, and Gerald, ^ liose only crime consisted in having supported Mr. Pitt's own original system of reform ! Our readers, at this distance of time, will reflect with amazement and indignation that, on the 9th of February, 1794, the foirr first-named citizens, without a moment's pre COURT OF BNGLAND. 43 vious notice, were sixrprised in their beds by the Newgate ruffians, chained and handcuffed like the vilest felons, and thus conveyed to Woolwich, where they were sent on board a transport ready to receive them. A few hours afterwards, the vessel dropped down the river ; but during the short interval it remained at Woolwich all communication was cut off between them and their friends. Even the wife of Morgarot was denied admission to him ! Such were th» positive orders of that illiberal and corrupt Minister, Mr. Henry Dundas. Let us hope that the day is for ever past when men can be thus treated for merely giving vent to their plaints and sufferings. It is the prerogative of affliction to complain, more sacred and natural than any titles or immunities which privileged persons enjoy. And whatever force is employed against argument and reason, though the contest may be unequal, depend upon it that the cause of truth ^vill ultimately prevail. At this period, the Prince of Wales was involved in uiore than six hundred thousand pounds, besides bonds and bills, signed by him, to a very enormous amount; and, find- ing himself unable to procure any ".arther sums, he applied to the Queen for assistance in this extremity. Her Majesty referred him to his father, and pressed him to yield to any advice which the King might suggest, or any plan he might recommend. A time was appointed for an interview, and the father and son entered upon these very distressing and dishonour able transactions. After much deliljeration the King ob served " that it was utterly impossible to ask Parliament for any relief, as it was all the Minister could do now to keep the wheels of State in mction ; and, even to do that, it required immense loans to be raised to make up the de- ficiency of the year's current expenses." As a last resource, the King proposed that the Prince should marry, and that a lady of royal birth be selected as agreeable to the inclina- tions of the Prince as possible. Upon such an event the Minister would, no doubt, furnish means for his liberation, and a sufficient income for the additional expenses at- tendant upon such an alliance. The Prince received the opinion of his father with varied sensations, and requested time to think upon the proposition, when he would an- nounce the result of his cogitations. Alas ! how much are kings to be pitied ! If their princi pies and intentions be virtuous, what difficulties have they to surmount — what sorrows to endure ! This was a trying period for George the Third. On the one hand, he saw the impropriety and cruelty of marriage merely for State policy, and more particularly so in the present instance, as he con- sidered the Prince's marriage with Mrs. Fitzherbert solemn 44 SECRET HISTORY OF THB and binding in the sight of Heaven, though, certainly, in direct opposition to the la:-v of the country which was in operation at the time it was solemnized. On the other hand, it appeared that a royal marriage was an event that would give great satisfaction to the people, and might, per- haps, reclaim the Prince fi-om those considerable errors and obnoxious pursuits in which he was so deeply entangled; for he associated with seme of the most unprincipled characters, of whom any person of morality or common decency would, certainly, have been ashamed. Here again the gewgaw of royal parade was intended to entrap the admiration of the ignorant. The vain pomp and pageantries of courts, and the splendour of fortune, have ever been an ignis fatuus to seduce the people to their ruin. They have, alas ! too often served as a useful shelter to every excess of folly, every enormity of crime ; while the deepest distresses, and the most urgent wants, have not been allowed as an extenuation for the slightest transgres- sion, though committed to satisfy the craving exigencies of famished nature. Had a imvate individual acted as this Prince was about to do, would he not have become an out- cast from his family, and would not the whole world have abandoned him ? Yet, although the Prince's example was a thousand times more contagious, all the breaches of faith of which he had been guilty, scarcely received the slightest animadversion ! Bat so it was; common interest united even those who were disunited by particular discordances, and the seeming harmony of the royal family may undoubtedly be inferred to have arisen from their equal interest in the success of the piece. Their private differences were apparently lost in the immensity of the secrets by which the State chain was riveted, as if it were adamant. "We must not suppose his Majesty was all this time igno- rant of the situation of his nephew, the only child of his brother Edward ; so far from that being the case, he had caused him to be brought up privately, and was regular in the discharge of the yearly expenses incurred on his account at Eton. The Queen presumed that her children were safely seated, so long as the King's first marriage should be concealed, and therefore did not bestow many thoughts upon the happiness or misery, fortune or misfortune, life or death, of tliat much injured youth. Does not nature revolt at this barbarity, this secret unfeeling conduct of the Queen? What mother could know a similar case, and not aiford all the generous tenderness of sympathy to mitigate the losses this orphan had sustained, not only of fortune, but of the fostering care of both his parents ? The complicated wickedness of the Court seemed now nearly approaching its climax. Deception had been added COURT OP ENQIiAND. 46 to deception, until, to complete tlie deli>sion, another victim must necessarily be added in the person of the PriDcess Caroline of Brunswick. After conferences with Mrs. Fitzherbert, the Queen, and a few others closely interested in the affair, had taken place, the Prince acquainted his father with his submission to the royal will, and requested to know whom his Majesty would recommend for his bride. The King suggested his niece, the daughter of his sister, the Duchess of BruDi- wick, for whose acceptance he urged the Prince to send h'8 miniature, and other formalities, usual on such occasions. The Prince, with apparent vivacity, acquiesced ; but his Majesty thought that his son's language wanted sincerity. The evening was spent in revelry and debauchery by the Prince and his companions, and his Koyal Highness swore, " I will marry the Princess of Brunswick — which," said he, " will be no marriage at all — and desert her, of which I will give her timely notice." The miniature was painted flat- teringly, and the following letter from the Prince accom- panied it to his intended wife : — Copy of a letter written to the Princess Caroline of Brunswicl by George, Prince of Wales. " Madam, — "The King, my father, whom I highly respect and esteem, has just announced to me that your hand is destined for me. I am obliged by the imperious force of circum- stances to own that this intelligence has thrown me into despair, and my candour does not allow me to conceal my sentiments from you. I hope that when you are acquainted with them, you will aid me in breaking the ties which would unite us only to render us unhappy ; and which will be in your power to oppose, since I am unable to do so. Yovi, madam, are adored by your parents; I am aware that they have allowed you the liberty of refusing all the princes who have been proposed to you in marriage ; refuse me also, I conjure you in the name of pity, to which I know you are no stranger. You do not know me, madam; you, therefore, can have no caiise to lament my loss. Learn, then, the secret and unhappy situation of the Prince whom they wish you to espouse. I cannot love you ; I cannot make you happy ; my heart has long ceased to be free. She who possesses it is the only woman to whom I could unite myself agi-eebly to my inclinations. You would find in me a hus- band who placed all his affections upon another. If this secret, which I name to you in confidence, does not cause you to reject me ; if ambition, or any other motive of which I am ignorant, cause you to condescend to the ar- rangements of my family, learn that, as soon as you shall have given an heir to the throne I will abandon you, never 46 BECBET HISTORY OF THK to meet you more in public. I will then attach myself to that lady whom I love, and whom I will not leave. Such is, madam, my last and irrevocable resolution ; if you are the victim of it, you will oe a willing victim, and you cannot accuse m-e of having deceived you. " I am, madam, " With great truth, " Yours sincerely, " George P." After reading this very curious epistle, the reader may presume that the Princess was indiscreet in her acceptance of the hand of a Prince who so boldly professed himself averse to the union ; but the following letters of George the Third to herself and her mother (the King's sister), which accompanied the one of the Prince, will afford some explanation of her conduct : — Copy of a letter to Caroline, Princess of Bi-unswick, from her uncle, George the Third. "1794, " My dearest Niece Caroline, — " It has afforded me very much pleasure to hear, by the means of my son Frederick of York, that you merit my very best regard. I have no doubt you have frequently heard of my very great and affectionate regard for your dear mother, my sister, and I assure you I love her daughter for her sake. I am well persuaded that my dear niece will not refuse the pressing request of myself and her mother, with respect to an alliance with my son George, Prince of Wales, which I earnestly desire may be arranged to take place as speedily as possible. I promise, most solemnly promise, that I will be your friend and father upon every occasion, and I entreat you to comply with this ardent desire of my heart, that my agitated mind may once more be composed. " I have explained to my sister the probable difficulties which my son George may mention ; but they must not have any weight in your mind and conclusions. I beg you not to refuse this pressing petition of your most " Sincere and affectionate uncle, "George, R." " P.S. — Do not delay a reply an hour longer than caji avoided." " To Caroline, PHncess of Brunswick, dffc, ^"c." Copy of a letter to the D^ichess of Brunswick, from her brother, George the Third, "Mt dear Sister, — <^ I have endeavoured to excite and promote in the mind cf mv .;on George a desire to espouse my dear niece Caro- COURT OF ENGLAND. 47 tine. This, I am aware, he will only consent to as a prudent step, by which his debts may be paid. I will trust to your influence with Caroline, that she may not be offended with anything he pleases to say. He may please to plead that he is already married, and, I fear, he will resort to any measures rather than an honourable marriage. But as, in my former letters, I have explained my wishes on this subject, I therefore need not now repeat them. Tell my dear niece she must never expect to find a mother or friend in the Queen ; but I will be her friend to my latest breath. Give me your support, my sister, and prevail upon my niece Caroline at all hazards. " Youi's, affectionately, " George, R." A courier was despatched with these preliminaries of a royal marriage, and the Prince again sank into the depths of vice. The Queen saw her path in reference to the marriage was rather difficult, and feared for the consequences; but she resolved to exert every thought to devise the surest plan for future safety. Her Majesty did not assist the Prince to any extent, because her purse was of the greatest utility to her personal safety ; and, therefore, promises were chiefly given to the clamorous and ruined creditors that as soon as the Prince was married all debts should be dis- charged. The reasons which prompted the parsimony of the Queen were obvious to those who knew her plans, though not to the public. She was aware of the slight tenure she held, and the illegality of her mari-iage, the unaccounted-for death of the King's eldest brother, the uncertainty of the fate of his issue, fears for his future public appeals, and her knowledge of the validity of his claims. Besides all this, the relatives of the legally-mar- ried wife of the Duke (Edward) were of more illustrious descent than even the Queen herself ; and from these she stood in doubt, lest the untimely death of this lady and hor husband — the unfortunate Duke of York, — as well as the privacy of their off. spring, should be brought forward in a public manner, or in any way which might reflect dishonour on the influence of the Crown. How much has guilt to fear from exposure and truth ! Secrecy was the ministerial watchword then in vogue ; and though fallacious and destructive, as experience has de- monstrated the principle to be, yet the nation was cajoled by its influence, and even induced indu-ectly to sanction measures the most desperate and ruinous the imagination can depict. The hireling part of the Press, notwithstanding, strove to eternize this awful and barbarous system, and thus 48 SKCKBT mSTOKY OF THK assisted the Minister to cherish the growth of Ignorance^ Indeed, it is an undeniable fact that the corruption o4 Government pervaded every branch of Mr. Pitt's Adminis- tration; but surely this Minister must have been sometimes afraid that the people would discover the frauds and im- positions practised upon them, and demand satisfaction Mr. Pitt, indeed, was an apostate, who, at the beginning of his career, stood forth as the champion of the people's- rights ; but no sooner had he gained possession of power, than he at once threw oil the mask, deserted his benefactort who had trusted and exalted him, maintained with all hi.- might the utmost stretch of the royal prerogative, owned himself the unblushing advocate of influence and corrup- tion, and the decided enemy of the human race ! When we reflect upon the obduracy, perfidy, and ingratitude of "this pilot that gathered the storm," in whose breast neither shame nor pity seldom found a residence, but, as if dead tc:- every noble passion of the soul, he first exhausted the resources of the nation by his unposition of taxes, and then enslaved it by his politics; — when we reflect, we say, on the conduct of this man, Sejanus and Rufinus — profligate and cruel as they were — aj^pear angels of light, and we cannot help feeling disgusted with the age that tolerated such a Minister ! Secure in his parliamentary majorities and the favours of his Queen, he imagined the people at large mere non- entities, and set them at defiance ; while he must have laughed at their tameness and stupidity. Did he not warmly command the sentences of proscription, imprison- ment, and transportation passed against his countrymen solely for attemptiug to procure a reform of grievances bj the very same means which he had himself previously employed? Did he not, when every really loyal subject in the realm was deploring the disgraces and defeats of th& British arms, insult the people with affected serious congra- tulations on the successes that had been obtained by the allied Powers, and the happy change that had taken place in their favour? Tee, reader, these acts may be taken as specimens of the policy of the "Heavenborn Minister that weathered the storm," as a certain Chancellor once impru- dently designated Mr Pitt. The courier, bearing the despatches to the Princess of Brunswick, arrived at the Court of her father in October, where he delivered his packet, and was entertained with generous and courteous attention. The Duke and Duchess retired to peruse its contents, which they read with agita- tion ; and hope and feai* strove tumultucoasly to gain an ascendancy. The King's letter was considered, in a certain degree, explanatory of the follies of the Prince, though it did noi name any vices ; and as it also expressed a confident COURT OF ENGLAND. 4& opinion that, united to a person of amiability and worth, like the Princess, all good would ensue, the parents of the Princess were inclined to hope for a favourable result from' the alliance. The good opinion of the King, their brother, was an extra inducement to the fond and indulgent parents of Caroline to plead on behalf of her acceptance of this offer; and all must admit their conduct to be natural and affectionate. The letter of the Prince was soon after delivei-ed by the- Duke to his daughter, accompanied by the remark, " I hope my dear Caroline will one day be the happy Queen of £k free and happy nation. Retire, my child, and after think- ing seriously, decide prudently." The Princess retired, and read the strange epistle written by the Prince. She knew not, for some considerable time, what to think or how- to decide. At length, after a few hours of rest and enjoy- ment, the courier departed. He arrived safely at St. James's^ and delivered the following reply to the Prince of Wales : — Copy of the reply to George, Prince of Wales, from Caroline Princess of Brunsxcick. " My Lord and Cousin, — " I cannot express to your Royal Highness the feelings of surprise which your letter has afforded me, neither can I rely entirely upon what it contains, because the accompany- ing letter of the good Iving, your father, is so very opposite- in its meaning. I thought that the ties of relationship- which exist between us would have obliged your Royal Highness to treat with delicacy and honour the Princess whom your King destines for you. For my own part, my lord, I know my duty, and I have not the power or the wish to break the laws which are wished to be imposed upon me. I, therefore, have decided upon obeying the wishes of those who have the right to dispose of my person. I sub mit, at the same time, to the consequences with which your Highness threatens me. But if you could read the heart to which you impart such anguish, you would perhaps have- feelings of remorse for this barbarous treatment, in which your Royal Highness appears to boast. I am now resolved to wait, from time and our union, the just regard I will en- deavour to merit; and I trust that your regret for what you have written will, in some measure, avenge the wrongs you have so wantonly cominitted. Believe me, my lord, that I shall not cease to offer my prayers for the happiness of your Royal Highness ; mine will be perfect if I can con- tribute to yours. " I am, for life, your most devoted cousin, "Caeoline Amelia of Brunswick," We have given this and the preceding letters solely -with 50 8ECEET HISTORY OF THB a view of forwarding the cause of truth, and shall leave our readers to draw their own inferences as to the propriety or impropriety of the conduct of the parties concerned. Early in the ensuing year, 1795, preparations were made, upon a moderate scale, to receive the Princess of Brunswick as the intended wife of the heir-apparent. The Prince was still as dissolute as ever, and associated with the very dregs of society of both sexes. Yet this same personage was about to be allied, according to the outward usages of the Church, to a Princess of the most opposite principles and sentiments. Many times has he become the father of innocent victims, who were doomed to perish in a workhouse or be consigned to a premature grave ! How improbable, then, was it that his heart would ever feel affection for the issue of an honourable connexion, if it may be called so iu this case, more particularly when that was the last resource to extricate him from debt and disgrace! Well, indeed, might his companions say, "The Princess may hear in the joyful peal (after her vows) the surer knell of her happiness." Too well the result proved the' truth of their prophetic announcement ! Previous to the arrival of Caroline it was arranged by the Queen that persons of destinction upon whom Her Majesty could depend, in this instance, should attend her Highness, and a selection was made accordingly. The notorious Lady Jersey was one. Of her character and intriguing disposition we need not say more than announce the fact that her favours had been at the command of the Prince for a con- siderable time. Her disposition was artful and cruel; in- deed, unless such qualities had been invested in her lady- ship, the Queen would not have given her orders in a manner so undisguised and bold. Cruelty and vice are always inseparable companions. At length the Princess arrived on these (to her) inhos- pitable shores. On the 8th of April the formality of a marriage ceremony took place at the Palace of St. James. The King was particularly attentive to the Princess ; but not so the Queen, who manifested an unbending haughti- ness, and sometimes lost sight of etiquette so far that sar- casm was too evidently visible. The Princesses were in too much fear of their mother to bestow any particular atten- tion on the Princess of Wales, except one of them, who, however, dare not publicly avow her sentimetits. On retiring for the night to Carlton House, the Princess was attended only by thv^e invidious characters who had deliberately planned her ruin. Several historians have recorded that, by some; inaccuracy or defect in demeanour, the Pi-ince received an unexpected impression unfavourable to her Royal Highness, but such was not the case. It is true that the conduct of the Prince was anything but gentle- COUKX OF ENGLAND. 61 manly, though of this little notice was taken. Her Eoyal Highness resolved to forbear from any unpleasant complain- ings, as she was now separated from her much-beloved home and friends. She plainly saw the disadvantage of her change; and, in the disai)pointiuentof her heart, frequently deplored her cruel destiny. Many times had she been obliged to witness the various favourites of the Prince receiving those attentions and enjoying those smiles which ought to have been hers only. In a conversation with the Prince shortly after their nuptials (if such an appellation may be used), her Royal Highness said, " That, after the candour with which I have explained myself, I certainly feel myself entitled to the respectful attentions of your Highness, and I cannot endure the insults I am continually receiving from your mistresses and coarse associates." This gentle remonstrance was re- peated by this "all-accomplished gentleman" when he next met his half-drunken companions, and their infamy was heightened by maliciously abusing the much-injured lady. The Prince's yearly income was augmented at his mar- riage with his cousin to one hundred and twenty thousand pounds, besides having all his debts discharged. The Princess now seldom saw her husband. His nights were spent in debauchery, and he was frequently carried to bed totally unconscious to all around him. Gaming sup- plied his leisiire hours, and scenes of immorality were the common routine of each succeeding day. Such were the de- portment and character of the man, or monster, who was to be invested with power over millions of brave, generous, and industrious people ! It was impossible for such a one to have retained in his confidence a single upright and conscientious person. The soul sickens at the reti'ospect, but we must pursue the revolting subject. The King was, at this time, the only friend in whom the Princess of Wales coxild repose any confidence, and to him she unburdened herself unrpservedly. His Majesty was much incensed at the indignities heaped upon the daughter of his sister, and, but for the situation of his niece, he would have recommended severer measvu-es than he theu thought prudent. In opposition to all- remonstrance and advice, the Prince gradually sunk deeper into the vortex of sensuality, and very frequ'intly expressed himself in high hopes that the Princess would soon be " got bid of." He still remained ignorant of the confidence the Princess had reposed in her uncle ; and well was it for her he was ignorant of it, as his passion was exti>eme, and rage might have gained such a pre-eminence as to have induced him to add anothbb foul DEED to his number. Thia fatal year, more than twenty-nine millions were 62 BECEET HISTORY OF THE required, eighteen of which were raised by loans. Here may be observed how progressively the "national debt" was increased, partly from the immoderate extravagance of those who ougnt to have acted as models for imitation at home, and partly by unjust and destructive wars abroad, until Englishmen became anything but a free people. The discontents of the tax-payers were loud and deep; but the Ministers heeded them not. On the 7th of January, 1796, the Princess of "Wales was §afely delivered of a daughter, whose birth, in some mea- sure, assuaged the miseries of her forlorn condition. The Duke of Clarence might have very frequently repeated his exjjressions, delivered in the House of Lords in the preceding June, when he said, " Unless suitable provisions were made for the Prince, the Princess of Wales, a lovely and amiable woman, must feel herself torn from her family (although her mother was the King's sister), removed from all her early connections," &c. Ah, William Henry, were you pre- pared to prove this to be a speech in favour of your cousin and sister-in-law ? Was it not really for the aggrandize- ment of your spendthrift brother ? To oblige her Majesty, the young Princess was named Charlotte. But what a different character did the younger Charlotte prove from the elder ! Ah, that so sweet a dis- position and so noble a mind should have Vjeen crushed in the bud, and that, too, by one so nearly allied to her by the ties of nature. Those more immediately about the person of the Princess of Wales were best capable to form an opinion of her maternal tenderness, and of the Prince's negligence. The proofs of affectionate solicitude on the part of the mother, contrasted with the indifference of the father, de- serve public explanation. The first time the Prince saw his child, his countenance was not in the least illuminated by any ray of pleasure, as he contented himself by merely observing, " It's a fine girl." The Princess afterwards ac knowledged her disappointment, as she had hoped his heart was not entirely debased, or his sense of virtue altogether lost; but this fond, this very natural hope, was doomed to disappointment ; and, while this desolate lady was nursing her tenderly beloved child, the Prince was walking and riding out, openly and shamelessly, with Mrs. Fitzherbert and Lady Jersey. Would not the poor cottager have felt abashed to hear of his fellow-labourer's similar conduct even in the most humble station in life, who must, of neces- sity, be devoid of ten thousand advantages this person had derived from birth and education ? Yes, doubtless ; and he who would so act deserved no other appellation than that of a vohiptuous brute. It was much to be regretted at this time that all the very keavy taxation and increase of debt were said to b<» in con- COURT OF BMOLAND. 53 sequence of the " King's great predilection for the lavish expenditure of the royal family, and his anxious deter- mination to continue the disastrous war." Such were not his Majesty's desires, but exactly the reverse ; though, un- fortunately, his opinions were always overruled by the Queen. A formal separation took place this year between the Prince and Princess of Wales, and certainly her lioyal Highness deserved much more general sympathy than she then experienced. The nobility appeared uncertain what side to espouse ; and, therefore, for want of principle to do that which their consciences said was right, they fell imper- ceptibly into error J besides wiiich, it was indispensably necessary that those who wished to stand well with the Queen and Prince must withdraw from all intimacy with the Princess of Wales. The immense amount for the supply this year was above thirty-eight millions I — about twenty of which were raised by loans ! In 1797, the heavy burdens imposed on the people to supply the insatiate thirst for war, and lieep a gorgeous appearance at Court, reduced the middle classes of people to want and distraction. While the Prince and his fawning courtiers were revelling in every obscenity, and glutting themselves with the prospect that still continued, that to- morrow would be more abundant — thousands — nay, millions — in England and Ireland were perishing for want of bread ! During this unexampled period of sorrow, the conduct of the Ministry proved them to be perfectly indifferent to the distresses of the people. Splendid entertainments, at an immense expense, were frequently given, and the lofty halls of palaces rang with the loud shouts of conviviality and profanity. Such recitals may, to some persons, appear in- credible, or too highly coloured ; but we well know they did occur, though we do not wish to shock the feelings of our readers by entering into the minutiae of the infamous con- duct practised by the Prince of Wales and his courtiers. Well might the Prince, in his memorable letter to the Princess in the preceding year, say, " Our inclinations are not suited to each other." He was correct ; they were not suited ; neither did the Princess Caroline ever desire they should be, because General Lee could testify that the Prince had more propensities than propriety suggested. In this most pressing and trying case, when the mind of the Princess of Wales was wrought up to the greatest point of agony, she resolved upon an interview with the Queen, when her Eoyal Highness told her that Carlton House could no longer be inhabited by her, as the infamous scenes she was too often oVjliged to witness were of a description so notoriously abominable, that common decency was grossly outraged. Her Majesty supported the right of the Prince to choose his own associates : and %t the same time stated. 54 SECRET HISTORY OF THK as her opinion, that it wtis very disagreeable to the Prince to have her in town at all, and it was proper the Princess should remove to some distance agreeable to herself, where the Prince might not be under the necessity of meeting her when he had occasion to spend any time at the palace. It will be readily presumed the Princess left the presence of the haughty Queen with a heart full of disappointment and chagrin. Her Ro^yal Highness found herself surrounded by persons on whose confidence she could not depend, be- cause everyone appeared in awe of the Queen. She was also neglected and insulted by the Prince, who ought to have been the first to protect her ; but the smile of her infant still cheered her gloomy moments. This was the most disastrous period of the war. The Bank of England stop.ped payment ; mutinies broke out in the army and navy, which were attended by much blood- shed ; Ireland was on the verge of rebellion ; the sum re- quired for the year's service amounted to the abominable and increased sum of forty-two millions of money, of which thirty-four millions were raised by loans^ and three millions by Exchequer Bills. The Premier also proposed to extort seven millions from the people by a new impost under the name of " The Triple Assessment." The year 1798 presented a continuation of grievances among most classes in humble life. Revelry and uproarious riot, however, were ever to be found in the residences of the royal, yet unnatural, husband of the Princess of Wales ; and each succeeding year seemed but to improve him in all sorts of infamous engagements. He had at his command some of the most desperate and inhuman characters by which society was ever debased — one in particular, M'Mahon, who would at any time seduce a female from her home, under some specious pretence, in order to take her as a prize to his master, whose favour thereby might be secured. The intrigues of the Duke of York were also of a most abandoned character, and the other brothers merit some notice in the " Annals of Infamy !" During Frederick's residence in Germany he contracted habits and indulged in excesses abhorrent to human nature, and we should be spared much deep humiliation as Englishmen if we had not occasion to recur again to these sickening facts; but the recording angel of Truth forbids our silence, and we must not, therefore, disobey her mandate. 1799 will be remembered, and reference made to it, as long as humanity can refle'^t upon the desolation and cala- mities occasioned b^ war. The earth in many quarters was covered with " killed and wounded," while the money of the tax -payers paid the legal assassins. In the meantime, the Minister at home was racking his brains how new taxes might be levied, to supply the means COURT OF BNQLAND. 55 for the coiitinuation of carnage. Pi-operty, libtrtj — nay, even life itself — were deemed toys in the hands of Mr. Pitt, whose passions seemed to centre in rapine, enmity, and ambition. His heart was steeled against the cry of the widow, and the plaintive cigh of the destitute orphan. The Queen's account in the day of retribution must also be rather enormoTis, for the Minister acted in concert with her in this complicated trickery. Mr. Pitt and the Queen seemed to think their only part consisted in draining the resoui'ces of the people to their best ability, and in refusing all overtures of peace, whatever offers might be made. This year, I'rance made proposals of peace with these kingdoms, which were refused; and war, desolating war, with all its attendant a'nd consequent horrors, still reared its " gory banners" over the principal part of the world. We will leave the contemplation of this heartrending subject, and turn to another, scarcely less revolting to humanity — the conduct of the Prince of Wales — whose court was generally filled with a host of harlots. His Royal Highness was anxious to get rid of the Princess (his wife) entirely, and most heartily did the Queen concur in his wishes. The difficult part of the task was the consideration and organization of those measures most likely to promote the desired end. The Princess of Wales' letters, addressed to her family in Brunswick, had many times been opened and, not unfrequently, even suppressed ! So that her per aecutions now commenced. The Princess was too open and ingenuous in character to obtain the Queen's approbation ; and, therefore, after the everal repulses which she had received from her Majesty, Caroline was justly incensed at her uncalled-for, unpro voked haughtiness and overbearing manners. The unsus- pecting nature of the Princess of Wales, however, pre- vented her from being aware of the infamous snares laid for her destruction at this period. Her Eoyal Highness has many times been heard to say, " Had I been suspicious, fancy what should I not have feared ? The Queen, from the first time I saw her, frowned upon me, and vei-y little I said or did pleased her. So I never thought I was an object of any consequence to her Majesty." These were the reasonings of native, vinsophisticated feelings, and well would it have been for the Queen if her heart had been equally open, and her language equally candid. The year 1800 was a continuation of dissension and dis- cord, both at home and abroad. Twice in this year the King's life was attempted, once in Hyde Park, and again, on the same evening, at Drury Lane Theatre, the first being by a ball-cartridge, and the latter by a pistol. In the Court the same lavish display as formerly was continued, and the royal means were not curtaHed. It was said that the King 66 SECRET HISTORY OF THE declined having more than one course served up, but this was merely nominal ; indeed, if it were as stated, the country did not benefit much by the change, as the allowances to royalty were, in many instances, very much increased instead of being decreased. Such was the scarcity of provisions this year, that the generality of the population existed upon a scanty portior of potatoes during the iwenty-four hours. Bread was nol within the power of the poor to obtain, as the quartern loaf, mixed with all sorts of deleterious ingredients, sold for twenty-one pence. This year was rendered of immortal memory by the union of Ireland with England, which was effected by a profuse distribution of mone7j and titles. Oh, disgrace to the Irish nation ye servile few who could sell your country for selfish ends ! To yield up " name and fame," and all that is dear to honesty, for the salre of an empty sound ! The amounts required for this and the last year were nearly the same as for 1798. In the early part of the year 1801 it was announced the King had taken a severe cold while hunting, and, in con- sequence, was not able to visit the several concerts to which he had previously given the promise of his attendance and patronage, but his indisposition was mental, not bodily. His Majesty was so exceedingly distressed at the base and un- worthy conduct of his son to his niece, the Princess of Wales, that he said frequently, " It is more than a father can bear." Many times would he order his horse to be brought, and, requesting his attendants not to follow him, pursue his way towards Blackheath, where the Princess then resided, sym- pathizing with her sorrows, and, more especially, in the intended removal of her child; for even at this early period, when the Princess Charlotte was but four years of age, the Queen would signify her commands that the child should pass some days with her, either in London or Windsor, whichever happened to be most convenient to her Majesty. Notwithstanding the extreme scarcity of money and the high price of food, the Queen and the younger branches of her family continued to give their splendid entertainments, as expense was the last consideration with the royal brood when it was known the country supplied the means. Oh, John Bull, thy gviUibility has, for above half a century, been more than proverbial ! On the 29th of October, the King opened the House in person, and announced the conclusion of war. Piadiament was then adjourned until after the Christmas recess. England now exhibited the effects of an eight years' war ; the National Debt had been doubled, and internal distress had become general ; the poor were in a state bordering on COURT OF ENGLAND. 57 starvation, and commerce had the prospect of every foreign port being shut against it; while the supplies for the year amounted to nearly forty millions. The year 1802 was ushered in under the greatest embar- rassments. The vitals of the people were nearly destroyed by the enormous taxation they had endured for so many years, and it was doubtless owing to the intolerable load they ha.d sustained, aud still expected to have forced upon them, that independent sentiments were proclaimed. They iiad a right to condemn the usurping power of the Queen, for producing all their troubles. The recess having terminated, the House met. The Chancellor came forward to show that the Sovereign's pecuniary affairs were much in arroar. After introducing his plan of finances he was obliged to inform the House that certain taxes had been mortgaged by Mr. Pitt {who had now resigned), for which the present Minister must pro- vide. To defray this expense very heavy additional duties were imposed on beer, malt, hops, &c. A considerable addition was also made to the assessed taxes, and upon imports and exports. At this period the whole of the " funded debt," including the loans of tbe present year, amounted to Jive hundred and forty millions, and the in- terest was annually seventeen millions sterling ! On the 7th of May, Mr. Nichol moved that an address be presented to his Majesty, thanking him for the removal of Mr. Pitt from his councils, when Lord Belgrave rose, and moved an amendment, expressive of the high approbation of that House respecting the character and conduct of the late Minister and his colleagues. In the face of all opposi- tion. Lord Belgrave's amendment was carried by more than four to one, as also a second motion by Sir H. Mildmay, " that the thanks of the House be given to the Eight Hon. Mr. Pitt." This was assurance in perfection ! These dis- cussions only seemed to increase Mr. Pitt's popularity; and, on the occasion of his next birthday. Earl Spencer, late Fii'st Lord of the Admiralty, gave as a toast to the com- pany, " The pilot that weathered the storm," instead of, *' The pilot who gathered the storm \" In the latter Y)a,rt of this year, much fear was excited lest hostilities should again arise between France aud England, on account of the ascendancy of Bonaparte. At the commencement of the year 1803, the unhappy King, by the desire of his overbearing wift", directed a message to the House, recommending "the embarrassed fit te of the Prince of Wales to their attention ;" and, in consequence, sixty thousand pounds were further settled upon his Royal Highness, to continue for three years and a half. This sum, however, was not half sufficient to meet hia lavish engagements ; and, therefore, Mr. Calcraft ha 68 SBCBET HISTORY OF TH& the hardihood to move, that " means be granted to enable the Prince to resume his state and dignity I" But this in- consistent and insulting motion was " too bad ;" and, in defiance of even the borough-mongers, was negatived. The supplies voted for the public service this year amounted to above fifty-six millions ! We really wonder of what materials Englishmen were composed to allow such iniquitous grants. Ministers again declared war with France, and men and money were in no inconsiderable request. The French Consul possessed himself of Hanover, and threatened an invasion of England, which frightened Ministers to put the country in a state of defence. But was not this a political ruse? Mr. Addington was not so popular as his predecessor in the capacity of Minister ; he had not so much hardihood as Mr. Pitt, and was not calculated to endure the load of obloquy which he received, as he considered himself free from the charge of having desti'oyed the prospects of his country, by the immense debt then contracted ; for that was the arrangement of Mr. Pitt. Mr. Addington was merely a tool in the hands of others. Those who knew the intricate and perplexed state of affairs within the Court were only able to judge how long Mr. Addington's Ministry would continue, and also, why it was brought into action. Alas ! not merely or intentionally to satisfy the liberal politicians, or to change any part of the long m'srule of the former Minister. Widely opposite were the motives which proved the mainspring to the meditated result. The Queen again in- tended to press the King for an increase of income, to a serious amount, for her favourite spendthrift, and she asked the Minister how it might be best attained. The plan was therefore concocted, and, as Pitt dared not so soon again ask for further advances, a new Minister might be induced to do it, if shielded by the royal message. If such conduct were not juggling and acting with the most abominable treachery and hypocrisy, we must for ever give up our claim to the possession of one iota of comnon understanding. As we proceed, we will explain to the gentle or indignant reader, whichever he may be, in what way our enormous " national debt," as it is called, was con- tracted, when we havo no doubt tliat he will be as incensed as ourselves, and will be ready to exclaim, " Was this the policy pursued by that paragon of her sex. Queen Charlotte — she who was at all times revered for her piety, and ad- mii-ed for her inexpressible and unspotted virtue ?" Yes, reader, the very same; the only difference is, you have formerly beheld her in horr- wed plumes ; we present her in her oum t COUET OT ENGLAND. 59 Let U8 Lere recur to the consideration of the treatment exercised against the Princess of Wales by her abominable husband and his vindictive mother. We formerly alluded to some confidential communications made by her to his Majesty. The suspicious and mean characters then placed about her person reported to the Queen every interview which the King had with his daughter-in-law, and mali- ciously represented the imprudence of such an intimacy. From this time the Prince of Wales professed to believe his father improperly interested in the cause of the Princess, and spies were placed in various situations to give notice of all visits the Princess received and paid. Notwithstand- ing, the plotters' most ardent wishes were disappointec", and they could not fix upon any action, which they were f.ole to prove, to affect her honour or virtue. In the meantime Caro- line's only child was i-emoved from her, without the enjoy- ment of whose endearing society life was a mere blank. In proportion as the Prince was applauded and the Queen supported him, so was the Princess abused and in- sulted. With respect to pecuniary affairs, every honest and upright person saw the strange disproportion in the in- comes of the several members of the family, for the Pi-incess, who had to keep an entirely distinct and separate establish- ment at her sole expense, was allowed no more than twenty- two thousand per annvim, while the other members, who were chiefly expensive to the King, had their salaries granted without reference to this subject. Yet it was ex- pected that the etiquette of rank should be maintained, and with an equal ostentatious display as if means were proportionately provided to defray such expenses. Al- though living upon the establishment of the King, the Queen's real independent income was fifty-eight thousand pounds a year! Ought we not to ask why the Princess was thus neglected and shamefully insulted — left in debt and in extreme perplexity of circumstances, for which the family must ever be considered mean and unjust? How was her Royal Highness to act in such a trying case ? If she had retired to private life her Snemies would have pronounced her an improp)er person to retain the high station which she had formerly occupied. If appearances were to be main- tained and royal splendour continued, she must mix with ceHain society, and debt be the inevitable consequence. The Princess felt there were points beyond which a virtuous, insulted female could not show forbearance, and she theie- fore resolved no longer to endure the galling yoke of oppres- sion without further ex])lanation. We now proceed to the year 1804, which commenced amidst much political dissension at home, ahd preparations for increasing desolation abroad. His Majesty's health now became very indifferent, and, in February, an official bulletin 60 SECRET HTSTOBY OF THE announced his malady. It was reported to be a very sHgh* attack; though, we are sorry to say, it was, to the King, productive of great pain and agitation of mind by the mis- rule of the Queen, and the improprieties of his family. Little did the nation at large imagine that the family of the Sovereign (to whose individual income they had so promptly and so munificently contributed) were the causes of his acute anxieties. His sons were deeply embarrassed by play, their feuiale connexions chiefly of the most aban- doned character, and their engagements in the world, gene- rally speaking, far beyond their powers to discharge. The daughters were also composed of the frailties of human nature. Born and educated in a Court, under the severe tuition of their mother, they believed themselves of superior worth. The pleasures and enjoyments of life were ever waiting for their acquiescence, and their exercise on horse- back, attended by certain persons, occupying certain stations in life, afforded them a variety of opportunities for con- versation, in whioh the softest subjects met the ear. At this period also, the King's already distracted mind was farther embittered by what he considered the loss of virtue in one of his daughters ; and the agony he endured, lest the circumstance should transpii-e to the public, would defy any language to depict. After calmness, in some measure, was restored to his Majesty's wounded feelings, his health gradually improved, and, on the 29th of March, he was declared to be con- valescent. On the resignation of Mr. Addington, Mr. Pitt again resumed the reins of government, and appointed his 'prot6g4, Mr. Canning, Treasurer of the Navy. Why do not the many biographers of this political character explain the reason, if everything were fair and straightforward, of his quitting his office in 1801, because the Catholic question was forbidden to be mentioned, and returning to it in 1804, under an express stipulation that no member of the Govern- ment should agitate it contrary to the royal inclination ? Was the promise that had been given only binding for three years ? Was Mr. Canning's secession from office a trick ? Was his return to it a sacrifice — a sacrifice of honour and principle — to the miserable gratification of obtaining power f Alas ! the public had little to thank Mr. Canning for ; but they knew not, at that time, his love of place and pension. In October, it was said the King and Prince were recon- oiled ; but the substance of that reconciliation was not Taade known to the nation. The Queen had resolved to oblige her favourite son, and promote his wishes, by finally relieving him from any further engagements with the Prin- cess, his wife ; though, of the various abominable schemes then in action, the King was kept entirely ignorant. COURT OF ENGLAND. 61 In this year, the health of Mr. Pitt began to fail ; his ardour seemed cooled, and he experienced short intervals of extreme debility and pain. In the year 1805, certain existing evils rendered it need- ful and expedient, in the opinion of the Ministry, that th& English nation should fear an invasion from Bonaparte. We will say why they deemed it necessary. Because the burdens of the poor were already imm-onse, and it wa& requisite to give an excuse for the stripping thousands of families of their scanty apparel, their few means and simple articles of furniture, and their humble hom^js, for the pur- pose of enabling the " hydra-headed monster " of corrup- tion to pursue his unlimited course over this insulted na- tion ! And what could be better to effect this object than alarming the country with the fear of an invasion ? Th& diabolical scheme too fatally succeeded. In order to strengthen the power of the Queen at this period, Mr. Pitt renewed his connection with Mr. Adding ton, who was raised to the peerage by the title of Viscount Sidmouth, and succeeded the Duke of Portland as President of the Council. The Minister, Mr. Pitt, cool as he was on many iniquitous subjects, covild not avoid feeling pangs of remorse at the continual impositions he was compelled by the Queen to make (in various shapes) upon the people. His unbending pride, however, would not permit him to name his uneasi- ness to her Majesty, as he well knew her inflexible temper and disposition would not permit her to receive any opinion in preference to her own. He soon resigned his earthly vexation on this point, as he became so indisposed as not to be able to attend to his political affairs, and was obliged to seek for repose in retirement from active life. At the commencement of the year 1806, Parliament was opened by commission ; but the usual address was omitted, on af^i'ount of the absence of the Minister, who, as before states , was then seriously indisposed. On the 23rd of January, Mr. Pitt expired in the forty- seventh year of his age. He was said to have died insolvent. Be this as it may, forty thousand pounds were voted as a. plea to discharge his debts, as well as means to defray tha expenses of his funeral. Probably this was the best laid-out money of the Ministry for some time past. If the occasion had occurred twenty years before, what an immense saving it had produced the country ! The public life of Mr. Pitt will afford no room for praisp to the faithful and just historian. When the errors and praises of his biograi^hers shall have lost their force, f utiu-e- generations will behold his character in its native colours. He mvist then appear either in the light of an ungrateful hypocrite, or submit to the only alternative of being 62 BECBET HISTORY OF THB reckoned a man of contracted mind. Even in private life he was not more amiable nor exemplary. The ministerial Bystem which he had laid down pervaded the internal economy of all his actions. He appeared to imagine true dignity consisted in a coolness and reserve (probably ac- quired from his Queen) that banished every suitor from his presence ; nor did he ever suffer a case of distress, however just or pressing the case might be, to divert him from the routine of office, or to extort the least relief or comfort from himself. Negligent and careless in his domestic concerns, he never permitted a single ray of generosity to burst forth to animate the general frost of his character. He retained Ms natural suUenness and reserve. Even in the best mo- ments of convivial mirth, he never displayed a flexibility of disposition or openness to conviction. Often as he was obliged to submit to the decrees of necessity, whereon he imagined his continuance in office depended, yet he nevei had the candour to acknowledge the weakness of any mea- sure originating in himself that brought on that necessity. But what a departure was this from the principles of his illustrious ancestor, the Earl of Chatham, who would never crouch to the authority of any Sovereign or Cabinet when militating against his own more enlightened judgment! He resisted bribery, and generally succeeded in his views, or, if baffled, resigned his office. The son of this nobleman, however, pursued far diffei'ent maxims, and pertinaciously clung to the douceurs and infamy of office, for infamous it most certainly was to practise measures his own sentiments condemned. Never did man accede to power on more just or noble principles, and never did man forsake those principles with less reserve. He forgot all obligations ; and, at a happy crisis, when he might have availed himself of the occasion of honourably fulfilling them, or advancing the liberty and happiness of the country, he was eternally launching out in vapid and unmeaning encomiums on the boasted excellences of the British constitution, instead of adhering to his solemn contract of exerting all his influence and abilities to reform its blemishes. With all the failings of this Minister, bis caution ami plausibility were admirably calculated to entrap the confidence of the landed and monied interest, and he turned it to the best account, labouring with all hia zeal to inculcate a belief of the flourishing state of the national finances, enforcing every circumstance tending to confirm this belief, and concealing every truth that would eerve to diminish or destroy it. Will not such a man, then, fee regarded by posterity as a time-server and an apostate ? After the death of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox joined the Ministry; and, at the same time, Lord Sidmouth continued a member of the Cabinet ! But Mr. Fox did not retain his situation couht- of EJSGI^ND. 53 long. His health soon after declined, and he died on the 13th of September following. Of this great statesmen, w© may say, " Take him for all in all, we ne'er shall look upon his like again." He was an unbending patriot, possessed of great political ability, and loved, as well as advocated, the cause of liberty. Light and shade, however, were mixed in Mr. Fox's picture. He permitted private friendship, in one instance, to over-balance his public duty. We refer to the language used by him in the House of Commons, in April, 1781, which must have been against his conscience. He there denic' the man-iage between the Prince of Wales and Mrs. Fitzherburt, when, in fact, he assisted at that very marriage; but, because he had engaged secrecy to the Prince, he thought proper to utter a direct falsehood rather than break his promise upon the subject ! Mr. Pitt's death was an unpleasant consequence to the usurping Queen, and perhaps imperilled the ardour of her determination to "^et her favourite son's divorce from his injured wife settled as soon as possible. The scheme for this purpose, which seemed most practicable, was the obtaining some document as evidence against the moral character of <-\e Princess. By the Queen's desire, therefore. Lady Doug^tts had removed her abode, nearly six years pre- viously, close to Blackheath, and was purposely employed to invent some dishonourable report against the Princess. The Princess of Wales accidentally and innocently (on her part) became acquainted with this lady, and from that period no pains were spared, on the part of Lady Douglas and her husband, to increase that acquaintance, until their diabolical object should be attained. The most assiduous attentions and extravagant pains were used to entrap the generous mind of the Princess ; but as the object in view- proved of a very diiBcult nature, so did the means for its accomplishment become equally numerous. This intimacy commenced in 1801, and terminated in 1804; and during that period did these base, designing slanderers and un- grateful guests, by secret application, obtain an opportunity to vilify, outrage, and insult the Princess, in connection with nearly every branch of the royal family, who were too closely united in one general interest not to assist each other. The only patriotic members, the Dukes of Kent and Sussex, appeared much wrought upon by the specious and abominable fabrication brought forward by these unprin- cipled, time-serving, and heartless enemies of Caroline. Although these statements and depositions were taken so fuliy, and examined so closely — although the Prince pur- sued the subject with such unfeeling barbarity — yet the Princess was acquitted — most honourably acquitted. In- deed, to any natural inquirer, the wickedness of the Douglas etatement was, beyond doubt, most palpable. It was full ■64 8SCBET HISTOBT OF THB of improbabilities, contradictions, and absurdities, which well merited punishment. Had a similar insult, or a ■flagrant transgression, been offered to the royal family in the person of any other than the Princess of Wales, would not the whole royal phalanx, headed by the Queen, have a,risen in defence of their illustrious and virtuous house? Nay, would not the insulting falsehoods and infamous asser- tions have been proved treasonable? Yes, undoubtedly; but, because the injured Princess of Wales was the •INTENDED VICTIM OF A CONSPIRACY, although SO gloriouslj acquitted, yet no prosecution of her traducers followed; neither did any branch of the royal family exemplify one pleasurable feeling upon the conclusion of this disgracefully iniquitous business. Their chagrin was much more evident. As if in this year a deluge of sadness and sorrow, ia addi- tion to all other trials and injuries, were to fall upon the persecuted Caroline, she had to suffer the heavy and irre- parable loss of her father, William, Duke of Brunswick, at the memorable battle of Jena, October 14th, in the seventy-first year of his age. The character of the venerable Duke of Brunswick is beyond praise. " His name shall be his monument." If at any period the Princess of Wales needed the kind and aoothing balm of friendship, it was at this trying juncture. Her friends were few in number, and their friendship was of an evanescent description. They sometimes professed their readiness to serve her, and eulogized her greatness of mind and talent ; yet, when brought to the point by public opinion and inquiry, they very generally expressed their sentiments equivocally, or with some portion of hesita- tion cal ciliated to injure rather than benefit the cause they professed to serve. Mr. Canning and Mr. Whitbread were two of these 2><^rticular kind of friends, as our after history will abundantly testify. How wretched must have been the Princess Charlotte at this period, who was nearly deprived of all communication with her affectionate mother, and without one friend to whom she could freely speak of her sorrows and anxious wishes ! The year 1807 commenced with selfish men in office, who •constrived selfish measures for the continued purposes of ■corruption. The King now became very imbecile, and the Queen and the Prince of Wales intimidated him from acting honour- ably towards the Princess of Wales, as he had so committed himself by bis fatal act of bigamy. As his mind became proper tionably depressed by the perplexities of his situa- tion, so did his conduct become more influenced as they desired it, until at 'ength he proved a mere automaton, to he moved at thoir pleasure. COURT Otr KNGLAND. 