UC-NRLF
Ebb bD5
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
PRAYER BOOK
OF THE
CJjurci) of
SECOND EDITION.
((UNIVERSITY
OXFORD,
JOHN HENRY PARKER;
J. G. F. AND J. RIVINGTON, LONDON.
MDCCCXLI.
JL
OF the Prayer Book by far the
greater part consists of the very words
of Scripture ; as, the Psalms, the
Epistles and Gospels, the scriptural
Hymns, and other select passages.
The remainder of it expresses the
sentiments and the spirit of Scripture,
generally in scriptural language 3 . It
might be well if this was borne in mind
by those, who disparage the Liturgy of
the Church of England, and treat it
with neglect, perhaps with contempt.
Let such persons consider whether they
do not expose themselves to the censure
of the Apostle, He therefore that de-
spiseth, desplseth not man, but God b .
a Numerous references to Scripture are given in the
margin of the Prayer Book of Bishop Mant. The pas-
sages thus referred to are for the most part given at
length by Veneer. Both books deserve to be consulted.
1 Thess. iv. 8.
IV PREFACE.
The little book which is now offered
to the public has but slight pretensions
to originality. It is, in great measure,
a compilation from such works as ap-
peared to furnish the information, which
was most likely to be interesting and
useful. In the early history of the
Liturgy, I have been greatly indebted
to that invaluable book, the " Origines
Liturgicse" of Mr. Palmer. The sub-
sequent history of the Prayer Book is,
of course, intimately connected with
the history of the Reformation of the
Church of England. That history, a
few years ago, was to be collected
chiefly from the folios of Fuller, Hey-
lin, Collier, Burnet, and Strype. Re-
cently it has been brought before the
public in a most acceptable manner by
the learned and copious Histories of
Mr. Soames ; by " the Book of the
Church" of that master of the English
language, Dr. Southey ; by the spirited
PREFACE.
" Sketch of the Reformation" by Mr.
Blunt; by the very able, honest, and
impartial History of the Church of
England, by Dr. Short; and by the
eloquent and interesting Biographies
of Wickliff , Cranmer, Jewel, and Laud,
by Mr. Le Bas. The present work,
however, is principally extracted from
the folios before alluded to. The ac-
count of the Second Prayer Book of
Edward the Sixth is taken, (with
some abridgment,) almost verbatim,
from the accurately learned Preface
prefixed by Dr. Cardwell to his highly
valuable publication, of " The Two
Prayer Books of Edward the Sixth
compared together," a book which
reflects honour on his industry and
research, and on the University, from
whose press so many important works
throwing light on the history of the
Reformation have recently issued.
For comments upon the several por-
VI PREFACE.
tions of the Prayer Book, I must refer
the reader to the well-known liturgi-
cal works of the pious and eloquent
Comber, L'Estrange, Nichols, Wheatly,
Waldo, and Shepherd 6 , and especially
to the edition of the Prayer Book,
published some years ago by Bishop
Mant, which is enriched with notes
historical, explanatory, and practical,
taken from the writings of very many
of our most sound and able Divines.
EDWARD BERENS.
September, 1839.
c See also the Prayer Book with notes by the late
Mr. Justice Bayley.
CONTENTS.
CHAP. I.
Page 1.
Origin of the Prayer Book of the Church of England.
English Translations of the Bible. First Prayer Book
of Edward VI.
CHAP. II.
Page 49.
Second Prayer Book of Edward VI.
CHAP. III.
Page 69.
The Prayer Book under Queen Mary. Troubles at Frankfort.
CHAP. IV.
Page 81.
The Prayer Book under Queen Elizabeth. Act of Supremacy.
High Commission Court. Public Disputation in West-
minster Abbey. The English Prayer Book restored.
Sunday Proper Lessons. Bishops' Bible.
CHAP. V.
Page 129.
The Prayer Book under James I. Hampton Court Con-
ference. Translation of the Bible. Death of Whitgift.
Canons of 1603.
Vlll CONTENTS.
CHAP. VI.
Page 172.
Prayer Book under Charles the First. Death of Archbishop
Abbot, and appointment of Laud. Scotch Prayer Book.
Long Parliament. Assembly of Divines. The Directory.
Prayer Book abolished by Parliament. Attainder
and Death of Laud. Persecution of the Church of
England.