6^ In any case of vital importance to character delay is dan- (^eroiis, because it causes suspicion, suspicion begets mis- trusty and so on do these injurious sentiments proceed, yntil, ere the time of trial arrives, the injured party has suffered unjustly in a two-fold way. Thus it was in the <*a,se of the unfortunate Caroline. To oblige the Queen, •his Majesty postponed seeing his daughter-in-law as long as it suited the views of the designers against her hap- piness. Fiom the active part which Mr. Percival had taken in defence of the Princess — especially in his book, which made much noise in the world at this time — the Queen thought it prudent to advise his being accommodated with oflBce. She made liim well known to the Prince, who was very happy to concur in the suggestion, but only feared an obstacle in Mr. Percival's rigid virtue. This, however, was not insur- mountable, and Mr. Percival was made Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Canning Secretary for Foreign Affaii-s, and Lord Castlereagh Secretary for the Department of War and the Colonies. Thus were two of the former advocates of the Princess of Wales enlisted under the banners of her most deadly enemies ! As to the honour they derived from their base desertion of the cause of innocence, we leave cur readers to judge. The Prince of Wales, at this juncture, made no secret of bis diabolical intentions, for we well know that he has frequently raised the goblet to his lips and drank " To the ePEEDT Damnation of the Princess." It was very per- ceptible that the royal party were well aware of the injus- tice practised towards the Princess ; but, charity being a virtue of little worth in their ideas, they resolved to carry their plans into execution, no matter at whjit cost. The least the late friends of the Princess could do was to remain silent ; but human beings can articulate sounds and be oppositely communicative with their optical faculties. An individual who accepts -place amongst tlioso whom he formerly professed to despise renders himself an object of suspicion, if not of detestation. For the present we abstain from further remarks upon these two late principal friends of the persecuted Princesa ■of Wales. Upon hearing of the Duke of Brunswick's death, the King could do no less than solicit the Duchess, his sister, to visit England. As the country around her was in a de- plorable state, and feeling desirous to see her daughtei-, she determined to accept the invitation, and arrived at the house of the Princess of Wales, at Blackheath, on the 7th of July, in one of her Royal Highness's carriages. The injured Caroline was so overpowered at this inter- view, as to cause the Duchess much serious disc^uiet ; for 66 SECRET HISTORY OF TH« ehe plainly saw that her davigliter had great cause for sor row, the particulars ef wLich she was yet ignorant. The Princess afterwards appeared soothed ; and this short in- terview, cheered by a fond mother's presence, proved a solace to her lacerated heart. The King went from Windsor to see his sister, and the Queen also from St. James's Palace. The Princess Char- lotte and several other members of the family paid theii respects to the Duchess. Thus, though common or decent attention was refused the daughter while mourning over her early misfortunes and recent losses, yet, when her mother arrived, some little regard must be paid to ■ etiquette, although the daughter was to receive the visitors. But so it was. Poor Queen Charlotte, how hard it was for her to vouchsafe or con- descend to let fall one smile on C;-roline ! After the opportunity this visit afforded the Princess Charlotte, the mother and daughter were of necessity ex- plicit, and they mourned over the seeming hard destiny each was doomed to experience. During the remainder of this year, the King became more and more incapacitated for business of any sort; he could not even distinguish any object by either its colour or size, and was led from one place to another, as if in the last stage of blindness. The long-continued distractions of his mind, and the anxiety yet remaining, caused his rational moments to be most gloomy. His favourite daughter was incurably diseased with a scrofulous disorder, from which she suffered dreadfully, and nature seemed fast declining. Throughout tlie whole of his family, the poor monarch had but Utile gratification, as every individual composing it was separately under her Majesty's control. To have contra- dicted her order or command would have been attended with no very pleasant consequences. Her look was suffi- cient to frighten everyone into obedience. We now enter upon the year 1808, in which the session of Parliament was opened by commission on the 21st of January, the King's indisposition preventing him from going in person. At this period, a very strong sensation was excited against the continuance of the Pension List. The produc- tive classes ascertained, in a very correct way, how the fruits of their industry were devoured ; in consequence of which they felt themselves imposed upon in the highest degree, but resolved to try rational entreaty and petition ere they resorted to acts of violence. The number of these dissatisfied classes, in every large town, was immensely great, and they only needed system to obtain, by their SIMPLE PETITION, what they so much desired; but the authorities knew the incapa'iitated state of the sufferers. COURT OF ENGLAND. 67 in the absence of that system, and therefore very un- generously refused their appeal. In March, ihe City of London (John Ansley, Mayor) petitioned both Houses for parliamentary reform, and the abolition of sinecure places and pensions ; bat they received the expense attendant upon their exertions for their re- ward, and the mortification of the Ministers' apathy for their satisfaction. Popular indignation, however, is not so easily allayed; for, though extreme appearances may for a time be con- cealed, they must eventually break forth with tenfold force. The public reasoned upon a rational ground, and was fully aware that their strength was spent to support their enemies. Their resolve to petition for freedom was the dictate of an unerring and fixed principle, ever inherent in the breast of man. The blandishments of folly, and the encouragement given to imposition, have rendered the in- dustrious and honest citizen a prey to the lordlings of arbitrary power ; and, so long as ho can assist to supply means whereby their cravings may be satisfied, so long do they seem to suppose he lives to a sufficient purpose. Under these circumstances, the oppressed classes were perfectly justified in making a stand against further innovation, and also in resisting the intolerable injustice in force against them. Still the Administration continued inexorable to the pressing prayers and miserable condition of the people. The political disease, however, was rapidly advancing to a crisis. Similar distress and dissatisfaction existed at the commencement of the year 1809. Provisions were dear, and labour scarce ; yet an additional sum was required for the State to uphold its secret machinations and pervert the ends of justice. It will be remembered that, in this year, the celebrated Mrs. Mary Ann Clark, formerly a mistress of the Duke of York, appeared at the bar of the House of Commons, as evidence against him. Mr. Wardle, with an intrepidity worthy of the cause in wliich he was engaged, took upon himself the awful responsibility of preferring those serious charges against the Duke, which it were unnecessary foi us here to repeat. The public officers of the King volun leered their services to rescue his Royal Highness fron public odium by denominating the proceedings as a con- spiracy. In spite, liowever, of every artifice which a know. ledge of the law enables bad men to practise to defeat the ends of justice, there were exposed to the public view icenes of the grossest corruption, of the most abandoned profligacy, of the most degrading meanness, and of the most consummate hypocrisy. The contagion had reached every department of the State ; nor was the Church ex- 68 BECEET HISTORY OP THE empted from its bane"ful influence. It was proved thai not only subordinate situations, but even deaneries and bishoprics (which had been supposed to be the reward of piety and learning), were applied for to his Royal Highness through the intervention of his mistress. A great majority of the boroughmongers, of course, acquitted the Duke from these charges, and talked of voting an address of thanks to him for the manner in which he discharged his official duties. Fortunately, however, the mode of investigation adopted enabled every man in the kingdom to judge for himself. Englishmen, for once, spoke out, and the Duke was compelled to resign. This step on the part of the illustrious debaucMe prevented further exposure, and saved him from the severe and heavy weight of being voted out of office and degraded. Behold, then, reader, what the principles of Pitt achieved ! That Minister always per- suaded the male branches of the family that the Queen's protection (through the medium of the Minister) would prove at all times a sufficient retreat and asylum, in case ol complaint or refractoiy sensation of the people at their frequent derelictions from duty and honour. The fluctuations of the public funds was an opportune chance for speculation, and the Queen's love of money induced her to turn her sources of information to the best account; she therefore acted in concert with her broker, and immediately upon any rise taking place, she sold out; and when gloom overspread the market, she bought in. By this speculation alone, the Duke of Kent acknowledged that his mother realized four hundred thousand pounds! At the same period her Majesty had another speculation in hand — namely, the profits arising from the sale of cadetships for the East Indies. Doctor Randolph and Lady Jersey were the chief managers of these affairs, though her Majesty received the largest portion of the spoil. Doctor Randolph himself acknowledged that the Queen had realized seventi^ thotisand pounds upon this traffic alone ! In one transaction with a candidate for a cadetship, an enormous premium was required, and the applicant was very much incensed, as it appeared to him to be nothing less than a bold imposition. He expostulated ; but Dr. Randolph made short work of the affair by refusing any further communication upon the sub- ject. For once. Dr. Randolph forgot his own interest, as also the public chai-acter and safety of his royal mistress. The gentleman, shortly afterwards, was visiting a friend in Paris, when the conversation turned upon the English con- stitution, and the immense revenues of the kingdom. The friend spoke in raptures upon the liberal feelings and generous provisions exercised and provided towards, and for all, aspirants to honour. At length, the visitor could no longer conceal his mortification and chagrin, and he eau-> COUBT OF ENGLAND. g9 didly explained every particular of his correspondence with Dr. Kandolph, in which her Majesty's name was as freely introduced as the doctor's. The astonishment and sui-prise of his friend were great indeed , and he recommended him to publish the whole affair in France, and circulate it through the surrounding kingdoms. A printer was sought for, who required a certain time to determine the risk he should run in the undertaking; this was accordingly granted, and the parties sepaiatf-d. As soon as the person intended to be employed found the consequence attached to it, he communicated the important information to a soli- citor, of some eminence, in London, to whom he had formerly been known. The affair was subsequently made known to the Queen's youngest son, and by him the Queen was fully acquainted with the probability of public expo- sure. An overwhelming infamy, she well knew, would be inseparably attached to it. Her Majesty had been accus- tomed to deception, but hitherto she had not feared de- tection ; but the moment of her fancied security was the- moment most likely to prove fatal to her existence as a. Queen. The Duke of Kent was unremitting in his exertions ta obtain a settlement of this nefarious affair; and twenty thousand pounds were actually paid for the correspondence,. and two thousand pounds given by the Queen (through the- medium of the Duke) to the person who effected the settle- ment of the business, under the provision " that that Inisi- ness might never transpire to the public." His Eoyal Highness was too well aware of the general disposition of the Queen, and her avaricious character, not to affect satis- faction at the high price her Majesty paid for silencing this unpleasant affair. It may be inferred, that if the Queen had committed herself by such flagrant acts of in- justice as these, there might be many more dishonourable transactions of a minor description occurring nearly at the same period. Yes, the inference is correct, for her Majesty- was trul,v born and bred a German ! We r -t relate another instance of Queen Charlotte's ungeneru».d conduct. She had the superintendence of the education of her daughters, as far as related to the choice of their preceptors. Her Majesty appointed a very clever and scientific gentleman, who resided in London, to teach herself and the six Princesses geography, astronomy, arith- metic, and the nature of the funds. Besides which, he was asked, as a favour, to settle the very deranged accounts of the Princesses. This accomplished and worthy gentleman also held of Princess Elizabeth a bond for ten thousand pounds. After dancing attendance upon these illustrioua individuals for twenty-six years, without receiving any remuneration, though he had frequently pressed for pay. 70 SECRET HISTOICT OF THK ment of his long-standing account, he again soliciteo a settlement with the Queen ; but, as he only received abuse of an unmeasured description for his pains, he determined to maintain himself and his large family out of the profits of his private scholars, leaving the royal debt as a pro- vision for his children after him. His expenses were con- siderable in attending the royal family, as he was always obliged to go full-dressed in a bag and silk stockings, to hire carriages to go down to Windsor, to live at an inn, and to sleep there, if they chose to take lessons, the two follow- incr days, by which he was also often obliged to neglect and disoblige his private scholars. For all this attendance, he received no remuneration whatever; and Queen Charlotte had the heart to say, " I think you have had remuneration sufficient by your youngest son receiving a pension of eighty pounds a year for teaching the youngest Princess ■only writing !" The preceptor, however, still claimed his remuneration ; and was, at last, referred to the lawyers, who required him to produce proofs of every lesson he gave, the hour and day, for twenty-six years ! To their astonishment, he produced his diary, and such clear ac- counts, that there was no contradicting them. 13ut, as lawyers are never at a loss how to gain their ends, they next required him to declare, upon oath, the name of each particular servant that had let him in during the twenty-sis years! This he could not do; and her Majesty, not to be behind the lawyers, advised they should plead the statute of limitation. The lawyers, however, persuaded her most excellent Majesty that such a proceeding wtuld be against her interest. After being harassed about in this manner for a considerable time, the old, careworn, broken-hearted master was most injuriously persuaded to suffer the business to be decided by one arbitrator only, instead of trusting to the laws of his counti-y. The poor old gentleman never held up his he^d afterwards, but always used to say he should leave all his family beggars, which, alas ! proved too true. He shortly after died at his house in Manchester Street. He was a very worthy and an exceedingly clever man. On one occasion, Mr. Pitt sent for I him to solve some difficulty in the finances of the country, ! for which none of the Ministers could account. He in- stantly set them all right, by showing that such an error was possible to occur, though it very seldom did occur. Besides the claims upon Queen Charlotte, the worthy preceptor had a bill against the Princess Cliarlotte for eight hundi-ed pounds. On applying to the Prince of Wales for this money, he refused to pay it, and referred him to the King, who was then quite deranged. The Princess of Wales knew all these particulars, and told her daughter, the Princess Charlotte, the desperate state of the poor man's COURT OF ENGLAND. 71 family. Her Royal Highness spoke to her uncle, the Duke of York, about it, who persuaded her that the venerable master nas an old rogue, who had robbed the Princesses and all the family; and her Royal Highness chose to believe him. That ho was a scientific man, bis books and mathe- matical instruments bore ample testimony. These were sold after his death for eight thousand pounds, which went to discharge his debts. Many other incidents might be recorded to prove the un- feeling and barbarous behaviour of the Queen ; but this alone must be sufficient to convince our readers how totally unfit her Majesty was to reign over a free people. In the September of this year. Lord Castlereagh sent a cliallenge to Mr. Canning, which was accepted. But the effects of the duel were not very serious, though it sub- sequently led to the resignation of both. It is hardly worth while, perhaps, to recur to this now forgotten, and always, as far as the public were concerned, insignificant business. Lord Castlereagh acted as a vain and high-spirited man, who fancied his confidence betrayed, his abilities called in question, and, like an Irishman, saw but a short vista be- tween an offence and a duel. Mr. Canning, equally high- spirited, felt that he had got into a disagreeable business, and that the fairest escape from it would be to fight his way out. Lord Castlereagh's conduct, when we think of a sober and wise statesman, is ridiculous. Mr. Canning's, when we picture to ourselves a high-minded and frank- liearted gentleman, in spite of the plausibility of explana- tions, is displeasing. The wretched policy of this year required fifty-four millions of money to support it. The year 1810 was ushered in under distressing and un- satisfactory circumstances. The royal family were divided among themselves, and every branch seemed to have a separate interest. Under these circumstances, it was not a matter of surprise that truth was now and then elicited ; for it is a veritable saying that "When rogues fall out, honest men are gainers." The King was at this time labouring under a severe attack of mental aberration. The situation of the country, liis children, and his own peculiar sorrows made impressions on his mind of the most grievous description. In a former work of ours, called " The Authentic Records of the Court of England," we gave an account of the extra- ordinary and mysterious murder of one Sellis, a servant off the Duke of Cumberland, which occurred this year. In that account, we did what we conceived to be our duty as his- torians—we spoke the truth ! The truth, however, it appears, is not always to be spoken, for his Royal Highness instantly oommenced a persecution against us for a " mali- 72 SBCRKT HI6TOBT OF TH« cious libel." We are no cowards in regimentals, nor did we make our statement with a view of slandering the royal pensioner. We would have willingly contended with his Royal Highness in a court of law, if he had had the courage to have met us on fair grounds. At the time we write this, we know not what the judgment of Lord Tenterden — we beg his lordship's pardon, we should have said the court — may be ; but, whatever the punishment awarded, we hope to meet it with that fortitude which never fails to uphold a man " conscious of doing no wrong." If the Duke of Cumberland, however, imagines he can intimidate us from speaking the truth out of Court, he has mistaken us. We are not, as we said in our first work, to be prevented from doing whatever we conceive to be our duty. Though it may not be in our power to prove who was the murderer, the very suspicious circumstances attending the death of poor Sellis fully warrant renewed inquiry. Passing over the various reports in circulation at the time of the murder, we proceed to notice the very contra- dictory evidence brought forward at the inquest. That we may not be accused of partiality, we take the report of this judicial proceeding from tbat Tory organ, *.he Morning Post, which, it will be observed, deals out its abuse with no unsparing hand on the poor murdered man, whom it calls by the charitable appellation of villain, and : sundry other hard names, which had better suited the well- known characters of other persons, who acted a prominent part in this foul business. After a few unmeaning pre- liminaries had been performed — "Mr. Adams addressed the jury, and informed them of the violent attack that had been made upon the Duke of Cumberland, and that there was very little doubt but it was done by the deceased. He stated the circumstances had been fully investigated by the Privy Council on Thursday, and that the depositions of the numerous witnesses had been taken before Mr. Justice Read, which he should read to them; after which the witnesses should be called before them, and the depositions would also be read to them, when they would have an opportunity of altering or enlarging, and the jury could put any question to them they thought fit." In this address, some of the privileges of royalty are ex- plained. Because the murder had been committed in a palace, the Privy Council must examine the witnesses before they may be allowed to meet the jury, and their depositions taken by a justice, under the infiuence of the suspected party. The coroner may then tell the jury that there was very little doubt of the deceased person having attempted his master's life, and afterwards cutting his own throat to avoid detection. Merciful heavens ! 2an this be called an impartial administration of justice! Are such careful OOCBT or XNOLAND. 73 proceedings ever adopted in the case of a poor man ? To be sui'e, the jury were told tbey might ask any question they thought fit; but is it to be supposed that, after the INQUIRIES they had undergone, the witnesses would let slip anything likely to criminate themselves or their royal master ? "The first aflBdavit that was read was that of his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland, which stated, about half-past two o'clock on Thursday morning he received two violent blows and cuts on his head ; the first impression upon his mini was, that a bat had got into the room, and was beating about his head ; but he was soon convinced to the contrary, by i-eceiving a third blow. He then jumped out of bed, when he received several more blows ; from the glimmering lights afforded from a dull lamp in the fire- place, and the motion of the instrument that inflicted the wounds, they appeared like flashes of lightning before his eyes. He made for a door near the head of tlie bed, leading to a small room, to which the assassin followed him, and cut him across his thighs. His Royal Highness not being able to find his alarm-bell, which there is no doubt the villain had concealed, called with a loud voice for Neale (his valet in waiting) several times, who came to his assistance; and Neale, together with his Royal Highness,- alarmed the house." The blows of the assassin must have indeed been slight, to resemble " a bat beating about the head of his Royal' Highness;" but we cannot understand how the cut of a sword can bear any similarity to the beating of a little animal, like a bat. Poor Ssllis, however, was but a little man, and his weak arm might be still more enfeebled by the consciousness of his ingratitude in attacking so kind and liberal a master! Sellis had been the Duke's page, or valet, for more than five years, in daily, nay, almost hourly, personal communication with him ; and it must, therefore, appear very strange, if Sellis was really the assassin, that his master did not recognise him ! If the room was so dark that the Duke could not see the person attacking him, it is singular that the assassin could see to strike his Royat Highness, as he did, by " cutting him across his thighs, after he was out of bed !" As the supposed murderer followed the Duke, who thought it best to take to his heels, we think his Royal Highness should have stated whether he meant Lis thighs in front or behind ; but, of course, an examination of the scars would soon set the matter at rest ! They would, no doubt, be found behind, as it is unreasonable to suppose that, in a dark room, the pursuer could have cut at the pursued in front. The Duke of Cumberland is a Field-Marshal, and a braver man, it is said, never entered into the field ; but in a dark room, with a man little more 71 SECRET HISTORY OF TUE than half his weight, it would have been cowardly to fight, particularly as his Rt)yal Highness might, if he had so WISHED, have taken the weapon out of Sellis's hand, and hi-oken it about his head. No, no ! The Duke of Cumber- land knew what was due to his honour, better than to take so mean an advantage of a weak adversary, and therefore coolly endeavoured to ring his bell, that a more suitable antagonist might be procured in his valet, Neale. " Cornelius Neale, sworn. — He said he was valet to the Duke of Cumberland, and that he was in close waiting upon Ms Royal Highness on Wednesday night, and slept in a bed in a room adjoining the Duke's bed-room. A little before three o'clock he heard the Duke calling out, ' Neale, Neale, I am murdered, and the murderer is in my bed-room !" He went immediately to hiis Royal Highness, and found him bleeding from his wounds. The Duke told him the •door the assassin had gone out at. He armed himself with a poker, and asked if he should pursue him. The Duke replied ' No,' but to remain ivith him. After moving a few paces, he stepped upon a sword, and, although in the dark, he was convinced it was covered with blood ! It proved to be the Duke's own regimental sword. The Duke and witness then went to alarm the house, and got a light from the porter. The Duke was afraid the mui-derer was still in his bedroom. His Royal Highness was obliged to lean upon him from the loss of blood, and he gave directions that no person should be let out of the house. They called up the witness's wife, who is the housekeeper, and told her to call Sellis. He then returned with the Duke to his bed- room. At that time the Duke was very faint from the gi'eat loss of blood. Upon examining the premises, they found, in a second adjoining small room, a pair of slippers with the name of Sellis on them, and a dark lantern. The key of the closet was in the inside of the lock ; and, to his knowledge, the key had not been in that state for ten years. He had reason to believe the wounds of the Duke bad been given by a sword. Sellis took out the Duke's regimentals some time since, and put them by again, but left out the sword upou a sofa for two or three days. It is the same sword which he trod upon, and it was in a bloody Btate. "The foreman of the jury (Mr. Place, of Charing Cross) asked the witness if he tifiought the deceased had any rea- son to be dissatisfied with the Duke. He replied, on the contrary, he thought Sellis had more reason fo be satisfied than any other of the servants ; his Royal Highness had stood godfather for one of his children, and the Prince&s Augusta godmother. The Duke had shown him very par- ticular favour by giving him apartments for his wife and family, with coals and candles. COURT OF ENGLAND. 75 "A juryni.in aslted Lim if he ever heard the deceased complain of the Duke. The witness asked if he was obliged to answer that question. The coroner informed him ha must. He then stated that about two or three years sinca the Duke advanced their board waycs from 10s. 6d. a week to 14s., but at the same time took off 3s. 6d. allowed for travelling. After this regulation was adopted, a paper waa drawn up by the steward for the servants to sign, express- ing their satisfaction at the regulation, which the deceased refused to sign, and said, 'he'd be d d if he did; and none but blackguards would sign it.' The steward told him the Duke said he must sign it, or his wife and family must quit the apartments he had given them, as the rest of the servants had signed it. He had never heard the deceased complain since. Within the last year the Duke and royal family had been extremely kind to him. He had never given him an angry word, although lie had often made use of very bad language to him ; if he did, he never answered him. The deceased was of a very malicious disposition^ He would never be contradicted if he began a subject, for- which reason he never wished to have any conversation, with him. He frequently quarrelled with Mr. Paulet, one of the Duke's servants, and fought with the steward at Kew. Lately the deceased had a bad cold, and the Duke was so very kind towards him in consequence, that he took him inside the carriage to Windsor. Sellis dressed the- Duke on Wednesday night. He had no doubt but Sellis intended that he should be charged with the murder, to get him out of the way." This Neale's evidence ought to be received with great caution. He slept in the next room to the Duke, and when called upon for his assistance, stated bis wish to pursue the murderer with a poker, but was prevented by his master's " fear of being left alone." In this courageous offer of Neale, however, he trampled upon a sword, which, although in totai darkness, he was convinced was covered with blood I We have no intention to dispute Neale's knowledge of this, or that " it was his master's own reginaental sword !" There have been so many wonderful people who could see as well in the dark as in the light, and describe the minutest par- ticulars of an article as well with their eyes shut as open, that we ought not to be surprised at anything! Notwith- standing, many persons weee surprised at the sagacity of Neale, not only in this, but in many other particulars. If the Duke, " covered with gore, accompanied the servant to storm the house," the traces of blocd on the doors, &c., leading to Sellis's room, might be vei-y naturally accounted for! They, however, thought it better not to call Sellis THEMSELVES, but Sent Ncalc's WIFE TO DO IT ! Although the Duke pointed out to his confidential man the door 76 SECRET HirrOBT OF THB tb]"ougli which the villain had escaped, his Royal Highness " felt afraid the murderer was still in his bedi'oom i" which we have no reason to doubt. " A pair of slippers were left in an adjoining room, with the name of Sellis upon them." That Sellis left them there, however, is rather improbable; because it is natural to suppose he would, if he had been the murderer, have gone to his master's room without SLIPPERS, or shoes of any kind, to make as little noise aa possible. This circumstance, we are inclined to think, was a planned affair, though badly executed ; for we know that these slippers were placed the wrong way — a fact which will be hereafter proved. Through the whole of Neale's evi- dence, not a word was said to show Sellis had the least motive for murdering either the Duke or himself. On the contrary, " Sellis had everything to expect from his master's living." In concluding our remarks upon Neale's evidence, we point the attention of our readers to the last sentence — "He had no doubt but Sellis intended that he (Neale) should be charged with being the murderer, to get him out of the way !" Now, as there was not the slightest evidence to bear Neale out in this malicious assertion ; we think, fob HIS OWN SAKE, he had much better have kept the expres- sion to himself. Some of our readers may not be aware of the cause Sellis had given this fellow-servant to hate him ; but the following letter, addressed to B. C. Stephenson, Esq., written by Sellis a few months before his death, will elucidate this matter a little : — " St. James's, July 9th, 1809. ^' Sir,— " I am extremely anxious to know his Royal Highness's decision concerning the evidence produced before you against Mr. Neale, and T beg you, sir, to have the goodness to relieve me from this most disagreeable suspense. If I may, sir, judge from appearance, either his Royal Highness is not acquainted with what has been proved, or his Royal Highness has entirely forgiven him. Should the former be the case, sir, I hope you will have the goodness to acquaint his Royal Highness to the full extent of the roguery of this man ; and here it may be necessary to say, that the wit- nesses you have examined are all of them ready to take their oatha in a court of justice, and there to assert what they have already said before you. But, sir, should his Royal Highness have forgiven him, then I must be under the most disagreeable necessity to beg his Royal Highness to have the goodness to dispose of me as his Royal High- ness may think proper, so that I may not have the mortifi. cation to live and act in the same room with a man I have convicted as a rogue, and with vhom no human being la COURT OF ENQLAN1>. 77 able to live on friendly terras. Had it been his Royal Highness' s pleasure to have had this business in a court of justice, the man would have been transported at least for seven years ; and what I am going to communicate to you now is, I believe, transportation for life. I have been told, sir, that Mr. Neale cheats his Royal Highness in every- thing he buys; in two different articles 1 have already ascer- tained this to be a fact; on the toothpicks he gains fifty pet cent, by charging eigh teen-pence for that for which he only pays one shilling ; and on the soap he charges two shillings for that for which he only pays eighteenpence; and should his Royal Highness wish me to proceed with these dis- coveries, it will be found that the dishonesty of this man has no bounds. The evidence that you have taken, sir, and what I have communicated to Major Thornton, with which, also, you must be acquainted, you must be satisfied that this man is as great a villain as ever existed ; no oath or promise is binding with him ; and he relates alike that which he must have sworn to keep sacred in his bosom, as he will a most trifling thing; and slanders and threatens WITH PUBLIC EXPOSURE AND LARGE DAMAGES Ms bonefactor and only maker of his fortune, just as he would one of his own stamp. Sir, to serve his Royal Highness 1 have always thought it as ray greatest honour, and to serve him in any situation that his Royal Highness may be pleased to place me, shall always be the greatest pride of my life ; but no longer can I live with this monster. I have, sir, served his Royal Highness for nearly twenty years, and would rather forego all my wishes and pretensions, and beseech his Royal Highness to allow me permission to look out for another place. To your goodness I trust, sir, that you will lay my ease befoie his Royal Highness, and acquaint me with his Royal Highness' s pleasure. " I have the honour to be, sir, " Your most obedient and most humble servant, "T. Sellis. " B. C. Stephenson, Esq." In this letter enough is set forth to make us receive the evidence of Neale with caution, if not to render him un- worthy of belief altogether. Why the Duke of Cumberland retained Neale in his service after his peculating tricks had been discovered, and after the threat he held out against his royal master, we must leave our readers to discover. " The jury proceeded to examine the bedroom of the royal Duke, which they found in a most distressing and horrible state. It could not be discovered what his Royal High- ness's night-cap was made of, it being completely soaked in blood. The first blow given his Royal Highness was, pro- videntially, prevented from proving fatal from the Duke'a 78 SECKET illSTOKT OF THB wearing a padded lubbon bandao^e round his cap, and a tassel, which came in contact with the sword ; the bed- clothes generally were blooded ; the paper of the room, the panels and paintings, the door at the head of the bed (through which his Royal Highness endeavoured to make his escape) was cut with the sword at the time the villain was cutting at the Duke, and the dark assassin must have followed his Eoyal Highness to the door of an ante-room, which was also spotted with blood." Supposing Sellis to be the villain here meant, the wretched means he took to accomplish the end in view were inadequate ;*that it were quite impossible for him to have done all the bloody work so minutely related, from the position in which the parties were placed. The Duke was in a modern high bed, his head well protected with a " padded ribbon bandage," the only vital part of him that was above the bed-clothes, and the curtains drawn round him. Sellis was not taller than the level of the bed-clothes, and yet he chose a sword to attack his recumbent master ! In a contest BO unequal the Duke might have annihilated Sellis in a miKvte. " The jury then proceeded to the room where the corpse of the deceased villain remained. They found it with the whole of the body (except the head and feet) covered with blood ; the razor which did the deed in a bloody state. The deceased's neck-cloth was cut through in several places. The drawers, wash-hand basin-stand, and the basin, were also bloody." To some people, such a state of the room may appear anything but convincing of the guilt of Sellis ; yet, to such sensible men who were on the jury, all confirmed the verdict afterwards recorded. Sellis, from his neckcloth having been "cut through in several places," blood being sprinkled in all parts of the room, and an appearance of someone having just washed their hands in the basin, must have been his own murderer, and, consequently, the assassin of the Duke of Cumberland. " After the examination of the rooms, the jury proceeded to the investigation of the witnesses. " Thomas Jones, a surgeon and apothecary of the Strand, said he had attended the Duke of Cumberland's household since the year 1803. He knew the deceased well. He never saw him in a low or desponding way. The last time he had seen him was on Monday evening; he observed i-. was not very well, from a cold. He had seen him on the Sunday previous, when he was very anxious for the state of his child, having lately lost one. On Tuesday the child got better. He observed nothing particular about him for six. weeks past, when he complained of a pain in his chest. He never complained to him of harsh treatment from the Duka. COURT OF ENGLAND. 79 He attended him four or five years since for a pain in his chest, which he said was brought on by riding on horse- back. He undei'stood he lived very happily with his wife. His wife told him it was no use sending physic for the pain in his chest, for he would not take it. He never observed any symptoms of derangement in him." It will here be perceived that Sellis was neither deranged nor had the slightest cause for attempting his own life or that of his master. Is it not singulai' that Mr. Jones men- tioned nothing about the wounds in Sellis's throat, or the methodical position in which the murdered man was found ? Was he permitted to exattiine the body ? If he was not, dark suspicion must ever attend upon those who refused any medical man such a privilege ; and, if he did view it, why not have given his opinion of the matter? But this affords another proof of the unfairness of the proceedings on this inquest. " Ann Neale, the housekeeper, said she was called up at about three o'clock on Thursday morning by her husband; at the same time she heard the Duke saying, ' I am mur- dered !' She got up with all possible speed, and saw the Duke bleeding very much in the valet's room. Slie went with several others to the door of the deceased, to call him ; she found it fastened on the inside, and no answer was given to their calls. She and other servants went to another door, which opened to his room. As they approached the door, they heard a noise, as if a man was gargling water in his throat. The porter entered first, and exclaimed, ' Good God ! Mr. Sellis has cut his throat !' He was a very obstinate and quarrelsome man. He would not bear con- tradiction, not even from the Duke. His Royal Highness and Princess Augusta stood (by proxy) to his last child. The Duke was very partial to him, and allowed his family to sleep in the house. His Royal Highness allowed him to ride in his carriage with him, when travelling, since his illness. The Princess Elizabeth gave his wife two pieces of muslin lately. The Princess Augusta made her a present of several articles of value. The principal acquaintance of the deceased was a Mr. GrevQle, a servant to the Duke of Cambridge, and Mr. and Mrs. Dupree, wax-chandlers. About three weeks since he told her Mrs. Marsh, the housekeeper to the Royal Cockpit, was dead, and that he should speak to the Duke to give the place to his wife; and, if he did not succeed with Lord Dartmouth for that, he should apply to him to get his wife a sinecure, as he had asked his Royal Highness to get him a messenger's place, but hq, supposed the Duke did not like to part with him. She asked him about a week since if he had succeeded, and he replied he had not yet. He and his family were in so much favour, that every Court-day, when the Queen came to dress at the 80 SECKBT HISTORT OF TH« Duke's apartments for the drawing-room, Sellis's wife ancB children were had down for the Queen and Princess to see them. On the last drawing-room, the child the Princess had stood for was had into the Queen's private apartments. A special privilege was granted to Sellis of a bell being per- mitted to be put up to ring him to the Duke from his family's apartment. The deceased would quari-el with people rather than give up a point." This woman's description of the door of Sellis's room being fastened inside was, doubtless, thought to be a very clever aflPair- Guilt, however, generally betrays itself, for instead of bursting open the door so secured, she, and other servants, went to another door, which opened to his room, and which door was not fastened inside ! Now, would not the first impulse of every person, unconscious of crime, 10 svich a peculiar situation as this woman was placed, have rather suggested the breaking open of Sellis's door, than going round to another ? If both doors had been secured, the thing would have appeared a little more consistent. " Benjamin Smith, porter to the Duke of Cumberland, said that about a quarter before three o'clock he was called np by the Duke and Neale, who said his Royal Highness had been murdered. He got up, armed himself with a sword, and then called to the soldiers on guard not to suffer any person to go out of the house. He then went to call the deceased, but receiving no answer, he went to his family's apartments, and called through the keyhole. A child answered he was sleeping at the Duke's. He then, with several of his fellow-servants, went to Sellis's apartments again, when on hearing the noise in his throat, he supposed somebody else was murdered in the house. When he first saw the Duke, he was covered with blood, and Neale said the Duke was murdered. There had not been any quarrel between any of the servants and Sellis, to his knowledge." This was the porter described by the last witness as having exclaimed, " Good God ! Mr. Sellis has cut his throat .'" There is, however, a little difference between his own statement and that of Mrs. Neale ; such as his going " to his family's apartments," after " receiving no answer from Sellis," and then "returning to Sellis's apartments, when, on hearing the noise in his throat, he supposed somebody else was murdered." If this man thought that Sellis cut his own throat, as stated by Mrs. Neale, what did he mean by saying " he supposed somebody else had been murdered P" Do not the porter's own words imply that Sellis had been murdered, and not that he had murdered himself ? Yet the jury sawno discrepancy in the evidence ! "Matthew Henry Gresham, a servant of the Duke's, said he armed himself with pistols upon his being called up. He was not able to find his way to Sellis's apartments by COUBT OF ENQLAND. 81 the regular door, but found his way to another, when he and his two fellow servants were afraid to enter the loom, on account of the groans and noise in the throat of the deceased, although he had two pistols, and another had a Bword. He had been so much frightened ever since, that he had not been able to visit the room where the body lay. He considered Sellis a civil, well-hehaved man. He seldom heard Neale and Sellis speak together ; did not suppose he ever heard them exchange ten words together. The last time the Duke went to Windsor, he took Sellis inside the coach, because he would not expose him to the morning air. He never observed Sellis to be low-spu-ited ; he Ixaxl not appeared so well lately as in general, in consequence of his having a cold." This witness, it appears, although terribly alarmed, was unable to find out the regular door to Sellis's apartments, but found his way to another, more difficult of access. Now, without denying the truth of this statement, it seems rather singular that he should not have gone the way he knew best ; but, from his cowardly nature, he probably fol- lowed Mrs. Neale, who noiw appeared to know the easiest way of gaining admittance to the chamber of horror. Gresham also added his testimony to almost all the other witnesses as to the amiable character of the murdered Sellis, as well as proving his perfect sanity. •' Mr. Jackaon, a surgeon : He had examined the body of the deceased ; he found the windpipe completely divided ; he had seen larger wounds done by a man's own hands ; the arteries on both sides were completely separated ; he had no doubt but they were done by a razor, or sharp instrument ; the wound was five or six inches wide, and an inch and a half deep. He had no other wound in his body, and had no doubt but his throat being cut was the cause of his death." This was the only medical gentleman allowed to give evidence as to the state of the murdered man's wounds. We are totally unacquainted with Mr. Jackson, and cannot, therefore, be actuated by any malice towards him ; neither do we wish to accuse him with interested motives when he made the above statement. But justice asks, why was not the opinion of six medical men, at least, recorded on this very momentous liead? We will, however, tell the reader why. One or two other professional persons did examine the body of poor Sellis ; and, if they had been allowed to give their opinion, would assuredly have convinced every honest man of the impossibility of Sellis being his own murderer. One of these. Dr. Carpue, has frequently been heard to say that " The head of Sellis was nearly severed from his body, and that even the joint was cut through !" Dr. Carpue haa also stated that " no man could have the power to hold an 62 SECRET HISTOET OF THE instrument in his hand to cut one-eighth of the depth cf tbe wound in the throat of Sellis '." " Sergeant Creighton, of the Coldstream Eegiment of Foot Guards, said, in consequence of the alarm of the Duke being miu'dered, he went with several men into the house. When they came to the deceased's room, the servants were afraid to go in, on account of the noise ; he, in consequence, took the candle froui them. He found the deceased dead, with his throat cut, and a razor about two yards from the bed. The deceased was quite dead, but not cold. The blood was then running and frothing out of his neck. He did not appear to have struggled with any person, but had his hands quite straight do^vn by his side. The deceased had on pantaloons and stockings." Notwithstanding part of this man's evidence was sup- pressed, we have here sufBcient to prove that Sellis was not his own murderer. No man, after cutting his head nearly off, could possibly throw a razor two yards from his bed. When the inquest was held, the razor was found on some drawers in the room. But it was placed there by a Bow Street officer by mistake ; at least, so it was reported. We, however, consider even the very partial evidence published in the Morning Post quite sufficient to prove that poor Sellis had nothing to do with the razor himself. Someone else must have thrown it " two yards from the bed." The mur- dered man could not possibly have so exerted himself after the infliction of such a severe wound. A man in the agonies of death would rather have grasped the deadly instru- ment in his hand; for this circumstance has almost always been observed in those persons committing suicide. Fur- ther than this, however, the witness states " he did not appear to have struggled with any person, but had his hands quite straight down by his side." Every man, who will not quite abjectly resign his reason, cannot deny that snch a position of the bauds was contrary to the natural struggles of a dying man, and that it was quite impossible for Sellis to have so systematically laid out his own body. But the suppressed evidence of this sergeant, which afterwards appeared in The Neivs, fully proved that the first impression of the Duke's servants was that Sellis had been mtxrdered, and not that he had murdered himself. For Creighton says : — " On entering the house, accompanied by another ser- geant, and two or three soldiers, he met two servants who told him that the Duke of Cumberland had been wounded, and that Sellis was murdered." This witness also corroborated some other important points. For instance — " On the floor before the bed lay a white handkerchief, cut in several places. On the opposite side of the room was OOUET OF ENGLAND. 83 A wash-hand basin with some water in it, which looked as if some person had been washing blood in it ! The curtains were sprinkled with blood, as well as several parts of the room. At that time it was broad daylight." When we ask why the Morning Post thought it prudent to omit this and much other important evidence, we could give the because; but our readers will easily understand it ! " Jauies Ball, a footman, said, upon the alarm being given, he inquired of a female servant what was the matter? He informed him the Duke was murdered. He went down to the porter with all possible speed, who desired him to call Sellis, which he did, but could not gain admittance ; he went to the other door, when he saw the deceased, with his throat cut, on his bed; but the sight was so shocking he drew back and almost fainted. His wife since told him he ate a hearty supper, shook hands with her, and bid her good night at parting. He never quarrelled with the de- ceased. He understood the origin of the quarrel between Sellis and Neale was Neale's taking a newspaper out of Sellis's hand. The Duke was particularly partial to Sellis, and behaved better to him, he thought, than to any other servant. Sellis and Neale were obliged frequently to bo in the same room together, but he never observed anything particular between them. Sellis was a very sober man. If he was not at the Duke's apartments upon his business, he was sure to be found with his family. The Duke continued his kindness to the last. He had heard Sellis say he would never be friendly with a man (meaning Neale) who had treated him as he had done. Sellis used some years since to ride in the carriage with the Duke, but since a box had been made to the carriage he was ordered by the Duke tt ride there. He objected to that, saying that it shook hint very much." This servant, like most of the others, was ordered to caR Sellis, and his evidence, in this particular, seems merely a rehearsal of the rest. The corroboration which Ball here gave ef the excellent character of Sellis, had been sufficient, one would think, for any jury to have acquitted the poor fellow of any participation of an attempt on the Duke, or with being his own murderer. In Ball's evidence, also, the dislike which Sellis entertained towards Neale is again set forth, and which, in our opinion, goes far to prove the occa- sion of it, which we have before explained. Neale, in his evidence, attempted to turn this dislike to his own advan- tage, by charging Sellis with the attack upon his master, ■vnd with endeavouring to fix the crime upon him (Neale) out of revenge. " A guilty conscience needs no assurer" — a Baying, perhaps, never better exemplified. " Thomas Greedy, a private in the Coldstream Eegimenl of Guards, who was on duty, and the firtt man who ent«re» tt4 StCKET HtSTCBT OF THK the room of Sellis : The servant bein^ afraid, he trembled 80 much that he let the candle fall, but he caught it up, and prevented it from going out. After seeing Sellis's throat cut, and fearing robbers were in the house, he looked under the bed. He did not see a coat in the room (which is very small), although there was a bhie one belonging to Sellis, uiith blood on the cuff and blood on the side. He observed a wash-hand basin with blood on the sides and blood in some water. The deceased did not appear to have struggled with anyone. His head was against his watch at the head of the bed." This was one of the soldiers who accompanied Sergeant Creighton ; but whether the sergeant or this man was the " first who entered the room of Sellis" is not exactly clear. Creighton, in his evidence, says it was " broad daylight," and therefore why candles were required it is rather diffi- cult to comprehend. Yet, notwithstanding the amallness of the room, " he did not see a coat, although (as he himself confidently states) there was a blue one belonging to Sellis." How could this witness know it belonged to Sellis, whom he probably never saw alive ? As to " blood being on the left cuff and on the side," what proof did he adduce of this, for he himself never saw the coat at all ? He, however, observed a wash-hand basin, in the very suspicious state described by other witnesses, and gave the additional evidence of Sellis's head being " against his watch at the head of the bed;" indeed, the poor man's head only hung by a small piece of skin, and his murderers had therefore placed it in that position to keep it from falling off altogether ! Is it not monstrous, then, that men could be found so lost to honour as to record a verdict of "Felo de se?' " John Probert and John Windsor, two privates in the Ouards, said they were on duty opposite the Duke's house at the time of the alarm, and were positive no person went out of the house after the alarm was given." The evidence of these men clearly shows that Sellis WAS MUEDEEED BY SOME ONE BELONGING TO THE HOUSE, which we see no reason to dispute. " Thomas Strickland, under butler to his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland, said he saw the deceased in the Duke's bed-room about ten minutes before eleven o'clock on Wednesday night. He was surprised at seeing him there, supposing him to be in close waiting upon the Duke. The deceased appeared to have a shirt in his hand. He looked very earnest at him, but he had a smile on his countenance. He went to take a cupful of light drink for the Duke to take in the night, which it was his duty to do. He never heard Sellis speak disrespectfully of the Duke." No satisfactory reason is here given why this man should have felt surprised at seeing Sellia in the bed-room of his COURT OF ENGLAND. 85 master; for Sellis was there only in the performance of his duty, which the witness acknowledged. How ardently have those connected with this black affair endeavoured to fix the odium upon the murdered man ! Yet how futile, to all reasonable men, must appear their observations ! Sellis, with a "shirt in one hand" and a "cup of light drink" in the other, in the Duke of Cumberland's bedroom, ought not to have created surprise in anyone, knowing the peculiar situation which Sellis filled in the household of his Royal Highness. Did Strickland really feel surprised, or was lie anxious to say so ? But it will be observed that even this witness confessed " he never heard Sellis speak disrespect- fully of the Duke." Can it, then, be believed he was guilty of the attack upon his royal master ? " Sarah Varley, housemaid to the Duke of Cumberland, said she pxxt two bolsters in tbe closet in the second little ante-room adjoining on Wednesday night, they being only put upon his Royal Highness' s bed for ornament in the day- time. There was no lantern in the closet at the time she put them there, aud the dark lantern found in the closet is like one she had seen on the deceased's dressing-table. There was no sword nor scabbard when she put the bolsters there." The dark lantern, sword, &c., were not in the closet when the woman went there to put away the bolsters. Well, what of that ? Might they not have been put there ;>.f terwards ? As to " the dark lantern found in the closet being like one she had seen on the deceased's dressing- table," that proves nothing against Sellis, even if this lady had positively sworn to its being the same. It was very easy to place a lantern in Sellis's room, and afterwards re- move it to the aforesaid closet. But we have little doubt that more than one dark lantern might have been found on premises where so many secret deeds had been done ! To have made this matter better evidence, why did not some kind friend write the name of Sellis on the lantern, similar to the plan adopted with the slippers? Such a scheme might have brought the very scrupulous jury to their verdict three hours sooner, at least ! " James Paulet, a valet to the Duke, first saw his Royal Highness in his room, with Neale holding him up. The Duke told him he was murdered, and the murderers must be in his room. The witness replied he was afraid they should be all murdered, on seeing all the doors opened. The Duke insisted they should both stay with hiui. His Royal Highness repeatedly called for Sellis. In a short time after some person called at the door that Sellis was found mur- dered. The Duke appeared very anxious for the safety of Sellis, and as soon as Surgeon Home had dressed his wounds, he sent him to attend to Sellis. Dr. Home now returned. 