CHAP. VII.
Page 209.
Prayer Book under Charles the Second. Savoy Conference.
Convocation. Final establishment of the Prayer Book.
THE
OF
THE PRAYER BOOK,
4-c. 4-c.
CHAP. I.
Origin of the Prayer Book of the Church of England. English
Translations of the Bible. First Prayer Book of Edward VI.
THE wise and pious men who, towards the
middle of the sixteenth century, engaged in
the work of freeing the Church of England
from the blemishes and imperfections, which
had crept in during the darkness of the
middle ages, were obliged to proceed with
wary and hesitating steps during the reign of
the despotic and capricious Henry. Attached
by early education and habit to most of the
peculiar doctrines of Romanism, his personal
vanity was enlisted in the same cause, by
B
L
ORIGIN OF THE PRAYER BOOK
the praises, which, from almost all parts of
Europe, had been lavished upon his book
against Luther in defence of the Seven
Sacraments maintained by the Church of
Rome, for which book he received from the
Pope .the title of " Defender of the Faith."
Henry's 'natural abilities were good, his
'ittrtinmeuts as a scholar and a theologian
were by no means inconsiderable, and his
exaggerated notions of his prerogative as
King, concurred with his confidence in his
own intellectual powers in rendering him
little disposed to brook any opposition to
his will. In the early part of his reign there
was in his character much that was generous
and amiable ; but towards the close of it,
when his temper was soured by the disap-
pointment of his hopes of happiness from
marriage, by the attempts of the Court of
Rome to incite his subjects to sedition and
rebellion, by the practices of its emissaries,
and at length by disease, he degenerated
into a sanguinary tyrant. Protestants and
Papists were in almost equal danger. On
OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 3
the one hand, Sir Thomas More, and Fisher
Bishop of Rochester, two of the most learned,
honest, and pious men in the kingdom a , were
brought to the scaffold for denying the King's
ecclesiastical supremacy; and, on the other,
Bilney and Frith, and the noble-minded
Anne Askew, together with many other con-
scientious and single-hearted persons, were
consigned to the flames for not admitting
that the actual body of Christ was present
in the Holy Eucharist. In one instance,
on the very same day that three Protestant
Clergymen, Barnes, Gerrard, and Jerom,
were burnt in Smithfield for combating the
tenets of the Church of Rome ; Abel, Fether-
stone, and Powel, three zealous Romanists,
were executed as traitors, for denying the
King's supremacy b .
Henry the Eighth died the 28th of Ja-
nuary, 1547, and the accession of his son
Edward the Sixth gave fresh hopes and
a Both Fisher and More, however, persecuted to
the death those whom they called heretics.
b Collier, ii. p. 182.
B2
ORIGIN OF THE PRAYER BOOK
encouragement to the advocates of the Re-
formation. Edward was affectionately at-
tached to Cranmer, who had been one of
his sponsors at the baptismal font; and his
education had been entrusted to Dr. Richard
Cox, one of the ablest and most learned
supporters of unadulterated religion.
The deceased King left a will, which was
drawn up about two years previously, but
by his direction transcribed, signed, and
attested, about a month before his death. In
this will c Henry appointed Cranmer together
with fifteen persons of rank, most of them
high officers of state, to be his executors.
Among these, the Earl of Hertford was
elected, and forthwith proclaimed, Pro-
tector of the Realm, and Governor of the
King's person until he should complete the
e The will begins thus, " In the name of God, and
of the glorious and blessed Virgin, our Lady St. Mary,
and of all the holy company of Heaven." It requires
the Dean and Canons of Windsor " to keep yearly
four solemn obits" for the deceased monarch, and then
in the same clause goes on to establish the Poor
Knights of Windsor.
OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 5
age of eighteen years. For this office he
was deemed most fit, as being the King's
uncle by the mother's side, very near to him
in blood, but yet not in any degree capable
of succeeding to the Crown. In about a
fortnight after his appointment to this dig-
nity he was created Duke of Somerset 11 .
The Protector was well disposed to further
the work of reformation ; and under his
auspices it made rapid progress, though no
step was taken precipitately, or without much
consideration.
One of the first objects of Cranmer and
his fellow-labourers was to enable the
people of this land to join in the public
worship of the Church, both with the spirit
and the understanding, by having that
worship celebrated in their own language.