86 sjtcKi!;!' mo i our of the a.nd saiefore oiii readers a few particulars tending to confirm an opposite opinion, Mr. Jew, then in the household of the Duke, and who, probably, i-s now alive (information of which fact might be ascertained by application to the King of Belgium), was inclined to give his deposition upon the subject in the fol- lowing terms, alleging, as his reason, the very severe pangs of conscience he endured through the secrecy he had manifested upon this most serious affair : — Deposition. "I was in the Duke's household, in May, 1810, and on the evening of the 31st I attended his Royal Highness to the Opei'a. This was the evening previous to Sellis's death. That night it was my turn to undress his Eoyal Highness. On our arriving at St. James's, I found Sellis had retired for the night, as he had to prepare his master's apparel, &c., and to accompany liim on a journey early in the morning. " I slept that night in my ov?n roo.n, but Neale, another valet to the Duke, slept in an apartment very slightly divided from that occupied by hi> Royal Highness. A few days previous to tliis date I was commanded by my master to lay a sword upon one of the sofas in his bedchamber, and I did so. After undressing his Royal Highness I retired to bed. I had not long been asleep when I was disturbed by Neale, who told me to get uj> immediately, as my master, the Duke, was nearly murdered. I lost no time, and very soon entered his Royal Highness's bedroom. His Royal Highness was then standing nearly in the middle of the chamber, apparently quite cool and composed. His shirt was bloody, and he commanded me to fetch Sir Henry Halford, saying, ' I am severely wounded.' The sword which, a few days before, I had laid upon the sofa, was then lying on the floor, and was very bloody. I went with all possible haste for Sir Henry, and soon returned with him. I stood by when the wounds were examined, none of which were of a serious nature or appearance. That in his hand was the most considerable. " During this period, which was nearly two hours, neither Neale nor Sellis had been in the Duke's room, which ap- peared to me a very unaccountable circumstance. At length, when all the bustle of dressing the wounds (which wei-e very inconsidei-able) was over, and the room arranged, the Duke said, 'Call Sellis.' I went to Sellis's door, and, upon opening it, the most terrific scene presented itself. Sellis was lying perfectly straight in the bed, the head raised up against the head-board, and nearly severed from the body ; his hands were lying quite straight on each side of him, and upon examination I saw him weltering in blood, it having covered the under part of the body. He had on 92 SECRET HISTORY OF THK hie shirt, his waistcoat, and his stockings ; the ivMde of his hands were perfectly clean, but on the outside were smeara of blood. Hifj watch was hanging up over his head, wound up. His coat was carefully folded inside out, and laid ovei the back of a chair. A razor, covered with blood, was lying at a distance from his body, but too far off to have beet used by himself, or to have been thrown there by him ir such a mutilated condition, as it was very apparent death must have been imuiediate after such an act. The wash- basin was in the stand, but was half full of bloody water. Upon examining Bellis's cravat, it was found to be cut The padding which he usually wore was covered with silk and quilted ; but, what was most remarkable, both the ■pad- ding and the cravat were cut, as if some person had made an attempt to cut the throat with the cravat on, then, finding the woollen or cotton stuffing to impede the razor, took it off, in order more readily to effect the purpose. "During the time the Duke's wounds were being dressed, the deponent believes Neale was absent in obedience to arrangement, and was employed in laying Sellis's body in the form in which it was discovered, as it was an utter impossibility that a self-murderer could have so disposed of himself. " Deponent further observes that Lord EUenborough undertook to manage this affair by arranging the proceed- ings for the inquest ; and also that every witness was pre- viously examined by him ; also, that the first jury, being unanimously dissatisfied with the evidence adduced, as they were not permitted to see the body in an undressed state, positively refused to return a verdict, in consequence of which they were dismissed, and a second jury summoned and empanelled, to whom, severally, a special messenger had been sent requesting their attendance, and each one of whom was directly or indirectly connected with the Court or the Government. That, on both inquests, the deponent had been omitted, and had not been called for to give his evidence, though it must have been known, from his per- sonal attendance and situation upon the occasion, that he 'must necessarily have been a most material witness. The ' second jury returned a verdict against Sellis, and his body was immediately piit into a shell, and conveyed away a certain DISTANCE for interment. The Duke was privately removed from St. James's Palace to Carlton House, where his Eoya) Highness manifested an impatience of manner and a per- turbed state of mind, evidently arising from a conscience ill at ease. But, in a short time, he appeared to recover hi» usual spirits, and being hurt but in a very trifling degree, he went out daily in a sedan chair to Lord EUenborough's and Sir William Phipps's, although the daily journals wei'd lamenting his very bad state of health, and also enlarging. COURT OF ENGLAND. 93 with a considerable expression of sorrow, upon the mag- nitude of his wounds, and the fears entertained for his recovery !" The further deposition of this attendant is of an important character, and claims particular consideration. Jle says : — "I was applied to by some noblemen shortly after this dreadful business, and very strongly did they solicit me to make a full disclosure of all the impi'oper transactions to which I might have been made a party i;pon this solemn Bubject. I declined many times, but at length conceded under a binding engagement that I should not be left des- titute of comforts or abridged of my liberty; and, under special engagements to preserve me from such results, I have given my deposition." (Signed) " Jew." The fact of two juries being summoned had been aclinow- ledged by the coroner, in his affidavit before the Court of King's Bench in April last. The affidavit of this gentle- man, however, contains so many errors, that we here intro- duce an exposition on it, as given by the talented D. Wake- field, Esq., in sliowing cause against the rule being made absolute, in the case " Cumberland v. Phillips." " Mr. Wakefield said it would be in the recollection of the court that this rule was obtained by Sir Charles Wetherell for a libel contained in a publication relating to his Royai Highness the Duke of Cumberland. He would not read the- alleged libel in detail now, but confine himself first to the affidavit of Samuel Thomas Adams, the coroner who had held the inquest on Sellis. It was necessary that he should' read the affidavit, as he had to offer several remarks upon it. The learned counsel then read the affidavits, as follows: — "To THE King's Bench. " Samuel Thomas Adams, of No. 9, Davis Street, Berkeley Square, in the county of Middlesex, solicitor, maketh oath and saith that he hath seen a certain book or publication, entitled, 'The Authentic Records of the Court of EnglancJ for the last Seventy Years,' purporting to be published in London by T. Phillips, 334, Strand, 1832, and that in the Baid book or publication are contained the following state- ments or passages which this deponent has read, that ia to say " [Here the deponent, lawyer-like, set out the whole of tho pretended libel, as published in the "Authentic Records,** for the purpose of putting us to all the expense and trouble possible.] "94 SECRET HISTORY OF TH« " And this deponent further saith that he was the coroner for the verge of the King's Palace, at St. James's, in the month of June one thousand eight hundred and ten, before whom the inquest on the body of Joseph Sellis referred to in the aforesaid passages extracted from the said book or publication was held, and that it is not true, as stated in the aforesaid passages, that Lord EUenborough undertook x> manage the affair by arranging the proceedings upon the said inquest, or that every witness, or as this deponent be- lieves, any witness, was previously examined by the said Lord EUenborough, or that the first jury, for the reasons in :he' aforesaid passages alleged, or for any other reasons, re- fused to return a verdict, in consequence of which they were dismissed, and a second jury siunmoned and empa- nelled, to whom, severally, a special messenger had been sent, requesting their attendance, and each of whom was, directly or indirectly, connected with the Court or the Government. And this deponent further saith that it is not true that any person was omitted as a witness whose evidence was xnown or could be suspected to be material; but, on the •contrary, this deponent saith that when the death of the said Joseph Sellis was notified to him, he, as such coroner as aforesaid, was required to hold an inquest on the body of the said Joseph Sellis ; and that it being required by a statute passed in the twenty-third year of Henry the Eighth, chapter twelve, that in case of death happening in any of the king's pahices or houses where his Majesty €hould then happen to be, and in respect of which death an inquest should be necessary that the jury on such inquest should be composed of twelve or more of the yeomen officers of tlie king's household to be returned in the manner therein particularly mentioned, he, this deponent, in the first in- stance, issvied, as such coroner as aforesaid, an order that a jury should be summoned, composed of the said yeomen officers of the King's household, pursuant to the directions of the said statute. But this deponent saith that believing it to be important that the cause and circumstances of the r. Adams had flown in the face of the Act of Parlian^ont, and the statement in the authentic records that there had been a second inquest was •CORROBORATED by the affidavit. Mr. Adams had referred to • Whatever our readers may think of this jumble of words, w« assure ■them that it is verhatbn from the oriffinal affidavit, which is without j>oir>ti (punctuation), as lawyers consider su«h matter! unnecessarr. COURT OF ENQLANDw 97 the Act of Parliament as being that of the 23rd of Henry VIII., whereas it was that of the 33rd of Henry VIII. ; that was no dovibt a trifling circumstance, but it tended to show the manner in which Mr. Adams performed the duties of. his office. Mr. Adams had stated that summonses had beetl drav"'n up for summoning tivo jnnes, but those for summon- ing the first were not used; but the reason he gave was most unsatisfactory. He had no right to send to Mr. Place, and Mr. Place had no right to act as coroner, and he (Mr. Wakefield) submitted that the court ought to require an affidavit from Mr. Place to corroborate what Mr. Adams had fitrtted. He believed it would not be difficult to show that the inquest might be quashed, as being illegal; and it cer- tainly might have been quashed if Sellis had had any goods, which would have been subject to an extent at the suit of the crown. At all events, Mr. Adams might have been pro- cecuted for a breach of duty. There was another point which, though of a trifling nature, he would take the liberty of adverting to, in order to show that the inquest was illegal. By the 28th Henry VTII. c. 12, the jury, in cases of this description, were to be summoned from the verge of the court. Now this applied in the court sitting at Whitehall ; but at the time in question the court was sitting at St. James's. The summoning, therefore, was clearly not good, and the jury, consisting of Mr. Place's quota, could not Regally hold an inquest on the body of Sellis." Four other mistakes, also, in the coroner's affidavit were pointed out by Mr. Place himself in a letter to the public :— " 1. Mr. Adams says ' he issued an order to summon a jury of persons of the King's honsobold, but that he rescinded the order, and summoned a jury of persons who lived at a distance, and were wholly unconnected with St. James's Palace.' Mr. Adams must by these words mean that he summoned a jury from the only place to which his ■power extended, namely, 'the verge of the court ' — a small place — and from among the few tradesmen who resided within its limits. I never before heard that he had issued any order to summon a jury of persons of the King's household. "2. Mr. Adams says that his 'summoning officer applied to Francis Place, of Charing Cross, for the names of persons who were eligible to compose a jury, and that out of sucli persons an impartial jury, of which Francis Place was the foreman, assembled on the Ist of June, 1810.' Mr. Adams probably speaks from memory, and is, therefore, incorrect. He might, to be sure, have instructed his officer to apply to me, but if he did it was a strange proceeding. The officer was in the habit of summoning juries within the verge, and must have known much better than I did who were eligible. The jurors could not have been indicated by me, since of 98 SECRET HISTORY OF THB seventeen who formed the inquest four were wholly un- known to me, either by name or person, and among the seven who did not attend there were probably others who ^veve also unknown to me. The number of persons liable to be summoned is so small, that it has been sometimes diflBcult to constitute an inquest, and there is no room either for choice or selection. " 3. Mr. Adams says ' the depositions of the witnesses were taken by John Read, the then chief police magistrate, and were read to the witnesses, who were severally asked if they had anything to add to them.' This, if left as Mr. Adams has put it, would imply negligence on the part of an inquest which was more than usually diligent and precise. The depositions were read, but not one of them was taken as the evidence of a witness. Every person who appeared as a witness was carefully and particularly examined, and the order in which the evidence was taken, and the words used, diif er from the depositions ; the evidence is also much longer than the depositions. Both are before me. The inquest examined seven material witnesses who had not made depositions before Mr. Read. "4. Mr. Adams says 'the jury immediately and imani- mously returned a verdict that the deceased, Joseph Scllis, voluntarily and feloniously murdered himself.' The jury of seventeen persons were every one convinced that Sellis had destroyed himself, yet two of them did not concur in the verdict, — one, because he could not believe that a sane man ever put an end to his own existence ; and another, because he could not satisfy himself whether or no Sellis was sane or insane. " Francis Place. " Charino Gross, April 19th, 1832." The very morning this letter was published we called on Mr. Place, who repeated the substance of it to us; adding that Sir Charles Wetherell had sent a person to him for his affidavit, which he refused in a letter to the learned knight, condemning the whole proceeding of criminal information. Mr. Place read a coj^y of this letter to us, and promised he would publish it if ever a sufficient reason presented itself. It was an admirable composition, and did credit to the liberality of the writer's opinions. As to the affidavits of the Duke of Cumberland and Neale, they contain nothing but what other people in similar situations would say — they deny all knowledge <■/ Sellis's murder and of unnatural conduct. Who ever thought of requiring them to criminate themselves? But affidavits from interested persons are not worth much. The notorious Bishop of Clogher, for instance, exculpated himself in a criminal information by an affidavit, and the result was, the COURT or ENGLAND. yfj man who publisted the truth of that wretch groaned in a gaol. Sir Cliarles, therefore, had no occasion to boaat of the Duke of Cumberhmd's charitaljle mode of proceeding against v;s by criminal information instead of commencing an ex-offi.cio action ; for in neither of these modes of pro- cedure does the truth or falsehood of the charge form an object of consideration. We are, therefore, prevented by the Duke of Cumberland and his adherents from proving the truth of the statement we made in "The Authentic Re- cords" in a court of law; but whei'e resides the power that shall rob us of the glorious libertf of the press ? We are the strenuous advocates of the right to promulgate truth — of the right to scrutinize public actions and public men — of the right to expose vice, and castigate mischievous follies^ even though they may be found in a palace ! The free ex- ercise of this invaluable privilege should always be conceded to the historian, or where will posterity look for impartial information ? In this character only did we publish what we believed, and still believe, to be the truth in our former work, "The Authentic Kecords," and which we have con- siderably enlarged upon in our present undertaking, merely for the purpose of fulfilling our sacred duty, and not with the idea of slandering any man. If the Duke of Cumber- land had proved our statement false, we would have freely aciknowledged our error, as every man ought to do who seeks fairly and lionourably to sustain a noble function in the purity of its existence. We know there are writers who seek, not to enlighten, but to delure ; not to find amusement, but administer poi- son; not to impart information, either political, moral, or literary, but to indulge in obscenity, to take up forgotten falsehoods, and disseminate imputed calumnies ! To such, the sanctuary of private life is no longer inviolable ; the feelings of the domestic circle are no longer sacred ; retire- ment affoi'ds no protection, and virtue interposes no defence, to their sordid inroads. Upon offences like these, we would invoke the fiercest penalties of the law. The interests of society demand it, and the rights of individuals claim it. But our strictures and exposures are of a widely different character — not if the}' were false, but because their truth must be apparent to every unbiassed individual in this mightj' empire. With this conviction alone we stated them, and even Sir Charles Wetberell himself said we ' seemed to have no other motive in stating them only for the i^urpose of stating them \' We are not disposed to comment on this part of the learned counsel's speech, as it proves all we want to prove regarding our motives. This year was not less remarkable for the King's family aorrows than for public grievances. His Majesty was nearly childish and blind. The Queen dreaded the aacend- 100 8ECEET HISTORY OF TH« ancy of the popular voice in favour of the Princess oJ Wales, and the Princess Charlotte exhibited a resolute spirit, which, it was feared, woukl tend to the unbappiness of the puissant Queen. The Princess Amelia suffered under inde- scribable sorrows, both bodily and mental, which ultimately terminated her earthly career on the 2nd of November. Many representations were made to the public of the numerous visits made to the Princess Amelia by the King, and their affecting final interview. We believe we may, with truth, say these representations were ei'roneous; for the King's malady was of too serious a nature to admit of any new excitement, and the peculiar regard he entertained for this daughter would not allow his hearing of her suffer- ing in any shape, without feeling the most acute pain. The Prince of Wales also still pursued the most dissipated rounds of pleasure, making his very name hateful to every virtuous ear. The house of royalty, indeed, seemed divided against itself. General historians say that the year 1811 was not marked by any very particular events of much interest, either to kings or kingdoms ; yet we must differ from them in this opinion, inasmuch as, at its commencement, the Prince of Wales was appointed Regent, and the King's person con- fided to the care of the Queen, conjointly with archbishops, lords, and other adherents of her Majesty. The session was opened on the 12th of February ; and the speech, delivered by commission, in the name of the Regent, expressed unfeigned sorrow at the King's malady, by which the exercise of the royal authority had devolved upon his Royal Highness. It also congratulated Parliament and the country on the success of his Majesty's arms by land and eea, and did not forget to beg for further supplies — so much required. Let us here inquire the cause that prevented the amiable Regent from opening the session in person. Had his mis- tresses detained him too late in the morning ; or had they played a designed part with .him, to prove their %ui5erior domination ; or had he been in his most privately-retired apartments, conversing with a few of the male favourites of his household in Italian ? If either of these do not give the true reason of his absence, we may be sure to ascertain it upon inquiry of the vintner or faro-table keeper. Hence tlie different degrees of morality, contrived by custom, and keeping the people in ignorance, are well illustrated ! The Queen was much at Windsor at this period, she being obliged by etiquette to hear the bulletins issued by the physicians concerning his Majesty's health, or her affection for the afflicted King would not have produced so great a sacrifice on her part. lu this year tlie disgraced Duke of York was restored to COURT OF ENGLAND. 101 his former post of Commander-in-Chief — although, but a sliort period before, he was found guilty of being privy to, if not actually and personally, disposing of situations in the army, by which traffic very large amounts had been reJilized by one of his Eioyal Highness'e mistresses. The money i-equired for this year's supply amounted to fifty-six millions! The distress in all the manufacturing districts, notwithstanding, was of the heaviest nature while, instead of ministers devising means to relieve the starving poor, oppressive enactments were substituted. Let it not here be supposed that we are condemning any constitutional enactments of Government. We only wish to see the interests of the poor a little more regarded, in- stead of laws being made solely with a view to aggrandize the wealthy, whose eyes already stand out with fatness. Is it not evident that the men at this period in power were resolved to continue their system of corruj^t administration, in despite of all remonstrances and opposition? A long course of oppression had apparently hardened them, and so far steeled their hearts against the petitions of the suffering nation, that they actually seemed to delight in increasing the heavy burdens which already preyed upon the vitals of the community. Our readers may probably be aware that the visits of the Princess Charlotte to her mother were always "few and far between ;" but, at this period, the interviews became so uncertain and restiicted that they could not be satisfactory either to the mother or the daughter. Some of the attend- ants always remained in the apartment with them, by the Regent's command, to witness the conversation. For some time, the Princess contrived to write privately to her mother, and obtained a confidential messenger to deliver her communications. This was ultimately suspected ; and, after a close scrutiny, unfortunately discovered, and imme diately forbidden. Her Royal Highness was now in her fifteenth year, in good health, and possessing much natural and mental activity. It was not very probable, therefore, that the society of formal ladies, every way disproportionate to herself in years and tastes, could be very agreeable to her, more especially when she knew that these very ladies were bitter enemies to her and her adored mother. If the Princess Charlotte had been allowed to associate with natural and suitable companions, the very decisive feature of her character would have rendered her the brightest ornmament of society ; but this was not permitted, and Encfland has f^reat cause to mourn that she was not more valued by her father and grandmother. The elegant and accomplished Dr. Nott was now selected for the Princrss Charlotte's preceptor, and he ardently exerted himself to improve the mind of his royal pupil. 102 SECRET HISTOET OF THIS The very superior personal as well as mental qualificationg of the reverend gentleman, however, soon rendered him an object of peculiar interest to the youthful Princess. The ardency of her ailections, and the determinate chaiacter of her mind, were well known to her royal relatives. They, therefore, viewed this new connection with considerable uneasiness, and soon had occasion to suspect her Euyal Highness had manifested too much solicitude for the in- terest of her friend and tutor. Tlie Duke of York fii'st communicated his suspicions on this subject to the Regent, and the Prince immediately went to Windsor, where the Queen then was, to inform her Majesty of his fears, and to consult what would be the most proper and effectual measures to take. Her Majf-sty was highly incensed at the information, and very indig- nantly' answered, " My family connexions will prove my entire ruin." Her Majesty, accompanied by the Prince, drove off directly for London, and the Princess Charlotte was commanded to meet her grandmother in her chamber. With hei' usual independent readiness, the Princess obeyed the summons, and was ushered into the presence of the haughty Queen. After some considerable jDeriod of silence, her Majesty began to ask what particular services Dr. Nott had rendered, or what very superior attractions be possessed, to engage the attention of her Eoyal Highness to such an unusual degree as was now well known to be the case. Her Royal Highness rose uj), and ia a tone of voice not very agreeable to the Queen, said, " If your Majesty supposes you can sub- due me as you have done my mother, the Princess of Wales, you will find yourself deceived. The Reverend Dr. Nott has shown me more attention, and contributed more to my happiness in my gloomy seclusion, than any person ever did, except my mother, and I ought to be grateful to him, and I WILL, whether it pleases your Majesty or not !" The Queen saw her purpose was defeated in the attempt to in- timidate her granddaughter, and therefore, in a milder "~ianner, said, " You must, my dear, recollect, I am anxious rbr your honour and happiness ; you are born to occupy the highest station in the world, and I wish you to do so becoming the proud character of your royal father, who is the most distinguished Prince in Euro^pe." Tlie Queen had scarcely concluded her sentence, when her Royal Highness burst forth in the most violent manner, and with undis- mayed gesture said, " Does your Majesty think I am always to be under your subjection ? Can I believe my royal father so great and good, when I have so long witnessed his unremitted unkindness to my neglected mother? Neither do I receive much attention from the Prince; and my uncle of York is always preaching at me about virtue and sub- COURT OF ENGLAND. 103 mission, and your Majesty well knows be does not practise either ! Mr. Nott practises every amiability which he en- joins, and I esteem him exceedingly more than I do any other gentleman !" The Queen was quite vexed at the un- bending disposition manifested by the Princess, and desired her to retire, and reflect upon the improper conduct of which she had I een guilty, and, by humility and contrition, to make a suitalde atonement. While walking out of the room the Princess appeared in deep thought and more tranquil. Her Majesty, imagining it to be the result of her own advice, said, " The Princess Charlotte will never want a friend if she abide by her grandmother's instructions and properly maintain her dig- nity and birth." Her Royal Highness returned to her former situation before the Queen, and exclaimed, " What does your Majesty mean ?" " I mean," replied the Queen, "that you must not condescend to favour persons in low life with your confidence or particular I'espect. They will take ad- vantage of it, and finally make you the tool to accomplish their vile purposes." " Does your Majesty apply these remarks to the Reverend Mr. Nott?" hastily replied the Princess. "I do," said the Queen. "Then hear me, youi Majesty. I glory in my regard for Mr. Nott. His virtues are above all praise, and he merits infinitely more than 1 have to give; but I resolve from this moment to give him all the worldly goods I can, and your Majesty knows that by law I can make a will, though I am but little more than fifteen, and my library, jewels, and other valuables are at my own disposal. I will now, without delay, make my will in his favour, and no earthly power shall prevent me. I am sorry your Majesty prefers vicious and wicked charac- ters, with splendid titles, to virtuous and amiable persons, destitute of such empty sounds." The Princess left the room, and the Queen was more disturbed than before the interview. The Regent was soon made acquainted with the result, and recommended that no further notice should be taken of the matter, hoping that the Princess would change her in- tention upon a more deliberate survey of the subject. But in this opinion or hope his Royal Highness was disappointed, for the Princess that day signed a deed, whereby she gave positively to her friend and preceptor. Dr. Nott, her library, jewels, and all' private property belonging to her, and de- livered this instrument into his hand, saying, "I hope you will i-eceive this small token as a pledge of my sincere regard for your character and high estimation of your many virtues. When I am able to give you greater testi- monies of my friendship they shall not be withheld." We need hardly say that the divine was delighted at the gi-eais attention and unexpected generosity of her E.oyal 104 SECRET HISTORY OF THE Highnesa. He was more: for his heart was subdued and affected, A considerable period elapsed after this circumstance, when the Queen was resolved to recover the deed at all hazards, as she feared, if the validity of such an instrument were ever acknowledj^ed, royalty would suifor much in the estimation of the public. AH the Queen's deceptive plans, therefore, were tried, but failed. The Prince, at length, offered a large amount as a remuneration, and finally per- suaded the doctor to give up the deed. Of course a good living was also pi-esented to him, on his retiring from the situation in which he had so long enjoyed the smile and favour of his royal pupil. The Princess Charlotte was mortified beyond expression at this unexpected conduct on the part of her father and grandmother, and was not very sparing in her expressions of dislike towards them. Mr. Percival (who was then Pre- mier) was requested by the Prince to see her Royal High- ness, and to suggest any terms of reconciliation between the Princess and the Queen ; but he could not succeed. " What, sir !" said her Eoyal Hiiihness ; " would you desire me to appear what I am not, and to meet her Majesty as if I believed her to be my sincere friend, when I know I am hated for my dear mother's sake ? No, sir ; I cannot ■do as you desire ; but I will endeavour to meet her Majesty at all needful oj^portunities with as much gentleness of inanners as I can assume. What indignities has not the iQueen oilered to my persecuted mother ? You well know, sir, they have Iteen unmerited ; and if her Majesty insults the Princess of Wales again in my presence, I shall say., ' Your Majesty should regulate your family affairs better, and teach lessons of virtue to your daughters before you traduce the characters of other ladies !' You, sir, are the' Regent's minister, and in his confidence, so I may venture to give you my candid opinion, and I do not consider that by doing so I exceed the bounds of propriety. Will you, therefore, oblige me by announcing to the Prince, my father, that I am unalterably devoted in heart to my mother, and while I wish to be a dutiful child to my father, I must not even be that at the expense of principle and honourable sen- timents. My grandfather always had my respect and pity." It is scarcely necessary to sny that Mr. Percival retired with evident symptoms of disappointment and chagrin. He immediately communicated the result of his interview to the Regent and the Qu«en, who declined making any fur- ther remonstrance lest the Princess should imagine they feared her, or were at all intimidated by her bold decisions. In this year Lord Sidmouth moved to bring in a Bill to alter the Toleration Act. His lordship stated that this Bill was calculated to serve the intei-ests of religion and promote COURT OF ENGLAND. 105 the prosperity of the Church of England. But Lord Sid- inouth for once was disappointed. The sensation excited throughout the country was of an unprecedented descrip- tion ; for, within forty-eight hours, no less than three hundred and thirty-six petitions against it were poured into the House of Lords. And the Louse was presented, on the second reading, with five hundred more. It was conse- quently abandoned. The supplies voted for the public and j)'>^^<^te services were fifty-six millions. At the close of this year the poor were perishing for want; yet the Court became more splendid than ever. The ill -fated sovereign was as imbecile and as weak as an infant, and his representative a profligate ruler. What a condition for England! War still raged at the commencement of 1812. We will not, however, record the scenes of devastation and horror consequent from it; neither will we eulogize Lord Welling- ton for the victories he obtained. IMuch rather would we shed a tear at the remembrance of the slaughtered victims to kingly or ministerial ambition. Who that believes in the immortality of the soul can think of these horrid engage- ments without shuddering at the immense and inexpressible accountability of the destroyer ? It would be utterly im- possible to give an idea of the number of widows and orphans who have had to mourn the consequences of splen- did victories, as a wholesale murdering of soldiers is deno- minated. How many ducal coronets have been purchased at the expense of human existence! Eather should our brows never be encircled than at such an unnatural price. On the 13th of February the restrictions formerly in force against the Prince Regent terminated, and, properly speak- ing, it may be declared he then assumed the kingly power. One hundi'ed thousand pounds were voted for him, pro- fessedly to meet the expenses attendant upon his assump- tion of the regal authority. This was a moment of triumph to the Queen, and the sequel will prove that her Majesty took especial care to turn it to her own account. The Duke of York was fully rein- stated as Commander-in-Chief, and therefore ready ways and means presented themselves to her Majesty. The Kegent engaged that the Queen should have the continued sanction of his name and interest in all the various ways ehe might require. Accordiugly, it was soon arranged that her Majesty should receive an additional sum of ten thou- sand pounds per annum for the care of her royal husband's person. We cannot pass by this shameful insult to the nation without making an observation upon so unnatural an act. If the Queen were the kind and affectionate wife she had so 106 SECRET HISTORY OF THE frequently been represented to be, would she have allowed herself to receive aa immense payment for merely doing her duty ! But a more selfish woman and a more unfeeling wife never disgraced humanity, as this wicked acceptance of the public money testifies. An additional nine tbousajid pounds annually were also granted to each of the princesses, while places and pensions were proportionately multiplied. In the case of Colonel M'Mahon, upon whom a private secretaryship had been conferred, much very unpleasant altercation took place in the Hovise of Commons ; but bribery effected that which argument proved to be wrong. It was a well-known fact, indeed, that this individual was nothing more than a pander to the Regent's lust, to which infamous engagements and practices we shall hereafter refer. On the 11th of May, as Mr. Percival was entering the lobby of the House of Commons, he received a shot in his left breast, and after staggering a few paces, fell down and expired. The assassin was tried on the 15th, and executed on the 18th of the same month. He defended his conduct on the ground of having received much injury from the Govern- ment, who had denied redress of his grievances, and, there- fore, thought he had only done an act of justice in taking away the life of a member of so callous an Administration. Agreeably to the Regent's message, fifty thousand pounds were voted for the use of Mi-. Percival's family, and two thousand annually to be paid to his widow. In case of her demise, however, the same amount was to be continued annually to such male descendant as might at that time be the heir, for the term of his life. Let us here inquire into the service which Mr. Percival had rendered his country to warrant Ministers in this lavish expenditure upon his family, one of whom now frequently intrudes his crude notions in the House of Commons. Mr, Percival had been for a long period the pretended friend of the ill-fated Princess of Wales. "The Book" which he arranged, and which had been printed, but not published, in 1807, giving the particulars of the " Delicate Investiga- tion" improperly so called, was bought up in 1809, and as much as fifteen hundred pounds given for a single copy ! The rancour and malice of the unprincipled enemies and calumniators of the open-hearted Princess of Wales had been much exposed by Mr. Percival, and by his apparent generous and manly defence in her Royal Highness' favour, the storm materially abated. After a long period, she was again received at Court, and acknowledged innocent of the charges prefex'red by her assailants. Apartments were given to her at Kensington Palace, and it appeared very probable that her wishes would be finally completed, in the restora- COURT Of ENGLAND. 107 tion of her beloved daughter to her society. But marlc the ensuing change. Mr. Pereival was chosen by the Regent to assist in his councils ; and as no man can serve two causes at the same time, Mr. Pereival deserted the Princess, and became the servile minister of the Prince. Surely there must be something supernatural in the smile of royalty, when, in some instances, principle and conscience lave fallen subdued befoi-e it ! We know for an incontro- vertible fact, that but a few months before Mr. Percival'a acceptance of office, he delivered his sentiments concerning the Princess of Wales to a particular friend in these words : " I am decidedly friendly to the Princess of Wales, because I am well satisfied and assured that her Royal Highness is a much-iujured Lidy. I am also convinced her mother-in- law had conceived an inveterate dislike to her before she arrived in this country, on account of the objections pre- ferred by the Prince against any connexion except that which his Royal Highness had already formed. Fi'om these unhappy circumstances I am obliged to believe that the sufferings of her Highness are unmerited on her part, and very much increased by the dictatorial behaviour of her Majesty." At another interview with the same person, the- following question was put, unreservedly, to Mr. Pereival: " Do you, sir, think her Royal Highness has been deserving the persecutions she has endured, by any deviation from- virtue and propriety ?" " I do not think the Princess guilty," earnestly responded Mr. Pereival ; " and I am fully satisfied, in my own mind, that if there had not existed ungenerous intentions on the part of the royal family, the affair would long since have sunk into silence. There is a gaiety and levity about her Royal Highness which is not usual with the English ladies generally ; Vjut, with all the exterior frivolity of the Princess, when she chooses to be hvely, I would prefer her infinitely to the professedly modest and apparently reserved of the sex in high life. I believe the Princess to be playful, and incautiously witty, in her deportment; but I prefer that to secret intrigue and in- famous practices." We leave our readers to judge whether this simple de- claration was not honourable to the Princess, and whether it does not correspond with every speech delivered by this tirentleman in his public and private defence of her Royal Highness. Humanity, however, is weak, and the ingr.i- tiating attentions of the Prince were too powerful to be resisted by Mr. Pereival. At his royal command. Virtue, Goodness, and Truth assumed the garb of Vice, Infamy, and Falsehood. "Oh, blasting privilege of sovereignty! The bare scent of thy perfume spreads desolation to society — changes man, the noblest of God's works, into a monster — and the consequences of thy unnatural existence will most 108 SECRET HISTORY OF THE probably produce the engine to be used for thine own destruction !" Shortly after the untimely death of Mr. Percival, Lord Livei-pool was appointed First Lord of the Treasury, Mr, Nicholas Vansittart Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Lord Sidmouth Secretary of State for the Home Department. On the 17th of June, Mr. Vansittart brought forward his Budget, the amount of the supplies requii-ed being more than sixty-two millions. Certainly this was not a very ex- hilarating or agreeable prospect to the nation of the re- trenchments intended by the new Ministry; but notwith- standing the divisions on the subject, it finally received the sanction of Parliament. Had it not been for the corrupt state of the representation, can we suppose it possible that such a sum would have been permitted to be drawn from the starving multitudes, when there existed such pecuniary distress in the nianiifacturing and commercial districts, unequalled in former years? The new Parliament met for business on the 30th of November, and one of its first acts was to grant the sum of one hundred thousand pounds to Lord Wellington for the part he had taken in legal slaughter ! It may with propriety be submitted here how long a grant would have been made to any man who should have presented a plan for the comfortable and honourable main- tenance of the perishing millions ! We fear any patriot who had dared to press such a scheme would have soon been consigned to a damp and dreary dungeon, charged with disaffection to the monarch, or commanded, under cer- tain protection, to set sail for another country, and, if per- mitted t© reach the destined shore, there to be received and treated as one of the most infamous of the human race ! But in these days the will of the Eegent, supported by the Queen, was supreme law. There was not one who ven- tured to insult his dignity by speaking to him truth — not one dared to stem the torrent of his royal displeasure. It is true that, when Lord Liverpool first entered office, he once hinted to his royal master the general voice of dissatis- faction which the people expressed ; but the imperious Regent commanded silence upon all such subjects, and desired Lord Livei-pool never again to meet his Highness, unless under a positive resolve not even to give the most dislant hint at matters so very disagreeable to the royal ear, and which were of no considerable importance. His lordship proved himself wanting in fortitude to set an example to courtiers, and the principle of his mind was consequently bartered for the pleasure of being the slave of a haughty Prince who had " relincpiished Justice and abandoned Mercy." We must here refer to a most interesting circumstanca COURT OF ENGLAND. 109 with respect to the Princess of Wales. Her Eoyal Highness was well aware of the bonds, still in existence, given by the Princes, George, Frederick, and William, to the firm of Perigoux and Co., of Paris, which were to the amount of several hundred thousand pounds, as we have before named; and, in an open and friendly conversation with Messrs. Whitbread and Percival, the Princess said, " The Regent and the royal dukes engaged in these bonds are perfectly aware they deserve severe exposure. Their action was not only wicked, but their intention also, as every person in any way acquainted with their concerns must be sure they undertook to pay more than their means would ever permit, seeing how deeply the country was in debt, and that the revenue did not then meet the annual amount required. And," emphatically added the Princess, " if the world did but know of the lives sacrificed in this affair to preserve the good reputation of these princely brothers, I suppose royalty would not gain much in the estimation of good people by the exposure." The substance of this conversation soon afterwards tran- spired to the Prince of Wales. There cannot be a doubt that his Royal Highness was afraid, but he resolved not to appear so ; and, from that period, he and the Queen were the unalterable and bitterest enemies of the Princens, both publicly and privately. So then, for the simple expression of truth to those who were already in possession of the whole affair, was an injured Princess to be pursued by the hounds of destruction until her capture should be accom- plished. The Prince sought an immediate divorce ; but as the former attempts on this ground, in the year 1806, had failed, there appeared great difficulty in the attainment of his object. The former charges and gross calumnies were declared false, and Lady Douglas had been shunned by all good and strictly honourable society ; for, except where she was received in compliment to the Queen, her invitations wei'e, indeed, but very few. The old story was again re- sorted to, and, as Mr. Percival was now no more, a bold attempt was resolved on, as the last resource, to attain the desired end. Mr. Whitbread communicated to the Princess of Wales the scheme then forming against her honour, and that tlie Ministry were favourable to the wishes of the Regent. Her Royal Highness stood amazed at this unexpected informa- tion. " What !" said the Princess, " is not the Prince of Wales satisfied with the former abuses he has poured upon me ? Is he so abandoned, being heir-apparent, as to risk his life, or engage the vengeful spirit of the nation, in the punish- ment due to the crimes he has committed against me? If the generous English people were informed of half the ilO SECRET HISTOBT OF TH« sufferings I have endured since my arrival in this country, they would never be inclined to yield obedience to the com- mand of a Prince whose virtues are not the best balance to his vices ! But," continued her Royal Highness, " I will go down to Windsor, and request an interview with the Queen." Mr. Whitbread remonstrated, and at last the Princess consented to write, and ask an audience. A courier was despatched with it, and the verbal reply of her Majesty was, "she would see the Princess of Wales, provided her Royal Highness was at Windsor Castle by eight o'clock in the evening." Not a moment was to be lost ; the carriage was announced in a few minutes, and the Princess, attended by only one lady, entered it. " Drive quickly [" said her Royal High- ness. It was only half-past seven when the Princess was announced. Her Royal Highness was received in courtly style and unbending manner by her Majesty, who, in her usual way, inquired "the cause which gives me the pleasure of a visit, so very unexpectedly, from the Princess of Wales ?" " Madam," answered her Royal Highness, *' I am quite sensible of your surprise at my hasty request and appear- ance ; but as I am tired of hearing the false reports in such general circulation in the Court, I am resolved to ask your Majesty in person if I am likely to experience any renewal of those bitter persecutions which, in former years, were agitated, to my horror and surprise. I am well aware the Regent would not enter upon such a business unless he had your Majesty's sanction and countenance, as well as assist- ance. Is it because Mr. Pereival is dead, that your Majesty thinks me so unprotected as to fall immediately a prey to ray base enemies ? If so, your Majesty will be in the wrong ; for, although Mr. Pereival forsook my interest when he engaged himself in confidence to the Regent, my hus- band, I shall never forget the gratitude I owe him for former benefits, and his letters speak volumes of truths, which it was entirely impossible for him to name or attest, unless his mind had been duly influenced by the solid foundation upon which his opinion was fixed." Her Majesty appeared vexed and astonished ; then, assuming the hauteur for which she was so remaikable, said, " I do not know. Princess, that I am under any necessity to answer your question, as it seems to me im- proper to do so. The Prince Regent has an unquestionable right to choose his ministers and counsellors, and also to engage their attentions and services for any purpose his Royal Highness may please (?) ; and therefore I decline to answer any interrogatory on the subject. Your Royal High- ness must be aware that this interview and conversation n COURT OF ENGLAND. Ill ▼ery unpleasant to me ; and I hope, in future, you will not put me to the very disagreeable task of refusing you an audience, or of permitting one under similar circumstances. I must, therefore, desire your Koyal Highness will take Bome refreshment in the adjoining room, and I wish you a very good evening." It hardly need be told that the insulted Caroline did not stay to partake of the proffered hospitality of this German Princess. To be injured by the son, and insulted by the mother, was as much as human feelings could endure, and the Princess reached her home in a state of mind little short of distraction. On the following morning, one of the royal dukes called ujDon the Princess, and told her he was in- formed of her journey to Windsor, by an express from his mother, and also stated his opinion that no measures of an unpleasant nature were in agitation. The Princess hastily answered, " Do you think I was not fully satisfied of the Regent's intention upon the subject before I resolved to see the Queen r You forget. Prince, tliat I am an injured lady. You know I was brought into this country to afford money to pay my intended liusband's enormous debts, and to give him means to live in the gi-eatest splendour with his numerous mistresses ! I am deprived of the society of my only child. Injurious reports are circulated and received against my honour, and I am not even permitted to ex- onerate myself from these vile and slanderous imputations, because I am injured by the reigning authority." The royal Duke said, " I beg, my dear cousin, you will not permit the harsh and unfeeling conduct of the Queen to operate on your mind. We all know she is revengeful in the extreme, but she always favours George in everything; and from her very bitter conduct to you, we are well assured that George is meditating some new scheme against you. One thing I promise you : I will abide by you, even pre- suming anything disreputable is proved ; and I only beg you will give me your private confidence, that I may be pre- pared for the worst." Her Royal Highness, hastily ris-ng, said, " Sir, if yoir in- tend to insult me, I feel it such ; but if from unguarded or not well-considered language you have so improperly ex- pressed yourself, then I am not captious to place any un- generous meaning upon your words. If my rectitude did not rise higher in the scale of truth and uprightness than that of your family, including both sexes, I should not have ventured the close and determinate inspection into my con- duct at the will or command of my avowed foes ! If it were not for my child's sake, I would satisfy you all that I am privy to transactions which one day or another will be punished with the vengeance of Heaven, and which I solemnly believe to be my duty to explain, though it may 113S BECRET HISTORY OF THl even cause 'the cloud capped towers and gorgeouB palace?" to fall into one general heap of ruins !" The Duke was almost petrified with the language and the manner of the Princess, and strongly urged the necessity of silence upon any and all of the unfortunate or dishonourable transactions in which the family had been engaged ; ob- eerving, " Your own welfare depends upon theirs, and that is a consideration of positive importance, which 1 hope your Koyal Highness will justly appreciate." This suggestion of the cowardly Duke produced the opposite effect to that which was intended. The Princess declared that the mean sentiments of the Queen had also found their way into the minds of her sons ; and, instead oi proving their royal descent by greatness of mind and action, they condescended to suggest self-preservation and self- enjoyments in preference to an open avowal of truth and an honourable meeting with an enemy. " And," hastily said her Royal Highness, " is this, sir, a specimen of the cha- racter of the English royal family ? What would my even dear and lamented father have thought of such principles and opinions ? Doubtless he would rather have followed his daughter to the tomb, and have seen her remains de- posited with her ancestry, than have had her associated with persons who could sacrifice honour for mean and paltry conveniences. Your Eoyal Highness must be well assured that I am not a stranger to the unfounded and •post abominable assertions or suggestions issued against my child's legitimacy; certainly, if I am only the Princess of Wales nominally, then my daughter bears a surreptitious title ; and if either of us is considered as an obstacle to the interests of the nation, why are not the assertions on that point made in an honourable and open manner ? You weD know, sir, that I would sacrifice anything and everything for the happiness and future prosperity of my child ; but I must be fully convinced that my destruction of rights or enjoyment of privileges would not produce the entire anni- hilation of hers also. I must be made to understand that the mother and child have separate interests, and that insults received by one are not dishonourable to the other. I have also another powerful objection to keep silence upon these heart-rending and distracting subjects, which is Charlotte's deep-rooted aversion to these persons who have insulted me most. This feeling assures my mind that I ought not to shrink from any avowal of truth which I may, in justice to this generous nation, be called upon to make, and nothing less than my child's safety shall keep me from making a disclosure of the unmerited and most incompa- rably wicked conduct manifested towards me. If I find that likely to operate against my daughter's happiness, I will forbear; but not upon any other ground," COUKT {JSP EMULiAMU. 113 The determined manner of her Royal Highness fully eatisfied the abashed Duke that the sentiments thus boldly expressed were the unalterable principles entertained by the Princess, and would only gather energy and force by opposi- tion and remonsti-ance. He therefore very soon after took leave, and gave the outline of the conversation to his august mother, by whose express wish the into-view had taken place. The Queen was posed by the firmness her Royal Highness had displayed; and in reply to the communication said, " I will not be disappointed by this seeming boldness; the Princess shall feel my power. She shall see Charlotte still less, the restrictions shall be enforced with greater severity, and she shall repent of her stupidity. Does the Princess of Wales imagine that I am to submit to her opinions upon my conduct or to her abuse of any of my family ? My only fear is that the daughter will prove as unbending and as deter- minately resolute as the mother is, and I am therefore resolved to separate them as much as possible." The result proved the Queen's indignation and resentful disposition, as immediately a council was held upon the- subject, and her Majesty was positive in her instructions that the restrictions between the Princess of Wales and her daughter should be more rigidly enforced. At the commencement of the year 1813 the Princess found her situation more irksome than ever, and she re- solved therefore to inform the Prince Regent of the hard- ships of her case, soliciting his Royal Highness to inforna himself of all or any part of her behaviour or demeanour, to which the Queen had made such heavy objections. The following is an exact copy of the letter of her Royal High- ness to the Prince : — "27 Jan., 1813. " Sib,— "On the 14th of this month, I transmitted to the hand of your Royal Highness a letter relative to the cruelty and injustice of my situation, in reference to my beloved child'e separation fi'om me, the most heart-rending point upon which you could so severely afflict me. Why does your Royal Highness refuse to answer my simple, but honest and honourable inquiry? What have I not endured since the moment I became your Princess and wife ? Heaven only knows, and Heaven only can avenge my wrongs. It is now more than seventeen years since I gave birth to your lovely daughter. Princess Charlotte of Wales, at which time I did most certainly hope and also believe that her royal father' & affectionate recollection of her mother would not only re- vive, but be exemplified. Yet to this time your Royal Highness has not evinced one spark of regard to the consort you vowed ' to love and cherish.' " More than this, my lord and husband, you permit her 114 SECRET HISTORY OF THE Majesty to usurp such extreme authority over me, and insult me in every possble way. Why, my lord, I ask, do you allow these indignities to be imposed upon your cousin and wife (so called), the mother to the heiress of the throne of these United Kingdoms ? If I had deserved such treat- ment, I should most naturally have avoided all scrutiny ; but that I have endeavoured to obtain all possible investi- gation into my conduct, I need only refer to my several correspondences with your august father, your brother of York, Privy Council, &c., &c. "I cannot conclude without saying, if you refuse me justice, I will leave indisputable proofs to this insulted nation that its generosity has been abused, thouerh, at the same time, I would save you yourself from ignominy at the hazard of my liberty. To the Queen I will never bow. Her Majesty was, is, and ever will be, a tyrant to those she may imagine obstacles in her path. Perhaps her Majesty pre- sumes I am not an object of material consequence; but time will develop all these things. If this letter meet not with your royal approbation, I can only regret it, and waiting your reply, " I am ever, " Your faithful and devoted " Caroline." "P.S. — I entreat your Royal Highness to inform yourself of every part of my conduct, which may, at any time, have been esteemed derogatory ; and, while I beg this favour, I trust your Royal Highness will never again submit to the unprincipled, slanderous, and abominable aspersions cast upon my character. Let me suggest, my lord, that truth must prevail sooner or later. After the most deliberate, careful, and scrutinizing investigations, I only beg to be punished with the most extreme rigour if I am found guilty ; but if free from guilt, I ought to say, I have an in- disputable right to be acknowledged so! " To His Royal Highness the Prince Regent." The letter was not noticed when the commissioners sat on the 23rd of February ; and Lord Liverpool never even mentioned it when communicating with the Princess, or when he had the private interview with her Royal Highness, by the Regent's request. "We should not act with justice or honour if we neglected to state this omission ; because the letter reflected much credit npon the Princess, and ought to have been the first read when the council assembled. The result of this new inquiry, however, was what the vindictive Queen intended it should be ; for the almost distracted Princess of WaJea was refused the natural privilege of intercourse with her only daughter. COURT OF ENGLAND. 116 In the meantime, every opportunity was gladly embraced to detract the character of the Princess. Base inuendoes and malicious remarks were incessantly poured forth against her, until her life became one continued scene of sorrow and abuse, caused by those from whom she ought to have ex perienced protection. Under these imputations, the Princess again appealed, by an address to the Speaker of the House of Commons; and, after many inquiries and replies, the subject was dismissed with an acknowledgment that " Her Royal Highness is declared free from all imputaiion." We must not here forget to mention that Mr. C. John stone submitted a motion, on the 5th of March, " to request the Prince Regent will permit the copy of a certain report made in 1806 to be laid before the House ;" but Lord Castlereagh opposed it as being unnecessary, and the docu- ment was consequently refused. Notwithstanding the disgust manifested by every honest ^ Englishman at the base conduct of Sir John and Lady Douglas, when they preferred their abominable charge against the character of the Princess of Wales, in the year 1806, they had the hardihood to present a petition to the House in this year to re-swear to the truth of their former depositions concerning the conduct of the Princess of Wales ! No proceedings, of course, took place in conse- quence of this attempt still to propagate their calumnies ; but a motion was made by Mr. C. Johnstone a few days afterwards in the House of Commons, " That the petition of Sir John and Lady Douglas ought to be x'egarded as an audacious attempt to give a colour of truth, in the eyes of the nation, to the evidence which they had delivered touch- ing the conduct of her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales, and which evidence was a foul and detestable endeavour to bring the life and honour of her Royal High- ness into danger and suspicion." This resolution, how- ever, could not be passed in consequence of the House not being in possession of the evidence, which was refused, as we have just stated, by Lord Castlereagh; but many mem- bers expressed their agreement with the sentiments of the resolution. What was the real reason for not prosecuting Sir John and Lady Douglas, after the House had rejected their petition with such indignation on the motion of Mr. John- stone, it is not very easy to divine. That alleged by Lord Oastleieagh is most certainly not a satisfactory one. It has been often insinuated that if the conspiracy against the life and honour of the Princess of Wales did not originate with her relatives, it was certainly fostered and brought to maturity by persons connected with the Queen and the Prince Regent, and the evidence of Bidgood and Cole very much favours that opinion. If the Douglases, and Bidgood, il6 SECRET UISTORY OF THE and Cole were the " suborned traducers" to which her Royal Highness alluded in one of her letters to the Prince about this time, the impunity with which the knight and his lady were suffered to continue at large cannot excite surprise. This impunity, the report that Bidgood had received a pen- sion of one hundred and fifty pounds a year, and the direct interference of the Prince of Wales in promoting the in- quiry, and in entering his caveat to prevent the Princess being received at Court, have thrown a suspicious veil around this part of the proceedings which will not very soon be forgot. On the 23rd of August the Princess of Wales had to bear another severe stroke of fortune in the death of her mother, the Duchess of Brunswick, who was interred, with much funeral pomp, at Windsor, on the 31st. This melancholy event, following so closely after her late persecutions, was as much as the Princess could endure ; and had it not been for the sympathetic attentions of one confidant, her Koyal Highness would, no doubt, have sunk under her immense load of sorrow. In July and August, the Princess devoted the greater portion of her time to correspondence with the Prince, her husband. Very many of the letters could not, we think, have met the eye of the Regent, or answers must have been sent, if only in common courtesy, as the Prince knew his honour, and also that of bis family, were at stake. We have transcrix>ts of all these letters, but shall content our- selves with only introducing the last she wrote to his Royal Highness previous to her going abroad. The following is a literal copy of it : — " 23rd of August, 1813. " Sir,— " I have waited with most anxious feelings to receive an acknowledgment of the safe receipt of several important communications which I addressed to you as ' private and confidential.' To this hour I have not received a reply, and I therefore take up my pen for the last time upon this most disagreeable business. To you it is well known that the good King your father has invariably treated me with the most profound respect and proper attention, and his Majesty would have done me more essential service long since, had it not been for the oath he gave to Lord Chatham to pre- serve from all public investigation the connection formed in 1759 with the Quakeress. " I am aware, sir, that you may say I intrude myself upon your royal notice very frequently ; but I think and feel it to be my indispensable duty and privilege. I have 'ately had an interview with Lord Liverpool, but his lord- ship cannot serve your Royal Highness and the persecuted COUB1 OF ENGLAND. 