They justly argued, that " it was a thing
plainly repugnant to the word of God, and
the custom of the Primitive Church, to have
Public Prayer in the Church, or to minister
the Sacraments, in a tongue not under-
u Hayward's History of Edward VI.
6 ORIGIN OF THE PRAYER BOOK
standed of the people." The several separate
books, however, for the Public Offices of
the Church, the Missal or Mass Book, the
Breviary, and the Ritual , were at that time
all in Latin. These books were not only
in Latin, but also, though in substance
they contained much that was primitive
and excellent and well calculated for the
purposes of devotion, yet many later ad-
ditions had been made to them strongly
tainted, in the judgment of our reformers,
with superstition and error. Accordingly,
in the first year of Edward's reign, the
Convocation enquired into the progress
e These books were in separate volumes. The Missal
or Mass Book was for the most part very ancient, and
furnished the groundwork of our present Office for the
Holy Communion. The Breviary, which in some degree
answers to our present Morning and Evening Service,
seems to have had its name from its being formed out
of the several Service Books, the Antiphonarium, the
Hymnarium. the Collectarium, &c. &c. &c. used in the
Latin Church. For the Latin Ritual were substituted
our Offices for Baptism, Confirmation, Matrimony,
Visitation of the Sick, and Burial of the Dead.
OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 7
which had been made, at their desire, in
examining, reforming, and publishing the
divine service ; and in the following year,
the King appointed the Archbishop of
Canterbury, with other learned and devout
Bishops and Divines, to draw an order for
divine worship, having respect to the pure
religion of Christ taught in the Scripture,
and to the practice of the Primitive Church f .
With Cranmer were associated Ridley and
five other Bishops, and also six distinguished
divines, one of whom was Cox, Almoner and
Preceptor to the King, and Dean of West-
minster, and Christ Church Oxford g . The
Prayer Book was probably compiled by
only a few of the Commissioners, particularly
Cranmer and Ridley ; discussed and assented
f Cardwell from Strype.
Fuller and Strype. Burnet gives a different list. It
is not improbable that the larger number was appointed
in the first instance, in the year 1547, when the Order
for the Communion was to be drawn up, and was
afterwards reduced to the commission mentioned by
Strype, when the object was to compose a Book of
Common Prayer. Cardwell.
ORIGIN OF THE PRAYER BOOK
to by others ; and, when enacted, protested
against by three of the Bishops, Day, Skyp,
and Thirlby h .
In entering upon this important under-
taking, Cranmer and his associates proceeded
with that wisdom and prudence which cha-
racterized all their proceedings. Their object
was not to innovate, but rather to prune away
and remove innovations. It was their wish,
according to their commission, to retain
Whatever was sanctioned by Scripture, and
by primitive usage, and to reject nothing
but what savoured of superstition, or tended
to encourage erroneous views, either of
doctrine or of religious worship. Nothing
was farther from their thoughts than the pre-
sumptuous notion of composing an entirely
new form for public devotion. They adopted
in great measure the formularies, which had
long been established in the country, and
sanctioned by general use, merely freeing
them from the blemishes which had adhered
to them during a period of ignorance and
i> Ridley's Life of Ridley.
OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 9
superstition, and making such scriptural
additions as they appeared to require.
It seems to have been often assumed by
learned men, that there was originally some
one Apostolic form of Liturgy' 1 in the
Christian Church, to which all the monu-
ments of ancient liturgies, and the notices
which the Fathers supply, might be reduced.
But the truth is, there are several different
forms of Liturgy now in existence, which,
as far as we can perceive, have been different
from each other from the most remote
period. The Oriental Liturgy was esta-
blished, as its name imports, in the Eastern
parts of Christendom ; the Alexandrian was
used in Egypt, Abyssinia, and the country
extending along the Mediterranean towards
the West ; the Roman prevailed throughout
Italy, Sicily, and the civil diocese of Africa ;
and the Galilean Liturgy was adopted
1 Palmer's Origines Liturgicse. N.B. Mr. Palmer
uses the word " Liturgy" in the restricted sense, as
denoting the service used in the celebration of the
Eucharist.