117 Princess of Wales. I, therefore, shall not eubmit myself to any further interviews with his lordsliip, by my own re- quest. As I intend this letter as a final appeal and expla- nation to your Royal Highness, I beg to ask your forbear- ance and lenity on account of its length and detail. " Your Royal Highness has not forgotten how strangely I waa allured from my father's Court to receive your hand iu marriage (the letters of 1794 bear me witness). You cannot have forgotten the kind reception of the King, your father, on my arrival in the metropolis of this empire, and the sarcastic manners of the Queen. Two days had scarcely passed after our marriage, when you commanded me to receive Lady Jersey upon all occasions, although your Royal Highness was too well acquainted with the deep laid schemes formed by her Majesty against me, which were to be put into execution by Lady Jersey; and when I most humbly requested of you that I might be secluded from all society rather than endure that which was so hateful to me, your Royal Highness cannot have forgotten the in- human reply you made me — ' The Princess of Bnaiswick hat ansivered every imrpose I desired, inasmuch as my debts are to be settled, and my income axigmented, and I will provide an heir to the throne more worthy of jpojmlar regard than any descendant of my father's family could ever prove.' These, sir, were words of so heavy and doubtful a character, that from that moment I never forgot them ; and from the hour in which my Charlotte was born, I have feared for her health and happiness. How your Royal Highness could thus insult me, you can best imagine. " Another more material grievance imposed upon me wai your unnatural remark to Lady Jersey, in my presence, ' that you thought the King too fond of the Princess of Wales ; and, if her Royal Highness had any children, hia Majesty would no doubt be the father, instead of the grand- father.' Lady Jersey's reply will nev<^r be effaced from my memory while reason holds her empire: " Yes, my Prince; and you deserve it if ever you notice the Princess of Wales again in the character of a husband or lover.' Your Royal Highness may remember I instantly left the room, more deeply in- sulted and wounded than language can describe. From that time I was aware of my cruel fate, and I did deeplj deplore the necessity which had forced me from the much loved scenes of my infancy and youthful years. "The very remarkable request of Mr. Pitt, in 1800, for a private interview with me was another cause for disquiet to my mind ; but I acceded immediately, and he accordingly was admitted. The object of that Minister's visit was to Bolicit my silence upon the subject of the bondholders whose fate had caus^^d so great an interest in several countries, *nd whose families had been the victims of their ready 118 8KCBET HISTOBT OF THE acquiescence to the wishes of the royal princes. ' But,' said Mr. Pitt, ' these affairs are of as much consequence to your Royal Highness as they are to the other members of the royal family; and, if matters of this kind are to be canvassed publicly, your Royal Highness may rest assured that ere long your family will not be permitted to occupy the exalted rank and station they now enjoy. I therefore most ear- nestly recommend that your Royal Highness does not name the subject to any of the anti-ministerial party, who are not at present in possession of the circumstances.' " I do not doubt but Mr. Pitt laid the whole of this con- versation before your Royal Highness, and he must have noticed the very cool and guarded reception I gave him. To have behaved openly to Mr. Pitt was impossible, as I know too well his avowed hostile feelings against me. But a few days had elapsed after this interview, when I had the pleasure of seeing the good King. I now take the liberty of laying before your Royal Highness the substance of our conversation. 'My dear daughter,' said his Majesty, 'I hear Pitt has paid you a confidential visit.' ' Yes, sire, he has,' I replied. ' What was the object of it?' 'Upon the subject of the bondholders, your Majesty.' ' I hope you have made no rash promise ?' said the King. ' None, sire.' ' Why could not Pitt have called on you at a more season- able hour, Caroline ?' ' I do not know, sire ; but I plainly saw that Mr. Pitt did not think much etiquette was neces- sary to the Princess of Wales, as he well knew it was my dinner hour; and yet I was determined not to refuse myself, as I was perfectly sure the whole of the affair would be re- ported to the Queen.' ' Caroline, my niece,' said the King, ' do not — pray do not fear Pitt, or any of my family. I will put you in possession of some affairs that will soon silence them all; and before the end of this week I will send you a small parcel of important papers, by the hand of a trusty messenger.' " Your royal father most scrupulously kept his word, and enclosed me the proofs he had named, and promised to send. Many times since then have I informed your Royal Highness that I was in confidence upon those subjects ; but you have never condescended to acknowledge these com- munications, or expressed one sentiment of obligation for the strict silence I have observed. I have been restrained only frym the most ardent and parental affection for my lovely daughter, or long ere this I would have proclaimed the extent of the wrongs I have endured from some of the ille^'al and unjust impositions practised upon me and the British nation. Your Royal Highness knew at the moment you met me at the altar in the palace that you were already the afBanced husband of Mrs. Fitzherbert ; and you were well aware that if my uncle, the King, had known of that COUHT or INGLAND. 119 former circumstance, he would have prevented the left- handed marriage taking place. In this his Majesty was deceived, and I have been the victim of yonr intentional imposition. It has generally been supposed by your Eoyal Highness's family connexions that there was some impro- priety or defect by which you received an unfavourable opinion of me in the early part of our fatal marriage ; and, in my presence, yoiir Royal Highness has insulted me by such insinuations, though you well know I was not the OFFENDER, but the OFFENDED ! Up to this period I have bui-ied your Eoyal Highness's unnatural conduct to me in my own bosom ; but if I am to be so injured, and if my character is to be so vilified, I shall explain myself to THE NATION, and think I am performing an imperative duty. Your Eoyal Highness cannot have forgotten the outrage you committed by entering my chamber at Mon- tague House, and your denial of it to the Queen, your mother, for the avowed purpose of traducing my honour. Had I not, then, been restrained from explanation upon those base designs by an unalterable love for my child, I should have exposed the infamous conduct you manifested towards me. " I name these things, sir, to prove to you the inviolable honour I have observed in despite of all the insults anil provocations I have received from your Eoyal Highness and the Queen ; and also from the creatures employed to ruin me in the estimation of the generous English nation. A time will come when the secrets of my life will be pub- lished. Then let the unprejudiced judge ! " I remain, sir, your Eoyal Highness's most faithful wife and cousin, " Caroline P. " To his Eoyal Highness the Prince Eegent." It is more than probable that the confidentially private and notorious secretary (M'Mahon), was the receiver of these appeals and documents, who, possessing the most unbounded assurance in the ability of his royal master's coadjutors to carry any plan into execution, or to prevent vexatious trouble to any extent, suppressed them at the moment when they might have proved of the greatest con- sequence to her Eoyal Highness. We cannot wonder at this, when we take into account the character of this private secretary, who dared to violate the rights of friendship, and break through the most sacred ties of conjugal affection, treating the honourable engagements of persons in general as matters of minor consequence ! Were this depraved man now an inhabitant of the earth, we would ask him if his recollection could furnish the number of inroads he had made upon tlie abodes of innocence and beauty, to gratify his 120 SBCRKT HiBl'OKX O*' THi royal patron. We could ourselves name several instances, but one will suffice, which we copy from the manuscript of a friend, and the substance of which has been before pub- lished. The private secretary of the Prince (M'Mahon) was accustomed to retire for recreation to Bath, at certain periods. At the time to which we now advert, he waa ti-avelling to that city, and, at Marlborough, a respectable and venerable gentleman, accompanied by two young ladies, took their seats in the stage coach. The courtier was not wanting in attentions, and, in reply to his numerous ques- tions, he soon received the information "that the gentleman was a poor clergyman, residing near Marlborough; that the two young ladies were his daughters, whom he then was accompanying to visit a relation at Bath." M'Mahon's polished manners, added to the fixed determination of sacri- ficing these ladies to his royal master's desires, had the hoped-for effect, and the deluded party was anxious to culti- vate further acquaintance with the stranger. Two days after their arrival, the intriguing secretary wrote and despatched the following letter to the Prince : — (" Most private). " Bath, Sunday evening. " Sir,— " Ever alive to the obtaining possession of any object which may conti-ibute to your royal pleasures, I hasten to inform your Koyal Highness that chance has thrown me into the company of two most lovely girls, the daughters of an indigent curate, and who, from their apparent, simplicity and ignorance of the world, may be soon brought to comply with the wishes of your Royal Highness. I shall imme- diately devise some plan by which they may be induced to visit the metropolis, and the remainder of my task will then not be of difficult execution. The prize is too valuable to be lost sight of. The elder of the girls bears some resem- blance in her form and make to Hillisberg, although it is evident that the whole fulness of her growth has not yet developed itself. The younger is more of a languishing beauty ; but, from the knowledge which I possess of your royal taste^ the elder will be the object of your choice. " I have the honour to remain, &c., &c., "John M'Mahon. " To his Royal Highness the Prince Kegent." The intimacy at Bath was cultivated. M'Mahon promised to intercede for the interest of the worthy clergyman, and afterwards engaged to ensure him promotion. In the midst of explanations, promises, and engagements, M'Mahon was summoned to town by the royal order. Ere he departed, he promised, instantly upon seeing the Princa, COUST Of ENOIiAND. 121 to lay their case before him, and dwelt in vivid terms upon the effects of such a representation. "Within the ensuing fortnight, the clergyman received a letter from him an- nouncing " that a vicarage was vacant, in the gift of the Crown, to which he should receive the presentation." M'Mahon again visited Bath, and recommended the clergy- man and family to take up their abode in the metropolis. For this purpose he had engaged apartments in the house of Mrs. General Hamilton, in Gloucester Place, to which they soon resorted. In the meantime, M'Mahon informed the clergyman that his induction would shortly take place, and that, in the interim, he must employ himself in the most agreeable manner, as also his daughters, in such amusements as the town afforded. Mrs. Hamilton was also pleased to say she would be their conductor and companion upon all occasions. The lady just named was a gay, though wisiispected, chai-acter. Shortly after this period, at an evening party, M'Mahon introduced Colonel Fox — " a gen- tleman," he said, "allied to the noblest families, and of an immense fortune." If our readers should here inquire who was Colonel Fox, we answer — the Prince of Wales. We must hasten to the conclusion of this most infamona history. The deceived clergyman was informed that he must proceed to a village in Leicestershire, where his induc- tion would instantly talce place ; and he, therefore, hastily took leave of his daughters, with an assurance that they were in the best society. Indeed, Mrs. Hamilton had evinced such interest and apparent solicitude in their hap- piness, that his heart was relieved from any doubts for their safety. This amiable father took leave of his children in the most affectionate manner ; but little did he imagine that embrace would be the last he should ever receive from them — yet so it proved. A short time after, yet early in the day, M'Mahon called upon Mrs. General Hamilton, express- ing the necessity of her seeing her solicitor upon some affairs relative to the estate of her deceased husband. The carriage was ordered, and the secretary promised to remain with the younger, while the elder sister accompanied Mrs. Hamilton. " We will first drive to Taylor's, in Bond Street," said Mrs. Hamilton ; " he has some commissions to execute for me." And accordingly they were set down there. The obsequious shoemaker requested them to walk into the drawing-room, which they did, and in a few minutes Mrs. Hamilton said, " I will now step down and transact my business with Taylor." In a short time she returned, say- ing, "How truly fortunate we are! Colonel Fox has just entered the shop, and being informed you are here, has solicited permission to keep your company until I return from my solicitor's j you cannot refuse the request;" and 122 SECRET HISTORY OF THE then, Tdithout waiting for a reply, she left the room. The pretended Colonel Fox entered ; he professed eternal love and unaltered constancy ; and, within one hour, this lovely but most unfortunate feuiale was added to the infamously swelled list of the Prince's debaucheries and cruel seduc- tions. The younger sister still lives, a melancholy proof of outraged and insulted honour. We have given this detail to satisfy the scrupulous por- tion of society that the Prince merited a thousand-fold more exposure and execration than he ever received. At this period Mr. Whitbread was very pressing with the Princess of Wales, advising her to make a tour on the Continent, in order to divert her mind from the provoca- tions she was so frequently called upon to endiu'e. Upon one occasion he urged the subject with considerable warmth, and his great earnestness surprised her Koyal Highness. With her usual readiness, she said, " I feel sure Mr. Whit- bread does not intend anything disagreeable in these re- marks; but, sir, are you aware that Mr. Canning has been pressing the same opinion upon my notice ? and I do not comprehend why this suggestion is made by you also. If I go away, shall I not leave my beloved child exposed to the determinate will and caprice of the Queen and others, who, doubtless, will vex her as much as possible ? Are you, sir, requested to represent this to me, or is it your private opinion?" Mr. Whitbread replied, "It is my personal opinion, and solely to provide against any unhappy effects arising from the Queen's displeasure, which," he added, "I well know is unbounded." On the 30nh the Regent gave a grand supper and ball, but the Princess was not invited. The supplies required for the service of this year amounted to upwards of one hundred and twenty millions ! Endless vexations and anxieties attended the Princess of Wales up to the year 1814 ; but the public voice cheered her to the defeat of her base enemies. The transactions of this year do not reflect much credit upon certain mis-named illustno^is individuals, and can never fail to excite contempt in the minds of the British people. The Douglas party were promised rewards, which they could not obtain except in a less degree, as it was alleged they had failed in a principal part of their unworthy undertaking — namely, the degradation of the Princess, by a full and unlimited verdict against her Royal Highness, agreeable to the charges they had preferred. The disappointed Queen was indignant beyond bounds at the honourable acquittal of the Princess of Wales. " What !" said her Majesty; " am I for ever to be disappointed by the adroit talents of the Princess, whose very name I hate I It must not be 1 If she be recognised as an unblemished COUHr OF ENGLAND. 123 character, I ara well satisfied the odium of the whole pro- ceeding will fall upon me ; and rather would I prefer death than suffer her Royal Highness to triumph over me I" Lord Castlereagh was then consulted by the Queen, and he engaged to do his utmost against the Princess ; and the Regent again suggested the idea of her going abroad, when steps, more effectual, might be taken to ruin her character. Lord Castlereagh, therefore, the next day, informed the Princess, by a note, " That for the present time all inter- views with the Princess Charlotte must cease." On the 7lli of January, the Princess of Wales gave an entertainment at Montague House, where a select party was invited, in honour of the Princess Charlotte's birthday, who had now attained her eighteenth year. An unexpected event, about this period, ■ ave the Princess Charlotte an interview with her motlier for nearly two hours, in which these affectionate relatives enjoyed an un- disturbed conversation. The Princots Charlotte was very explicit in her communications to her dear motlier on the severity of the Queen during the time she had lately spent with her Majesty at Windsor; and, among other observa- tions, remarked, " Her Majesty is a tyrant to all around her. If you walk out with the Queen," continued the charming and noble Princess, "you are sure to be told your pace is disagreeable, — either too quick or too slow. If you feel pleasui'e in seeing any sweet, pretty plant, and express admiration of its several beautiful colours, and its various delicate appearances, you are sure to be told such observa- tions prove your want of taste and juilgment. Indeed, my dear mother, I like anybody better than my disagreeable grandmotlier, and I can never permit myself to remain with her so long again. When I am at the Castle, I am seldom allowed to see my grandfather, the King ; and, when I do, he scarcely looks at me, and seems extremely unhappy. When my royal father goes to the Castle, he is always with the Qneen alon, , and very rarely pays a visit to the King." Such was the ingenuousness of the Princess Charlotte. She would immediately speak the truth, and defy all results, rather than act with dissimulation to please or conciliate anyone. This was the longest interview which was to fall to the lot of those high-spirited and generous-minded jjer- sonages. Alas ! then destiny might have been pourtrayed by the pen of cruelty, and traced in characters of blood ! At parting, the Princess most tenderly embraced her mother, and that parent for the moment forgot all her sorrows. But what was her agitation, when her only hope was saying, "Farewell!" Agonizing — beyond all expression, agonizing! We must sympathize with such sorrows, and admit the propriety of the remark of the Princess of Wales at this 124 SECRET HISTORY OF THE separation — " My life has already been too long, since it has been one continued scene of misfortune !" The Prince Regent now paid a visit to the Duke of Rut- land, f^r the avowed purpose of standing sponsor to the young Marquis, the Duke"s son and heir. The preparations for the reception and accommodation of his Royal Highness were upon the most magnificent scale ; which, we are sorry to state, were little else than thrown away. In the evening, the sparkling goblet was so freely emptied by the royal guest, that he was obliged to be carried to the chamber prepared for him. Do not imagine, gentle reader, that we are disposed to dwell ill-naturediy on the mischances of this luckless night ; but the Prince was unfortunate, and com- mitted such sins and transgressions in this ducal apart- ment, and in the bed prepared for him, that, at a very early hour, his carriage was ordered, and his Royal Highness was on the road to Loudon ! The domestics at Belvoir Castle were left to relate this very disagreeable incident, and testify that the means required for the purification of their master's premises were of no common quality! However facetiously we may have spoken of this " untoward occur- rence," yet we recoil with disgust and indignation from such scenes. How revolting is the reflection that this was the Prince invested with kingly authority, and to whom so many millions of intelligent beings were looking for the redress of their grievances, and the amelioration of their many miseries! The King's indisposition increased in the early part of this year, and the overbearing tyranny of the Queen con- sequently knew no bounds. In May, she addressed several notes to the Princess of Wales to forbid her appearance at the drawing-room, to which her Royal Highness replied very spiritedly. Some of these letters were afterwards published, but sevei-al were suppressed. It was at this time tliat the Prince expressed his unalterable determination " never again to meet the Princess either in public or pri- vate;" and the Queen was the person who communicated his Royal Iliglmess's unmanly vow to the Pidncess. About three weeks after this announcement, some illus- trious foreigners, who were formerly intimate with the family of the Princess, paid her Royal Highness a visit; and, on the ensuing day, they received her Royal High- ness's invitation to dine with her on that day se'nnight. It was accepted with pleasure; but, only about an hour pre- vious to the appointed time for dinner, an apology was sent, asking pardon for the delay, which was said to be unavoid- able, as the impediments arose from the commands of the Regent, whi(;h had only been communicated to them a few hours before ! Upon Mr. Canning's next visit to the Princess, he explained the reason of this shameful conduct. COURT OF ENGLAND. 125 by saying " tbat Colonel M'Mahon desired, as a compliment, they would dine at Carlton House that day, and expressed an apology for the shortness of the invitation, as the Regent had some days before given him his instructions to invite them, but that he (the Colonel) had forgotten it in the hurry of business. Now," added Mr. Canning, " I know this story to be an invention; for it was only on the very morning oJ the day appointed by your Royal Highness tliat a brother of the Regent heard of their iutended visit, and informei^ him of it; and the Prince then commanded M'Mahon to invite the party to dine at Carlton House, which they could not refuse, as etiquette would forbid their accepting any engagement in preference to that of the Regent." Was there ever a more artful or vindictive piece of business con- cocted ? How worthy was the master of such a scheming servant as M'Mahon ! In June, the allied sovereigns arrived in London, an<3 fetes and festivals followed in close succession. New honours were conferred upon several persons who had been leaders in the late war. Lord Wellington was created Marquis o5 Douro and Duke of Wellington. To support this new dignity, four hundred thousand pounds were granted to him by the borough-mongering majority. In consequence of the Queen's edict, the Princess of Wales was excluded from the drawing-rooms held in honour of the illustrious guests ; ami this extra piece of persecuting malice sufficiently attested the littleness of the minds of her two powerful enemies. Under these trying circumstances, Mr. Canning and Mr. Whitbread again urged their advice that it would be better for all parties if the Princess absented herself for a period, aa the Queen was so severe to the Princess Charlotte in consequence of her regard for her mother. This considera- tion was enough for the fond parent. " Yes," said her Royal Highness, " for the sake of my child I will leave England. I feel assured that my afflicted father-in-law, the King, cannot long survive. He is failing very gradually. But the crisis may be sudden ; in that case,, you know my situation, and what has been refused to the Princess of Wales cannot, I presume, be refused to thfl Queen of England ! In making this reference, I merely and only mean that I have hitherto been treated with the most unmerited severity and the greatest injustice. This, I hope, will not be permitted in the event of my being Queen. I name this to satisfy you, as my friends, that whenever I can return to this country with safety to my child and honour to my few zealous friends I shall not lose one moment in answering the summons." On the 4th of June, Lord Castlereagh moved, in the com- mittee of the House, that fifty thousand pounds be anaualLp 126 SECEET HISTORY OF THI paid to her Eoyal Highness the Princess of Wales. Mr. Whitbread offered some very correct and spirited remarks upon the subject, and the motion was agreed to. The Princess, in the most generous manner, wrote to the Speaker on the 5th, declining to receive more than thirty-five thou- sand, adding as a reason for this her dislike to increase the already heavy burdens imposed upon the nation. The ill-natured manner in which this most honourable act was received is best explained in the words of Lord Castlereagh, who, on the 8tli, called the attention of the house to the letter of the Princess, and concluded by saying, "It is not my duty to vote the public money to a subject who is not inclined to receive it." Her Koyal Highness certainly was not much indebted to Lord Castlereagh for his very elegant and noble mention of her name thus made, and the most dim-sighted person might have easily seen that "if the vessel came safe to shore " a marquisate would be the reward of the pilot. The Princess of Wales at length requested leave of the ministers to go abroad. This was very readily granted, and, after some arrangements for correspondence, her Eoyal Highness prepared to depart. A very short interview was permitted with the child of her hopes and affections, while even that was attended by the ladies in waiting. They separated then — to meet no more in this world. It was during this affecting interview tbat her Eoyal Highness committed some letters of importance to the care of lier noble-minded daughter ; and, as it appeared impos- sible for any private conversation to pass between them, a letter accompanied the others, addressed to the Princess Charlotte by her afflicted mother, of which the following is a transcript : — " Copy of a letter to my dear Charlotte, Princess of Wales. "1814, June 7th. " Mt Dearest Child, — "I deposit to your keeping a small parcel of letters for my much-esteemed friend. Lady . I well know her generous disposition will cause her to endure a vast load of sorrow on my account, anf artillery one thousand and three poimds, making in all the enormous annual sum of seven thousand one hundred and thre» pounds ! These remarks are not intended to wound the feelings of private families, but are made with a view to urge a strict COURT or XMOLAND. 167 investigation into the cause of the Princess's Charlotte's death. We are well aware that many great persons have reason to fear the result of such an inquiry, yet the injured ought to have justice administered even at the "eleventh hour," if it cannot sooner be obtained. Many a murderer has been executed twenty, or even thii-ty, years after the commission of his crime. Though at this time ministers had a parliament almost entirely devoted to their wishes, there were a few members of it who vigorously opposed unjust measures, and they could not always carry their plans into execution. The amount solicited for the Duke of Clarence upon his intended marriage with the Princess of Saxe-Meiningen is a proof of this ; for, although the Regent sent a message to the house to accomplish this object, it was at first refused, and the Duke did not gain his point till a considerable time after- wards. In this year the Duke of Kent was united to a sister of Prince Leopold. In September, while most requisite to her party, the Queen was taken ill. Bulletin followed upon bulletin, and the dis- order was reported to increase. Some of the public papers announced that her Majesty had expressed an ardent desire to witness a reconciliation between the Prince and Princess of Wales, as she imagined her dissolution was now near at hand. The report, however, was as false as it was unlikely; for, only a month before this period, spies had been de- spatched to obtain witnesses, of any description, against the honour of the Princess, by which means her enemies hoped to accomplish their most ardent desires. Queen Char- lotte's conscience was not of a penetrable nature, as her bitter enmity to the Princess of Wales continued even to her death ! With her Majesty, it had ever been an invariable maxim that " might constitutes right;" but the reflections of her mind, while surveying the probability of a speedy dissolu- tion, must have been of a complexion too dreary to be faith- fully pictured. She — who had been the arbitress of the fatea of nations, whose commands none dared dispute or disobey, and at whose frown numberless sycophants and dependants trembled — was now about to face the dread enemy of man- kind ! The proud heart of Queen Charlotte must have been humbled at the thought of meeting her Judge, who is said to be " no distinguisher of persons." During her indisposition, the Queen seemed m^ch im- pressed with the idea that she should recover, and it was not till the 2nd of November that the physicians deemed it requisite to acquaint the Queen of her danger. The intelli- gence was given in the most delicate manner possible, yet her Majesty exhibited considerable alarm at the informa- 158 BKCEIT HI8TOET OF THE fcion. It was pressingly hinted by the Princesses to theii mother that the sacrament ought to be administered, but the Queen positively refused the "holy rite," saying, " It is of no use, as I am unable to take it." One of the Princesses immediately said, " You do not mean to say that you murdered the Princess Charlotte ?" "No," faintly answered the Queen; "but I connived at it !" We pledge ourselves to the truth of this statement, how- ever incredible it may appear to those who have considered Queen Charlotte as "a pattern to her sex." When the general servility of the press to royalty is taken into con- sideration, it is hardly to to be wondered at that people are misinformed as to the real characters of kings and queens. Take the following false and most inconsistent eulogium, copied from the Atlas newspaper, as an example of this time-serving violation of truth : — " Queen Charlotte's constant attendance on the King, and her GRIEF FOB THE LOSS OF HER GRANDDAUGHTER, gained ground on her constitution ; and her Majesty expired at feew, on the I7th November, 1818. In all the relations of a ivife and mother, the conduct of the Queen had been exem- fi.AKr. Pious, without bigotry; virtuous, but not austere; serious, yet capable of the most perfect enjoyment of inno- cent pleasure; unostentatious, economical, adorned with all domestic virtues, and not without the charities of human nature, the Queen had lived respected, and she died full of years and honour, regretted by her subjects, and most by those who knew her best. If her talents were not shining, nor her virtues extraordinary, she never employed the first in fashion, nor bartered the second for power. She was occasionally accused of political interference, by contem- porary jealousy ; but history will acquit her of the charge. She was a strict moralist, though her conduct to one part of her family (the heroic Caroline, we suppose) was perhaps more rigorous than just. Her proudest drawing-room was the hearth of her home. Her brightest gems were her CHILDREN (heaven save the mark!), and her greatest amhi- ^''on to set an example of matronly virtue and feminine dignity to the ladies of her adopted country !" We should absolutely blush for the writer of this para- graph, did we think that he really meant his panegyric to he taken literally. For the sake of common honesty, how- ever, we will not suppose he so intended it; he must be some severe critic who adopted this style as the keenest kind of wit, for " Praise undeserved is satire in disguise I" The august remains of this royal lady were, on the 2nd of December, deposited in the vault prepared for their recep- COURT OF ENGLAND. 169 tion, with all the parade usual on such expensive occasions. We will not detain our readers by describing the funeral pomp, though we cannot avoid noticing that the body mhs not opened, but immediately enclosed in prepared wrappers, and very speedily deposited in the first cofEn, which was a leaden one. Indeed, her Majesty was not in a fit state to undergo the usual formalities of embalming, &c. Her body was literally a moving mass of corruption. Let us now sum up the mortal train of evils which were 80 generously nourished " by the departed," for virtues she had none. The power of royalty may intimidate the irre- solute, astonish the uninformed, or bribe the villain ; biit, &e we do not claim. affinity with either of these charactei-s, we honestly avow that her Majesty did not deserve the title " of blessed memory." At the commencement of her alli- ance with the mucb-to-be-pitied George the Third, she took every advantage of his weakness, and actually directed the helm of government alone, which untoward circumstance England has abundant cause to remember. The next brother to the King (Edward), whom we have before mentioned, was most unexpectedly and unaccountably sent abroad, notwithstanding his being next in succession. His Royal Highness's marriage with a descendant of the Stuarts, though strictly legal, was never acknowledged by Queen Charlotte, and his only child, soon after its birth, was thrown upon the compassionate attention of strangers. As there is something so liorrible relative to the death of this amiable Duke and Duchess, and something so heartless and cruel in the treatment to which their only son has been subjected, we are induced, for tlie sake of truth and justice, to lay a brief statement of the matter before our readers. Historians have either been treacherous or ignorant of the circumstances connected with the case of this Duke of York, who was the second son of Frederick, Prince of Wales. and next brother of George the Third. Most writers have represented " that he died in consequence of malignant fever," as we have before mentioned; but one historian ventured to assert that " Edward, Duke of York, was assas- sinated in September, 1767, near Monaco, in Italy \" This statement, we are sorry to say, is but too true, which caused the book containing it to be bought up at an immense ex- pense. The unhappy widow of his Royal Highness was then far advanced in pregnancy, and very shortly after this melancholy and (to her) irreparable loss, she came over to England, and took up her residence at Haverfordwest, in South Wales. At this place, her Royal Highness gave birth to a son, whose baptism was duly entered in the register of St. Thomas's parish. What afterwards became of this illustrious lady, however, is not known ; but her infant was, shortly after its birth, conveyed to London, and placed, bj IISO 8XCRET HI8TOBT OF THB George the Third, under the immediate care and protection of a tradesman and his wife, by whom he was represented to be their own son. This tradesman, although only twenty- eeven years of age, enjoyed the particular confidence of Yna Majesty, and has been known to walk with the King by the hour in the gardens adjoining Buckingham House, convers- ing with all the familiarity of an old acquaintance or an «special friend, and who at all times could command an in- terview with his Majesty, or with the ministers. When about twelve years old, this ill-fated offspring of the Duke j was placed at Eton, upon which occasion his Majesty took ^special notice of the youth, and was in the habit of con- versing very freely with him. He had not been long at Eton when his Majesty allowed him to go with his reputed father to see the hounds throw off at Taplow Heath; a <;haise was ordered for this purpose, and they arrived just before the deer were let out. Upon their alighting, the King rode up to them, and expressed his very great satis- faction at the appearance of the youth ; and, after asking many questions relative to the arrangements made for him at school, said, " Well, my little fellow, do you be a good boy, and you shall never want friends. Good-bye, good-bye ; the deer will soon be out." His Majesty then rode back to his attendants. Whenever George the Third passed through Eton, it was his invariable practice either to speak to or to inquire after this youth, in whose welfare he ever appeared , tho' sore, Which, tho' trod like the worm, will not turn upon power, 'Tis the glory of Grattan, the genius of Moore ! Speedily after the Queen's death. Lord Sidmouth retired from office, and was succeeded by Mr. Robert Peel. Several other changes also took place in the Ministry. There was only one occui-rence that could have been more gratifying to the people of England than the secession of Lord Sidmouth from office, and that was his being rendered amenable to the laws for his share in the frequent outrages of the constitution, and his almost numberless violations of the liberties of the subject. He had hoped that he would have remained in office until be had received his full re- ward, in the return of the days of ministerial responsibility, in spite of Bills of indemuity and venal majorities. But, for the honour of justice, we hope yet to see the day when he shall be subject to an honest tribunal for his political mis- deeds. His name will ever awaken the liveliest indignation in the bosoms of Englishmen; not indeed, that his talents made him formidable against the liberties of his country, but because he so readily lent himself to the dangerous views of his superiors. Personally, he was of no importance. The son of a provincial medicine-vendor, he had neither rank nor birth to command respect. The tool of Mr. Pitt in early life, Mr. Addington had cunning enough to stipulate for a peerage just at the time he was found unfit for a Minister. The failure of his attempt to abridge the liberties COURT or ENGLAND. 231 of the Dissenters covered him with dis>^race. Such a design should have been entrusted to abler hands ; but it was not his lordship's fault that the Dissenters escapod ruligioua persecution. His next exploit, however, proved more suc- cessful; he declared etern^i hatred of reform and reformers in 1816. The seizure, the iuiprisonmeuts, tlis tortures, and the outrages, occasioned by the employment of his moral friend Oliver have, in the lan-guage of Pope, occasioned him to be " Damned to everlasting fame." The liberation of his victims, after long confinements, ruined in circumstances, wounded in mind, and some of them des- tined to premature death, through their unwholesome con- finement, complete the picture of this nobleman's legisla- tion ! To prevent an investigation into such cruel acts, a Bill of indemnity screened his lordship, his agents, and minions, from the tribunals of that day ; but if earthly justice should never be vindicated, there is a tribunal before which he must one day meet his victims ! The part which Lord Sidmouth had in the reward of the Manchester mas- sacre is well known, and will not be likely to add to the quiet of his repose. This lamentable portion of his history involves the double charge of misadvising his Prince, and patronising a violation of the laws, in the most wanton and cruel manner ! No man, indeed, has been more instru- mental in the ruin of his country, and he may probably have to reap some of the bitter fruits himself ! During this year the affable King made his pompous en- trance into Hanover, where he threw gold and silver amongst the crowd with as much confidence as if it had been his own ! ! If he had allowed some of this said " gold and silver " to have remained in the pockets of its real owners, it would have redounded much more to his credit. In one single week this year eleven persons were hung for forging Baak of England notes. Such a sanguinary penal code of laws as ours would really disgrace a nation of savages. Even our common laws, which ought to be intelligible to the meanest understanding, are an unfathomable abyss, and frequently exceed the utmost penetratration of even the "gentlemen of the long robe." Indeed, our laws appear designed to perplex rather than to elucidate — to breed con- tentions rather than to prevent them. The principal merit of the English jurisprudence seems to consist in its in- tricacy, and the learned professors of it may almost be said to live ujjon the vitals of their clients. It not unfrequcntly happens that, for trivial omissions upon some useless ob- servance of forms, the victim is incarcerated in a prison, and, after enduring all the horrors of these dens of thieves, expires in want, disease, and apparent infamy. 232 sBCitsT nisTOBi: ot tsk The year 1822 was one of great interest and importance both abroad and at home ; but to the latter we shall chiefly confine ourselves. On the 18th of January a Cabinet council was held, at which Lord Sidmouth was present, notwithstanding his pre- vious resignation of the seals of office. From this it is evi- dent that, though out of office in reality, this noble lord waa in place specially. Ireland, at this time, presented a sad appearance. Out- rages of every kind were of daily occurrence, and famine, with its appalling front, stared at the lower classes in the face. Much blood-was shed, and yet no efficient means were taken to subdue the cause of these fatal insurrections. The King of England, though he had professed so much love for his dear Irish subjects in his late eloquent speech, screened himself, under his assumed popularity, from blame on such serious charges ; while his incompetent and mean advisers, believing their persons safe under the protection of their puissant Prince, gave themselves no trouble about so insignificant a matter. Disgrace and infamy, however, will ever be attached to their names for so flagrant a dere- liction of duty to the Irish people. In April, Thomas Denman, Esq., the late Queen's Solicitor- General, was elected to serve the office of Common Serjeant for the City of London ; and, on the 27th of May, he com- menced his career with trying the unnamed servant of a bookseller for selling an irreligious and seditious book. Mr. Denman sentenced him to eighteen months' imprisonment in the House of Correction, and, at the end of that time, to find sureties for five years, himself in one hundred pounds, and two others in forty pounds each. In narrating this circumstance, we cannot forbear ex- pressing our detestation of all prosecutions in matters of religion. They neither redound to the honour of Christianity nor effect the slightest benefit to morality. Everyone has an undoubted right to entertain what religious opinions may best accord with the dictates of that all-powerful monitor — conscience ; and all endeavours to force different opinions are only so many attempts to make men hypocrites. " But," say our religious persecutors, " the Bible must not be attacked, or the true religion will fall into contempt." As an answer to this argument, we say that if the said true religion will not bear the test of examination and argument, the sooner it falls into contempt the better ! The glorious truths of the New Testament, however, are sufficiently mani- fest, and do not require the puny and adventitious advocacy of cant. The strong arm of the law is not requisite to uphold Christianity, for it possesses within its own pure doctrines sufficient to recoramend it to the admiration and erratitude of mankind. When these doctrines are attacked. COURT OF ENQIJIND. 233 let Christians endeavour, by fair and mild reasoning, to sup- port their beneficence and purity, and they will be sure to make converts. But if they ouce attempt to force convic- tion, their defeat is inevitable ! It is, therefore, contrary to common sense, as well as being imjust and deplorable, that a man should be punished for disbelieving any particular sentiment. What proof did Mr. Denman* give of the mild • Mr. Denman has since been created " Sir Thomas," and, at the period of our -writing this, holds the office of Attorney-General. On the 2lBt of May, 1832, Lord Stnrmout brought forward a motion in the House of Commons relative to a general crusade against the press, for what hii lordship pleased to term " infamous, obscene, and scandalous libels." It must ever be gratifying to patriots when public men ojenly confess their errors ; and we are, therefore, most happy to record tlie following extract from Sir Thomas Denmau's speech, delivered on the above occasion, rela- tive to the prosecution u]ion wliioh we have so freely commented : — "In May, 1822, he (Sir Thomas Denman) first sat as Common Serjeant, and was called upon to try a case of most atrocioui libel in The Republican. It contained a summing up of all the blasphemies which had ever been promulgated in that paper, and direct incitements to insurrection. The prosecution was instituted bv a constitutional association, which thought the Attorney-General was nesrligent of his duty ; but he believed that that association obtained but little credit for thus undertaking his functions. There were two nldermen upon the bench, one of whom thought that two years' imprisonment was the least that could be awarded as a punishment, while the other thought that one would be sufficient. The middle course was pursued, and the man was sentenced to eighteen months' imprison- ment. Though this was the mildest punisliment which had been awarded on any case of a similar description at that time, yet he (the Attorney- General) had been held up to odium as a cruel judge. The public, it was clear, had reaped no benefit whatever, and he (the Attorney-General) had experienced some pain during the whole of the eighteen months that that man was in prison, for he felt a strong disinclination to proceed against any man who was fairly stating his opinions. The young man was twenty- one years of age, and what he was doing was.certainly mischievous ; but, when his imprisonment expired, he could assure the House that it wai to himself a great comfort. The liberty of the press was established in this country, and that alone was enough to induce people to publish those opinions, and that liberty would make him extremely cautious of pro- secuting merely for opinion. During periods of public excitement, the classea from which juries were taken gave no encouragement to prosecu- tions, and if only one juryman stood out upon a case, the prosecution was obliged to be dropped. He, therefore, except some very atrocious circumstances should occiir, did not think it expedient to proceed. In striking special juries, it was impossible to go into the heart of society, and act as spies in families to ascertain the sentiments of jurymen. It was necessary to submit to a great deal, lest by legal proceedings bad should be made worse. Prosecutions against the press were better left alone." Tie last sentence of this speech contains advice which wo hope to see Practised by all future Attorney-Generals. In the case of Sir Thomas •enman, however, it is only adopted through necessity ; for he freely con- fesses his wish to prosecute, if he could only ensure the verdiot of a jury ! It is, indeed, a gratifying truth that Attorney-Generals cannot control the decision of juries, and it is well for the people of England that they can- not. Were it otherwise, the press would soon become worse than useless, and every independent writer speedily be consigned to a prison. We can- not, consequently, join Sir Thomas Denman m his lamentation, and we regret that a gentleman of such lofty pretensions to liberality and pa- triotism should have tarnished his fame by thus exposing himself to tlie censure of his countrymen. While upon this subject, wo would give a word . 237 Wood placed himself at the coach door to attend her out, and kept laughing and talking to her till they arrived near the statue of Queen Elizabeth, where the Lord Mayor and his retinue met her, after coming from the church for that purpose ; but when his lordship (Thorpe, naturally a modest man) perceived that the Queen was so engaged that she never lifted up her eyes, he and his procession were turning back in confusion to re-enter the church, when one of the Queen's followers caught firmly hold of the oflScious Alder- man's gown, stopped them, and said, " Mr. Wood, Mr. Wood ! don't you see the Lord Mayor come to hand the Queen ? — you would not affront the City so as not to let him ?" Sir Eobert Wilson, who was near, said, " Do run and call the Lord Mayor back ; thousands of eyes are upon us !" His lordship turned round, and the procession pro- ceeded into the church, as it ought to have done from the carriage door j but Mr. Wood was exceedingly angry, and would follow next to her Majesty, though repeatedly told that it was Lady Anne Hamilton's place as her Majesty's lady in waiting. At the City concert, also. Alderman Wood displayed his indecorous conduot. The orchestra was elevated about a foot, and at the right of the orchestra two chairs were placed, one for the Queen and the other for her lady in waiting, who sat next the people. Alderman Wood stood behind her Majesty the whole time, laughing and whisper- ing in the most intimate style in her ear ; and though her lady kept her face towards them, wishing it to appear to the public at least she had a share in the conversation, alas 1 too many saw she was never spoken to by either. Prom such impudent and vulgar conduct as this we heard a cejjtain royal Duke observe, " I wish to serve the Queen, but I will not be Mr. Wood's cat's-paw, nor play second fiddle to him.'"' Similar observations were made by noblemen of the very first rank in this country. It may be asked, " Why did the Queen allow herself to be guided so much by this Alderman ?" Because her Majesty thought him honest, and was not aware that he kept any other persons away. "Could no one tell her Majesty the real state of things ?" No, for Mr. Wood actually set her against every- one except himself and his own creatures, in order to pre- serve entire influence over her Majesty. Indeed, her legal advisers could hardly speak to the Queen without this very officious gentleman being present. He began by prejudicing ber Majesty against them all, for he said, " No lawyers are good for anything; I esteem myself above them all." We ourselves heard him say so. When he had thus persuaded her Majesty of his own superiority, and iotroduced himself into all the consultations of her law advisers (unless they demanded a private audience), he began to attack the 238 SECR£T HISTORY OF TH« Wliigs, and amused himself by constantly abusing them. He has frequently been heard to say, " The Whigs are worse enemies of your Majesty than the Ministers. They would sacrifice you if they could." But, for himself, he led her to believe that he could do anything with the people. In the City he conceitedly told her Majesty, at the head of her own table (where he usually sat till Lord Hood took his place), in November, when his friend Thorpe was elected Mayor, that " they wanted to elect me Mayor a third time, but I would not accept the ofSce ;" while at this very election there was but one single vote for him, and that was the new Lord Mayor's, who could not vote for himself. It is very lamentable to consider that her Majesty was so much guided by this one man in most of her actions, even to the fatal day of the coronation, upon which occa- sion, however, he took particular care not to attend her. There is every reason to believe, notwithstanding, that her going at all was owing to his secret advice, though he pretended to the contrary. Those who heard him at the King's dinner were disgusted at his being the loudest to applaud his Majesty. Most certainly the coronation-day did not end to her Majesty as she had been led to expect ; and she discovered, or fancied so, that she had no friend or adviser in England on whom she could rely, and, therefore, determined to visit Scotland. It was remarked to the Queen by a true friend, who sought only her honour and happiness, that Scotland was a proud nation, and that it would not be there thought that Alderman Wood was of sufficient rank to attend her Majesty. The Queen quickly, and indignantly, replied, " Alderman Wood! I should never think of taking /lim/ No, no; I shall only take Lord and Lady Hood and Lady Hamilton." All the world knows her Majesty never named the Alderman in her will ; but all the world does not know that, a short time before her death, she said, "I owe Wood nothing." The Alderman also seized every opportunity he could to persuade the Queen to go abroad again. On one of these occasions a friend of her Majesty overheard the hypocritical aORT OF ENULVvNLi. 257 therCj and the Emperor has been constantly exposed to the inconvenience and insalubrity of inhabiting a house in a state of building. The room in which he sleeps is too small to contain a bed of ordinary dimensions, but every addition to Longwood Houso would prolong the annoyance of the workmen's attendance. Yet in that miserable island there are beautiful spots, presenting fine trees, gardens, and pretty good houses. Plantation House among the others; but the positive instructions of the Ministry prohibit you from giving that house, which might have spared much ex- pense from your treasure, expense employed in building at Longwood some cottages covered with pitched paper, which are already out of repair. You have forbidden all corre- spondence between us and the inhabitants of the isle ; you have, in fact, placed the house of Longwood in a state of exclusion; you have even fettered the communications of the officers of the garrison. It seems to have been a study to deprive us of the few resources which this miserable country affords, and we are here as we should be on the un- inhabited rock of Ascension. During the four months that you, sir, have been at St. Helena you have deteriorated the situation of the Emperor. Count Bertrand observed to you that you were violating even the law of your legislature ; that you were trampling under foot the rights of general officers, prisoners of war. You answered that you recognised only the letter of your instructions ; that they were worse even than your conduct appeared to us. — I have the honour to be. General, your very humble and obedient servant, (Signed) " The General Cte. de Montholon." " P.S. — I had^signed this letter, sir, when I received youra of the 17th. You annex to it an estimate of an annual sum of twenty thousand pounds sterling, which you deem indis- pensable to meet the expenditure of the establishment at Longwood, after all the reductions have been made which you have judged practicable. The discussion of this state- ment cannot in any manner concern us. The Emperor's table is scarcely what is strictly necessary ; all the provisions are of bad quality, and four times dearer than at Paris. You ask of the Emperor a fund of twelve thousand pounds ster- ling, your Government allowing me only eight thousand pounds sterling, for all these expenses. I have had the honour to tell you that the Emperor had no funds ; that for a year past he had not received or written ariy letter ; and that he was in complete ignorance as to what is passing or may have been passing in Europe. Transported by violence to this rock, 2,000 leagues distant, without the power of re- ceiving or writing any letter, he now remains entirely at the discretion of the English agents. The Emperor haa always desired and does desire to defray all expenses what- ever himself, and he will d^ so as soon as you will make it 258 SECRET HISTORY OF THE possible for him, by removing the piohibition imposed on the merchants of the island of forwarding his correspondence, and by consenting that it shall not be subject to any in- quisition by you or any of your agents. As soon as the wants of the Emperor shall be known in Europe, the pei sons who are interested concerning him will send the necee eary funds for supplying them. " The letter of Lord Bathurst, which you have commu- nicated to me, gives rise to some strange ideas. Were your Ministers ignorant that the spectacle of a great man strug- gling with adversity is the sublimest of spectacles ? Were they ignorant that Napoleon at St. Helena, amidst persecu- tions of all kinds, which he confronts only with serenity, ia greater, more saci-ed, more venerable than on the first throne in the world, where he was so long the arbiter of kings ? Those who in this position are wanting in what is due to Napoleon, vilify only their own character and the nation which they represent. " (Signed) " The Gen. Cte. De Montholon." From the same to the same : — *' lyongwood, 9th September, 1816. " General, — " I have received your two letters of the 30th August, There is one of them which I have not communicated. Count B<;rtrand and myself have had the honour of telling you several times that we could not take charge of anything which would be contrary to the august character of the Emperor. You know better than anyone, sir, how many letters have been sent from the post-office to Plantation House. You have forgotten that, upon the representations which we have made to you repeatedly, you answered that your instructions obliged you to let nothing go to Longwood, either letter, book, or pamphlet, unless those articles had passed the scrutiny of your Government. The lieutenant of the Newcastle having been the bearer of a letter to Count Lascases, you kept that letter ; but the officer, deeming his delicacy compromised, you transuiitted it thirty days after it had reached this island, &c. We are sure that our families and our friends write to us often. Hitherto, we have re- ceived very few of their letters. But it is by virtue of the same principle that you this day disavow that you have retained the books and pamphlets that have been addressed to you, and yet you keep them. " Your second letter of the 30th August, sir, is no answer to that which I had the honour to write to you to remon- strate against the changes effected by you in the course of that month, and which demolish all the basis of oar esta- blishment in this country. COURT or ENGLAND. 259 " 1. ' There is no part of my written instructions more definite, or to which my attention is more pointedly called, than that no person whatever should hold any communica- tion with (the Emperor) except through ray agency.' You give a Judaical interpretation to your instructions. There is nothing in them which justifies or authorizes your con duct. Tbose instructions your predecessor had. You had them for three months previous to the changes which you effected a month ago. In short, it was not difficult for you to reconcile your different duties. "2. *I have already acquainted the Emperor personally of this. " ' 3. In addressing all strangers and other persons, except those whose duty might lead them to Longwood, in the first instance to Count Bertrand (or asking myself), so as to as- certain whether (the Emperor) would receive their visit, and in not giving passes, except to such persons as had ascer- tained this point, or were directed to do it. I conceive'' &c. '"4. It is not, sir, in my power to extend such privilege as you require to Count Bertrand,' &c. " I am obliged to declare to you, sir — 1st, that you have communicated "nothing to the Emperor; 2nd, for more than two months you have had no communication with Count Bertrand; 3rd, we require of you no privilege for Count Bertrand, since I only ask a continuation of that state of things which existed for nine months. " ' 5. I regret to learn that (the Emperor) has been incom- moded with the visits, &c.' " This is bitter irony. " Instead ofv endeavouring to reconcile your different duties, sir, you seemed determined to persist in a system of continual vexations. Will this do honour to your character ? Will it merit the approbation of your Government and your nation ? Permit me to doubc it. " Several general officers, who arrived in the Cornwallis, desired to be presented at Longwood. If you had referred them to Count Bertrand, as you had hitherto referred all strangers presenting themselves in the island, they would have been received. You have, doubtless, your reasons for preventing persons of some distinction from coming to Longwood. Allege, if you choose, as you commonly do, the honour of your intentions, but do not misrepresent the in- tentions of the Emperor. " The younger Lascases and Captain Pionkowski were yesterday in the town. An Eoglish lieutenant accompanied them thither, and then, conformably to orders existing until that day, left them at liberty to go and see what persons they wished. Whilst young Lascases was talking with some young ladies, the officer came, and, with extreme pain at being charged with so disagreeable a communication, de- 260 SBCBET HI8TORT OF THB clared that your orders were not to lose sight of him. This is contrary to what has taken place heretofore. It would, I think, be proper that you should make known to us the changes that you are effecting. This is forbidding us every visit to town, and thus violating your instructions.* Yet you know that scarcely one of the persons at Longwood goea to the town once a month, and there is no circumstance which can authorize you to change the established order. *' This is cai-rying persecution very far ! I cannot con» ceive what has occasioned your letter of the 8th of Septem- ber ; I refer, sir, to the postscript of my letter of the 23rd of August. The Emperor is ill, in consequence of the bad • Howeyer tyrarnical the orders of Lord Castlereagh might have been, we cannot help remarking on the petty pleasure Sir Hudson Lowe took in executing them, even to the very letter. This was this kind of conduct in Napoleon's gaoler that gave rise to the following distich : — • " Sir Huduon Lowe, Sir Hudson Lowe, By name, and ah ! by nature so ! ' Napoleon himself said of this governor, " I have had to do with men oS all countries ; I never saw any who had so bad a physiognomy, and ft more execrable conversation. He writes with the intention of being ami- cable. That is a contrast to the^ignoble vexatioas that are daily imagined. There is something sinister in all this." Without contradicting the re- peated asseverations of Sir Hudson Lowe that he only acted according to instructions, we must say that any man of honour should rather have re- signed his office than have executed them, for they were not only unne- cessary to the security of Napoleon, but they were also illegal. But Sir Hudson did not possess moral courage ; he was capti us and mistrustful, and was not at all calculated for the delicate offices he had to perform ; he created his own fears, and lost his understandine in endeavouring to foresee misfortune. Count Latcases thus wiites of him : — "The noble-minded English beside us," says the Count, "as well a» those who merely visited the island, used to say that our treatment would experience a great and blessed change when the new Governor appeared, &c., 4c. This new messiah at length came ; but gracious God !— the word escapes involuntarily from my pen, — it was an executioner, a gendannt, whom they had sent. On his appearance, everything assumed a dark and gloomy aspect ; every ai)pearance of eternal respect, and all the foi'ms prescribed by a due regard to decency, which had hitherto been observed, at once disappeared ; every day since has been to us a day of greater pain and more insulting treatment; he has narrowel still farther the boundaries prescribed to us, and even endeavoured to interfere with our domestic eco- nomy ; he has strictly interdicted all intercourse with the natives, and even prohibited all society n ith officers of his own nation ; he has ordered our residence to be surrounded with ditches and palisndes ; he has increased ■•■he number of soldiers, and endeavoured to make prisons within prisons ; je hag surrounded us with objects of affright, and reduced us to close cus- tody. The Emperor remaius almost always in his prison, and no longei ieaves his apartment. Tlie few audiences which he has given to that officer have been highly disagreeable and opijressive to him ; he has put an end to them, and determined not to see the Governor any more. ' I had }'ust grounds,' he observe I, ' to complain of the Admiral, though he had at east a heart; but this man has not even the vestige of the character ol an Englishman ; he is nothing but a low Sicilian shirro.' Sir Hudson pleads the instmctions of his Minister in justification of himself, with respect to all these complaints ; if this justification is well founded, h.s instructions are most barbarous, but he can bsar witness, at the same time, that he endeavours to earry them into execution in a barbarous ■n&uaeCi OOUBT or BHaLAND. 261 climate tatd privations of all kinds, and I have not made known to him all the fastidious details that have been made to me on your part. All this has been going on for two months, and should have been terminated long ago, as the postscript of my letter of the 23rd of August is explicit. It is now high time that the thing should be ended ; but it appears to be a text from which to insult us. " I have the honour to be. General, your very humble and obedient servant, " (Signed) " The Gen. Cte. de Montholon." Count Lascases also felt so indignant at the treatment which his noble master experienced that he reproached the Governor, in no very measured terms, with his want of com- mon humanity, and boldly asked him, " Do you or do you not wish to kill the Emperor ?" For this, and writing com- plaints to his friends, all his private papers were seized, and himself dismissed the island. The following farewell letter was written to him, on this occasion, by the Emperor: — " Mt dear Count Lagcases, — " My heart sensibly feels what you endure ; torn away,, fifteen days ago, from my presence, you were shut up during that period in secret, without my being able to receive, or give you any news, without your having communicated with anyone, French or English; deprived even of the servant of your choice. " Your conduct at St. Helena has been, like your life,, honourable, and above reproach : I love to tell you so. " Your letter to one of your friends, a lady in London, has nothing in it^hat is reprehensible; you there pour forth your whole heart into the bosom of friendship. That letter is like eight or ten others which you have written to the same person, and which you have sent unsealed. The com- mandant of this place, having had the delicacy to sift out the expressions which you confide to friendship, has re- proached you with them. Latterly he thi-eatened to send you away from the island, if your letters contained any more complaints against him. He has, by so doing, violated the fii'st duty of his place, the first article of his instructions, and the first sentiment of honour. He has thus authorized you to 8e«k the means of conveying the effusions of your feelings to the bosom of your friends, and of acquainting them with the culpable conduct of the commandant. But you have been very artless ; it has been very easy to take your confidence by surprise. "They were waiting for a pretext to seize your papers; but your letter to your London friend could not authorize a police visit to you ; for it contains no plot, no mystery, it is simply the expression of a noble and frank heart. The 262 8BCRET HISTOBT OF THK illeo^al and precipitate conduct pursued on this occasion Dears the stamp of a very base personal hatred. " In countries the least civilized, exiles, prisoners, and even criminals are under the protection of the laws, and of the magistrates. The persons appointed to guard them have chiefs, either in the administrative or judicial order, who superintend them. Upon this rock, the man who makes the most absurd regulations executes them with violence, transgi'osses all laws, and there is no one to restrain the ex- cesses of his temper. " They envelope Longwood with a mystery, which they would wish to render impenetrable, in order to conceal a criminal conduct, and this leaves room for suspecting the most criminal intentions. " By some rumours, artfully spread, it was wished to mis- lead the officers, strangers, inhabitants, and even the agents who are said to be maintained by Austria and Russia in this phicc. Doubtless the English Government is deceived in the same way, by adroit and fallacious statements. " Your papers, among which it was known that there were some belonging .to me, have been seized without any formality, near my apartment, with a marked and ferocious exultation. I was apprized of this a few moments after- wards. I looked through the window, and saw that they vere taking you away. A numei'ous staff was parading round the house. I could fancy I saw so many South Sea Islanders dancing round the prisoners whom they were going to devour. "Your society was necessary to me; you alone read, spoke, and understood English. How many nights have you sat up, during my fits of sickness ! Yet I enjoin you, and, if need be, I order you, to request the commandant of ihis place to sen i you back to the Continent. He cannot •refuse that, since he has no control over you, but by the voluntary act which you have signed. It will bo a great consolation to me to know that you are on your way to more fortunate countries. " On arriving in Europe, whether you go to England or return home, dismiss the remembrance of the ills which they have made you suffer ; boast of the fidelity which you have shown me, and of the great affection which I bear you. " If you should one day see my wife and my son, embrace them. For two years I have not heard from them, directly or indirectly. There has been for six months in this place a German botanist, who saw them in the garden of Schoenbrunn some months before his departure. The barbarians have carefully prevented him from giving me any news from them. " My body is in the power of the hatred of my enemies ; they forget nothing which can glut their vengeance. They COURT OF IMOLAND. 2($S are killing me by inches. But the insalubrity of this de- vouring climate, the want of evei-ything that sustains life, will, I feel, put a speedy end to this existence, the last moments of which will be an opprobrium on the English character ; and Europe will one day signalize with horror that crafty and wicked man,* whom true Englishmen will disown as a Briton. " As there is every reason to think that you will not be permitted to come to see me before my departure, receive my embraces, the assurance of my esteem, and my friend- ship. Be happy. "(Signed) "Napoleon. "11th December, 1816." We might add many other proofs of the inhumanity exer- cised towards Napoleon were it necessary to our purpose. Let our readers look over the writings of O'Meara, Lascases.f and numerous other persons now living, both French and English, who bear the most heartrending testimony to all that was done to torture and to put an end to the life of this great man. The inhuman conduct pursued towards the captive Em- peror at length became the subject of parliamentary inquiry. A motion to this effect was introduced to the House of Peers by Lord Holland in the month of March, 1817. Of the motives by which this noble lord was actuated it is difficult to award sufficient praise. He declared, " My chief motive in bringing forward this motion is to rescue Parliament an/ the country from the stain which will attach to them if any harsh or ungenerous treatment has been used towards Na- poleon." * Such an anxiety for the character of his country was, doubtless, a patriotic and proper motive ; but it never ought to claim precedence of the great, permanent, and universal feelings of pity for the unfoi'tunate, which are among the noblest characteristics of our nature. His lordship, there- foi'e, might have insisted more upon the merit of a motive to which, on all occasions, he has shown himself to be emi- nently entitled. That the praiseworthy object of Lord Hol- land's motion was not attained, must be a matter of deep regret to every man who wishes to maintain the reputation of his country. But the Ministers shuffled over the charge by reading partial extracts from those documents, while they refused an examination of the entire papers. This, to eay the least of it, had a very suspicious appearance. Such * Sir Hudson Lowe Is doubtless the person here alhided to by the Em- peror; but he would not have dared to act as he did if such tyraniiical and unfeeling conduct had been against Lord Cactlereagh's approbatioc t Particularly his eloquent aud manly " Ap|iea,l to the Parliameut ol Oreat Britain on the Case af the Emperor Napoleoa." 264 SKCRBT HISTORY OF TKJS a mode of proceeding was contrary to the long-established usages of the House, and to the laws of evidence, and to the common course of practice in all investigation ; and, how- ever it might answer Lord Castlereagh's purpose, was little calculated to dispel the doubts of impartial inquirers, or to make a satisfactory case to the world and posterity. What judgment would a foreigner form of this matter, who might have heard the blessings of our happy administration of justice extolled to the skies ? A captive — the most illus- trious ever classed under that head — complained of the un- necessary rigour of his treatment. A British peer made a motion in Parliament to inquire into the truth of these allegations, and for the production of papers connected with, and tending to elucidate the subject. The Secretary of State contended that the assertions of the complainant were groundless, read partial extracts from the papers in question but refused their entire production, and negatived the motion for them, without assigning any sufficient reason. If Loi'd Castlereagh thought the inference to be drawn from such a garbled statement would be favourable to his cause, he must have'builb his logic, not upon the reason of the matter, but upon the votes of his pensioned adherents — a mode of conclusion not at all uncommon or unnatural to this minister. His loi'dship, indeed, considered his conduct to Napoleon meritorious, on account of that great man having been the enemy of England ! But does it follow that because the uncertain events of war had placed the French Emperor in a situation to claim the protection of our laws as a private individual, that his lordship was justi- fied in betraying his misplaced confidence, or in treating him with the same spirit of hostility when he was a helpless •captive, as when he was a powerful general arrayed in arms against the whole of Europe ? A doctrine more repugnant to humanity, more dangerous in its consequences to society, cannot be conceived. From what code of morality, or from w hat system of religion, did his lordship borrow such a prin- ciple? Much has been said of Lord Castlereagh's kindness of heart ; but what a dark scroll of evidence does the treat- ment of Napoleon at St. Helena exhibit against such an assertion ! To commiserate a fallen foe, to be moved by the sad spectacle of his fortunes, is the natural propensity and inseparable concomitant of every man possessing personal courage, or " kindness of heart." " The truly brave Will valorous actions prize, Bespect a great aud noble mind Albeit in enemies j" while to oppress an adversary in your power, whether among nations or individuals, is not only considered cowardly, but COUBT or ENGLAND. 265 abject, ungenerous, and savage. There is no circumstance which reflects so inucli disgrace on the national character of the Romans as their behaviour to Hannibal. The treatment which he received has been stigmatized as an act of compli- cated meanness, cruelty, and injustice. In modern times, the c.ise of Napoleon seems most closely to resemble that of Hannibal, both in the splendour of hie achievements while he was victorious, and in the sad simili- tude of fortune after his being defeated and betrayed into the handj of his enemies. It is true that Napoleon did not " play tho Roman," and kill himself, as Hannibal did,* but a portion of the words which the Carthagenian general used on that occasion might have been aptly refloated by Napoleon with merely an alteration of names : — " The victory which Hamininus gains over a man, disarmed and betrayed, will not do him much honour. This single day will be a lasting testimony of the great degeneracy of the Romans. They have deputed a person of consular dignity to spirit up Prusias impiously to murder one who is his guest !" It is curious to reflect that, in the annals of the world, the same action, according to circumstances, at one time is a crime, at another an act of heroism ! The same man is at one time a Claudius, at another a Marcus Aurelius. Cataline is but a vile conspirator. If, however, he Lad been able to found an empire, like Caesar, he would have been esteemed a bene- factor. Our Oliver Cromwell was acknowledged till his last hour,^. and his protection sought by all sovereigns ; but after his death, his body was suspended on a gibbet. He only wanted a son like himself to enable him to form a new dynasty. So long as Napoleon was fortunate, Europe bowed at his footstool, while the first princes thought it an honour to ally themselves with his family, and to obtain his smile was esteemed a favour. As soon, however, as he fell a prey to treachery, it was pretended that he was nothing more than a miserable adventurer, an usurper, without talent and without courage ! But even allowing that any sufHcient argument could have been urged for the detention of Napoleon, surely all restraint beyond what was strictly necessary for the security of his person was unjustifiable, and every species of mortifi- cation, not onfy ungenerous, but absolutely criminal. Lord Castlereagh ought, at least, in giving directions for his cus- tody, to have been particularly circumspect that no real or seeming unkindness were exercised against the captive Em- peror. If the coerciee measures adopted were thought necessary, they should have been introduced in a more con- • Plutwrch assigns him three different deaths, bvi Livy tells us that Hmiuibal drank poison, which he always carried a'> lut wiLh him in c«a* h« ihould be taken by eurprisR. 266 SECRET HISTORY Or THB ciliatory manner, and with every allowance for the irritation and impatience which exile and imprisonment will be sure to produce upon the most apathetic being in creation. But when we take into consideration the ungentlemanly and ignoble proceedings pursued against Napoleon at St. Helena, can we feel surprised at the bursts of indignation which now And then escaped him at the cowardly conduct of his gaoler ? That he should have viewed Sir Hudson Lowe aa the meanest creature in existence, is not at all to be wondered at ; for it appeared as if " Some demon said, ' Sir Hudson Lowe, Althouith we've got the dreaded foe, Yet here the queation pinches : How ihall we crash this mighty mau ?' Sir Hudson cried, ' I know tlie plan ; We'll make him die by inches 1' " Neither could Napoleon help considering Lord Castlereagh as the " demon " here alluded to. His lordship had induced him on board a British ship, under the most sacred promises of blunging him over to this country, that he might pass the remainder of his days under the blessings of our so much- boasted Constitution, as being " the envy and admiration of the whole world !" What milder appellation than " demon," therefore, did his lordship deserve, when, violating every principle of hospitality, he took advantage of Napoleon's faith in such promises, aud seized upon the opportunity it afforded him of arresting the Emperor as a prisoner of war, and of sending him to a barren rock, far from his wife, child, and friends, to be a prey to an unwholesome climate, and the rude insults of a mean and pitiful man like Sir Hudson Lowe ? *• Great God of war, and was it so That Britons cnish'd a fallen foe ! Had Wellington b>eu laken, (And there were chances on that day) Would Bonaparte have used his sway. And left him thus forsaken ?" Indeed, there was once a time when this said Lord Castle- reagh might have been taken prisoner by Napoleon, which most probably would have been done if the French Empeior had possessed no loftier ideas of justice and honour than hia lordship exhibited. This circumstance is related by Mr. O'Meara, in Bonaparte's own words, as follows : — " When Castlereagh was at Chatillon with the Ambassa- dors of the Allied Powers, after some successes of mine, and when I had in a manner invested the town, he was greatly alarmed lest I should seize him and make him prisoner. Not being accredited as an ambassador, nor Invested with any diplomatic character to France, I might have taken him aa an enemy. He went to Caulincourt, to whom he mentioned COURT OF ENGLAND. 267 that he laboured under considerable apprehensions that I should cause violent liands to be laid upon him, as he ac- knowledged I had a right to do. It was impossible for him to get away without falling in with my troops. Caulin- court refjlied, that as far as his opinion went, he would say that I should not meddle with him, but that he could not answer for what I might do. Iiuraodiately after, he (Caulin- court) wrote to me what Castleroagh had said, and his an- swer. I signified to him, in reply, that he was to tell Cas- tlereagh to make his mind easy, and stay where he was ; that I would consider him as an ambassador. At Chatillon" (continued Bonaparte), " when speaking about the liberty enjoyed in England, Castlereagh observed, in a contemptuous manner, that it was not the thing most to be esteemed in England; that it was an usage they were obliged to put up with; but that it hal become an abuse, and would not answer for other countries." It will thus be seen that gratitude, at least, ought to have prompted different conduct in Lord Castlereagh towards Napoleon; instead of which, the charges brought against Sir Hudson Lowe by Mr. O'Meara were not only deemed un- worthy of inquiry, but his lordship actually dismissed the accuser from the British service. Thus a deserving and generous-minded ofBcer was ruined, without even a hearing, for merely attempting to do an act of justice to the exiled Emperor of France ! The charges against Sir Hudson Lowe, however, remained the same, and this summary mode of revenge inflicted on Mr. O'Meara was not at all calculated to acquit Lord Castlereagh from sharing in the accusation of wantonly oppressing Napoleon. Could anything tend more to criminate his lordship than ihe sudden punishment of the accuser, while iu the act of preferring his complaint ? Grant that Mr. O'Meara had misconducted himself, and that he had thus given his em- ployer a right to dismiss him, surely he onght not, in com- mon honesty, to have done so till he had first given him every opportunity of making good his charges. His lord- ship's readiness to stigmatise, and even silence him, in this manner, bore any appearance but that of an honourable anxiety to meet and defy his adversary. We cannot devote space sufficient to bring forward the charges of Mr. O'Meara ; but the inquirer will find himself amply rej^aid for his trouble by their perusal. As Sir Hudson Lowe can only be looked upon as a cowardly ruffian, who scrupled not to exe- cute the orders of his superiors in office, however unjust they might be, the real odium of Napoleon's treatment and death must rest upon the Government, and his professional ability and private worth have never been questioned. If Lord Castlereagh, therefore, willed not the death of Napoleon, it waa his duty to have removed those causes of complaint 268 SKCKET HISTORY OF THB whicli Mr. O'Meara emphatically pointed out would rendei " Bonaparte's premature death as inevitable as if it were to take place under the hands of the executioner !" The public are aware how fatally this prediction was fulfilled ; but the whole evidence of Mr. O'Meara would carry conviction to the mind of any man who had not previously determined to dis- believe truth. Indeed, he has been confirmed in many essential points of his statements by the admissions of either the Governor's advocates or the Governor himself. One of these advocates stated that Mr. O'Meara was discharged for disobeying orders ; but of what nature were these orders ? The Governor wanted him to act as a spy upon the Emperor, and to sign false reports of the state of Ms health ! Con- sequently, Mr. O'Meara did indignantly refuse to perform such a base and cruel service ; and what man of honour and principle would not have done the same ? A refusal of this kind reflects no disgrace upon Mr. O'Meara, but will rather hand his name down to posterity as one deserving better treatment than he unfortunately experienced. In contemplating the manifold deprivations to which Napoleon ultimately fell a victim, we cannot help remarking upon one peculiar ti-ait of the human mind, — that of being more moved by fiction than reality ; for a tale of imaginary woe will excite more exquisite feeling, more real sympathy, than the severest reverses of fortune which may be ever pre- sent to our view ! If Napoleon, for instance, had been an ideal personage, and the history of his life had been made the subject of romance or poetry, what mind so dull but would have moralized upon the vicissitude of human affairs ? — what heart so cold but would have felt some commisera- tion for the captive ? But when all that a poet's fancy could have formed and blended of surprising extremes, to raise the interest of the reader in the hero of the tragedy, had actually occurred and been signally manifested in this extraordinary man, — when he, who at one time was raised to an elevation, and possessed a power never enjoyed by any other individual, was hurled headlong from his height to the abyss of humiliation, was imprisoned, exiled, captive, and forlorn, — how happened it that the feelings of our na- ture were not to take their accustomed course, that the sources of sympathy were not dried up, and compassion, which had hitherto been considered amongst the most amiable of virtues, was all at once to lose its very essence and property, and not only to be numbered amongst our weaknesses, but catalogued amongst our crimes ? For the prevalence of this disposition — which, alas ! was too observ- able even among those classes in whom education and the intercourse of enlightened society would have naturally led to an expectation of better feelings and sounder conclusions on the subjeot — it is difficult to account ; unless it be true COURT OF ENGLAND. X69 in morals, as in mechanics, that the motion may be continued when the impulse has ceased, and that to this we must refer the state of national feeling at the time Napoleon was Buffering an accumulation of indignities at,St. Helena. Since his death, however, the injustice and inhumanity of his treatment have been freely acknowledged and severely com- mented on ; and there is every reason to believe that his great name will be finally rescued from that misrepresenta- tion with which interested writers have endeavoured to Burround all his actions. From the affinity between fear and hatred, there is no wonder that when Napoleon was arrayed as our enemy, we joined hatred with hostility. But at the time of his seizure on board the Bellerophon he was no longer formidable ; he was then in our hands. Upon what principle, then, did active hatred continue when both hostility and apprehension had ceased ? Did a consciousness of inclemency (to use the mildest term that the occasion will admit) towards the object of it sufficiently account for the continuance of this hatred ? It had been better, indeed, if Lord Castlereagh, as well as his coadjutors at that period, who cherished this in- extinguishable species of enmity, had considered whether the world and posterity might not be apt to ascribe the meanest and most wicked of motives to such conduct, and let all the detractors of Napoleon recollect that the illiberal invectives in which they have so freely indulged against him will, instead of making any lasting impression upon his fame, only serve to perpetuate their own disgrace and that of his ignoble persecutors. While his figure will stand con- spicuous through history, the crowd of monarchs and minis- ters who have alternately crouched to and calumniated, truckled to or trampled upon him, can only escape oblivion as they make the group which shade the background of the picture, and give a force, by forming a contrast, to the grandeur of the leading figure. Lord Castlereagh will as- suredly form one of this background group ; but we envy him not in such fame. The conduct of his lordship to Na- poleon, instead of displaying that dignified sentiment and enlightened understanding which should adorn the character of a nobleman, and which we should naturally be led to ex- pect from a " Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs," has degraded his name to the level of the meanest of men. We will not say that we had rather been a chimney sweeper than have been guilty of his lordship's treachery to Napo- leon ; but, considering it as a deliberate exposition of the wickedness of his heart and his abandonment of every honourable feeling, which will be put on record, and handed down to posterity, we certainly will say that all the wealth and titles of Lord Londonderry, together with his immense political power and the smiles bestowed on bim by his dea- 270 SSCKET HISTOBT OF THS potic patrons, should never have induced us to Lave dona the like. Would that it were in our power here to close the catalogue of crimes, which are written in characters of blood, against the Marquis of Londonderry. The death of Napoleon was followed by the persecution of an innocent and noble-minded woman — "the injured Queen of England !"_ But this self- important man had been bo hardened in iniquity, that it was by no means a difficult task to persuade hiin to assist in her ruin. Her Majesty was too well acqiiainted with th« eecrets of State to be allowed the free exercise of her rights ; and as his lordship had lent his assistance to prevent many of these disreputable secrets from being made public,* self- preservation might Lave operated as a further inducement for him to enter the lists of her most bitter enemies. How fatally the Marquis of Londonderry and his colleagues sue- ceeded in their diabolical plans has been already explained. But the inglorious triumph added not to his lordship's peace of mind ; for from that period he was observed to exhibit " a conscience ill at ease." And it was a very remarkable fact that the Marquis should have selected the precise time of the year, only twelve months after, for his own destruc- tion, as that in which his royal mistress had met her fate ! A circumstance of this singular nature should operate as a great moral lesson for the consideration of mankind gene- rally, though Providence might have designed it as a warn- ing to the titled wickedness of our land. Such is the condi- tion of our nature, that we cannot mortgage either our moral or our physical energies so as always to repel the accusations of our own hearts, which are sure, eventually, to rrprove us for evils committed. " O then beware ; Those wounds ill heal that men do give themselves. Oaiission to do what is necessary Seals a commission to a blank of danger ; And danger, like an ague, subtly taints. Even then when we sit idly in the sun !" On what a slender thread hangs human life, and how worthless a e titles and wealth, if all is not at peace within ! On what a " beetling ledge " the favourite of royalty treads his uncertain way ! By what a fragile tenure the courtier holds the rewards of bis servility, on which he is so accus- tomed to pride himself ! The suicide of the gay and puissant Marquis of Londonderry was indeed a memento full of lessons of humility to the fawning parasites of power. In the October of this year, Mr. Henry Nugent Bell, of • More particularly the affair of the bondholder*. His lord«hip also rtrenuoHsly exerted himself to prevent any public inquiry into th« cnleJ Aeath of Princess Charlott*. COUBT <>*■ «NGLAND. 271 whcm wo have before had occasion to speak, died at his house, Whitehall Place, in the 30th year of his age. Thie individual merits a little commiseration, notwithstanding the disgraceful part he took in the Manchester murders, and other similar missions of Lord Sidmouth ; because, though the tool of despotic Ministers, he made some amends to the public b7 betraying his base employers. The newspapers generally reported his death to have proceeded from a na- tural cauBe ; but this was not the case. We can positively state that he died unfairly ; but whether from his own hand, or from the design of an enemy, we are not able to deter- mine. Mr. Bell appears never to have forgiven himself for his dereliction from the path of virtue, and only urged, in extenuation of his conduct, the cruel necessity he was under to oblige his patron. Once enlisted under the banners of Sidmouth, the unfortunate man soon found out the necessity of not being over-scrupulous in his duties. One crime suc- ceeded another, and thus a man of education and talent was made the victim of unjust and diabolical proceedings. After a great deal of Ministerial manoeuvring, Mr. Can- ning succeeded in his suit for the Foreign Secretaryship. The situation of the Marquis of Londonderry had long been the darling, though for many years the unattainable, object of this gentleman's intrigues or importunities. The country, however, had 10 cause to rejoice in the appointment of Mr. Canning to an office of such conspicuous importance, and many people felt considerable surprise at so unexpected a prouiotion, as the right honourable gentleman had been previously selected as the new Governor-General of India. It was a weUrknown fact that Mr. Canning had fallen into personal disgrace with his Majesty, and all his vacillating conduct with respect to our ill-treated Queen had not been able to restore him to royal favour. There have, however, been instances where a Minister has been forced upon the King by public opinion, as was the case with the first Mr. Pitt, in the reign of George the Second. This Mr. Pitt was in high favour with the people of England, acquired through his known attachment to freedom, and through the irre- sistible ascendancy of his upright and unbending character. George the Second, notwithstanding, showed great opposi- tion to the appointment of this worthy man, who was hatt'd by his King only because he feared his politics; yet Mr. , Pitt was finally made Secretary of State, and proved him- self worthy of the popularity with which the people had invested him. But the case of Mr. Canning was of a widely different nature. In him the people took no interest, except that which leads all men to watch their enemy's motions. He had not the honour of being disliked at Court for his politics ; they were of the most accommodating character, rie had given a personal offence to the " first gentleman ot iS72 SECRET HIBTOBY OF THE the land." By the country, on the other hand, it was his political principles, history, and character that were held in the most disrepute. Placed in such circumstances, the pub- lic must have been aware that this political adventurer would not be very patriotic in his endeavours to obtain par- don for his crime against the " puissant Prince j" and how far, therefore, such a man could be entrusted with power tvas a question not difficult to solve. As for the nation generally, men recollected his conduct through life too well to imagine that he was made Foreign Secretary to intro- duce any real improvement into the policy or councils of the nation. They felt convinced of his being chosen as the apologist of bad measures — not the author of good ones; and that he held the language of one of Shakspere's heroes to be good sentiment : " A plague of opinion ! — a man may wear it on both sides, like a leather jerkin !" Mr. Canning was, indeed, known to be a fit agent for the " Holy Alliance." He was the sworn antagonist of every reform in Church and State, and wheresoever a grievance or an abuse appeared, there stood he, arrogantly to charge as public enemies all who testified to the existence of either. Even the unfortunate country gentlemen, reduced as they now were by their blind support of Mr. Canning's system to a state bordering on pauperism, could hardly have hoped, from such a rooted foe to liberty, for any shadow of relief or of assistance. " Be quiet, gentlemen," was the self-im- portant style of his addresses. " See what an example the poor have set you ; be patient, as they are, and you will soon be prosperous, like me !" From a Minister of this descrip- tion, no consolatory expectations could possibly be formed by any class or party. We might certainly look for a few better speeches than Lord Londonderry made ; for his were, •ndeed, but poor, maudlin affairs. The new acts would only have a better chance of being varnished over, while we might expect them to be much worse in their nature than they had oeen ; because, as Ministers had no intention to reform the system, it must of necessity become more vicious every day The only measure on which Mr. Canning had ever taken any particularly active part, was the emancipation of the Catho- lics; and our readers will form some opinion of his sincerity on this subject, and of the importance which Mr. Canning attached to it, when we inform them that the honourable gentleman actually promised the Earl of Liverpool not to discuss the matter if he might only be allowed t^o retain the Foreign Secx'etaryship ! The conduct of the Earl of Liver- pool, also, leads to an observation which reflects anything but honour on the character of his lordship. We know that the power of this Premier over the King was omnipotent, owing to his being in possession of secrets of the most vital importance to hia Majesty and the royal family. By his COUUT OF ENOLANH. 273 lordship threatening to be no longer Prime Minister, he could, at almost any time, have forced his own schemes of policy upon the vitiated Court. By the admission of Mr. Canning to office, he had driven his royal master to the wall, and compelled him to do that which all the world had before Hupposed would have been more unpalatable to his proud feelings than the admission of even the Whigs to office. If Lord Liverpool could, therefore, bring in a Minister so per- sonally disliked as Mr. Canning notoriously was by hia Majesty, could he not also have prevented that odious and atrocious measure commonly called the " Queen's Trial," Mr. Canning's declared disapprobation of which created the very difficulty that had just been overcome? That disgraceful proceeding against an injured woman, with all its horrid consequences, it now became indisputably evident might have been avoided had Lord Liverpool but only have shown as much pertinacity in the cause of innocence as he had now done in that of party. His personal power in the Cabinet was, however, much increased by the nomination of Mr. Can- ning. There was a tacit, though well-understood, separation of interests during the life of Lord Londonderry, who usually headed one division of Ministers, with the Duke of Wel- lington in the number of the subalterns of his party, while Lord Liverpool led the other wing of Tory pensioners. There was nothing, now, therefore, to stand against the First Lord of the Treasury, unless Mr. Canning's inveterate spii-it of intrigue should possess him (a thing by no means unlikely) to see a rival in his benefactor, and to undermine Lord Liverpool, as he had done one of his former colleagues. What an enviable opportunity to enter office did this period afford to any man having the real welfare of his country at heart; for all the blessings that had been promised rrom the " glorious battle of Waterloo " — that wind-up of a war against the liberties of Europe — were yet to come. Taxation remained undiminished ; the liberties of the sub- ject were gradually declining; the commerce of England was almost at an end ; and her people poor and unhappy. Here, then, was a wide field for a patriotic Minister to dis- play his abilities by restoring the country to its wonted prosperity ! But, while Mr. Canning and his colleagues were indulging in luxury at the expense of the nation, the just complaints of the public were designated " the cries of a faction," and the miserable victims of their misrule said to beti-ay an " ignorant impatience" when they prayed for re- lief. After years of peace, the expenditure of Government exceeded the income of the Treasury, and our visionary and delusive system of finance required to be bolstered up by additions to oux already overwhelming debt; strength of council was superseded by strength of army ; all public dis- cussion, however peaceably conducted, was opposed ; actg of 274 SECBBT HI8TORT OF THB coercion were encouraged and abetted ; and England, once the pride of nations, became desolated by the worst compli- cation of ignorance and obstinacy that ever disgraced a Cabinet. To whatever department of the State we turned our eyes, the same indifference to its prosperity seemed manifest. The army, preponderating beyond all precedent in the time of peace, had become an overgrown source of profligacy and barter. Commissions and promotions, instead of being re- wards for service and merit, were sold to the best bidder, and the produce applied to pamper the vitiated appetite of royalty. In the navy, once our bulwark and our boast, the services of effeminate lordlings seemed more courted than those of bluff and able seamen, commissioners more im- portant than shipwrights, and large expensive establish- ments kept up on shore, while our fleets were rotting in the docks. Our trade was neglected, while pirates infested the seas and destroyed our merchantmen. In our foreign policy all was danger and uncertainty. The calm of peace was only prolonged by our unexampled apathy and puerile for- bearance. Foreign Powers owed us money that we dare not demand; nations were struggling for liberty and indepen- dence that we must not assist ; and outrages committed that we could not avenge. In the past, a long and san- guinary war, in which were sacrificed an incalculable num- ber of lives and immense treasure ; while in the future was exhibited the most dreary prospect of our declining power. At home, our decay was still more apparent. The sacred flame of liberty, to which we were indebted for our pre- ference over other nations, was attacked on all sides by every means that treachery could devise The malignity of the Ministers visited faithful servants with dismissal with- out inquiiy or hearing. The Sovereign was recommended and advised to treat his subjects with contumoly and neg- lect ; while the constitution itself was assailed by spies and informers, who first created and abetted the commission of the crimes which they afterwards denounced ! This was, indeed, a fearful state of affairs ; but history will justify us in the picture we have drawn. Though these and ten thousand other evils were evidently the results of imbecility, folly, and knavery, which had mainly been assisted by bribery, lavishly bestowed on those who had possessed themselves of those secrets of State re- corded in our volumes ; yet he who dare to hint at such an unpleasant truth, or even to doubt the lionesty of Ministers, was sure to be denounced a traitor. But, thank Heaven I the power of the Tories now received a check. The manly stand made by a few members of the House of Commons during the previous session of Parliament had opened the eyes of the long-blinded public, and the late COTJBT OF ENGLAND. 275 •cte of oppression* with which the Londondeiry Cabinet had disgraced itself, furnished fresh cause for censure, and new inducements for perseverance. The Ministry, therefore, which Mr. Canning joined were humbled and degraded be- fore he became one of its members ; but, instead of raising it from the disgrace into which it had fallen, his under- handed conduct only aggravated matters, and rendered him a greater object of suspicion to patriotic men than even avowed enemies. Various royal diversions and exhibitions were displayed throughout this year, and the " first gentleman in the world" was too often made to appear " the first knave on the stage of life." George the Fourth's means had been bestowed so bounteously, that he had become arrogant, and considered the people merely in the light of slaves, created only to ad- minister to his passions and caprices. He could hardly be said to know the nation, except by the representation of his hirelings. Neither did he care to know the subjects fi'om whom his strength was derived, because they sometimes exhibited more independence than suited his princely ideas of decorum. Indeed, he not unfrequently found the popular voice rather formidable against the attainment of some of his wishes ; and it would have been well if Parliament had taken a lesson from former and better times in this particular. In the works of our oldest, honest historians we find very plain language used by parliaments to their kings, and the latter generally receiving the sharpest rebukes for their vanity and partiality, — not as designed affronts, but as wholesome chastisement. Matthew Paris tells us, when Henry the Third asked for money to defi'ay the expenses of a foreign expedition, "which his people thought did not at all concern England," - that his Parliament told him, " It was very imprudent in him to ask money for any such purposes, and thereby im- poverishing his subjects at home, by his squandering it in idle expeditions, and that they flatly refused supplying him on any such account." Upon thus remonstrating, " that he had engaged his royal word to go abroad in person that year, and that he must have a supply," they asked him, " What has become of all the money your Majesty has had already, and how it comes to be lavished without this king- dom being one shilling the better?" But the freedom with which the people treated their sovereigns in those days was not confined to remonstrances. One of the greatest and most victorious of our princes, Edward the First, had an * The treatment and death of Napoleon, the funeral of the late Queen, the conduct of the Miuisters and soldiers on that occasion, the murden at Cumberland Gate, the dismissal of Sir Robert Wilson for an attempt to »top the scene of bloodslied, formed but a port>>oa of the black oataloanu at their in-i^deeda. 276 SECEET HISTOET OF THB inordinate desire of making, in person, a campaign in Flan- ders, that he might support a confederacy he had entered into to reduce the power of France, and had demanded an extraordinary supply for that purpose. The people, con- ceiving the quarrel to be very indifferent to England, strongly opposed his leaving the kingdom upon any such idle expedition. "The people of England," said the Par- liament, "do not think it proper for you to go to Flanders, unless you can secure out of that country some eqixivalent, which may indemnify us for the expense." We have a like instance in the reign of that great and powerful King, Henry the Second. This prince being sorely tempted to make an expedition abroad in person, became so fond of the proposal that he laid it before his Parliament, with a most earnest request for their consent, "it being the sole and darling purpose of his heart !" But his Parliament, honest to the people, thought that he had no business abroad, and "that it was much better for him to keep the money at home." Accordingly, the question was put and carried, for " An address for the King to keep within his own dominions, according to his duty." Edward the Third likewise re- ceived several mortiScations of the like kind; and it appears from the whole tenour of history, that the great care of our ancestors was to root from the breasts of their kings every principle of vain glory, which, the more ridiculous it is, be- comes generally the more expensive to the nation. What an amazing contrast, then, does all this offer to the pro- ceedings of George the Fourth's Parliament, who generally addressed him in the most adulatory language, and gave him money to gratify all his inordinate vanity. But the House of Commons, during his reign, spoke not the senti- ments of the people. At the commencement of the year 1823, some friends of the late ill-fated Queen addressed Mr. Canning upon the subject of certain letters and papers, preserved from the period of her Majesty leaving tKis country in 1814. Mr. Canning, however, did not think proper to reply to this communication. At the expiration of two months, another respectful inquiry was submitted, but it also shared the fate of its predecessor. A third expostulatory epistle was for- warded, and a certain individual received an anonymous reply, saying, "Things were changed; times were altered; and it was impossible that Mr. Canning could serve the King and the cause of the person so much disliked by his Majesty!" This circumstance affords indubitable proof that a man in office can never prove himself free from the trammels of party, or unwarped by elevation to power. Humanity and generosity were, however, alike forgotten in this case for interested motives, — a meanness which no man of integrity wotild have committed. But, to anyone acquainted with the OOUBT OF ENGLANIK 277 tnidcling arts of Mr. Canning, such conduct was no more fchan might have been expected. Early in this year, Mr. Vansittart was released from th© fatigues of the financial department, and raised to the Chan- cellorship of the Duchy of Lancaster, at the same time sinking his humble name for the more agreeable title of Lord Bexley. Mr. Eobinson succeeded him in the Ex- chequer, and Mr. Huskisson was appointed President of the Board of Trade. The latter changes gave the public much pleasure, as those individuals were supposed to possess a manly sense of propriety, as well as liberal opinions, from which the country hoped to reap some benefit in financial and commercial administration. Very soon after these political arrangements were com- pleted, the royal family were much annoyed by applicatione on behalf of the protege of her late Majesty, William Austin, as the trifling income he received was not sufficient to sup- port him in comfort and respectability. But, although he had been left her Majesty's residuary legatee, his claims were totally disregarded. Notwithstanding the bold language used in memorials and private addresses to the King at this time, the interest and happiness of the population of this mighty empire were treated as subjects of no consequence. The besotted " Prince of Dandies" was rioting in luxury and adulterous embraces, and neither felt nor cared for public distress. He was too great, in his own estimation, to condescend to men of low estate ; he was too mighty to listen to the cry of the desti- tute, and too noble to heed the incessant petitions of the rabble, as all4:hose who complained of existing grievances were denominated by him and his Ministers. But the " ac- • complished gentleman" was not above receiving half the peasant's loaf ; and, like the locust, he made the increase of the land his prey. It was acknowledged in the House of Commons that the coronation expenses amounted to two hundred and thirty-eight thousand pounds ! and that even the dress of the monarch, for whom such a mighty show was made, cost twenty-four thousand pounds ! ! ! This abominable expenditure, too, was for the honour of George the Fourth, whose excesses and debaucheries would have disgraced the most debased of his subjects — the man who had dishonestly permitted the most valuable jewel to be extracted from the crown of England, to bestow upon the lusty person of his mistress ! A beautiful jewel, that formerly belonged to his deceased daughter Charlotte, wae also given to this same kind lady. The jewel belonging to the crown was, upon compulsion only, afterwards restored, but the other is still retained. Some celebrated jewellers, not ten miles from Ludgate Hill, could bear testimony that the choicest trinkets ia their possession were culled by this 378 8ECBET HISTORY OF THE "Prince of Abominations," for presents to hig mistresses and confidants. Such, however, was the easy character of the English nation, that they submitted to the absolute com- mand of a tinselled des^Dot, and became dupes to custom. The misrule of the year 182-i opened with the unfortunate ratification of the " movements " in Italy and Spain, which tended to consolidate arbitrary power throughout Europe, so that the Continent might be considered as one federal despotism, each State possessing its peculiar coercive Government, under the control of the "Holy Alliance," improperly so called. The public now lost an uncompromising friend in Thomas, Lord Erskine, who died on the I7th of January, in the seventy-fourth year of his age. His lordship was not a favourite with the King; his sentiments were of too liberal a cast for George the Fourth's ideas of subjection and tyranny. Neither did Lord Erskine ever become a welcome visitor at the Palace, because the Court minions knew that he despised intrigue and villany. The poison of the Court was of too malignant a character for his lordship. There all direct terms were disused in discourse, and distant in- sinuations supplied their place. Every shining reputation was sure to be sullied ; and the Ministers, as well as the officers of the army and clergymen of the "Established" Church, were perpetually left to the discretion of that sort of people, who, as they could not be useful to the State themselves, suffered none to serve it with reputation and glory. The King himself had no informations but what were conveyed to him by the canal of a few favourites, who always acted in concert together; and even when they seemed to disagree in their opinions, they were only in the province of a single person to their Sovereign. A tainted atmosphere like this was, therefore, ill suited to the en- lightened and patriotic mind of Lord Erskine, who proved himself to be a talented and equitable judge, an admirable statesman, and a most accomplished and kind-hearted gen- tleman. The native sweetness of his disposition inclined him to universal humanity; his unbiassed judgment and his keen penetration well fitted him far the important sitiia- tion of Lord Chancellor ; and his unclouded understanding guided him to support beneficial measures for the people, while his indignant and noble soul poured forth its majestic language on the oppressors of his long enslaved country. His lordship was ever actuated by the best of motives, while his conduct was free from all party extremes. On the me- morable proceedings against Queen Charlotte, his lordship freely delivered his sentiments upon their unjustness and wickedness, and we shall never forget the energy with which he closed his eloquent remarks. " AU the Powers of F.u rope," said he, ''are in array against one deserted, be^ COUBT OF ENOJ-AND. 279 krayed, and unprotected woman T 1 am an old man, and have Lad more experience than most of your lordships in proceedings of this kind; I could not have interest or ob- ject in attempting to deceive or mislead you ; and, therefore, 1 shall ever defend myself against any imputation which may be directed against tl:e purity of my motives in doing what, I thank my God, I have done, and which, under similar circumstances, if unhappily they occurred, I should repeat." The fi-eshness and vigour of youth glistened in his lordship's eye as these words burst from his lips, which proclaimed him deserving of being numbered among the venerated champions of our injured and oppressed Queen. We have to record the death of another determined enemy of tyranny in the person of Lord Byron, who expired at Mis- solonghi on the 19th of April, after an illness of ten days. His lordship had rendered himself highly popular among the Greeks by his pecuniary and personal services in their good cause ; and, to show their great respect for his worth and sorrow for his loss, they would not permit the celebra- tion of their usual festivities at Easter. His lordshijj'a genius as a poet is freely acknowledged; but, though he possessed many public and piivate virtues, they h ive been but little estimated, while the tongue of slander has en- larged upon his frailties with much greater severity than they really deserved. As we were personally intimate with bis lordship, we may be allowed to know something of his private sentiments and opinions, and we willingly testify to the exalted ideas he entertained in the cause of universal freedom and equitable government, as well as to his general benevolence* and kindness of heart. In religion, his lord- ship avowed liimself a free-thiuker, a determined enemy to pious fraud and cant, and a despiser of all persecutions having for their object the stifling of conscientious opinion. , These liberal sentiments called forth the pious rage of many ignorant and intolerant ministers of the Gospel, who at- tempted to darken his bright fame by their bigoted tirades against his pretended infidelity, as well from the pulpit as in their numerous vituperating pamphlets. Such a system of enforcing the mild and benevolent doctrines of Chris- tianity, however, will work no conversions but on those whose minds are clouded by the baneful effects of ignorance. The gigantic power of Lord Byron's genius could not tamely endure the thraldom of being confined to certain modes of narrow-minded faith. He felt that he had a right to examine and to judge for himself in matters of such vital importance to his eternal peace, and for which no one should have condemned him. If his lordship occasionally expressed his indignation of religious prosecutors and Pharisees, ought It, therefore, to be inferred that he was an infidel F No real Christian, we are convinced, would 80 demean him- 28U SKCRET H IS i OK If 0¥ THIS self ; an(^ from the intolerant portion of religious professors his lordship's fame has little to fear. Posterity will be the best judge of such matters, as it will be sure to discard all private acrimony and party feeling; to its award, there- fore, we shall confidently look for a removal of the stigma of " infidel " from the character of the illustrious author of " Childe Harold." Would that it were in our power, before closing the ac- count of this year, to record the passing of some beneficial Act for relieving the oppressed people of England; but we cannot. Our Ministers seemed as resolutely determined as ever to plunge and flounder onward in the track that had already procured them the detestation of the British public, and effected the ruin and misery of our once flourishing and happy country. Looking backward upon their conduct, nothing could be seen but political turpitude; the present was pregnant with wretchedness; but, in contemplating the future, the patriot was animated to exertion by the cheer- ing star of Hope. The baneful influence of the Cabinet over the legislative assemblies, the time-serving politics of our Church dignitaries and their dependants, and the syco- phantic spirit of all those who came within the vortex of the Court, formed in themselves a combination of evils, to re- move which would indeed require the united moral energies of the people. The King, as usual, was hunting after the most frivolous pleasures, and gave himself no manner of concern about the grievances of his people. How applicable is the language of Cowper to this vitiated monarch : — " King though he be, And King of En^lanl, too, he may be weak,— May exercise amiss his proper powers, Or covet more than freemen choose to grant ; Beyond that mark is Teeason 1" That derogatory doctrine, however, which proclaims "the King can do no wrong," has proved the evil genius of liberty, and the very soul of despotism. George the Fourth ever made it his shield, and was content to let the odium of his actions fall upon his Ministers. But his Majesty should have recollected that a King of England is not a king by hereditary right. The nation is not a patrimony. He was not King by his own power, but by the power of the law. All the authority he possessed was given him by the law. under whose protection alone he reigned. It may, there- fore, seem svirprising that this monarch so frequently dared to outrage the very power to which he owed his existence as a King ; but it is still more surprising that the peopls permitted him to do it with impunity, for no ting ought to have been allowed CODBT oy KNOLAND. 