B3
10 ORIGIN OF THE PRAYER BOOK
throughout Gaul and Spain k . A sub-
stantial uniformity appears to have pervaded
them all, though this uniformity did not
preclude some degree of variation. The
Bishop of each Church seems to have pos-
sessed the authority of altering his own
Liturgy by the addition of new ideas and
rites ; and the exercise of this power, either
individually or collectively, accounts for the
variations which we find in the Liturgies
now extant, originally derived from the same
general model.
It is clear from the testimony of ancient
writers, that the religion of Christ had been
preached in the British isles, and many con-
verts made, at a very early period. In the
fifth century, Christianity seems to have
been generally embraced throughout Eng-
land. When, in the year 429, Germanus
Bishop of Auxerre 1 , and Lupus Bishop of
Troyes, were sent into this country to arrest
the progress of Pelagianism, they are said
k Palmer.
1 Collier, vol. i. p. 43, and 48.
OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 11
to have brought with them the Galilean
Liturgy, which differed materially from that
in use at Rome, and was similar to, or
rather identical with, the Spanish or Moza-
rabic m Liturgy, which had long been adopted
in Spain". This fact, however, appears
not to be clearly established. Towards the
end of the following century, the Saxons
by repeated victories had obtained possession
of nearly the whole of England. As their
conquests extended, they established their
own heathenism, demolished the Christian
m Mozarabic ; so called by a wrong pronunciation of
mixt Arabic, the Saracenic or Arab conquerors of
Spain being mixed and incorporated with the original
inhabitants. That excellent man and able minister,
Cardinal Ximenes, took effectual care to preserve the
Mozarabic rites. He ordered the Missal to be fairly
transcribed, and founded a College of Priests, who axe
bound by their constitution to say the Mozarabic service
every day in a Chapel belonging to the Cathedral at
Toledo. The same practice was continued in several
parishes in that city, and in a Chapel at Salamanca.
Collier, ii. 253.
" See that excellent and most learned book, Palmer's
Origines Liturgicae, vol. i. p. 8, and 166.
12 ORIGIN OF THE PRAYER BOOK
Churches, and suppressed the true worship
as far as their dominions reached. Paganism
became the prevailing religion, and the
Church of Christ was no where visible to
any degree, excepting in Wales, Cornwall,
and Cumberland, where the Saxons had
been unable to penetrate .
It was this depressed state of the Church,
which induced Gregory the Great, in the
year 596, to send Augustine the Monk into
England, to attempt the conversion of its
Saxon conquerors. In the year after his
arrival, having made considerable progress
in the great work on which he was sent,
and having been himself consecrated at
Aries as Metropolitan of the English nation,
Augustine dispatched messengers to Rome
to announce his success, and to request the
Pope's resolution of several questions. One
of these questions was, that since there
was such a diversity between the offices
of the Roman and Gallican Churches, he
desired to know which he should follow ?
Collier, vol. i. c. 61,62.
OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 13
Gregory's answer was, that he should choose
that which was most proper for the English
Church P. One of the highest authorities
on this subject, however, says, " There can
be no doubt that Augustine and his com-
panions carried with them the Sacramentary
of Gregory, by whom they were sent. In
fact, the liturgical books of the Anglo-Saxon
Church in subsequent times were nothing
else but transcripts of that Sacramentary.
As, however, each Bishop had the power
of making some alterations in the Liturgy
of his Church, in process of time different
customs arose, and several became so esta-
blished, as to receive the names of their
respective Churches. Thus gradually the
" uses" or customs of York, Sarum, Hereford,
Bangor, Lincoln, Aberdeen, &c. came to be
distinguished from each other q .
The Missals and other ritual books of
York and Hereford have been printed.
The "use" or custom of Sarum derives its
11 Collier, i. p. 48. 1 Palmer, vol. i.
14 ORIGIN OF THE PRAYER BOOK
origin from Osmund, Bishop of that see in
1078, and Chancellor of England. Of
Osmund we are informed that he built a
new cathedral ; collected together clergy,
distinguished as well for learning as for
a knowledge of chanting; and composed
a book for the regulation of ecclesiastical
offices, which was entitled the " Custom
book." The substance of this was pro-
bably incorporated into the Missal, and
other ritual books of Sarum ; and ere long
almost the whole of England, Wales, and
Ireland adopted it r . The other Missals
and Rituals used in England differed from
it very little.