281 " To Bmother Justice, Property devour, Aud trample Law beneath the feet of Powet : Scorn the restraint of oaths aud promised right. And ravel ooui pacts in the people's sight j For he's a Tyrant, and the People Fools, Who basely bend to be that tyrant's tools I" This is, indeed, powerful language. The importance of the subject was deeply felt by the poet, but its ti'uth wi!l plead the best justification of the censure. George the Fourth unhappily considered himself of a different species to the rest of mankind, and lost all the natural feelings of our nature for his subjects. Blinded with prejudices, the truth stung him like a scorpion; his wounded pride instantly took the alarm, and the rash in- truder upon his dignity and his pleasures was sure to be dis- missed with hauteur, if not ever after denied the royal presence. Tnis was, indeed, a lamentable state of things, but which, however, had one consolation — it was impossible that it could continue much longer, for, if nothing else hap- pened, its own iniquity would be sure to produce its destruc- tion. We now enter upon the year 1825, the eleventh of peace, if not of plenty. It is true that public opinion now began to gain considerable ascendancy, though every possible ad- vantage was taken to undermine the liberty of the press, and heavy fines were imposed upon various persons for pub- lishing facts disreputable to the lordlings in power. In the January of this year, several most respectable in- dividuals expressed an earnest desire to press for a public inquiry into the mysterious and hitherto unaccounted for death of heJ Royal Highness the Princess Cliarlotte. Among the rest was Lord Tullamore, who obtained an audience of the Earl of Liverpool for this purpose on the 18th. The Premier, at first, treated his lordship with much coolness and reserve ; but when Lord Tullamore mentioned the letter of Queen Charlotte to Doctor Sir Richard Croft, the noble Earl exhibited signs of the most acute pain, and became dreadfully agitated. His lordship eagerly inquired if that letter was forthcoming; and admitted that the subject had been mentioned to him before, but that the party was not BO respectable as the present. Lord Tullamore then re- peated those words from tke other letter to the doctor :— " Come, my boy, throw physic to the dogs," —when the Earl became so confused and embarrassed, that it was quite evident he was well acquainted with the con- tents of both those letters. Previous to Lord TuUamore'a retiring from this audience, the Premier requested to know if he had Queen Charlotte's letter in his possession, to which Lord Tullamore replied that his instructions went no fur- 282 8BCRET HI8TOBT OF TH« ther. Though suffering exceedingly from the gout in hia feet, the Earl of Liverpool politely rose froiu his seat, pressed his lordship's hand, called him his dear lord, and hoped to see him again. When detailing the particulars of this interview on the ensuing day. Lord Tullamore said that the noble Earl had certainly aduiitted the fact of the manner of the death of the Princess ! Shortly afterwards a second interview took place with the same noblemen, when Loi'd Liverpool was more composed, and said the business did not rest with him, but that it must be investigated in the office of the secretary by Mr, Peel. His lordship then, saying he was in haste, took leave of Lord Tullamore in the kindest manner, very different from the cool and reserved d3meanour and address so con- spicuous upon his first reception. Immediate application was made at Mr. Peel's office, but that secretary was not in the Administration when the melancholy event occurred, and therefore could not be nesponsible for any ciicumstancee attending it. Let the unprejudiced reader duly weigh this simple state- ment of facts, and judge dispassionately. Lord Liverpool was First Lord of the Treaaury at this time, as well as at the period of the Princess's death. He was, therefore, of necessity the principal actor in all State business. He knew well that a Secretary of State was answerable only for cir- cumstances and transactions in his department during his secretaryship. No one could be amenable for that which occurred at the period his predecessor held office. Yet this Premier, by the most unmanly and guilty-looking subter- fuge, put off all inquiry upon such an important subject, pretending that it did not belong to his department, and then referring it to a secretary, by whom Lord Liverpool well knew the matter could not be investigated, for the rea- sons before mentioned. In consequence of these shuffling contrivances against justice, this most serious inquiry was negatived, while every principle of right was set at open defiance, and the most honourable of the community pri- vately insulted. One fact, however, may clearly Se deduced from this circumstance — that Lord Liverpool was too well informed upon all this most heartrending tragedy, and he therefore, for his own sake, put off the inquiry, hoping the subject would be either forgotten or adverted to in a more agreeable manner. While these unsuccessful attenipts were making to obtain a public inquiry into the cause of the death of the Princess ( harlotte, the well-paid Court minions were busily employed in caluiuinating the characters of every person engaged in 80 laudable an undertaking. The most unfounded reports were industriously circulated to wound their good namsa. COURT OF ll»fflI,Ai;D„ 283 «rhil8 reasons, the farthest from the truth, were injuriously assigned to blacken their motives. Yet if we take into ac- count the voluptuousness and wickedness of the Court at this period, as well as the imbecility and arrogancy of the King's Ministers, surprise will na»turally give way to dis- gust, and anger wonder at toleration. The Junius that erposed and animadverted upon the Ministerial delinquencies of a Bedford and a Grafton, a Sandwich and a Barrington, neither knew, nor could pos- sibly imagine, the incomparably bolder task of doing justice to the public and private turpitude of a Liverpool and a Sidmouth, a Bathurst and a Canning, a Wellington and a Bexley, an Eldon and a Melville — to print the characters of these men in their true colours would indeed be a difficult task. Our darkest tints and our deepest shades would give but a faint outline of the blackness of the originals. When we look back upon the accumulated burdens, the ills upon property and patience which they inflicted, what an ocean of insults and what a wild waste of oppressions do we be- hold ! The three grand pillars of the State in its purity, and the people in their freedom, were nearly demolished Magna Charta, the Bill of Rights, and the Family Compact, were scrolls mouldering on the shelves of these Ministers, and ready to be swept out of their several departments, to- gether with the copies of their oaths " to advise their royal master according to the dictates of their consciences" — consciences, the only proof of the existence of which was given in their constant violation. If it be urged that Lord Sidmouth, who was the Home Secretary at the death of the Princess Charlotte, was not in office at the time of Lord Tullamore's interview with the Premier, we can only say his power to do harm was as great as if he had been, if not greater, and that be took especial care to exert himself strenuously that no "inquiry" about the Princess Charlotte should be instituted. The Premier, at this eventful period, was eager to engage the assistance of all his Tory friends, whether in or out of oflBce, to enable him to bolster up his own misrule. The ancient author, who correctly observed that " there are vices of MEN and vices of TnnES," would have improved, as well as have enlarged, his maxim by adding, that " bad times are made by bad men." Of the truth that " bad rulers too often make a mean people," the Mini.-iterial subjugation of na- tions has afforded innumerable evidences. But, with science and the manual arts, the knowledge of the best means of banishing liberty and liberal sentiments had now wonder- fully advanced. The proficiency in despotism to which the Earl of Livei-pool and his junta had attained certainly en- titled th^m to take precedence of any anterior Ministry. These men. throughout their whole conduct, from the 884 SECRET HISTOBT OT THIS highest down to the humblest of their misdeeds — whether they betrayed the King who received their services, or the people who paid their salaries — whether they dishonoured the Ci'own by insulting a virtuous Queen, or injured the country by screening public plunderers and private mur- derers — whether they outraged justice by acquitting the guilty and convicting the innocent — were ever true to them- selves. With all their arts, however, they could not destroy the spirit of our free constitution, for that will ever remain immovably fixed in the British bosom. The flame, whose rays shot hence across the Atlantic, can never be wholly ex- tinguished. The sparks with which England herself ani- mated the hearts of her regenerated colonists, warmly che- rished by every American, will never cease to feed the parent fire. Lord Liverpool might have assisted to reburden France with the hated Boui-bons, and other parts of the Continent with their legitimate despots ; but this could only last for a time. The fire of liberty was but smothered for a season;, as after events have suiSciently attested. It will assuredly be matter of great surprise to posterity, how men of such circumscribed talents as were to be found in the Cabinet of the Earl of Liverpool should find it pos- sible to effect so much mischief. But Fortune delights in maintaining a sort of rivalship with Wisdom, and piques herself on her power to favour fools as well as knaves. These beings, however, were indebted to various aids for iheir long and too successful career ; yet their principal de- pendence rested on the supineness of the people. The generous forbearance of Englishmen unhappily cherished the power which their patriotic vengeance should have destroyed. They were looking for gratuitous justice and liberality, instead of deserving relief by the ardour and nobleness of their own exertions. Had Britons but borne in mind that " zeal, without action, is nothing worth," their condition had been very different to what it was at the period of Lord Tullamore's praiseworthy attempts to obtain an inquiry into one of the blackest crimes recorded in our annals ; for Thought is the projector, and Faith the encou- rager, of all our views and wishes, though it is only Action that can render them effectual and profitable. At the period of Lord Tullamore's interviews with the Premier, the Marchioness of Conyngham held an entire and very injurious sway over the actions of our voluptuou-s monarch; her wQl soon became an absolute law, and, to supply means for this lady's insatiable wishes, the nation was burdened beyond all honourable limits. Yet, strange to say, one of her ladyship's sons. Lord Mountcharles, pro- fessed himself most anxious to be entrusted with the pre- viously-named " inquiry." His lordship was, consequently, allowed to undertake that the matter should be investigated; COURT OF ENOLANO. 285 but no sooner had the Marchioness's son obtained an inter- view with George the Fourth, than he hypocritically said, "The inquiry into the death of the Princess Charlotte is a,ll useless. You may rely upon it, the idea has originated in some ungenerous feeling towards his Majesty !*' But, in this particular, my Lord Mountcharles acted dis- honourably to the trust reposed in him. From undoubted authority be knew that George the Fourth receired Lord Mountcharles into his friendship to prevent the further elucidation of this matter— at least, as far as his lordship "''^.s concerned. Another of the professed friends of justice, also, who was known to have been a witness upon this business, was speedily afterwards enlisted under the "royal banner," and, though previously poor and in " holy orders," soon found abundant means to play for no trifling sums in St. James's. But his principles may be more correctly ascertained by the fact that, after receiving the most generous services from hie friends, he was mean enough to abscond from his bail, when fifty pounds was offered for his apprehension. Such was the Reverend Joseph B , whose apostacy in tl\is common cause fixes upon his name eternal discredit. Yet, notwithstanding his dissolute habits, this clergyman has very frequently occupied a seat at the table of Lord Teynham, and was in the habit of receiving considerable attentions from many of the lordlings in power. If hia word might be deemed worthy of credit, he was no strr.nger to the friendship of his Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex, and other branches of the royal family. But of one point we are well assured — that he who was mean enough to desert a post of duty, though it might be a post of danger, to revel in ease and luxury, was, at least, undeserving the notice oi any honourable man. However strange it may appear, this divine (so called) was most unceasing in his endeavours to rouse the country to a due sense of the impositions forced upon it, declaring all consequent sufferings would be " light as dust in the balance," compared to the tortures of a guilty and harassed conscience. Thus, under the mask of religion and patriotism, did this faithless character hide hia real sentiments and intentions, and while professing to serve the cause of liberty, he was in reality the aider and aljettor ( of tyrants, dishonourable in his engagements, and a dis- grace to his order. We may pity and even forgive his want of honour to his friends, but the subject from which he shrunk was of such vast national importance that his de- sertion of the cause of justice and his dereliction from tho path of duty in this manner must always be considered ao unpardonable offences. Such vacillating conduct, however, we are sorry to record, was not confined to the two gentlemen just mentioned. A86 secret history or the Many, whose prospects of aggrandizement appeared upon the wane, exhibited an anxiety to ascertain the probable result of this inquiry. Amongst this number was a fashion- able fortune-hunter, who boasted of being the illegitimate son of a royal duke, the sudden and unexpected death of whom, it was currently reported, had left this unfortunate offspring totally unprovided for. Added to a tolerably honest appearance and pleasant address, this gentleman possessed considerable talent, which he could exemplify in farce, comedy, or tragedy, as the circumstances might re- quire. In the words of Lord Byron, " he had ten thousand names, and twice as many attributes." He also professed himself the uncompromising enemy of oppressors, and as being ever ready to hazard his life in bringing the mur- derers of the Princess Charlotte to their merited punish- ment. But exteriors are too often deceptive, and this self- styled patriot was ultimately proved unworthy of the notice of any respectable person. Under false pretences, he found means to reach "the board of hospitality," fed upon the ample provision, and then, like the reptile of Eastern climes, Btung the benevolent hand that had furnished the sources for his enjoyment, by an attempt to defame one of the proudest and most noble characters our country can boast ! Would that we had no more instances of treachery to offer, but too many others might be given of persons, calling themselves professional gentlemen — particularly one, re- aiding in Duke Street, St. James's — who, after volunteering their services to bring this " hidden thing of darkness to light," forsook their friends, and accepted a bribe as a re- ward for their silence. We could also extend our record of mean expedients adopted by men in power to suppress this disgraceful business, such, indeed, as would almost stagger the faith of those who had not been eye-witnesses of their depravity. Indignation rises in our breasts while contem- plating such a picture of human wickedness. Our readers, we fed assured, do not desire more proofs than we have already given of the principal fact — that the Princess Char- lotte was poisoned through the instrumentality of those who ought to have been the first to protect so amiable and virtuous a woman ! It is, therefore, only a matter of minor importance to expose those who have failed in their loud profeasiouB of seeing justice enforced on her murdei'ers. No history, perhaps, is richer in recorded crimes than that of our own country ; but neither the annals of this or any other empire can furnish a more striking instance of un- manly barbarity, of greater wickedness, or of more horrid depravity than that of which we are now speaking. Let ua hop J the people of 1832 will seriously reflect on the enormity of this revolting act, and be no longer loet in an apathy that has already proved so disastrous to their liberties. Let COUBT OF ENOL,ANI>. 287 ' them not suffer their good sense to be lulled and amused by the "raree shows" of royalty, or by the glitter of any grandeur supplied by the produce of their own labour Nothing confers, either on a king or his ministers, any real dignity or glory except their virtue and their good deeds ; and the people ought, therefore, not to suffer their courage to be deterred, or their judgment to be imposed upon, by the pomp and glare of state ostentation. The people, we say, ought now to make amends for their long neglect, and exhibit a stronger and more determined resolution than ever for that " inquiry" which Lord Liverpool so often re- fused ; for, so long as the death of the Printiess Charlotte remains unavenged, so long will cowardice and ignominy be attached to the name of Englishman! In the month of April, Mr. Brougham visited his native country, for the purpose of being invested with the title of "Lord Eector of the University of Glasgow." We should not have noticed a circumstance of such trivial importance to the public, did it not afford us an opportunity of intro- ducing a most admirable speech which that learned gentle- man had an opportunity of delivering on the occasion by reason of some allusion being made to the trial of the late Queen Caroline. To explain the impropriety of calling such persecuting proceedings a " trial," Lord Brougham said : — " If he could bring himself, on such a day as this, to those habits of contentious discussion to which he was some- times accustomed, he should have to analyze his friend's splendid speech, and object to the whole of his eulogy. But there was one part of that speech which had caused hira considerable pain. His friends had talked of the 'trial 'of the late Queen. Never had he (Mr. Brougham), either in public or private, before beard so great a profanation of the attributes of those judicial proceedings, which, by profes- sion and habit, he had been taught to revere, than to us© the name of 'tx'ial' when speaking of such an event. It was no trial, he said, and so did the world. The subject was gone by, and not introduced by him ; but still the phrase, when dropped, must be corrected ; for 'trial' it was none. Was that a trial where the accused had to plead before those who were interested in her destruction ? — where those who sat on the bench of justice, ay, and pretended to be her judges, had pre-ordained her fate? Trial!" con- tinued Mr. Brougham. " 1 repeat, there was, there could be, none, where every channel of defamation was allowed to empty itself upon the accused, borne down by the strong arm of power, overwhelmed by the alliance of the powers and the princedoms of the State, and defended only by that innocence and that law which those powers and those pi'ince- doms, united with the powers of darkness, had combined to destroy. Trial it \t is none, where every form of j ustice was 288 BECEET niSTOBT OK THE obliged to be broken through on the very surface before the accusers could get at the imputed grounds of their accusa- tions. This, forsooth, a trial ! — call it not so, for the sake of truth and law. While that event defor:ned the page of their history, let them be silent about Eastern submissive- ness ; let them talk not of agas, the pashas, and the beys — all judges, too, at least so they call themselves — while they were doomed to remember they had had in their own times Ministers of their own Crown, who, under the absolute au- thority of their own master, consented to violate their own pledge, to compromise and stifle their own avowed feelings, and to act as slaves, crouching before the footstool of power, to administer to its caprice. Let them call that a trial which was so conducted ; and then he would say the Queen had been tried at the time when he stood for fifty-six days witnessing the sacrilegious proceeding. Did he now, for the first time, utter tnis description of its character? No, noj day after day did he repeat it in the presence of all the parties, and dared them to deny the imputation; he dared them then ; but not now, lest he should be forced to see the same faces in the same place again, professing to exercise the same functions. If it were in his power to repeat in their hearing now what he had said in their presence before, they might, indeed, call that a trial in his case which they had called it in the other ; but to whom it looked not like a chamber of justice, but rather the gloominess of the den, not indeed of judgment, for he could not liken it to such, but rather to others (Here Mr. Brougham paused). But no, he could not sustain the allusion, lest, perchance, for the very saying of it, (for he could not be prevented from think- ing of it so) he should again have to submit to the test of power, — an alternative which his veneration for the consti- tution of his country and its honours forbade him to preci- pitate. " How many long years," said Mr. Brougham, " had they aot seen, when to be an Englishman on the Continent was a painful, if not a degrading condition ? He meant, during that dark and murky night of power, when the machinations of the family of the tyrants of Europe were at work ; and when they could reckon upon the Minister of England as vsilently suffering, nay, permitting their deadly march against the liberties of mankind. England then had her fair name degraded by being considered as the abettor of every tyrant's plan for the subjugation of his subjects. Then was the time when no despot could open his glaring eye, flashing with vengeance for his prey, without catching the glistening eye of the supplicant British Minister. Then was the time when no tyrant could hold out his hand, after shaking in it the chains he had forged to bind and excoriate his people, with- out its meeting the cordial grasp of friendship of the British COURT OF ENGLAND. 289 Minister. Then was th3 time when the oppressor Btalkod abroad with the countenance of the rulers of that land, which was called the champion and the protectress of the free. Then did horrid tyranny, more grim in its blasted actions than even in the vices of its original debasement, disfigure the fair face of Europe, while linked and leagued (oh, shame upon the pen of history !) with the freest Govern- ment upon earth, — to which, neverthekss, the tyrant never turned his glance, or stretched his hand in vain, during Buch disastrous times. That black and disgraceful night of intellect and freedom had now gone down, the sky was clear, and the view was changed into a brighter prospect. Now," continued Mr. Brougham, " we can speak out, and look abroad with clear vision. What man is there now, I ask, in half represented England, in unrepresented Scotland — aye, where and which of you, in either country, or even in tortured, in- sulted, and persecuted Ireland— where, I say, can the man be found who dared to look forth in the broad face of day, who dared to raise his voice before his fellow men, and say, * I befriend the Holy Alliance ?' Not only, I repeat, is there no such man, I will not say so wicked, but so childish — I will not say so stricken with hostility to free principles, or 60 bent upon the destruction of his own individual character, — in the whole walk of society, as to avow such sentiments. Oh, no ; not out of Bedlam could we find him ! — hardly there, save in the precipitation of a maniac's rage, could we behold a being in the shape of a man to stand up and say, ' I am tlie friend of the Holy Alliance.' If there be the man where freedom shines, who could look with complaisance on the accomplished despot who fills the Calmuck throne, who can behold with Meekness that specious and ungrateful imbe- cility which promised first, and then refused, free institu- tions to the Germans who had bled and died in thousands to restore his throne ; if there be any man who can approve the scourge of fair Italy and the tyrant of Austria ; if there be, I repeat, any such mau, so reckless of himself as to ad- mire or approve (for that is out of the maddest rage of spe- culation), but even to tolerate the mere mention of the name of that cruel tyrant of his people at home, — the baffled despot, thank God ! of South America, — but whose sway it pleased Providence still to permit at home, and to suspend for a short season the doom of that nameless despot, — if there be a man, I say, so monstrous and unnatural as to ap- prove of these royal minions, then it was a consolation to know that he had the grace to confine his thoughts to the regions best adapted for their culture, to lock them up in the innermost recesses of the offices of State, or to confine his silent migrations to the merest purlieus of the Court, or perchance to lurk • behind the arras,' to live there among the vermin which were ita natural tenants, and ther accept the hospitality of an acquaintance ! An accumulation of diseases, arising from excesses of every kind, soon became manifest, and the Duke was at length declaimed to be seriously indisposed. On the 14th of Decem- ber, he was pronounced by his medical attendant to be in the most imminent danger. The revenue was deficient in its returns from the former year two hundred and thirty-three thousand nine hundred and forty pounds, -which arose from the very general stag- nation of trade, and the paralyzation of commerce. This enormous deficiency in the country's income, however, had no effect upon the men in power, for the most wanton ex- penditure was still kept up, both at home and abroad. Our ambassadors appeared the very type of their sight-loving and spendthrift master, and thousands were swallowed up in glittering baubles and unmeaning pageantry. At the time the " Dandy of Sixty" (as the ingenious and patriotic Mr. Home usually termed him) was meditating on the most expeditious way of squandering the hard earnings of the poor, his wicked and unmanly ministers pampered the royal appetite in all its childish wishes and unconstitutional de- sires, verifying the words of Pope, " Fools grant whate'er ambition craves." The internal state of the country at the opening of the year 1827 exhibited the most lowering prospects ; for when the people are suffering from oppressive enactments and in- jurious policy, the country cannot possibly wear a smiling countenance. Some of the milksop daily journals, notwith- standing, were very profuse in their complimentary lan- guage to royalty, and announced, as a matter of wonderful importance, the kindness and brotherly affection manife-ted by the King to the Duke of York, as his Majesty had spent nearly two hours with his brother at the residence of his Grace of Eutland. What astonishing kindness, what inex- pressible condescension, that a man sho»ld visit his own bi'other who was at the point of death ! But the King's condescension did not put aside the visit of the general con- queror. Death, for the Duke of York expired at the man- sion of the before-named nobleman on the 5th of January, being then in the sixty-fourth year of his age. If we were to form our judgment by the eulogiums be- stowed on the character of the deceased Duke by the greater portion of the press, he was one of the brightest and most illustrious ornaments of society. But such disgraceful truckling to royalty and the "powers that be" could only tend to degrade the national character in the consideration of all well-informed men, who would observe In such un- merited compliments a convincing proof that truth was a cre^litor whose claims were " more honoured in the breach COUBT OF KNOULKD. 295 than in the observance." To prove that our complaints on this head are well founded, let our readers look over the following outline of the x-oyal Duke's virtues, which we copy from "Baldwin'b Annual Register " for the year 1827. " Never was the death of a prince accompanied by more sincere and universal regret; and seldom have the public services of one so near the throne bequeathed to the country so much solid and lasting good as resulted from his long ad- ministration of the British army. His private character, frauk, honourable, and sincere, was formed to conciliate per- sonal attachments; a personal enemy he had never made, and a friend once gained he had never lost. Failings there were : he was improvident in pecuniary matters ; his love of pleasure, though it observed the decencies, did not always respect the moralities of private life, and his errors in that respect had been paraded in the public view by the labours of unwearying malice, and shameless, unblushing profligacy. But in the failings of the Duke of York there was nothing that was un-EngUsh, nothing that was un-princely. " Never was man more easy of access, more fair and up- right in his dealings, more affable, and even simple, in his manners. Everyone who had intercourse with him was im- pressed with the openness, sincerity, and kindness which appeared in all his actions; and it was truly said of him that he never broke a promise, and never deserted a friend. Beloved by those who enjoyed the honour of his private intercourse, his administration of a high public office had excited one universal sentiment of respect and esteem. In his youth he had been tried as a genersd in the field. The campaigns in i^ianders terminated in a retreat; but the Duke, — inexperienced as he was, at the head of an army which, abounding in valour, had yet much to learn in tactics, and compelled to act in concert with allies who were not always either unanimous or decided,— displayed many of the qualities of an able general, and nobly supported that high character for daring and dauntless courage which is the patrimony of his house. He was subsequently raised to the office of Commander-in-Cliief of aU his Majesty's forces ; that office he held for upwards of thirty-two years, and his ad- ministration of it did not merely improve, it literally created an army. Dui-ing his campaigns, he had felt keenly the abuses which disgraced its internal organization, and ren- dered its bravery ineffectual ; he applied himself, with a soldier's devotion, to the task of removing thorn ; he iden- tified himself with the welfare and the fame of the service ; he possessed great readiness and clearness of comprehen- sion in discovering means, and great steadiness and honesty of purpose in applying them. By unceasing diligence, he gave to the common soldier comfort and respectability; the army ceased to be -sonsidered ae a sort of pest-house for the 296 SKCBST HISTOBT Or THS reception of moral lepers; discipline and regularity were exacted with unyielding strictness ; the ofiBcers were raised by a gradual and well-ordered system of promotion, which gave merit a chance of not being pushed aside to make way for mere ignorant rank and wealth. The head as well as the heart of the soldier took a higher pitch ; the best man in the field was the most welcome at the Horse Guards ; there was no longer even a suspicion that unjust partiality dis- posed of commissions, or that peculation was allowed to fatten upon the spoils of the men; the officer knew that one path was open to all, and the private felt that his re- compense was secure." In a similar strain the writer continues at a far greater length than our patience will allow us to quote. What man of understanding but must have felt disgusted at such a fulsome panegyric, which has not so much as a word of truth to recommend it ! We despise the historian who sacrifices his integrity by an attempt to mislead posterity in this manner. It wiL, however, prove but an attempt; for will posterity overlook the general iniquitous and abandoned conduct of the royal libertine, both abroad and at home P — Lis cowardice and want of skill in the field ? — his tergiver- sation to his creditors ? — his infamous conduct with regard to certain foreign bondholders ? — his notorious practices as a seducer ? — his gross and unpardonable dereliction of duty at the Horse Guards ? — his refusal to inquire into the con- duct of the soldiers at the Manchester massacre? — his shameful acceptance of ten thousand pounds a-year of the public money, for only calling upon his dying father twice a week, which Earl Grey pronounced to be " an insult to the people to ask it ?" — bis receiving this sum, and his going down to Windsor with a Bible in his carriage, on pretence of visiting his royal father after he had ceased to exist? — or his bigoted, ridiculous, and futile opposition to the claims of the Catholics ? Will posterity, we repeat, forget to canvass all this, and much more, of which the Duke of York was notoriously guilty ? If we pass over the meanness of the royal Duke in accept- ing payment for visiting his own father, we are naturally led to inquire why this money was paid from the public purse, when the King was allowed sixty thousand pounds per annum for his private demands ? Could this fund have been better applied than for the use of him for whom it was voted? If, therefore, it was considered necessary to pay a son for visiting his father, surely such money ought to have been applied for the purpose. Was it justifiable, in times of universal suffering and distress, to raise from an over-taxed and over-burthened people such a sum unneces- sarily, when there were funds from which it might have been taken, — funds which must else be diverted from the COURT OF ENGLAN©. 297 purpoee of their creation, and pass into hands for whom they ■were not intended ? Was it not an insult to the sense inced as new members of the Ministry. The first act of Lord Liverpool, or what may be termed hia fii-st important measure, was the introduction of a Bill to increase the magisterial powers in various districts of the country where the inhabitants were suffering from want of employment. By this Bill, such persons were not allowed the use of fire-arms, and forbidden to meet in companies. His lordship here mistook tyranny for justice, and appeared to set at defiance the opinion of the admirable Locke, that "there is a way whereby Governments are dissolved, and that is, when the Legislature and the Prince, or either of them, act contrary to their trust." Another grievous inroad upon the liberties of the people, during the administration of this puissant lord, was his fre- quent union of offices diametrically opposite to each other ; one of which, appointing the clergy to sit on the judicial bench, must ever be considered as an infringement upon that religion which his lordship considered as " part and parcel of the law of the land." The studies of clergymen were originally designed to fit them for the diffusion of " peace and good-will toward men," and not to form them for the exercise of temporal power. We do not mean to say that when people become clergymen they are to renounce their rights as men; but this is a widely different matter from investing them with the power of punishing a delinquent. Christ himself exercised no such functions, but left them to the secular authorities. Why, then, should those who pre- tend to be the followers of Christ presume to that which their Master condemned ? Alas ! their conduct has too often proved them to be no followers of His ; yet Lord Liverpool, well knowing the general vindictiveness and domineering austerity of their hearts, considered them the better fit for the magisterial office, as his intention was to rule by forcing the people into obedience, instead of soothing their irritated minds by a few timely concessions. For the sake of Chris- tianity itself, we hope to see such an unholy union of spiritual and secular power speedily abolished. It was also under Lord Liverpool's administration that the most revolting scenes of military flogging occurred. We might relate numerous instances of this barbarous custom, but one will be sufficient for the purpoae of illustration. Three soldiers (mere boys), in July, 1817, in company with others, met at the " Rose and Crown" public-house, Toxrer Hill, where at length a fight ensued. A court-martial being held, Thomas Hayes, Francis Hayes, and George Stamford were ordered to receive eight hundred lashes each ! The execution of this sentence, so disgraceful to a civilized country, was commenced ; but after Thomas Hayes (who was only twenty years of age) had received six hundred and seventy-five lashea, the surgeon pronounced his life to OOUKT OF EMULANU 323 be in danger, and he was, therefore, carried away. Francie Hayes (ouly sixteen years of age) received three hundred and thirty-five lashes, and George Stamford (only seventeen years of age) two hundred lashes ! when both the latter had the remaining part of their sentence commuted, upon con- dition of their entering a condemned regiment ! Thus three of our fellow-creatures, who had the misfortune to be Eng- lish soldiers, and, therefore, of all other men in the world alone liable to be subjected to a system of refined cruelty, alike distinguished for its cold-blooded atrocity and the utter absence of any reasonable plea for its infliction, were tortured in this Chnstian land as long as nature would bear the anguish, and that, too, before the number of lashes awarded by their unmerciful judges had been inflicted upon their poor backs ! Is there a man, whose heart retains a spark of feeling — who has not been hardened by military education and habits — that does not feel an involuntary ehudder, a sickening of the heart, when he learns that three of his countrymen — free-born Englishmen (oh, what a satire has that term become !) — were sentenced to have " the living flesh torn from their backs" by the horrid laceration of the "cat o' nine tails," for being guilty of a public-house brawl! In the name of an all-merciful Providence, of what material are military ofiicers composed that they can endure such disgusting spectacles ? We wonder how they have so long dared to set at defiance the indignation of the public, and tempt the just vengeance of Heaven! Can they, after witnessing such scenes of unbearable torture — of worse than Russian barbarity — return to their wives and families, and eat their food with an appetite ? But officers are gen- tlemen — young sprigs of nobility in most cases — and the sufferings of the private soldier may possibly be sport to them ! We hope, however, to see a law passed to give equal rights to the soldier as to the brute, at least; for no man in England, be he whom he may, is permitted to treat a dog as soldiers have been and are even now treated. Were all Englishmen punished in the same manner for the offence of brawling and drunkenness, where would the flogging system terminate? Certainly not with the private soldier or the foremast sailor ; it would assuredly find its way to their ojBBcers, to the noble, the bishop, and the prince ! Lord Liverpool allowed himself to be a prominent actor in the unprecedented persecutions against the Princess of Wales. Had not his lordship arranged the form of the secret proceedings abroad, and consented to the lavish expenditure of our means to suppress truth in that partial business, both the Queen and her daughter might, at this time, have been in the enjoyment of health and happiness. His lord- ship said publicly that the prosecution against her Majesty «n 1820 was "the most embarrassing question which evei 324 SECRET HISTORY OF THJ5 perplexed any Government." This short declaration spoke volumes, for truth is simple, and requires no adornment of language. At the conclusion of the mock trial of her Majesty, there appeared, in the House of Lords, a majority of nine for the Bill against the Queen ; yet, under these cir- cumstances, his lordship thought proper to abandon the charges against her Majesty. His motives for acting thus we shall presently explain ; but in the meantime we contend that such a proceeding was unconstitutional, and not to be defended on any honourable grounds. If the peers had really voted conscientiously, they were entitled to the award from their majority. If they had not so voted, then they ought to have been expelled from the House for ever, as well as from all honourable society. Either way, therefore. Lord Liverpool acted wrong, and fully proved the verity of the old adage, " Power usurped is weakness when exposed ; conscious of wrong, it is pusillanimous, and prone to flight." At the period of which we are speaking, certain docu- ments were laid before Lord Liverpool, relative to the bonds and promissory notes entered into so solemnly by certain royal princes ; and his lordship was assured that, if the Bill of pains and penalties did pass, these disgraceful engage- ments, together with the attendant circumstances, should immediately meet the public eye. Here then was one of the secret reasons of his lordship's abandoning the infamous Bill against the Queen. The following is a true copy of the letter conveying this intrlligence, and which was delivered into Lord Liverpool's own hands : — " Nov. 6th, 1820. " Mt Lord, — •' Fearless of your displeasure, I beg to submit my senti- ments to your lordship without further ceremony. I am in the possession of a copy of a certain bond upon the execution of which your royal master was the first named, and to wliono the largest share was to be advanced. If the Bill against the Queen pass, I will expose the whole transaction to the nation, and that will be sufficient to open the eyes even of the wilfully blind You know the danger, and may provide against it in some degree. I shall also explain the unhappy consequences attendant upon some of the injured persona connected with this transaction. " I am, my lord, " Your humble servant, " &c. &c. &c. "To the Eight Hon. Lord Liverpool." We here subjoin an exact copy of the bond referred to ia this letter : — COURT or ENOLAMO. 325 •' Know ail Men by these presents, that we, George Prince of Wales, Frederick Duke of York, and "William Henry Duke of Clarence, all living in the City of Westminster, in the County of Middlesex, are jointly and severally, justly and truly indebted to John Cator, of Beckenham, in the County of Kent, Esquire, and his Executors, Administrators, and Assigns, in the penal sum of Sixty Thousand Pounds, of good and lawful money of Great Britain, well and truly paid to us, at or before the sealing of these presents. Sealed with our seals this 16th day of December, in the Twenty- ninth year of the Eeign of our Sovereign Lord George the Third, by the Grace of God, King, Defender of tbe Faith, anno Domini 1788. " The condition of the above written obligation is such, that of the above bounden George Prince of "Wales, Frederick Duke of York, and "William Henry Duke of Clarence, or any or either of them, or any of their Heirs, Executors, or Ad- ministrators, shall well and truly pay, or cause to be paid unto the above named John Cator, his Executors, Adminis- trators, or Assigns, the full sum of Sixty Thousand Pound* of lawful money of Great Britain, within the space of time of six calendar months next after anyone or either of us,, the said George Prince of Wales, Frederick Duke of York, and William Henry Duke of Clarence, shall come to and ascend the Throne of England, together with lawful interest on the same, to be computed from the day that such event shall happen, upon whom, to the time of paying off thia obligation, then, and in such case, the same shall become null and void, otherwise to be and remain in full force and virtue. r George Prince of Wales, L.S. * Signed < Frederick, L. S. (. William Henet, L. S." To save the exhibition of this bond, as well as several others of a similar description, much to the discredit of the Sovereign, Lord Liverpool readily gave his assistance, and thus wa,s forced to abandon the Bills against the Queen. In 1823, Lord Liverpool said in the House, that "The policy of the British Government rested on the principle of the law of nations, which allowed every country to judge how it could best be governed, and what ought to be its institutions." This paragraph in his lordship's speech suffi- ciently proved him to be an aristocrat, in the true sense of the word. The policy of his Government was, doubtless, to concentrate power in the hands of the rulers, and to force the mass of the people to submissive degradation and wickedness. In 1825, his lordship was again disturbed by an inquiry into some State arrangements, relative to the mysterioua 326 8SCRKT HI3TOBY OF THS demise of the Princess Charlotte, which had been maJe it. 1817, and to which his lordship had been privy. But ha declined all inquiries into this disgraceful subject, in a manner not very consistent with his own honour, or the im- portance of the question. In 1826, his lordship was once more solicited to receive the information ; but he still de- clined, though he must have been aware of the justness of the claim. As we have fully explained these appeals to hia lordship in a former part of our work, we have only con- sidered it necessary to glance at them in this place. At length this statesmen, after serving his King in direct opposition to the interests of the people, fell into the stupor of apoplectic and paralytic disease, and expired as previously stated. In this year, an inquiry was instituted into the death of the patriot Hampden, and, in order to ascertain, if possible, the sort of wound by which he had been killed, his body was disinteiTed from Hampden Church, Bucks. The ex- humation was attended by Lord Nugent, Mr. Denman, and several other gentlemen. The following account of the in- vestigation was given to the public Vjy one of the party : — " After examining the initials and dates on several leaden coffins, we came to the one in question, the plate of which was so corroded, that it crumbled and broke into small pieces on touching it. It was therefore impossible to ascer- tain the name of the individual it contained. The coffin had originally been enclosed in wood, covered with velvet, a small portion only of which was apparent near the bottom, at the left side, which was not the case with those of a later date, where the initials were very distinct, and the lead more perfect, and fresher in appearance. The register stated that Hampden was intei*red on tbe 25th day of June, 1643, and an old document, still in existence, gives a curious and full account of the grand procession on the occasion ; we were, therefore, pretty confident that this must be the one in question, having examined all the others in succession. It was lying under the western window, near the tablet erected by him, when living, to the memory of his beloved wife, whose virtues he extols in the most affectionate lan- guage. Without positive proof, it was reasonable to sup- pose that he would be interred near his adored partner, and this being found at her feet, it was unanimously agreed that the lid should be cut open to ascertain the fact, which proved afterwards that we were not mistaken. The parish plumber descended, and commenced cutting across the coffin, then longitudinally, until the whole was sufficiently loosened to roll back, in order to lift off the wooden lid be- neath, which was found in such good preservation that it came off nearly entire. Beneath this was another lid of the same material, which was raised without much giving way. COtTBT OF ENGLAND. 327 The coffin had originally been filled up with sawdust, which wa« found undisturbed, except in the centre, where the ab- domen had fallen in. The sawdust was then removed, and the process of examination commenced. Silence reigned. Lord Nugent descended into the grave, and first removed the outer clotli, which was firmly wrapped round the body ; then a second and a third, such care having been extended to preserve the body from the worm of corruption. Here a very singular scene presented itself. No regular features were apparent, although the face retained a death-like whiteness and showed the various windings of the blood- vessels through the skin. " The upper row of teeth was perfect, and those that re- mained in the under jaw, on being taken out and examined, were quite sound. A little beard remained on the lower part of the chin ; and the whiskers were strong, and somewhat lighter than bis hair, which was a full auburn brown. The upper part of the bridge of the nose still remained elevated, the remainder had given way to the pressure of the cloths which had been firmly bound round the head. The eyes were but slightly sunk in, and were covered with a thin white film, which characterized the general appearance of the face. As a difference of opinion existed concerning the indentation in the left shoulder, where it was supposed he had been wounded, it was unanimously agreed to raise up the coiEn altogether, and place it in the centre of the church, where a more accurate examiuation might take place. The coffin was extremely heavy ; but, by elevating one end with a crowbar, two strong I'opes were adjusted under either end, and thus drawn up by twelve men, in the most careful manner possible. The first operation was to examine the arms, Vhich retained their original size, and jiresented a very muscular appearance. Oa lifting up the right arm we found that it was dispossessed of its hand. We might, therefore, naturally conjecture that it had been amputated, as the bone presented a perfectly flat appearance, as if sawn. off by some very shai-p instrument. On searching carefully under the clothes, to our no small astonishment we found the hand, or rather a number of small bones, enclosed in a separate cloth. For about six inches up the arm, the greater part of the flesh had wasted away, being evidently smaller than the lower pait of the left arm, to which the hand was very firmly united, and which presented no symptoms of decay further than the two bones of the forefinger being loose. Even the nails remained entire, of which we saw no appearance in the cloth containing the remains of the right hand. In order to corroborate or disprove the different state- ments relative to his having been wounded in the right shoulder, a close examination of each took place. The clavicle of the right shoulder was firmly united in the sea- 328 8ECKBT HISTORY OF THK pula, nor did there appear any contusion or indentation that evinced symptoms of any wound ever having been inflicted. The left shoulder, on the contrary, was smaller and sunken in, as if the clavicle had been displaced. To remove all doubts, it was judged necessary to remove the arms, which were amputated with a penknife. The socket of the left arm was perfectly white and healthy, and the clavicle firmly united to the scapula, nor was there the least appearance of contusion or wound. The socket of the right shoulder, on the contrary, was of a brownish cast, and the clavicle being found quite loose and disunited from the scapula, proved that dislocation had taken place. The bones, however, were quite perfect. Such dislocation, therefore, must have arisen from either the force of a ball, or from Colonel Hampden having fallen from his horse, when he lost the power of holding the reins, by reason of his hand having been so di-eadfuUy shattered. The latter, in all probability, was the case, as it would be barely possible for a ball to pass through the shoulder without some fracture, either of the clavicle or scapula. In order to examine the head and hair, the body was raised up and supported with a shovel ; on re- moving the cloths, which adhered firmly to the back of the head, we found the hair in a complete state of preservation. It was a dark auburn colour, aud, according to the custom cf the times, was very long, — from five to six inches. It was drawn up and tied round at the top of the head with black silk or thread. The ends had the appearance of having been cut off. On taking hold of the top knot, it soon gave way, and came off like a wig. Here a singular scene presented itself. The worm of corruption was busily em- ployed ; the skull, in some places, being perfectly bare, whilst in others the skin remained nearly entire, upon which we discovered a number of maggots and small red worms on the feed with great activity. This was the only spot where any symptom of life was apparent, as if the brain contained a vital principle within it, which engendered its own de- struction; otherwise, how can we account, after the lapse of nearly two centuries, in finding living creatures preying upon the seat of intellect, when they were nowhere else to be found in other parts of the body? He was five feet nine inches in height, apparently of gi-eat muscular strength, of a vigorous and robust frame ; forenead broad and high ; the skull altogether well formed, such an one as the imagination would conceive capable of great exploits." We offer no apology for inserting this very interesting inquiry into the cause of the deat^h of one of England's greatest characters. Such investigations, we consider, pos- sess peculiar interest to the lovers of truth, as well as being calculated to effect much public good- The deaths of many other illustrious individuals are yet involved in mysterj. COURT OF ENOIiAK©. 329 which may probably, at no distant period, be cleared np in the same way as that of Hampden has been. The sudden death of George the Third's next brother, Edward, Duke of York, calls aloud for inquiry; and though it is impoaaible to make reparation to the departed Duke himself, yet such inquiry might lead to the benefit of his innocent, injured, and still surviving offspring. The excesses of the Court at this period, as usual, were enormous. The man who had sworn to do justice aud love mercy proved, by his deportment, that he cared not for either. In defiance of prudence, he continued to revel in gaiety a,nd wantonness, totally regardless of the sorrows of his subjects, whose condition daily became more grievous, and whose petitions were disregarded in proportion to the pressure of their miseries. This man of pleasure exhausted what time he could spare from the indulgence of his passions in the invention of expensive and useless decorations and embellishments to the already gorgeous palaces in which he pleased to reside. He was still unwearied in his monstrous demands from the resources of the people, indefatigable in the accomplishment of all his luxurious pursuits, and deaf to the voice of remonstrance and humanity. At the commencement of the year 1829, the Catholics of Ireland exhibited so strong a determination to be emanci- pated from their long oppression, that the Duke of Welling- ton and Mr, Peel considered it expedient to pass a Bill for their relief. We cordially agree in the principle of removing all civil disabilities from men on account of their religion ; but we must, nevertheless, view the conduct of these two inconsistent Ministers with the greatest possible contempt. Headed by the wicked Duke of York, they had frequently declared their fixed determination to oppose any further concessions to the Catholics, for fear of endangering the "Established Church," and had violently and obstinately opposed their just demands on every ground of right and of expediency ! Even during the discussions of the preceding year, both of them had expressed no inclination to desert the principles which they had uniformly defended. Yet,, etrange to say, all of a sudden their opinions changed, andt that which had so long appeared to them as being fraught with the greatest danger received their most zealous advo- cacy and support ! _ Amongst the occurrences of this time, we cannot help no- ticing the pompous enthronement of one of the pretended followers of the meek and lowly Jesus — the Bishop of Lon- don—which took place at St. Paul's Cathedral, on the 16tb of January. The cathedral was filled, at a very early hour, with a crowd of curious people to witness the installation of Dr. Bloomfield. After the parade of being met by the Bishop «£ Llandaff (Dr. Coplestone), the prel)ends, canons, and other 330 SBCaET H13TORT OF THE functionaries, the Lord Mayor, &c., the installation speech was delivered in the following words: — "I, Dr. Coplestone, of the cathedral church of St. Paul, do induct, instal, and enthrone you, the Right Reverend Father in God, Charles James, by Divine permission (or by permission of the Lord Chancellor?), Bishop of London, into the bishopric and epis- copacy of London ; and the Lord preserve thy going out and coming in, from this time forth for evermore ; and mayest thou remain in justice and sanctity, and adorn the place thou art delegated to by God ! God is powerful, and may he increase your grace." How far the Bishop was delegated by God, we do not pretend to determine ; but fifteen thousand pounds per annum for the great labours attendant upon this office were not, we think, a matter of indifference to the pious Bishop, because such a sum would enable his right reverend Bishop to be "charitable to the poor," as well as to keep his " church in good repair," for which purposes euch an immense sum was originally designed. In the November of this year dieil Thomas Garth, Esquire, General in his Majesty's service, and Colonel of the First Regiment of Dragoons. This gallant General had the good fortune to render himself agreeable to a certain lady of illustrious birth, by whom, it was said, he had one son, who bears the General's name, and who is now a Captain in the ai-my. This son was the chief mourner at the funeral of the General, which took place on the 27th of November, at St. Martin's-in-the-Fields. It is, however, very probable that the mystery of this very extraordinary affair wiD, ere long, be explained, though it may not redound to the chastity of royalty. Many places and pensions have been bestowed to prevent an exposure of the circumstances attending the Captain's birth, but we have reason to think that truth will ultimately prevail. We could ourselves elucidate this mys- terious business, if we deemed it requisite; but, as the matter is now pending in a court of law, it would be im- proper for us to interfere. In referring to subjects of this nature, we cannot help pitying the imbecility and sorrows of George the Third, which were, doubtless, considerably heightened, though not originally produced, by the delin- quencies of his family, both male and female. In the early part of the year 1830, the King's health ma- terially declined, though the greatest secrecy prevailed at Windsor upon the subject. His disease, however, progres- sively increased, and in the latter end of March he became unable to take his usual exercise in the park. From time to time the organs of the Court prouounced his Majesty again in tolerable health, and announced his intention to hold a drawing-room at St. James's ; but at the same time they well knew there was no probability that Buch an event could take place. i COURT OF ENOLL&.ND. S3J On the 15th of April the first bulletin was issued, and thia official document regularly appeared till the announcement of the royal demise, which was as fdilows: — " His Majesty expired at a quarter past three o'clock tliia morning, in the G8th year of his age, and in the eleventh of his reign.— June 26th. 1830. Windsor Castle." The death was lingering and painful, which was not to be wondered at when we consider what an artificial system of body there was to break up, and to what a magnitude it had grown. The wonder is, considering the life which the King had led in his youth, and the ease and luxury in which he indulged afterwards, that he lasted so long. After the usual ceremony of lying in state had been observed, his Majesty was consigned to the royal vault at Windsor, on Thiirsday, the 15th of July, immediately after which the greatest bustle was observed in the apartments occupied at Windsor by the Marchioness of Conyngham, and a general scramble and a rapid packing-up of valuables took place. We have so often had occasion to speak of the actions of George the Fourth, that little remains to be said of his general character. That he was handsome, dressed and lived extravagantly, put on fascinating manners when he wished to gain his point, and had an extraordinary good opinion of himself, are accomplishments which we believe he possessed in an eminent degree. But what were such insig- nificant mattex-s to the country in general, when their pos- sessor owned the basest and most vindictive heart that ever disgraced the human bosom ? Would his handsome person atone, in the eyes of doting parents, for the seduction of their daughters ? Would his splendid habiliments aflford a recoun)ense to his ruined creditors ? Would his fascinating manners compensate bis injured and cruelly-oppi-essed wife for the brutal, unmanly, and infamous treatment she received from him ? Or would his self-love satisfy the heavily-taxed people, who were compelled to administer to his extravagant demands for finery and baubles ? Assuredly not; and such "accomplishments," therefore, only tended to render the actions of his Majesty more disgusting in the eyes of the better part of the community. In truth, George the Fourth thought of mothing but hie personal ease and comforts. When his mistresses or his friends became troublesome, they were instantly and unceremoniously dismissed, without causing the " first gentleman in the world" the least uneasi- ness as to their future good or ill fortune. In politics, he leagued himself with the Whigs as long as they served his purpose ; but directly they gave him the least trouble, he disowned their acquaintance. He indulged the follies and vices of his chosen companions till ind*ilging them longer became irksome. He supported the principles of his family as long as supporting them answered his ends. H« con- 332 SECRET HISTORY OF THE Bented to the passing of the Catholic Relief Bill on the same principle as he had shaken off poor Mrs. Eobinson. Pro- testantism and Perdita were voted bores, and he therefore took the easiest course to rid himself of both. In the latter years of his life, he disliked public exhibitions, because they gave him trouble, and kept him a few hours from in- dulging his private passions, which he considered as so much time lost. This is the true character of George the Foui'th, whatever his minions may say to the contrary. Passing over many circumstances of dubious import rela- tive to the departed monarch, we proceed to notice some transactions of an unhappy complexion, and which reflect no small portion of dishonour upon his memory. When the late Duke of York returned from his military education in Prussia, he unfortunately brought with him the prevailing vice of the principal Courts of Germany — that of gambling ; and to his inordinate attachment to that ruinous propensity may be attributed the frequent loss of property and personal disgrace he endured. The late monarch also was equally addicted to a love of play, and the sum allowed him when he attained his majority soon proved insufficient to supply the natural consequences of that uncontrolled passion and his very lavish expenditure in finery of all kinds. In consequence of the mutual emban-assments of these royal brothers, they found themselves under the absolute necessity of raising money to discharge some of their most pressing accounts. The Prince, in conjunction with the Dukes of York and Clarence, tried every imaginable source in this country, from which it was thought a supply could be raised sufficient to avert the impending storm that hung 'Over their heads ; but all their endeavours failed. As a last ;resource, the late monarch was advised to attempt a loan in Holland ; and Messrs. Bonney and Sunderland, then of George "Yard, Lombard Street, were appointed notarial agents for -the verification of the bonds ; and the late Mr. Thomas Hamraersley, of Pall Mall, banksr, was to receive the sub- ■ecriptions, and to pay the dividends thereon to the holders on the joint bonds of the Prince of Wales, the Duke of York, And the Duke of Clarence. The sum intended to be raised ■was about one million sterling, the greater part of which was subscribed for by foreign houses only, at a price which would have proved very satisfactory if the contract had been faithfully performed. The negotiation for this loan com- menced in 1788; but an interruption to its completion was occasioned by the death of Mr. Bonney, the notary. It was ultimately confirmed, to the great loss of those who had so rashly speculated in such a questionable security. The loan was to bear six per cent, interest, and the revenues of their Royal Highnesses were to be invested in the hands of the late Di.kcs of Northumberland and Portland, in order to COHBT OF BNOLAND. 333 ensure the due payment of interest and principal. A large portion of the money, to the amount of nearly half a million, had been received by the princes when the Revolution in France, in 1793, presented the opportunity to resist the pay- ment of those bonds which had been circulated, and even the interest due upon them was refused. During the Revo- lution, some of the holders of these bonds escaped, and ar- rived in England, and, as their last resource, they made numerous applications to the princes for the interest due to them, if it were not quite convenient to discharge the bonds in full. But the law-advisers of the princes pretended that the present holders were not entitled to the interest, as they presumed the bon& fide holders had perished during the troubles in France and Holland ; and that, consequently, other claims were not legal on the part of the claimants. The bonds were produced which they had bought, and their right asserted to claim interest and principal equally, as if they had been the original subscribers. This evasive attempt to resist the just discharge of loans, raised at such great hazards, must ever be considered as an indelible stain upon the characters of the princes concerned. We, however, would acquit the Duke of Clarence from any participation in the profits of these bonds; his natural affec- tion for his two elder brothers induced him to add his name to the bonds merely as a further security to their holders, and we doubt not that his present Majesty will, if he have not already done so, make all the reparation in his power to the heirs of the original sufferers in these very dishonourable transactions. The holders of these bonds finding themselves 30 unjustly treated, M. Martignac, one of the original subscribers to them, made an application to the Court of Chancery, and the affair came on by way of motion. Sir Arthur Piggott, who was then Attorney-General to the Duchy of Cornwall, re- plied "that he had never heard of the existence of such bonds, but his own opinion was that the unhappy condition of France and Holland rendered the identification of the bonA fide holders almost impossible, even presuming they ever had existed ; but the inquiry should bo made in the proper quarter !" That inquiry, however, never benefited the distressed refugees. Sir Arthur Piggott, the legal adviser of the Prince of Wales, might, to please his master, attempt to deny the existence of these nominal securities ; yet positive proof against such denial was that they were actually floating in the "money market" as common as any other security at that very time ! There was, indeed, scarcely a broker on the Exchange who had not some portion ^'* them for sale, and it was an indisputable truth that means of a disreputable nature were used to depreciate their value in the money market. 334 SBCBBT OIBTOBI OF TUK We must not herd pass over the suspicious conduct, re» lative to these bonds, of the then Secretary of State for the Home Department. Under the specious pretext of enforcing the Alien Act, this gentleman caused the whole of these in- jured claimants to be taken and put on board a vessel in the Thames, which was stated to be ready to sail for Holland. This vessel, however, cost anchor at the Nore, for the pro- fessed purpose of waitiusf to receive the necessary papers from the office of the Secretary of State. The heartrending destiny of the unfortunate victims now only remains to be told. Although no charge was preferred against them, they were thus unceremoniously sent out of the kingdom by the decree of arbitrary power. From the list of twenty-six un- fortunate creditors of the princes, fourteen of them were traced to the guillotine. The other twelve perished by an- other concocted plan. The two principal money-lenders, M. Abraham and M. Simeon Boas, of the Hague, were en- deavouring to maintain their shattered credit, and actually paid the interest themselves due upon these bonds fur twa years; but they were finally ruined, and one of the brothers put an end to his existence by a pistol — the other by poison ! Similar tragical scenes were attendant upon another loan, raised for the princes by M. John James De Beaume, and prepared by Mr. Becknel. The signed acknowledgment of the princes was for one hundred thousand pounds, payable to the said De Beaume, and vesting in bim the power to divide this bond into shares of one thousand pounds eaclv by printed copies of the l)ond, &c. The original bond waa deposited, for safety, in the bank of Ransom, Morland, and Hammersly, while an attested copy, as well as the banker's acknowledguient of their holding such security, were given to De Beaume as a proof of his authority in being the agent of the three English priuces. They also gave him a letter of introduction to their correspondent in Paris, M. Perregaux. After considerable difficulty, and after having remitted and paid to the princes two hundred thousand pounds, in money and jewels, M. De Beaume and his associates were appre- hended, and charged with treason, for asserting that George the Third of England was King of France ! These unfor- tunate men were tried, condemned, and actually executed upon this paltry charge within twenty-four hours after their mock trial ! So perished Richard Chaudot, Mestrix^er Niette, De Beaume, and Aubert, either for purchasing the shares of th« princes' securities, or for negotiating them. Such also was the fat^e of Viette, a rich jeweller, who had bought largely of the shares from De Beaume. Would that we could here close the catalogue of black offences agai^ist certain individuals ; but we are obliged, as honest historians, to refer to the cruel death of Charles Vaucher, a banker ia Paiis. This gentleman quitted France COURT Of EiNULAND. ^35 in 1793, and fixed his residence in England, where he mar- ried an Enp^lish lady. He had been the purchaser of twenty shares of the princes' bond, and, as was naturally to be expected, made application for the interest due thereon. The claim being refused, the injured gentleman applied for legal assistance ; but the interest was still rejected, because the bond had not been named in the schedule laid before the Commissioners appointed to examine into the extent of the ■debts of the Prince George ! Further application was made, though, instead of obtaining justice, this unfortunate gen- tleman received an official order to quit England within the space of four days ! Having other affairs to arrange, M. Vaucher petitioned the Duke of Portland (then Prime Minister) to allow him to remain until his affairs could be arranged; but his petition was refused, and a warrant issued, signed by the Duke, directing William Eoss and George Higgins, two of his Majesty's messengers, to take M. Vaucher into custody till he should be sent out of the country, which was iuimediately put in force ! He was con- veyed to Rotterdam, and from thence to Paris, where he was imprisoned. On the 22nd of December, 1795, his trial took place upon similar charges to those of M. De Beaume, and he was soon found guilty, and guillotined ! We. could recite many other crimes relative to these bonds ; but we think we hear the shocked reader exclaim, "Hold! enough!" Indeed such sickening details can hardly obtain credence in the minds of men, possessed of even the common feelings of our nature. To offer any palliation of such monstrous atrocities would only be an insult to the understandings of an unprejudiced observer of royalty! At the time of the Prince of Wales's greatest embarrass- ments, an attempt was made to divert the country into a belief of the honourable intentions of his Royal Highness by the sale of his racing stud, and some other property. But no sooner had Parliament voted sufficient money to re- lieve the Prince from his debts than the turf establishment was revived in a more ruinous style than ever, the field of dissipation and extravagance enlarged, and fresh debts con- tracted to an enormous amount, which were not either in his or the nation's power to discharge. Strong doubts were also entertained that the money voted by Parliament to this "prodigal son" was not applied to the purpose for which it was granted. Had a private individual so committed him- self, he would have become the outcast from his family, while all the virtuous part of the community had instantly avoided him; but in the case of this prince, where tlie ex- ample was ten thousand times more contagious, such a flagrant breach of faith and such base ingratitude hardly received the slightest animadversion ! Why should more indulgence have been shown to this man, whose peculiar duty 336 BKCRET HISTOET OF TH« it was to respect popular favour, and to act in such a mannep as to deserve it, and from whose exalted station the public had a right to expect lessons of morality and virtue, than to a private person, whose deviation from their rules only pro- duces partial effects, and can be of no detriment to the com- munity at large? How unjust it is, what an inversion of eveiy fair and honourable principle, to suffer the bauble rank to afford a veil to moral depravity ! To protect genius, to reward merit, and to relieve distress, is what ought to be the duty of a prince ; but when the nation was called on tc liquidate immense debts, without a single instance of thi© kmd on record to justify such a perversion of their money^ it was perfidy to the public, and not a warranted liberality towards the Prince, for any Parliament to do so. Such con- duct, indeed, would not have been tolerated had not the professed representatives of England (who were the nomi- nees of a haughty and unfeeling aristocracy) put it beyond' the remedy of the majority of the people. At the periods to which we now refer, the most disgraceful sums were alsc voted for the repairs and embellishments of Brighton Pa- vilion, Windsor Castle, Windsor Cottage (so called), the- Palace at Pimlico, and other fanciful buildings of royalty. The money required for these purposes, be it remembered,, was drained from a heavily-oppressed people, whose industry, economy, and honesty were, in the aggregate, without a parallel. But it is a serious fact, that, from the accession of George the Third to the death of George the Fourth, the royal expenditure was ninety-two millions, ninety thousand, eight hundred, and seven pounds ! Yet, in this amount, the salaries and official emoluments of the royal dukes are not included from the year 1815. ' We cannot help contrasting the evil done with the benefits that might have been bestowed by this money. What a fund it had made to lessen the hardships imposed upon Ihe^ people ! to mitigate the sufferings of the mechanic ! and to lighten the burdens of the honest citizen ! Instead of which, it was expended merely to gratify pride and vice. The de- light of doing good witj the last sentiment for consideration ; and though a vast field was open for the exercise of benevO' lence, yet the offices of real greatness were always neglect«$ by George the Fourth and the greater part of his family. Having now brought our history down to the providential release of England by the death of George the Fourth, we eannot part company with our readers before taking a genei-al survey of the lamentable truths it contains. Au- thors have too often demeaned themselves by concealing facts, and, instead of being historians of an action, have proved themselves the mere lawyers of a party ; they are retained by their principles and bribed by their interests; their narrations are an opening of their case ; and in front COURT or KNQI.AND. 337 of their histories, therefore, ought to be written — " I am for the defendant," or " I am for the plaintiff." With such unworthy writers, we should be ashamed to claim affinity. Our unflinchiiig exposures have been made with no sinister motives; for we have dared to brave prosecutions and per- Becutions, despising the bribes and defying the hate of the minions of power ! Ours is the cause, the righteous cause of the insulted and harassed classes — the real producers ot the natioral wealth — who have so long endured the galling yoke of oppression. The time, however, is now fast approach- ing when fallacious speeches must yield precedence to solid reasoning ; when honest Governments must supersede sys- tems of despotism ; when vice must be recognised and punished in the case of the prince as well as in that of the peasant ; when superior talents must be permitted to occupy superior stations ; when individuals most suited to serve the real interest of the kingdom will be solicited to guide the helm of State; when all policy opposed to' freedom will be annihilated ; when interested men will be compelled to quit their seats in the councils, and weak men be afraid to ven- ture another trial ; when he who has the heart of a coward or the spirit of a sycophant will not dare to present himself for the suffrages of a free people ! Yes, we repeat, such an era is at hand, and " the people " of England are about to enjoy that liberty and happiness from which they have unjustly been debarred by the cruel and haughty hand of tyranny. An unjust Government, whether professing Whig or Tory principles, will vainly attempt to stop this march of liberty by raising the old bugbear cry of " Anarchy and confusion wiU be the consequences of entrusting the people with ^their political rights and privileges !" Such an un- natural doctrine has been held far too long by the titled and wealthy mortality of our land, who are not contented with enjoying the great advantages of rank and property, whether hereditary or acquired, but seem, by their behaviour, determined to prevent their less fortunate brethren from tasting the happiness which would arise from a possession of their political rights. The tyrannical nature of such characters, unsatisfied with the elevation which their birth or fortune has given them, wish to trample on their "in- feriors," and to force them still lower in the scale of intel- ligent beings. Contemptible, proud men, thus to insult those who minister to their luxuries and their wealth ! Su/?i> vain conduct, however, will never fail to excite the honest indignation of all who can think and feel, and who are re- mote from the sphere of corrupting influence. It is not only most highly cvdpable in a moral view, but extremely dangerous in a political. It arises from the hateful spirit of despotism, and, if not timely checked by the people, must Boon become universal. A spirit of thas nature would allow 338 SICRST HISTORY Or THK no right* to the poor but those which cannot be taken Awaj — the rights of mere animal nature. Such a spirit hates " the people," and would gladly annihilate all of them but those who administer to pride and luxmy, either as menial servants, de] endent tradesmen, or mechanics — or common soldiers, ready to shed the blood of those who might render themselves obnoxious to their lordly tyrants. Notwithstand- ing such contempt of •' the people," however, these mighty of the land think they are entitled to represent them in Parliament; yet what can be expected from such proud men but that they should be as servilely mean and obsequious to a Minister as they are cruel and unfeeling in their be- haviour to the poor of their vicinity ? By such behaviour, the aristocrats attempt to form a little world of their own, where Folly and Vanity reign supreme, but where Virtue, Learning, and Usefulness are alike unknown. The grand secret of its constitution is to claim dignity, distinction, power, and plade, exclusively, without the painful labour of deserving either by personal merit or by services to the com- monwealth. They talk and laugh loud, applauding each other's self-complacency, and would not be supposed to cast an eye on the " inferior crowd," whose admiration, never- theless, they are at the same time courting by every silly effort of pragmatical vanity ! Men of this cast pay no more, and frequently not so much, as other people; yet they strangely conceive themselves privileged to treat tradesmen — certainly respectable when honest, sober, and industrious — as if they were not of the same flesh and blood with " gen- tlemen," but to be ranked with the ass and the swine. Such proud pretenders to superiority consider the world was only made for them, while their families and their houses must studiously be kept from plebeian centamination. This aris- tocratical insolence is also visible even at church, — in the immediate presence of Him who made high and low, rich and poor, and where the gilded and painted ornaments on 'he walls seem to mock tlie folly of all human pride. The pew of "the great man" is raiiad above the others, and furnished with curtains, adorned with linings, and accom- modated with cushions. Even those who do not bow at the name of Jesus are yet expected to make their lowly obeisance to the lord in the gallery ! However indifferent such mighty persons may feel towards religion, they aro still zealous for the Church ; for this is useful, not only in providing gen- teeHy for their poorer relations and dependants, but as an engine to keep down the people! The temporalities and splendours of the " Established" Church ende«,r it to them ; but, if it had continued in its primitive state, when poor fishermen were its bishops, how differently would they have slewed it ! Against principles so dangerous and hostile to liberty. OOUBT or ENGLAND. 839 every friend ol his country will not hesitate to show a deter- mined opposition. The poorer part of mankind — that la, " the people," — when they are not blinded by ignorance, in which the " great ones " have always endeavoured to keep them, may safely be entrusted with political power. " The people" have lately been presented with a proof of the selfish motives of these " great ones," which have done wonders in opening their eyes to the degraded condition in which they have so long been held, and the natural conse- quences of such enlightenment are rapidly being made known in language not to be misunderstood. They begin to view themselves as essential parts of one great body ; they are therefore determined to possess an equal portion of poli- tical rights, and peaceably possess them ; for they are too sensible not to be aware that all violence is not only wrong, but totally unnecessary to accomplish this end. If our ex- position of the long-hidden things of darkness, as wiell as of the characters of their oppressors, should assist in pro. ducing this happy consummation, our reward will be ample ; we desire no more. In taking a review of our last pages, the intelligent reader will hardly wonder at the awful complexion the present times have assumed. Every evil has its origin, and, how- ever remote it may be, will ultimately produce its effects. What then, it may be asked, is the cause of the present un- happy state of England, — of its political struggles and divisions ? Have they not been mainly produced by the long-concealed secrets of State, which have, alas ! led to the commission of crimes — of murders ! — that must force the tear of pity from the eye of compassionating humanity ! According to the pure fabric of the British Constitution, no nation on the surf.'ice of the globe ought to have been more happy, more consolidated in friendly intercourse and good understanding, nor more prosperous and contented, than this country. But, from the time of Queen Anne, the State has been gradually retrograding and divided into two aristocratical parties, — Whigs and Tories, — whose watch- words were principles (which might be said to be constitu- tionally attached to opposition or place), but whose strug- gles have ever been for power. The spiiit of party has been said to furnish aliment to the spirit of liberty ; and so per- haps it does, but in this way: by first creating the despot- ism which it is the office of the spirit of liberty to counteract, and, if possible, to overthrow. If there had never been the party of the usurpers and abusers of power, there would hav« been no occasion for that of the leaguers and reformers. It is of necessity that party spirit must, on the whole, have done more harm than good, since assuredly it has raised more giants than it has yet slain. All party spirit, generally ■peaking, is injurious. It has been truly denounced by ou« 840 SECRET HI3TOBY OF THE of the greatest friends of freedom the world has ever seen,— the illustrious Washington, — as " the very worst enemy of popular governments." In his farewell address to the American people, he earnestly warns them against it as the thing from which, of all others, tbey had most to fear. " It serves always," he tells them, " to distract the public coun- cils and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one class against another ; foments, occasionally, riots and insurrections ; it opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the Government itself, through the channels of party passions." All party ascendancies have this character in common — that they serve to make the interests of the country subordinate to private ends. It is the established mode with dominant factions to distribute the loaves and fishes among their own adherents exclusively, — they could not, in fact, exist as factions otherwise. Worth and talent are no farther regarded than is necessary for the saving of appearances. The sort of followers whom your party Minister delights to honour are those who will stick at nothing, who will never consider the right or the wrong of anything, but support whatever their patron supports, and resist to the utmost whenever he gives the word — men, in short, who are prepared to look only to their own and their party's advan- tage, without at all caring how the interests of the com- munity at large may be affected by their conduct. Ever flince the Eevolution of 1688, England has never been free from the trammels of some such dominant faction or other, and what have been the consequences ? One long course of misgovernment, one unceasing heaping of burdens on the people, and of pensions and sinecures on the aristocracy, — one unvarying round of oppression, plunder, murder, cor- ruption, and extravagance. Whether it was Tory or whether it was Whig that was in power, the result to the people was almost always the same. If the Whigs have, on the whole, been less to blame than their rivals, it is to be remembered, on the other hand, that their opportunities of doing evil have been fewer. However the two parties may differ, or affect to differ, on general principles of government, they have always agreed marvellously on one point — namely, the perfect propriety of making the most of their time while in office to enrich themselves, their relations, and dependants, at the expense of the nation.* Thus, public opinion has long been the opinion of certain coteries and public men, generally speaking men neither • How lamentabljr is this fact illustrated by the present Whig Minister —the disinterested Earl Grey — who has added to the burdens of his country, y places and pensions to his own family alone, more than Bixty-two thousand pouudUi annually t ! 1 eOtlUT or BWGLAXD. 341 brought forward by the public, nor for the sake of the pub- lic ! It has been thouglit necessary that someone should make such a speech as would " tell well," and procure a round of cheers from the House. If such an individual could be found with a large landed estate and a coronet en- tailed upon him, so much the better ; if not, why he must be sought for elsewhere. A. school or college reputation, an able pamphlet, a club or country meeting oration, pointed him out. The Minister, or the great man who wished to be the Minister, brought him into Parliament. If he failed, he sank into insignificance ; if he succeeded, he worked for hia master during a certain time, and then became a minister or a great man himself. As for the people, he had nothing whatever to do with them ; they returned some joUy squire, who feasted them well, or some nabob who purchased their votes. Under such a state of things, cheerfully acquiesced in, we say, it is hardly to be wondered at that what are called " the people" should have been very much plundered and very much despised. Were this base party spirit only vanished from among us; were all party badges, watchwords, and distinctions only discarded for ever; were superior talent and tried integrity but once to become the sole pass- ports to preferment, our social system would then be placed on the very best possible footing. The time of so desirable a consummation, we hope and trust, is not far distant ; though we are still in the midst of the manifold evils of which the so- much-lauded party spirit has been the source, and we must necessarily deal with matters as they are. Tory is again contending against Whig for the mastery, and with both the real interests of the people seem, as usual, to form only k secondary consideration. A greater proof of this cannot possibly be offered than in the following extract from a late parliamentary.' report : — " Mr. Dawson, in reference to the appointment of Lord Durham to be Lord Privy Seal, asked whether any portion of the salary due to the noble lord from the time of his appointment to this period had been paid, or whether he had made any application for payment. He wished to know the same with respect to the Postmaster-General. " Sir George Warrender said, that when the noble lord had found that his was an efficient public office, he had de- temrined to take the salary. When the Duke stated hia de- termination not to take the salary, there was upon the part of the committee the general expression of an opinion that the noble Duke, in so doing, would be unfair to the office. The committee communicated to him that he would be doing great injustice to the office. " Mr. G. Wood corroborated the statement of the honour- able baronet, both with respect to the Duke of Richmond and of Lord Durham. S42 6ECBET HISTO&I OF TBK • The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that Lord Durham had received a regular salary. The Duke of £.iohmond in- tended also to receive the whole of his salary. He was sure that every honourable member would agree with him in thinking that it was not proper, because an individual had a harge income, that he should refuse his salary. Undei these circumstances, he thought that both his noble friends did not judge right." We can readily anticipate the surprise the public must hj,ve felt at the nonsensical and unjust doctrine here broached by the Whig Chancellor of the Exchequer. A man in the possession of a large income was doing injustice to an office if he refused to take the salary pertaining to it, though such salary was drained froBi a heavily-taxed people ! But it is really wonderful how much a little acquaintance with office will alter the liberal aad patriotic opinions of a man — even of that boaster of economy and retrenchment, the honest-looJcing Lord Althorpe ! When Lord Durham and the Duke of Richmond first accepted place, the public heard much of their highminded contempt lor gain, and were told how purely disinterested were their views on entering the public service. Time, however, proved that money was not altogether so offensive to those patriotic peeis, and to avoid doing injustice to their offices, they at length consented (amazing condescension !) to receive their salaries. Such an act of justice to an offi.ce, which cannot be appreciated by the object, is in very bad taste, considering it is detrimental to the public, who would have felt grateful for its similar regard to its own interests. But the Duke of Richmond's conduct by no means surprised us. He who is only a Tory in disguise is just the man to pretend a contempt for salary before he was in place, and to clutch at it ravenously the moment he got into power. Some persons, when he first spoke of taking no pay, laughed at his unfitness for office, aud he was strongly advised to resign, as he got nothing but ridicule for his pains. His Grace heeded not this re- buke, but appears to have been actuated by the same feeling - as the blind fiddler, who was recommended to begone, as ^ everyone laughed at him. "Hold thy peace," said the fiddler ; " we shall have their money presently, and then we will laugh at them." Thus it will be seen that the interests of the people have never been considered by any Ministry, however great its pretensions to honesty and patriotism. Added to this lamentable fact, that an all-opposing and insuperable ob- stacle has for many years been obtruding itself on the energies of the country — the embarrassing and overwhelm- ing State secrets. These have ever formed a paramount oonsideration with royalty ; and, in order to prevent them being made public, the Constitution has been openly and OOCBT u* KNOLAND. 343 sharaelessly infringed, morality an<3 honesty set at defiance, and the order of society reversed ! The enormous charges entailed on this country, by bribing the parties in possession of these secrets, have been made fully manifest in our pre- ceding pages. Still it kad been utterly impossible for Ministers to carry on such a ruinous system of peculation and crime, if they had not contrived the corruption of the people's representatives. This was so effectually accom- plished by Pitt, Liverpool, Castlereagh, and Sidinouth, that every law they thought proper to propose, and every supply of money they demanded, for whatever iniquitous purpose it might be required, was sure to meet with the rea/Jy ac- quiescense of the House of Commons. Hence the Crown became a mighty host of power, perpetually acquiring an accession of purchased adherents, who ever exhibited the greatest readiness to accomplish the unconstitutional pur- poses of their abandoned employer. It may here not be improper succinctly to explain of what materials this "host of power" consisted at the death of George the Fourth. Out of the six hundred and fifty-eight who composed the House of Commons, four hundred and eighty-eight, or nearly three-fourths, were returned by the influence or nomination of one hundred and forty-four peers and one hundi'ed and twenty-three commoners. These patrons, by themselves or their nominees, necessarily deter- mined the decisions of both Houses of Parliament, and, consequently, engrossed the whole power of the State. In the exercise of this overgrown influence, however, they were happily a little restrained by the operation of public opinion, as prompted by the liberty of the press, and sustained by the trial by jury — both of which they in vain attempted to desOroy. This body of borough-mongers, as we have shown, con- sisted of two hundred and sixty-seven individuals — includ- ing lords, ladies, commoners, lunatics, and minors ! They constituted the oligarchy — that selfish faction so unhappily familiar to the public of the present day by the name of the " Conservatives," or the " Cumberland Club." Of this faction, so long the keepers of the now-explained secrets of State, the nominal Ministers of the Crown were, in effect, necessarily the tools or agents. Under such a monstrous system of government, carried on for the exclusive interest of the prevailing faction, the blackest deeds were coun- tenanced by men in power, of the truth of which our volumes will furnish future generations with abundant proof. This usurpation of the whole power of the State by two hundred and sixty-seven persons, however, was not effected suddenly ; it was the result of gradual encroachments on the right of suffrage by a succession of the votes of a corrupt and venal House of Commons, commencing with the Septennial Act, a S44 SBCB«T HI8TOBT OT THK little more than a century ago. As these two hundred and sixty-seven individuals returned nearly three-fourths of the Lower House, and constituted a majority in the Upper, their influence was supreme in both. To the one hundred and forty-four peers who influenced the House of Commons, was added the whole tribe of the un-Christian-like and ostenta- tious bishops, who, almost to a man, voted with the oligarch- ical members, in hopes of coming in for a share of the " loaves and fishes." From this it is almost impossible to say which House of Parliament was most corrupt of the two. Hence arose the incessant attempts to abridge the rights and liberties of the people, through the forms of the Con- stitution. The independence of Parliament became words of contempt to all who knew the secret spring of theiy automaton movements. But, independent of corruption, another grievous cause of complaint exists in the Upper House. It has been frequently proved that both idiots and lunatics have exercised their " hereditary " right of assist- ing in the making of British laws ! We also lately observed, in the fareweU address of Lord Stanley, who is heir to a peerage, the reason assigned to his constituents for with- drawing from the House of Commons was " the rapid growth of an infirmity under which he has long laboured." That infirmity is deafness; and here arises a curious question. If his lordship's infirmity disqualify him from sitting in a house whose functions are legislatorial, how can he be qua- lified for a seat in a house which is both legislatorial and judicial ? If his lordship's deafness unfit him to be a maker of laws, how can he, when he becomes a member of the Upper House, be fit for the discharge of the duties both of legislator and judge, hearing, in the latter case, being more indispensable than in the former? How injurious is the doctrine of the legitimate descent of wisdom ! A member of the Lower House becomes deaf, like Lord Stanley, or an idiot, like some scores of members who shall be nameless, and therefore unfit for the duties of legislation there; but if he happen to be the heir to a peerage, the death of a father makes the deaf to hear, and imbues the idiot with intellect ; and he is in a moment fitted not only for legislatorial but for judicial functions! How much longer will the people tolerate such " hereditary " privileges ? But, even from the dawn of the French Revolution, and the lesson which Napo- leon gave to tyrants, the oligarchy and the people have maintained a constant and increasing struggle, and tho year 1832 has plainly proclaimed to which party the victory will be ultimately awarded. From such an unconstitutional state of things as we have here briefly described. Englishmen may account for the un- just wars which have overwhelmed them with debt, poverty, and taxes, in order to retard the progress of liberty, and COUKT OK ENQLAlfD, 345 stultify the human intellect. In what a miserable plight did such wars leave this vast island, covered as she once was with the gorgeous mantle of successful agriculture ! They left her with Industry in rags, and Patience in despair ; the merchant without a ledger, the shops without a customer, the Exchange deserted, and the Gazette crowded. Let us inquire for what purposes these wars were so obstinately maintained. Were they for the benefit of Europe ? — for the happiness of mankind ? — for the strengthening of liberty ? — for the improvement of politics and philosophy ? Alas ! no. But, by these long and bloody wars, England has compelled the millions in America to manufacture for themselves, and the greater part of the Continent to do the same, to the manifest injury of our own artisans. Besides this impolicy, the American war, from 1776 to 1782, cost this country two thousand two hundred and seventy millions and a half. The 'fleet alone, in 1779, created an expense of one hundred and eighty millions. During the crusade against French liberty, our national debt was increased from two hundred millions, and the interest from nine to forty-five millions per annum. And what was the object to be obtained by this war? To save Louis the Sixteenth, and to check that spirit of pro- pagandism, announced in the French Chamber, from being formidably maintained and spread by the troops of France. To effect this, England took up arms when Louis the Six- teenth had gone to his ancestors, and when the Republican armies, flushed with victory, and threatened with the guil- lotine in the event of defeat, were become, from raw recruits, desperate and veteran soldiers. We reserved our defence of the monarch till he had perished on the scaffold — our de- fence of the monarchy till the Franch republic was declared a beS^ged city, and France a vast camp ! Then we com- menced a war with allies who were become anxious for peace, and who, in taking our money, reserved it to the ex- pense of the campaign they had finished, without any con- eideration for the violent inclination for fighting which we had just been seized with. This was the policy which Mr. Pitt asked Mr. Canning if he approved of ; this was the policy which Mr. Canning came into Parliament to defend, and which he did defend on every occasion, and which he always boasted having defended to his dying day ! But it is only a person well acquainted with the House of Commons at this period who could believe that Mr. Canning's defence of such ministerial imbecility received enthusiastic applause. There never was a collection of more glaring contradictions, more gaudy sophisms, than the youthful orator's declamatory harangue. The war was to be pi^rsued because we were victorious ; peace was to be refused on account of the buc- ;:e8ses of the enemy ; France was too weak to be respected —too formidable not to be opposed ! As for the sums w© S46 8BCBET HISTORY (JF THK were expending, they were insigniflcant when compared with the objects we had in view. Our ancestors, whose immacu- late wisdom Mr. Canning was at that time so fond of citing, would certainly have been astonished to find that those ob- jects were the re-establishment of Spain in its ancient power, and the subjugation of Rome to the authoi-ity of the PopeS The heart of any reflecting man must burn within him when he thinks that a sanguinary war was undertaken for the purpose of forcing France out of her undoubted right of choosing her own monarch, — a war which uprooted the very foundation of the English Constitution, which declared tyranny eternal, and announced to the people, amidst the thunder of artillery, that, no matter how aggrieved, their only allowable attitude was that of supplication, which, when it told the French reformer of 1793 that his defeat was just, told the British reformer of 1688 his triumphal Revolution was treason, forgetting that our King himself was the creature of that Revolution ! After an immense loss of treasure, the Bourbons were, for a time, restored to the throne of France, contrary to the wishes of at least nine-tenths of the French people; for the Bourbons had proved themselves incapable of learning mercy from misfortune, or wisdom from eiperience. Vin- dictive in prosperity, servile in defeat, timid in the field, vacillating in the Cabinet, their very name had become odious to the ears of a Frenchman, and Napoleon had only to present himself to ensure their precipitate flight. The downfall of that great man, who shed a splendour around royalty unknown to it before, will ever be regretted by the majority of the French people, though British Minis- ters have classed the unhallowed act in the list of their achievements ! By the same tyrannical means, a prince was restored to Portugal, who, when his dominions were invaded, his people distracted, his crown in danger, and all that could interest the highest energies of man at issue, left his cause to be combated by foreigners, and fled, with cowardly precipitation, to claim the shameful protection of Lord Castlereagh and his j unta ! A wretch was also restored to unhappy Spain, in the person of the " beloved " Ferdinand, who filled his dungeons and fed his rAck with the heroic remnant that had braved war, famine, and massacre beneath his banners, — who rewarded patriotism with a prison, fidelity with torture, heroism with the scaiTold, and piety with the Inquisition ! The royal monster proclaimed his humanity by the number of his death-warrants, and his religious zeal hy embroidering petticoats for the blessed Virgin ! Such were the three dynasties restored by these cruel wars. Ai to the rest of Europe, how has it oeeu amelio- rated? — what solitary benefit have the "deliverers" con- ferred ? If we look back to Lord Castlereagh'a treaties of COURT or INOLAND. 347 1814 and 1815, we shall there find that the States of the feeble were given to the powerful, and guarantees made to preserve the institutions of every former tyranny. Saxony, G-enoa, Norway, and, above all, unhappy Poland, — that speaking monument of regal murder and " legitimate " rob- bery — furnish a lamentable illustration of the cruel injustice of these treaties. Italy was also parcelled out to temporizing Austria, and Prussia, after fruitless toil and wreathleas triumphs, was mocked with the promise of a visionary cou- rtitution ; while England was left, eaten by the cancer of an incurable debt, exhausted by poor-rates, supporting a "Civil" list of near a million and a half annually, guarded by an unconstitutional standing army, misrepresented by the House of Commons, mocked with a military peace, and girt with the fortifications of a war establishment! ! ! This, frightful as the picture may appear, is but an outline of the miseries that have been produced by our long and sanguinary wars, undertaken to protect the monster of legitimacy, and to crush the rising liberties of an enlightened people ! These are the " achievements " for which the Duke of Wellington received his title and his enormous wealth, and for which he unblushingly claims the gratitude of Englishmen ! ! ! While all this misery was being accomplished abroad, how were our Ministers employed it home? Why, in feed- ing the bloated mammoth of sinecure, in weighing the farthings of some poor clerk's salary, in preparing Ireland for a garrison, and England for a poor-house, — in furnishing means for their master to erect Chinese palaces, to decorate dragoons with his " tasteful" inventions, to purchase gold and silver baubles, and to load his mistresses and his minions with the produce of the people's industry ! We had also, at this period, a "saint" iu the Exchequer, who studied Scrip- ture for some purpose ; the famishing people cried out for bread, and the pious Vansittart gave thorn stones ! But the idea that a man like Vansittart should entail a debt of above four hundred millions of pounds on the country ; the idea that "the least, the meanest" of the Pitt tribe should make the House of Commons vote that the Bank note, worth twenty worn shillings, was as valuable as the guinea worth twenty-seven good ones, will hardly be credited by futui-e generations. The weakest man that ever held office under a Crown may well boast that he reduced the Parliament of England to the lowest degradation, to the most abject ser- vility, that a public assembly of gentlemen was ever trodden to. Yet, strange as it must appear, it was for such services that this same Vansittart was created — a lord ! ! LorJ Bexley was consequently sent to the " Upper House," as ;» Eroof of the high approbation in which his talents were behJ y his admiring master ! In that situation he has sinro sealouBjy exerted himself to preserve every existing abuso. 84S BECRET HISTORY OF THB and his ill-acquired title has aver figured in the list of those who vote against the people. To keep up such an iniquitous state of affairs, it was deemed necessary to persecute those who struggled to bring back the Constitution to its original principles. Hence the employment of spies and informers ; hence systematic mas- sacre, imprisonment, and cruelty ; hence the regular manu- facture of forged seditious placards for the purpose of afford- ing a pretext for the military execution against the reformers at Manchester and elsewhere ; and hence — for such atrocities could happen under no other system upon earth — the mur- ders, the cold-blooded murders, recorded in our preceding pages. Even the most superficial observer must be convinced that our country has long been degenerating from its great- ness, that the most fictitious and speculative means have uniformly been devised to prop her Exchequer, and that the most plausible, though to many unintelligible, pleas are advanced for introducing new taxes and new laws of an arbitrary description, tending to abridge the civil liberties and paralyze the energies of the people. These, however, have eventually failed of producing their desired end. Des- potism, and the total thraldom of the mind. Providence will never allow to be the destiny of generous and noble-minded Englishmen, — at least for any length of time. An arbitrary use of power naturally leads to extremes, and these extremes eventually to a crisis, opening the door of dissatisfaction and inquiry, where a stand must be made, rescinding every possibility either of proceeding or of retreating. Is not such our present political situation ? And whence, let us again inquire, arises this state of affairs ? Surely not to be ascribed to a turbulent disposition or a moral degeneracy of the working classes. It is the grossest deceit and hypo- crisy, not to say the most audacious and ungrateful calumny, to stigmatize them with such opprobium ; for never were any people more injured, more oppressed, nor more insulted than were the tax-payers of England during the last two reigns. Ministers have too long imposed upon the credulity of the timid, by describing every riotous proceeding as the natural consequence of the progress of liberal opinions. The ex- cesses of a few rioters, who most probably knew not the extent of the mischief they were doing, ought not to be attributed to the people generally. Such accusations are- a gross libel on the peaceable spirit of Englishmen, and are only used by corrupt and designing men to raise an alarm against liberty; for mischief of this kind may be attributed with more certainty to the cowardice, folly, and wickedness of certain public functionaries, liberally paid to prevent sucb disgraceful exhibitions. But the "Church and State" men COUET OF SNQLAMD. 349 have never failed to turn riots to the illustration of their own injurious theory. " See," cry they, exulting over the scene, " the effects of power in the hands of the people !" Yet the people— that is. the grand mass of the community — were not at all concerned in effecting the mischief, for "who beside such libellers would call an assemblage of all the refuse of society the people? The first irregularities at Bristol, for instance, might have been suppressed by the slightest exertion of manly spirit ; or, indeed, that destruc- tive riot had never commenced but for the headstrong or cowardly (we hardly know which to call it) conduct of Six Charles Wetherell, who openly declared that he would insult the Bristol people with his detested person, "if a cannon forced his entrance !" Did not the Tories, then, we ask, both create and feed the riots at Bristol for the purpose of frightening the people from reform ? The people at large, we say, ought not to be blamed for such events ; the whole of the culpability belongs to the aiders and abettors of them, and the appointed Ministers of the law in whom the people trust, but have mostly been deceived. This blame, however, has always been laid to the people, while all men of arbitrary principles rejoice at the calamity as an auspicious event, confirming all their theories and justifying their practice ! But these have been some of the murderous means employe(3 to augment and continue the political torpor of the peoplt of England for the last sixty years. When any appeal tc the people was in agitation on the subject of liberty, it was sufficient for Pitt, Liverpool, Castlereagh, Canning. Sid- mouth, or any of their minions to exclaim, " Remember tha riots !" and the intended measure was sure to be relin- quished immediately, when these despotic Ministers chuckled over the success of their scheme as though they had gained the most splendid victory. The excesses of the French Re- volution in 1793 were peculiarly grateful to the friends of tyranny in England. While the patriot wept, the factor of despotism triumphantly shouted, " Here is another instance of the people's unfitness to possess power, and the mis- chievous effects of excessive liberty I" Every art which ingenuity could practise and influence assist in its operation was exerted to vilify and misrepresent the real design of the French Revolution. From this moment persecutions were vigorously com- ihenced against patriotism, and it became sedition to hint at parliamentary reform — the root of the people's grievances. Never since the expulsion of the Stuarts were such vigorous laws enforced — never before did Pitt so exult in the downfall of liberty. He and his followers no longer skulked, no longer walked in masquerade. They boasted of their prin- ciples, and claimed the honour of being the only friends to law, order ^nd religion I They talked of the English lawa bSO 8B«J«ST HI8TOBT OF TH« being too lenient for the punishment of sedition, and th«» Acts consequently introduced for its more effectual suppr&s- sion were made agreeable to the most refined notions of despotism. The clergy now stood forward in their pulpits, and preached not the word of God, but that doctrine which led the nearest way to promotion, while many other needy and avaricious men wrote in favour of an arbitrary Govern- ment. Thus fear in the well-meaning, self-interest in the knavish, and systematic subtlety among the State-secret keepers caused a general uproar in favour of principles and practices at variance with constitutional liberty, and in- vested the reigning Prince and his mother with all but ab- solute power. How zealously they took advantage of this state of alarm our volumes fully explain. The friends of humanity, however, have now cause to rejoice that the film of deceptien is rapidly disappearing from before the eyes of the people, and that such panic fears, servile sycophantism, and artful bigotry can no longer prevail over coo! reason and liberal philanthropy. Such a feverish delirium has passed away, and sober sense perceives the necessity of destroying the destructive power which held so baneful a sway over English liberty during the last two reigns. Let our readers also not forget the part which the "Esta- blished Church " acted during this long period of misrule. How many of its ministers sacrificed principle and honesty for the pleasure of basking in the sunshine of the vicious Court ! Gold was the only god they worshipped, and the political creed of tyrants the only testament they read. Ministerial imbecility could always reckon upon their "holy" services, and, in proportion to the callousness and hypocrisy displayed, they were rewarded with bishoprics, deaneries, and other such well-paid offices, the duties of which they allowed their poorer brethren to perform at wages something less than a common labourer. It is, in- deed, hardly to be credited that in haughty England, who held up her episcopal head so pompously during the reigns of which we are speaking — in this very country which groaned, and is still groaning, beneath the overwhelming expenses of keeping up a Church Establishment — that the real "labourers in the vineyard" were paid so scantily, that their wages, in thousands of instances, did not amount to those of a journeyman mechanic ! Yes, in the very heart of this metropolis were to be found men on whom the fond and foolish ambition of their parents had been exhausted in bringing them up in this profession, who possessed learning and inteilectaal refinement, starving in back attics in filthy courts and alleys. This miserable state of the working clergy was not confined to London alone. In many parts of this country (Wales in particular) it was no uncommon thing for a clergyman, with seven children, to do duty for two OOUBT OF BNGLA14D. 3S1 parishes, at only ten pounds a-year each ! And we ourselves are acquainted with a gentleman, sixty-four years of age, who was in the Church more than forty years, receiving no sort of promotion during the whole of that long period, be- cause he entertained what are termed " liberal principles," and who has lately been obliged to retii-e from his scanty pittance, and throw himself on the generosity of his friende for a living in his old age. Let us now take a glance at the drones of the hive — the men who have ever shown a peculiar readiness to make themselves a promotion-ladder out of the wreck of their country's liberties. The income of an Archhbishop of Can- terbury, exclusive of patronage and other valuable emolu- ments, is thirty thousand pounds. Most of the bishops are paid, if not quite so extravagantly, in a degree amply suffi- cient to keep his Grace in countenance. Many beneficed clergyman, particularly the younger sons and brothers of our aristocracy, who are not dignitaries of the Church, by holding a plurality of livings, drain the country of incomes varying from five thousand to twelve thousand pounds a-year each. And yet these men neither distinguish them- selves (although, as in every large class of society, there are honourable and favourable exceptions) either for their grace, learning, or piety, the only qualification which they possess being the son, brother, nephew, or cousin of a peer, or com- moner possessed of parliamentary influence. A very able article lately appeared in " Blackwood's Magazine," setting forth the abuses here alluded to in such a clear and bold manner tliat we cannot refrain from making the following extract from it : — " The trusts of the Church are admitted to be, and used as, patronage in the most vulgar and corrupt sense of the term ; and the Minister of State who bestows them regularly does it to enrich his connections, reward his adherents, or bribe his opponents. Why is this man made a bishop ? He has been tutor in one noble family, or is connected by blood with another, or he enjoys the patronage of some polluted female favourite of royalty, or he is the near relative of a Minister, or at the nod of the Premier, or he has been a traitor to the Church in a matter affecting her existence. Why is this man made a dean ? He has married a relative of the Home Secretary, or he is a turn-coat who has joined the enemies of the Church in the destruction of her securi- ties, or it is necessary to preserve some powerful family from going into the Opposition. Why is this stripling invested with an important dignity in the Church ? He is an ille- gitimate son of a member of the royal family, or he is the •ame to some nobleman, or he belongs to a family which, in consideration of it, will give the Ministry a certain number of votes in Parliament. And why is this man endowed with 302 8ECEIT HISTORY OF THE B, valuable benefice ? He has potent Interest, or it will pre- vent him from giving farther opposition to measures for in- juring the Church, or he has voted at an election for a Ministerial candidate, or his connections have much elec- tioneering influence, or he is a political tool of the Ministry. At the contest for the University of Oxford, which expelled Sir Robert Peel, it was generally asserted that certain mem- bers of the Ministry used every effort to gain votes for him by offers of Church preferment; or, in other words, they used the property of the Church as bribes to induce the «lergy to support the assailant of her securities against the •defender of them. After the carrying of the Catholic ques- tion, the preferments, which fell into the hands of some of the apostate bishops or their connections, proved that these men had been bought with their own property to turn their own sacrilegious hands upon her. Tlie disposal of what is called Church patronage in this manner is not the exception, but the rule ; it is not a matter of secrecy, or one that escapes public observation; it is looked on as a thing of course; and so far has this monstrous abuse been sanctified by cus- tom, that, while no one expects to see a vacancy in the Church filled according to its merit, the filling of it in the most profligate way scarcely provokes reprobation. " Let us now look at those appointments in the Church which are not in the hands of Government. A great number of livings are private property. On what principle are they disposed of ? The owners fill them without the least regard for qualification ; they practically give them to their rela- tions while yet in the womb or in the cradle, and these relations enter into orders from no other reason than to en- joy them as private fortunes, or clergymen and others buy fluch livings solely for private benefit. In the appointment of curates, those are chosen who are cheapest, the least formidable as rivals, and, in consequence, the most dis- qualified ; care for the interests of the Church is out of the question. " Then, in the general appointment of the functionaries of the Church, whether it rest with the Government or in- dividuals, qualification is disregarded. "These are some of the inevitable consequences :— 1st. The office of clergyman is sought by the very last people Vho ought to receive it. However brainless or profligate a youth may be, he still must enter into holy orders, because his friends have property or interest in the Church. Per- haps they select him in preference to his brothers, because he happens to be the dunce of the family. 2ndly. The sys- tem directly operates, not only to keep ability and piety at the lowest point amongst the clergy, but to render that por- tion of them which may be forced into orders useless to the Church. Srdly. The clergy and laity are aeparated from and COURT Of JCNGLANO. 359 fl,rranged against each other. The minister has no interest in conciliating, preserving, and increasing the flock. Its lavour cannot benefit, and its hostility cannot injure him. To give all this the most comprehensive powers of mischief, almost any man may, so far as concerns ability and charac- ter, gain admission into holy orders. A clergyman may be destitute of religious feelings, he may be grossly immoral* he may discharge his duties in the most incompetent manner, and lose his flock — he may do almost anything short of legal crime, and still he will neither forfeit his living nor draw on himself any punishment." All unbiassed individuals must acknowledge the likeness of the picture here drawn, notwithstanding the high Tory quarter from which it is painted. We are willing to acknow- ledge that these abuses have been practised ever since the unholy alliance between Church and State ; but they were certainly carried to a greater extent in the last two reigns than previously known. The whole Church system, indeed, presented this anomalous, inconsistent, but distinguishing feature. While the country was drained for its support, the actual working clergy, as we have shown, were paid as the most degraded parish hacks, when the enormous revenue which the system produced, and which was amply sufficient to support the whole by a proper equalization in comfort and respectability, was swallowed up by a few Court syco- phants, who were pampered by the very excess produced by the starvation and degradation of their less fortunate (or more conscientious ?) brethren ! Little serious amendment in the particulars here complained of, however, can be rea- sonably expected till this all-corrupting and derogatory alli- ance of God and Mammon shall be severed, for never have we so Hiuch cause for fear as when the enemies of public freedom are concealed under the garb of sanctity. The spiritual peers themselves seem fuUy determined to hasten this " consummation so devoutly to be wished," for they must have but little foresight if they cannot see that their mad opposition to the wishes of a united and determined people will, ere long, briag their already dilapidated build- ing about their own ears. Every person who will not abjectly resign his common understanding, and will lend his mind to investigate impar- tially what has been passing ever since the landing of Queen Charlotte upon our shores, must be satisfied of the bitter provocations which the British public have received, the in- dignation arising from which has now burst forth, never to subside tiU some reparation be made. There are appointed limits to every evil — there are periods when things must reach their utmost boundary, when even forbearance becomes a crime. Such has been the issue of the long-concealed mysteriea of State Englishmen, we trust, will no longer M 854 SECRET HI8TOBT 01 THE tolerate tyrannous power, murderous injustice, and oppres- sive enactments. The march of intellect has proclaimed he» inquisitorial privileges ; the enlightened understanding of the people of 1832 has discovered, to the utter dismay of tyranny, that no satisfactory reason can be assigned for the enormous load of taxation with which they have so long been oppressed. The discovery is now made that there is no justice for the poor man, or man of inferior grade, but that all enactments have been scrupulously made in favour of the rich and the great. Impunity Las been their privi- lege, while the mass of the community were forced to sub- scribe to the bitter penalty. Times have been, we are sorry to say, when even murder, if committed by rank, might be glossed over by a Privy Council ; while the poor man, agonized by the reflections of his own accusing mind, was coldly, and even with asperity, consigned to the gallows. The lady of rank, even of the highest, might have an illegitimate off- spring, and secretly hide her shame by consigning it to an asylum ; but the poor woman, who had strayed from the path of virtue through poverty, must be confronted with the moralizing, austere, brow-beating, clerical magistrate, reproached for her unfortunate lapse from rectitude, and be committed to the treadmill ! Such an unequal administra- tion of justice, we repeat, has been, but God grant that it may never occur again ! The present emancipation of the human mind from igno- rance and vassalage, through the medium of dauntless and cheap publications, has discovered to all classes of the com- munity that the administration of our national affairs has never been satisfactorily explained ; that all has been artifice and delusion ; that the rulers of the country have assumed to themselves an extraordinary stretch of power — a power above law — employing the country's revenues in eniiching themselves, corrupting the sources of justice, and plotting schemes against the happiness of mankind generally. Hence the people, weary of their burdens, with no prospect pre- sented to them of having their condition ameliorated by their rulers, and disgusted with those who have so constantly deluded and insulted them, have at Ictst been goaded into the exhibition of a determined spirit no longer to submit their privileges and their liberties to such a state of misrule. They have indeed, as if with one accord, protested against all farther fraud, imposition, and slavery. They are deter- mined to have a parliament of their own selecting, and to demand that the principles and legitimate rights of th* British constitution be restored to their pristine vigour. It may here be proper to inquii-e, " Who and what are they that have so long opposed the just rights of the people ?" Is there a meuiber of the House of Lords who has been •levated to the peeragre for the last sixty years and upwards. COUBT OF ENQLAND. 355 excepting some few individuals in the army and navy, who does not owe his wealth and title to his weight, interest, and exertions to further and perpetuate the corruption of the House of Commons, or for some courtly servility or secret crime committed to pamper the self-love, or to gratify the vindictive feelings of tbeir royal patrons ? Let the facts recorded in our volumes supply the answer. The people, however, are not now to be blinded with the glitter of nobility, or their ears startled by the pompous-sounding title of *' My lord." They will rather view such ennobled characters in the light of enemies to their country and pen- sioners on their industry. They have exhibited themselves as a proud, arbitrary, and selfish faction, leagued against the spirit of liberty, and anxious for nothing but their own in- dividual aggi'andizement. But as all unconstitutional power, sooner or later, is sure to overreach itself, they have, by their exactions, frauds, and galling oppressions, sown the seeds of their own destruction. The people of England are naturally of an easy and contented disposition ; but even their inherent generosity will not brook being treated exactly like the subjects of Russian Nicholas, the assassin of the gallant Poles ! In recurring to the period of Queen Charlotte's tyranny, the enlightened mind must feel petrified at the callous de- linquency displayed by her Ministers. It is, indeed, hardly to be credited that she should have found men — we will not say English men, because some were of another country — so congenial to her own views and sentiments. To paint this German princess and her adherents in their proper colours would be impossible ; but every crime and enormity was sanctioned in her reign (for George the Third was a mere cypher in the affairs of State) that crime and enormity caa be supposed to comprehend; spoliation, murder, incest, espionage, sanguinary plottings, the most inhuman outrages, persecution, and oppression were of common occuiTence. Who, we ask, was the secret contriver, aider, and abettor of most of the ills Queen Caroline endured ? Who pocketed enormous sums from the illegal sale of cadetships ? Who made unfair use of Government information to speculate in the funds for the sake of filthy lucre ? Who indulged in improper intimacies with that wholesale inventor of taxes, William Pitt ? Who conceived some of the diabolical plots, executed, too fatally executed, against the holders of her favourite Prince's bonds? And who wrote, as well as com- manded to be written, such tender, comforting, and pro- mising letters to the late Dr. Croft, just before and immedi- ately after the execution of that cold-blooded deed— the murder of Princess Charlotte ? The answers will easily be eupplied by the intelligent reader. But let us hope the day of retribution is fast approaching, when justice will preside 35fi 8ECKET HISTORY OF THK at the examination of all the circumstances attending that most unnatural act, the foulest, blackest crime that ever yet this land was guilty of. Had the secret actions of Queen Charlotte been generally known in her life, she would have appeared the basest and most abandoned of women ; but the deception and show of virtue which she so artfully practised made people think her the most amiable of queens. Had she not have shielded her myrmidons from exposure, they would, long ago, have appeared to the pubUc eye as a class of be- ings of the basest and most odious description. Impeach- ment had followed impeachment, and the law would have denounced them as men who had violated every principle of honour, of humanity, and of Christianity ! Some of our readers may probably view these reproaches as unmerited aspersions or hateful invectives, proceeding from a vindictive, malignant, and democratic spirit, and their author deserving to be anathematized as the most execrable of the human race. But truth, irrefragable truth, is our defence ; she has now burst her bonds, and will no longer be prevented, by the threats of power, from boldly speaking out! Common observation, indeed, might have ascertained that the unnatural and usurped power, which so long controlled the destinies of this country, was of a, foreign character, and totally at variance with the constitution and chartered rights of Englishmen ! Did not Junius expose the illegality of this power, and did not the noble-minded Chatham remonstrate against it ? But though tyranny and corruption trembled to their very centres at the attacks of these champions of liberty, the base fabrics remained un- impaired till the death of their mistress, the puissant Charlotte of Mecklenburgh-Strelitz ! We come now more immediately to the consideration of those political transactions that ensued when the final in- capacity of George the Third to discharge the duties of Lis sovereignty was made known. At this period. Queen Char- lotte, in collusion with her hopeful son, the Prince of Wales, came into full power, which she exercised with a spirit truly in accordance with her restless ambition and mercenary desires. A system of despotism, veiled under the specious garb of piety and the country's safety, was immediately put in force, and new taxes levied under various pretences, but in reality for the purpose of bestowing wealth on her zealous adherents. Indeed, in every proposition of " the devourers of the public wealth" for increasing the amount of "secret service money," a zealous abettor was always found in the Queen. German craft is never at a loss for deceptive plans, nor is German prejudice easily pacified. No machinations were too hideous nor too infamous, when suggested by the one to gi-atify the other. If the Queen and her son had gained what they strenuously endeavovired to obtain — ab- COURT OF ENGLAND. 857 Boliite power — who would not hare justly felt alarm, not merely for the liberties of his country, but for his own in- dividual safety ? The proscriptions of the Eoman Decemviri, and the more recent and horrible cruelties of the French Robespierre, are appalling instances of what people can do when armed with absolute power. Had these guardians of the British public, therefore, but succeeded in obtaining such power, to what lengths they would have gone may be estimated by the crimes they actually did commit and coun- tenance without it ! Where would the voice of mercy have prevailed on them to sheath the sword of persecution ? Their Ministers, by distorting the Constitution from its original meaning, presumed to tear Englishmen from the bosom of their families, without any assigned cause, loading them with irons, and immolating them in damp and dve.iry dungeons! Some actually died, horrible as the fact may appear, under this treatment, while the survivors were re- leased without any investigation, without any trial what- ever, — nay, without their even being made acquainted with the nature of the suspected offence, — and denied the slightest redress for their cruel injuries! Considering, we say, that such monstrous injustice was practised, it is not too much to suppose that, with absolute power, the same parties would have erected the triangle at the Eoyal Exchange and at the Mews ! We might then have expected to see Englishmen running naked through the streets of London, with caps of burning pitch upon their heads, and blood streaming from their lacerated bodies, or observed them hanging on the lamp-posts, or before their burning dwellings! Did not these horrors actually take place in Ireland in the years 1797 and 1798, when that tyrannical Castlereagh held^ public situation in that betrayed, forlorn, and per- secuted country? At the very time these atrocities were committed in Ireland, spies, informers, executioners, and all the refuse of society, were employed as the principal inslrn- ments of Castlereagh's Government ; and when Queen Char- lotte and her son made that Hibernian monster Minister to this country. Castle, Oliver, and Edwards, with many other such wi'ctches, shared the smiles and favours of himself and his colleagues. The history of Caroline of Brunswick, in whose imhappy fate every person possessed of Christian feeling and prin- ciple must be interested, also fully evinces the hateful pas- sions of Queen Charlotte's heart. That victim of a detestable conspiracy was the object of a sanguinary determin;)tion from the moment she so unhappily came over to this king- dom. Queen Charlotte, finding herself thus defeated in the ambitious desire that she had always cherished that one of her own relations should be the future Queen of England, became this noble-minded woman's most uncompromising 858 BICKBT HTSTOKT OF TH« and inveterate enemy. Into the highest favour and most unlimited confidence her Majesty now received the aban- doned Lady Jersey, though she pretended, with so much austerity, to preserve the unsnllied purity of her Court; but this pretension was only made the better to impose upon the country, and to effect the destruction of the guiltless and unoffending niece of the King, her husband ! Her Majesty, however, did not live to see such a wicked scheme accomplished. When the husband of the unfortunate Caroline attained, by the death of his father, to royal authority, surrounded by the titled hirelings of his own creation, and the depen- dants on his bounty, he judged the opportunity peculiarly favourable to the final yuin of his long persecuted consort. Every plot, therefore, that could be devised by a servile Ministry and a corrupt Parliament was put into active ope- ration for the purpose of depriving her of those constitu- tional rights which the decease of George the Third had entitled her to expect. The Duke of York stipulated with the King that, in the event of a divorce being granted, his Majesty should not marry again ; otherwise, he threatened to take part with Queen Caroline. So much for the consistency, love of duty, and purity of motive which the Duke boasted in the House of Lords as solely actuating him in the line of ■conduct he had followed in opposing the Queen. The injiu'ious reports which Ministers circulated regard- ing Queen Caroline's conduct rendered it impossible for her Majesty to remain abroad, even if she had so wished ; for they presumed to treat her as the most abandoned of the human race, and therefore it became necessary for any vir- tuous woman, thus publicly accused, to appear in person, and assert her innocence. In the whole management of the ensuing " trial" against this ill-fated Queen, justice, feeling, honour, and common sense were all equally outraged ! What was the tribunal before which her Majesty was called ? How was it constituted ? Who eat there to administer even- handed justice? The Ministers who brought forward the charges against their Queen, the oflBcers of the King's house- hold, two of the King's brothei-s, with many other noble per- sons closely connected with the Court, who held places and pensions at its will, and looked up to it for new honours, for patronage, for wealth, and for power ! Were such people, then, calculated to administer justice ? Justice, indeed! Was the refusing a list even of the witnesses impartial justice ? Was it impartial British justice when the Ministers of the King sat as judges, jurors, and accusers? Like triple-headed monsters, did they not, in that joint capacity, most profligately bribe, clothe, house, feed, and amuse a horde of discarded miscreant Italian servants ? Was the instructing, drilling, marshalling, living, and conversing all CUUUT OF JLNuUAXIl** S59 together of these wretches, who were watched and kept under lock and key by these Ceiberi, an example of the impar- tiality of British justice ? Was the permitting the witnesses instantly to return to their den, and communicate all their evidence to those who had not been before the House of Lords, another proof of the impartiality of what is com- monly termed " the highest court of judicature of the first nation in Europe ?" Was the treating her Majesty as guilty before her trial a fair specimen of the beauty of this court ? Monstrous profanation of terms ! Was ever common sense ■ so insulted? Was justice ever so outraged? Were those iniquitous proceedings an evidence of that " Justice, by nothing biiBed or inclined. Deaf to persuasion, to temptation blind ; ; Determiuod without favour, and the laws Oerlook the parties to decide the cause ?" When the law officers of the Crown declared that " there existed no grounds upon which legal proceedings could be instituted," two obvious and distinct paths were open to Ministers. They had their election to advise, either that her Majesty should return to this country with all the honours and constitutional privileges belonging to her high station, or else that she should be prevailed upon to establish her Court abroad. Yet Ministers determined to deviate into a dark and crooked path. They did not venture openly to advise that the Queen should return ; and yet, as if de- termined that she should come to this country, they took care to render it impossible for her to remain abroad ! Was not the name of the noble-minded Caroline insultingly excluded frouKthe Liturgy ? And what reason was assigned for so unjustifiable a proceeding? The Archbishop of Canterbury and other Church pluralists give this. " If any defiled name should there be inserted, the principles of morality wotild be invaded, the foundations of religion would be sapped, and the destruction of our constitution must inevitably follow !" Now, even allowing the Queen to have been the abandoned character represented by her hireling enemies — nay, more, had she been a murderess — these impudent and canting hypocrites need not have searched far for a pre- cedent to prove her eligibility for a place in the Liturgy !. Were Henry the Eighth, Queen Mary, Charles the Second and his Queen, James the Second and his Queen, all pure and undefiled? But the place-hunting clergy need not have gone out of their own generation for an example of infamy. What were Queen Charlotte, George the Fourth, the Duke of York, or, though last, not least in the vibiubs of his family, the undefiled Ernest of Cumberland ? Our volume fully explain what they were ! And yet their names ^aced the Liturgy, ais the Attorney-General has declared 860 8KCBET HISTOBT OF TUi that the words " royal family " comprehend all the indi- viduals of the royal family. But it may be objected tha^ the names of York and Cumberland were not specificallt^ mentioned in the days of Queen Caroline's persecutions. WeU, then, the Prince of Wales's name, at least, did figure in our Prayer-book, and was he " pure and undefiled ?" The pious sons of the Church formally prayed that " God would endue him with His holy spuit," &c. ; but it did not appear by his actions that their piayers produced the least effect When he became King, he was prayed for " to be endued with heavenly gifts, to incline to the will of God, and walk in His ways." Did his infamous conduct to his wife, and his living in open adultery with the Marchioness of Conyng- ham and others, qualify him for a place in the prayers oi the Church, as "pure and undefiled?" If Ministers, there- fore, consented to deprive the Queen of this dignity, because of her imputed immorality, might it not have proved a pre- cedent against George the Fourth himself? The lawyers, even Lord Eldon, if it had suited his purpose, might have afterwards cited the case of Caroline as a case in point, while the country could not refuse to dethrone the King on the same plea as they had dethroned the Queen, more parti- cularly as it was so easy a matter to prove the gross adultery and immorality of George the Fourth, for his derelictions from virtue were as notorious as the sun at noon-day. Would to heaven, we say, that a king might have been dethroned for immoral conduct, as the world had not then been so cursed with their atrocious deeds. When at foreign Courts, her Majesty justly claimed the honours pertaining to hei exalted rank, but was insultingly told that she was not known as a Queen ! Thus subjected, untried and unheard, to every indignity which could only have followed upon proof and condemnation, her Majesty had no alternative left but to return to England, and boldly face her mean- epirited and unmanly enemies. Had her title been pro- claimed, had foreign Courts been instructed to receive her with the honours due to a Queen of England, her continuing to remain abroad would not have worn the appearance of shrinking from the defence of her reputation— a fear to which she was utterly a stranger. Her noble soul scorned danger, for a braver heart than hers never beat in human breast. But her husband's Ministers rendered her absence from this country incompatible with her honour. They forced her to remain, and they, and they alone, were re- sponsible for all the mischief that might have ensued to the country from such an unavoidable step on the part of hhe Queen. No one, we think, wUl doubt that the most serious mischief would have occurred if these men had persisted in their headlong career. But, like all cowards, when they found the danger hovering over their own heads, oouaT or xvQLiKD. 861 they shrunk from the contest, and took refuge in a timely retreat ! Nothing in the whole history of human suffering could equal the wrongs of her Majesty. With respect to the Bill of Pains and Penalties, the various records of persecution may be searched in vain for a case so foul, so false, so full of premeditated and disciplined perjury. The inquest on Sellis was justice when compared with this, though the hand of Lord Ellenborough may be traced in both. The mock "trial" of Caroline, Queen of England, we say, cannot be matched for rancour, «ruelty, for monstrous and unnatural malignity. There never was a case at all like it ; it is with- out an example in history, and can never become a pre- cedent; for future generations will read it with pity and with horror. The foul charges preferred against the Queen by the lowest of the low were disproved by noblemen of the first consideration, by ladies of the highest rank and of the most unblemished honour, by gentlemen of family, of educa- tion, and integrity, and by distinguished and gallant soldiers. The evidence of such respectable characters as these present a picture of her Majesty which future generations will ad- mire and venerate. But it is impossible that impartial and discerning Englishmen should believe that the " Bill of Pains and Penalties " nominally aimed against the Queen had not for its main objects the doing away with trial by jury and the liberty of the press, and on their ruins to establish a system of absolute despotism. Whether these effects were originally foreseen and intended by the saga- cious projectors of that wicked measure is a matter of little importance ; it is quite obvious that such would have been its consequences. The place-loving Lord Eldon, however, tried hard to make people believe that Bills of Pains and Penalties were then " part and parcel " of the constitution of the kingdom. But a trial of such an indescribably in- famous description was never before attempted ; and even if it had been. Lord Eldon, as a good Chancellor, ought to have declared against it, instead of attempting to defend and perpetuate it. With overbearing oligarchs any sort of precedent was deemed sufficient; and it is rather wonderful that they did not, by the help of precedent, endeavour to re-establish the Star Chamber ! If they had succeeded in such a point — the first of the kind attempted in modern times — the faction would doubtless have considered them selves authorized, whenever it had suited their views, to pro- ceed by a Bill of Pains and Penalties against any obnoxious individual, instead of going before a common jury! To establish such a monstrous system, we repeat, was one of the real though disguised objects of Ministers in the per- aecution of Queen Caroline; for they perceived the progress of political knowledge, and felt alarmed lest they should 362 SSCEET HI8TOBT 0» TH» lose their arbitrary authority if they could not adopt soiu* 8uch tyrannical measure to frighten the people into obedi- ence. It was the glorious majesty of the press that bravely defeated such infamous machinations against liberty, for which future generations wiU have cause to venerate and worship it. The Queen, however, was most grievously slandered and ill-treated by the Tory portion of writers. Nothing, indeed, could have been more villanous than the charges which blackened the columns of certain newspapers — journals that, in their general colouring, were too foul and too dark to obtain belief. "Well remunerated by Government, the scur- rlous editors of such libels against female majesty appeared >exult in the pain they inflicted ; so long as they satisfied thb hateful revenge of their abandoned employers, their end was answered. However much such prostitution of talent is to be lamented, there was yet a worse crime committed by the enemies of Queen Caroline. The ministers of the " Established" Church scrupled not to take part against her, and instead of confining themselves to the exposition of the mild and forbearing doctrines of the Christian religion, not anfrequently indulged their wicked disloyalty by delivering the most foul and blasphemous denunciations against their Queen, even from the pulpit ! This, of course, could only be done with a view of pleasing those who had " rich livings" to reward their misplaced zeal. One of these contemptible reverends, by the name of Blacow, was so violent against her Majesty, that the Queen's law-advisers thought it right to punish his impertinence by an action, in the Court of King's Bench, for a malicious libel, which was contained in a sermon preached by him in St. Mark's Church, Liverpool, and which was afterwards published in the shape of a pamphlet. The jury having found the reverend defendant guilty, the fol- lowing sentence was passed upon him by the presiding judge : — "The defendant," Mr. Justice Bailey said, "had been convicted of a libel, contained in a sermon preached by him. He was a clergyman, and had uttered the libel within the church. It was, he rejoiced to say, a rare instance of so sacred a place being corrupted to such purposes? Of all other places, the house of God, where charity and brotherly love alone should be inculcated, was the last which should be made a theatre for attacks upon the characters of living persons. Every -man had enough to do to look to his own character, and it was not necessary to go abroad and make ourselves inquisitors into those of others. This libel was uttered at a time, and upon a subject, upon which there was no great unanimity of thinking, and was therefore in its nature calculated to excite far other feelings than such as ought to be indulged in within an edifice devoted to God- COURT or ENQLAND. 369 The defendant had exercised a most wise discretion to-day, in the line of conduct which he had adopted ; and the court had reason to believe that, looking back to his past conduct, he felt contrition for what he had already done. Under all these circumstances, the court, having taken the whole matter into their consideration, did order and adjudge that, for this offence, the defendant was to pay to the King a fine of one hundred pounds, be imprisoned in the King's Bench Prison for six months, and, at the end of that time, give securities for his good behaviour for five years, himself in five hundred pounds, and two sureties in one hundred pounds each, and to be fai-ther imprisoned until these sure- ties are perfected." Thus foiled in patronising clergymen and public writers to vilify their Queen, as well as being compelled to abandon the " Bill of Pains and Penalties," Ministers began to feel alarmed lest her Majesty should pubUsh an exposition of those State secrets and crimes which she had so frequently threatened. A more certain plan, therefore, to rid them- selves and their abandoned King from this dread of certain disgrace, if not of entire ruin, was now secretly put in force, and her Majesty was devoted to a premature end, as we have before explained. One thing, however, we have for- gotten to mention in our account of that period, which is this — Lord P , one of the then Ministers, and who is now a member of the Whig Government, was fatally cora-eot in foretelling the death of this injured woman; for he very incautiously said, in a letter to a friend, " The Queen will be dead in less than fourteen days !" The letter contain- ing this fatal prediction is now in being ; but we could not pi-evail upon its possessor to allow us to publish a copy of if: If we have been too prolix in our account, or too severe in our remarks respecting our late basely-treated Queen, we hope our readers will excuse us. We certainly might say much more, but the subject being one of importance to his- tory, we could not reconcile it with our duty to say less. We are sure every generous-minded Briton will lament with us the untimely end of her Majesty. Alas ! that the page of history should be darkened by such foul transactions as Truth has obliged us to record ! Thousands and tens of thousands of the hard-earned money of the tax-payers of this kingdom, with the pledge of peerages to add to the " illustrious dignity" of the House of Lords, were presented to the pei'sons who effected these diabolical acts of atrocity. The money might possibly have been paid; but, in one or two instances, the perpetrators of these sanguinary deeds became too remorse-stricken to wait for the honours of nobility, and made their exit from the world by committing fluicide ! 364 8ECBBT HISTOKY OF TBB The public must have been frequently surprised at the number of persons, of obscure origin, who, without having either distinguished themselves in the world by their talents, or conferred the least benefit upon their country, were en- nobled, loaded with wealth, and received into favour by the profligate George the Fourth. But the following anec- dotes, among many others that might be adduced, will ex- plain to our readers the secret causes of such advancement. Mr. William Knighton was a surgeon, and in his profes- sional capacity attended Sir John M'Mahon (whose numerous villanies we have before set forth) in his last illness, and immediately upon his decease 'took possession of all his papers, and carried them away, under pretence that M'Mahon had given them to him. When the Prince's grief had a little subsided, he went for these papers, but, to his great surprise and consternation, found all the drawers empty I He sent for Mr. Knighton, and asked him about the matter. "Yes," said Knighton; "M'Mahon gave them to me!" — "But you mean, of course, to restore them?" — "Yes, cer- tainly ; but only upon a proper remuneration." — " Oh," said the Eegent, " I always meant to give you M'Mahon's place !" Nor could he do less, since he then had made himself master, not only of the private secrets, but prMic ones also, which were of the greatest possible consequence. The Duchess of Gloucester was present at this dialogue between her brother the Prince Eegent and Mr. Knighton. Our informant had this from her Royal Highness's own lips, who also added, " And so my poor brother is obliged to keep this viper about him I" But the Ministers said, " The Prince may entrust his future secretary with his private affairs, but his public ones belong to us alone, as keepers of his conscience." Mr. Knighton, however, was compensated for this " loss of secrets " by receiving the honour of knighthood. He was also employed to deliver a certain titled lady of an illegiti- mate child, in Hanover Square, and his faithfulness in keep- ing this secret from the public was awarded by making him a present of the house, most elegantly furnished, in which the disgraceful affair took place! ! ! Sir William Knighton had likewise a thousand pounds per annum for his profes- sional attendance on the King ! ! ! Sir Benjamin Bloomfield, who was some time private secretary to his late Majesty, also acquired place and wealth by possessing himself of his master's private transactions. This gentleman was sent from Windsor, by George the Fourth, to the Earl of Liverpool with a large bill for dia- monds due to Messrs. Rundell and Co., and for money to pay it. The bill was so large (seventy thousand pounds) that the Prime Minister insisted upon knowing who these diamonds were for. Sir Benjamin very reluctantly confessed that they had been purchased for Lady Conyngham I Lord COTTBT 0» ENOLAyD. 365 Liverpool instantly took Bloomfield with him in his own carriage to Windsor, and requ-ested an audience of the King. His lordship, much to his credit, emphatically told hi-j Majesty that Sir B. Bloomfield must resign, or he himself would. The King was so enraged with his secretary for informing the Earl of these particulars, that he struck Bloomfield a violent blow, when the mortified knight quickly asked, "Who poisoned the Princess Charlotte?" It was owing to this circumstance that Bloomfield was sent as ambassador to Sweden, into honourable exile, and, to soothe his wounded pride and prevent his exposure of certain in- famous transactions, in which he himself had acted a very prominent part, he was shortly afterwards created — a lord ! A good round sum of money was also given him to hush up the matter. We cannot help admiring the conduct of Lord Liverpool in this instance — the only one, that we ai-e ac- quainted with, which deserved the thanks of his country; for his lordship boldly refused to pay for the aforesaid diamonds without the consent of Parliament, which the King, for shame, could not agree to ! The Duke of Wellington, who has been frequently termed the "mushroom Duke," obtained his wealth and titles for exposing the brave army of England to unnecessary dangers and hardships. The position which he chose for that army at Waterloo would have assuredly proved its entire destruc- tion, if it had not been for the treachery of Field-Marshal Grouchy, one of Napoleon's generals ! But the Wellesley family were in possession of the State secrets, and it was therefore deemed prudent to shower wealth and honour upon the whole family. Mr. Conant, the chief magistrate of Bow-street, waa knighted for conducting the secret investigation against the Princess of Wales in 1813. The Marquis of Conyngham, it is well known, obtained his title through the prostitution of his wife to the libertine George the Fourth. The baneful influence which this de- signing woman exercised over his Majesty, to the very last moments of his life is a deplorable fact, which not only proved mischievous to the best interests of the counti-y, but will for ev0t brand the name of her contemptible hus- band with derision and disgust. This shameless mistress stood as the fountain of emolument and preferment, and she took every advantage of that situation to promote the ag- grandizement of her family. The indulgent country, how- ever, would hardly have found fault with this second Mrs. Clarke, had not, in some instances, the very laws of the constitution been infringed, and the domestic policy of the country become endangered by the effects of her improper influence, which, as it was secret, was fraught with the greater injury. Had the Marchioness confined herself to 366 SECRET HISTORY OF THE benefiting her own family, the mischief would not have been so deplorable ; but when the highest ofiBces in the Church were bestowed on persons scarcely before heard of, — when political parties rose and fell, and Ministers were created and deposed, to gratify the ambition of a prostitute, — then the palace of the King appeared as if surrounded by some pestilential air, and every honourable person avoided the Court as alike fatal to private probity and public virtue. Thus the entrance to Windsor Castle became, as it were, hermetically sealed by the " lusty enchantress" within, to all but her favoured minions ! The Court of George the Fourth certainly differed from that of Charles the Second, although the number and reputation of their several mis- tresses were nearly the same in favour and character; but George the Fourth had no confiscations to bestow on the instruments of his pleasure, and therefore took care to rob the country of gold to make up such deficiency. The reigns of these two monarchs, dissimilar as they might be in some respects, nevertheless possessed this resemblance, that an illegitimate progeny of royalty were thrust forward to the contempt of all decency, and proved a heavy tax on the for- bearance of virtuous society. The wicked George the Fourth, aa we have been very credibly informed, gave the Marchioness of Conyngi.am more than half a million of money, as well as bestowing many titles to gratify her in- satiable ambition. We really have no words to express our abhorrence of such proceedings ! Towards the close of George the Fourth's wicked career, he pretended to be much attached to the di-ama, and that accomplished and fascinating actress. Miss Chester, was therefore engaged as reader to his Majesty. Sir Thomas Lawrence, at that time engaged in taking a portrait of this lady, as well as one of the King, was entrusted with the delicate negotiation. A meeting was soon obtained, and a kind of excuse adopted to have Miss Chester near the King's person, as " private reader," at an annual salary of six hun- dred pounds 1 Thus was another beauty added to the royal establishment, and her name emblazoned in the " red book " of the coimtr/s burdens. For the kind attentions this lady bestowed on the "polished" monarch, she has lately been admitted to that refuge for royal mistresses, titled dames, and pensioned members of the aristocracy, Hampton Court Palace! Without disputing Miss Chester's claims to be maintained at the public expense among the noble drones there domiciled, it is not without something like disgust and indignation that we view one of our most ancient kingly edifices, built by the liberality of the nation, and at this moment supported by the public purse, being converted into an asylum of this description. Englishmen are thus taxed to support the paramours and minions of royalty in COTTRT OF BNOLAND. 867 ease and luxury ! But we need not confine our indignation to this one royal residence ; for is not Bushy Park within a mile of Hampton, where the progeny of an actress kept at that palace form now a portion of our noble aristocracy ? We do not charge these unworthy doings exclusively on the Tories; for, alas! the greedy Whigs seem to be treading very closely in the footsteps of their predecessors in office, by tolerating such royal doings, as well as filling their own pockets and that of their families. From such disreputable means of acquiring title and wealth, England has long been imposed on, and the ancient nobility of the country degraded. Any pre-eminent degree of merit, if exercised for the country's benefit, was sure to render its possessor a certain object of George the Fourth's vengeance. His private Court, therefore, found their best security in their want of virtue. By a voluntary submission to the tyrant's caprices, they retained the high privilege of his smile and favour, and built the bulwark of their own safety on their own personal insignificance. And yet, strange as the infatuation may appear, these very creatures fancied their natiu-e had undergone a real metamorphosis by his Majesty gi-anting them a title ; they considered themselves refined by a kind of chemical process, sublimed by the sun- shine of royal favour, and thus separated from the dross and the dregs of ordinary humanity — from that humanity of which the mass of mankind partakes, and which, con- temptible as it may seem to upstart lords, is the same with the prince upon the throne and the beggar upon the dung- hill. But from such proud characters we may trace the present contempt in which nobility is almost universally held. The great endeavour of George the Fourth's favourites has^een to keep "the people" at a distance, lest their own purer nature shoidd be contaminated by plebeian society, and the first lesson they teach their offspring is, not to revere God, but to maintain their own dignity in the scale of being! To men of such principles the King had only to make his wishes known, however monstrous and unjust they might be, and they were immediately, and, in too many cases, fatally executed. Under such a Government as that of the last sixty years and upwards, it was fortunate indeed to escape notice, — to creep through the vale of obscurity, and to die in old age, without the prison, the pointed steel, ' or the poisoned cup ! From a vigorous mind, in every way calculated to find pleasure and honourable employment in noble and virtuous actions, George the Fourth degenerated into a monster, delighting in baubles and in a wantonness of wickedness that produced the most flagitious habits, and which rendered him the most despicable man in the whole circle of society ; yet he was designated " the most accom- pliahed gentleman of the ag^e ! ! 1" We are aware that be i68 8KCRKT HISTORY OF THB was sarrounded with flatterers and sycophants, who wished to gratify their own avarice and pride by extending hi$ tyrannical power; but ought such a mean excuse to be urged in extenuation of his crimes ? A man like him, en- dowed with nature's choicest gifts, both of mind and body, which were farther heightened by the most liberal educa- tion, should have spurned such minions from his presence, and kept company with none but the virtuous and the patriotic. Away, then, with that vindication of George the Fourth's unjust deeds, which would fix the stigma of crimes, prompted by his own love of sensuality, to the "advice of evil counsellors !" Evil counsellors would not have dared to present him the cup of flattery, if he had not shown himself 60 greedily desirous of swallowing its contents. Let every friend of man and of his country, then, guard against two eirnilar reigns of horror, and defy, as we do, fines and im- prisonment, in attempting, by every lawful and rational means, to push back the gigantic strides of tyranny, whether in a King or an overbearing Ministry. Even now we are cursed with a power, generated by Queen Charlotte and the late King, her son, which is trying by every scheme of in- genuity and desperation to bring back its former unjust, intolerant, and corrupt ascendancy, both in Church and State ; but who is there that can contemplate the possibility of such a state of affairs occurring again without feelings of horror ? What man in the possession of his senses but would exclaim against the national misfortune of having another Pitt, a Liverpool, a Londonderry, a Canning, or a Wellington in power ? Awful, however, as the havoc appears which these men have made, the country need not yet give itself up t® despair. We believe that there is a fund of vigour in the empire that may stand experiments, the least of which would shake the eickly frames of other empires to dissolution. There is pro- bably no dominion on earth that has within itself so strong a repulsion of injury or so vivid and rapid a spring and force of restoration. Its strength is renewed like that of the young eagle ; and it is this very faculty of self -restoration that has so long allowed the empire to hold together, not- withstanding the infinite speculations, tamperings, absur- dities, and crimes of men in power, under the guidance of <^ueen Charlotte and George the Fourth. Yet is it right that England should be kept merely above bankruptcy, ■while she has the original power of being the first, most vigorous, richest, and happiest portion of the world ? Where does the earth contain a people so palpably marked out for superiority in all the means of private and public enjoy- ment of affluence, influence, and security ? The most in- dustrious, strong-minded, and fully-educated population of the world inhabit her island. She has the finest opportu- COURT OF JINQLAND. 369 nities for commerce, the most indefatigable and sagacious efforts and contrivances for every necessity and luxury of mankind; inexhaustible mines of the most valuable mine- rals, and almost the exclusive possession of the most valuable of them all— coal; a singularly healthy and genial climate, where the human form naturally shapes itself into the most complete beauty and vigour ; a situation the most happily fixed by Providence for a great people destined to influence Europe — close enough to the Continent to watch every movement, and influence the good or peril of every kingdom of it from Russia to Turkey, and yet secured from the sud- den shocks and casualties of European war hj the Channel, of all defences the cheapest, the most permanent, and the most impregnable ! When these immense and enviable advantages are com- pared with the present state of England, heavy indeed must the sins of our rulers appear ! But a new class and character of hostility is now happily starting up to oppose further inroads upon our liberties, and the question will speedily be brought to a decision, not between the obsolete and formal parties of the two Houses of Parliament, but between the Treasury bench and the delegates of "the people" — that people itself showing a bold and virtuous character, com- missioning its representiitives with a voice of authority, and exhibiting a rigid determination to see that their duty is done, unexampled in the history of Britain ! This is the kind of spirit that has long been wanted, and we look to it as the sure cure for the decaying vitality of the constitution. We are no advocates for a revolution brought about by popular ])assion, by the vulgar artifice of vulgar demi-gods, by the itinerant inflammation of pretended patriotism ; but the present state of public feeling appeals not to the ambi- tion of the democrat, to the baseness of the incendiary, the sordidness of the plimderer, or the fury of the assassin. There is nothing in it but the natural expression of honour- able minds, disdaining to look calmly upon injustice, extor- tion, and royal profligacy, whether practised by Whig or Tory, and however sanctioned by time. The people are in- dignant at the callous venality of public men, and feel them- selves insulted by the open spoil which bloated einecurista and State-secret keepers have so long committed upon tlie honest gains of society. They cannot see the necessity of that strangling burthen of taxes which makes industry as poor as idleness, and they shrink from the view of their withering effect on the freedom and prosperity of England. The people who observe matters in this light are not the wild haters of all governments, nor the sullen conspirators against the peace of mankind; but the father of the indus- trious family, the man of genius, honesty, and virtue, the sincere patriot, are those who now feel themselves compeUed N tt70 SECRET HISTOBT OF THE to come from their willing obscurity into the front rank of public cai'e, to raise up their voices, till now never heari skill to eradicate it. They must, therefore, be upon 872 SECKET UlSTOBT OF TUB their guard against the machinations of their wily enemlej, who will magnify every little ebullition of public feeling into an attempt to overturn the existing institutions of the country. Sensible men, and true friends to the constitution, and therefore to the King, who form so considerable a part of it, wiU understand the Tory cry of " See the effects of power in the hands of the people," and will not be led into a fear of some future evil from popular commotion by such an attempt to divert them from their constitutional rights. In this respect vigilance is highly necessary to protect them from the secret depredations of their former artful tyrants, who are ever on the alert to regain their lost power. Let the people, then, avoid all riots, tumults, and popular com- motions with the utmost care, and preserve peace, good order, and security to all ranks of society. True patriots will be careful to discourage everything which tends to destroy these natural fruits of a free constitution, not only because whatever tends to destroy them tends to destroy all human happiness, but also because even an accidental out- rage in popular assemblies and proceedings, as we have be- fore shown, is used by the enemies of freedom to discredit the cause of liberty. By the utmost attention to the pre- servation of the public peace Englishmen will defeat the malicious designs of servile courtiers ; but, whatever may happen, they will not desert the cause of humanity. Through a dread of licentiousness, they will not forsake the standard of liberty. It is the part of fools to fall upon Scylla in striving to avoid Charybdis. Who would wish to see restored the despotic sway of Queen Charlotte and George the Fourth through the fear of a few transient outrages being committed by the excitation of a long-insulted people ? Both these ex- tremes are despotic while they last, but the former is a torrent that would rush its headlong course for ever if it met not a barrier sufficiently strong to resist its power; while the latter may be compared to a spring flood, that covers the meadows to-day, and disappears on the morrow. The learned and eloquent Doctor Price has a passage so applicable to this subject that our readers must excuse our introducing it. This humane philosopher observes : — " Licentiousness and despotism are more nearly allied than is commoniy imagined. They are both alike inconsistent with liberty, and the true end of government ; nor is there any other difference between them than that one is the licentiousness of great men, and the other the licentiousness of little men, or that by one the persons and property of a people are subject to outrage and invasion from a king or a lawless body of grandees, and that, by the other, they are subject to the like outrage from a lawless mob. In avoiding one of these evils mankind have often run into the other. But all well-constituted Governments guard equally against COURT OF ENGJ_AND. 873 both. Indeed, of the two, the last is, on several accounts, the least to be dreaded, and has done the least mischief. If may be truly said, if licentiousness has destroyed its thou- sands, despotism has destroyed its millions. The former having little power, and no system to support it, neces- sarily finds its own remedy ; and a people soon get out of the tumult and anarchy attending it. But a despotism, wearing a form of government, and being armed with its force, is an evil not to be conquered without dreadful struggles. It goes on from age to age, debasing the human faculties, levelling all distinctions, and preying on the rights and blessings of society. It deserves to be added, that in a State disturbed by licentiousness, there is an animation which is favourable to the human mind, and puts it upon exerting its powers ; but in a State habituated to despotism, all is still and torpid. A dark and savage tyranny stifles every eflFort of genius, and the mind loses all its spirit and dignity." Mr. Bailey, of Nottingham, an independent writer of great talent, has well defined the causes of political convulsions, and the line of conduct to be pursued by " the people " in times of great excitement. In that gentleman's " Discourse on Revolutions," he says : — "That the progress of civilization may be retarded in States, by tke measures of Governments, cannot be doubted. That the tendencies towards disturbance in States, which inevitably await on advancing civilization, may be restrained in their development by a politic or resolute Government,, even whilst its policy is anomalous to the spirit of the age, can as little be doubted. But what, it may be fairly asked, is in reality gained by this procedu^re ? The principle of revolution is not annihilated, the n-ature of social man is not altered, the impetus of knowledge is not weakened, the momentum of public opinion is not broken ! After every- thing is done which cunning or tyranny can suggest to avert the day of demand and concession, it will arrive when de- mand will be made in a voice of thunder by an infuriated populace, and concession, of the most humiliating descrip- tion, be granted by an abject sovereign !' " As fires longest pent up in obscurity at length burst out with the most resistless fury, so revolutions longest deferred are attended, in their crisis, with the most terrible conse- quences. Were the rulers of nations actuated by a spirit of sound wisdom, those dreadful convulsions could never arise in States, on account of social rights, which, after causing the death of thousands of citizens, and desolating towns and provinces, leave palaces in ruins, and thrones vacant. " Revolution ought always to be the work of the Govern- ment, not of the people, except through the expression of public opinion. This is the only species of power which the people can beneficially employ for the redress of grievances 874 SKORKT HISTOET OF THl COURT OF ENOLAND. — at least, in old States, where a long indulgence in habit* of venality and corruption by the Governments, and a widely- extended ramification of interests springing therefrom, and pervading all classes of the community, must create a stiong disposition in favour of the existing order of things among large masses of the citizens. Physical force ought never to ha employed for the coi-rection of social evils, until every epecie» of negative resistance has been proved to be un- availing. " When despotism has arrived at that state of audacious temerity that it makes a mockery of suffering, and tramples on remonstrances, sacrificing alike the property, the persons, and consciences of men to its ungovernable lust of dominion, it is justifiable to arraign such tyrants at the tribunal of nature, that so their impotence may be exposed, and their crimes punished." Let us hope, therefore, that Englishmen, in freeing them- selves from despotism, will studiously avoid such scenes aa lately took place at Bristol. Britons should recollect that a determined and virtuous people can do everything and any- thing by firmness and quietness ; but aU violence defeats its own ends, and gives advantage to our enemies. A tho- rough reform in Church and State must take place, a crisis is at hand, and those who wish to see England escape a trial of misery and blood will heartily wish, and openly and re- solutely demand, to see a change of that long system under which corruption has thickened round the high, while poverty and taxation has smitten the low. A longer delay to remedy these evils may unhappily irritate the people into u spirit of vengeance, which the tears of Lord Eldon, the bullying of the Marquis of Londonderry, the professions of a Whig Ministry, the intrigues of German women, or the -threatenings of Wellington's bayonet law, weuld vainly attempt to oppose ! Sullen visions are now upon the clouds, to which place-hunters and renegades are afraid to lift their terrified eyes. But if they tremble at those visions, what will be their fate when they ripen into substance, and let loose their thunders upon the heads of the enemies of our country ? May the necessity for such vengeance be obviated by a timely concession to the constitutional demand of ao enlightened people is our sincere prayer I TBS BKIX / Unl«r,«y,°' "liSnY FACILITY SOUTHERN •'6°'OJ^*k,^^tercA«K>24.13»8 AA 000 426 722 5