Nearly at the same time that Osmund
established in his diocese, and ultimately
in the greciter part of England, his book
of Divine Offices, the arrogant and imperious
Hildebrand 8 determined that the Liturgy
of the Universal Church should be performed
in Latin only. For seven or eight hundred
' Palmer, vol. i. p. 186, 7. Pope Gregory VII.
OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 15
years' the Service of the ancient Church
was, generally speaking, performed in the
vernacular or common language of every
country". How it happened, that a custom
so contrary to reason and common sense
as that of celebrating the public Service
in a language not " understanded of the
people" should have prevailed, and should
still prevail, so extensively in Europe, it
may be expedient to explain.
The conquering arms of the Romans had
introduced their language very generally
into the countries of Western Europe and of
'the north of Africa. In these countries Latin,
being generally spoken by the more educated
classes, became the language of their lite-
rature, of their courts of law, and of religion.
The use of Latin, however, as in some sort
the vulgar tongue, which had prevailed
throughout the countries alluded to, gradually
/
I Bingham says 1000.
II This assertion is supported, says Heylin, (Hist.
Ref. p. 66.) by Lyra and Aquinas, two as great clerks
as any in the Church of Rome. See 1 Cor. xiv. 9, 16.
16 ORIGIN OF THE PRAYER BOOK
ceased in several of them during the course
of the ninth century; and the language
of the' first conquerors was insensibly cor-
rupted or superseded by the barbarous
jargon of their more recent invaders. Latin
thus became a subject of study, and all
knowledge of it was presently confined to
the priesthood and men of learning.
It seems clear, however, that in France
as well as in Italy, the Services of the
Church continued to be performed entirely
in Latin, and even that Sermons were for
some time delivered in that tongue to an
audience most imperfectly acquainted with
it. But in Spain, the Gothic ritual had
supplanted the Roman, if indeed the Roman
had at any time been received in Spain,
and at the middle of the eleventh century
it was universally prevalent in that Church.
Soon after that time, by the united influence
(as is said) of Richard the papal legate,
and Constance queen of Leon, Alfonso, the
sixth of Leon and the first of Castile, was
persuaded to propose the introduction of
OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 17
the Roman Liturgy. The nobility, and the
people, and even the majority of the clergy,
warmly supported the established form; and
after some heats had been excited on both
sides, a day was finally appointed to decide
on the perfections of the rival Rituals. To
this effect, recourse was had, according to
the customs x)f those days, to the " judg-
ment of God," and the trial, to which they
were first submitted, was that by combat.
Two knights contended, in the presence of
a vast assembly, and the Gothic champion
prevailed. The King, dissatisfied with this
result, subjected the Rituals to a second
proof, which they were qualified to sustain
in their own persons, the trial by fire. The
Gothic Liturgy, says the old Spanish his-
torian from whom the story is taken, resisted
the flames and was taken out unhurt, while
the Roman yielded and was consumed. The
triumph of the former appeared now to be
complete, when it was discovered that the
ashes of the latter had curled to the top
of the flames, and leaped out of them*
18 ORIGIN OF THE PRAYER BOOK
By this strange phenomenon the scales were
again turned, or at least the victory was
held to be so doubtful, that the King, to
preserve a shew of impartiality, established
the use of both Liturgies. It then became
very easy, by an exclusive encouragement
of the Roman, effectually, though gradually,
to banish its competitor 31 .
It is probable, that in England all the
Offices of the Church were performed gene-
rally in Latin, some time before the Norman
conquest. And not only were the public
Offices of the Church performed in Latin,
but the Latin translation of the Holy
Scriptures, commonly called the Vulgate,
was the only translation which was permitted
to be in common use.
At the commencement of the Christian
asra, the Latin was generally supplanting
the Greek as a general language, and it
x Waddington's History of the Church, vol. ii. p. 97.
(from M'Crie.) A narrative substantially the same, but
differing in a few minute particulars, is given by Robinson ,
Charles V. vol. i. note xxii.
OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 19
soon might be called the language of the
Western Church. From the testimony of
Augustine, it appears that the Latin Church
possessed a Very great number of versions
of the Scriptures, made at the first intro-
duction of Christianity, the authors of which
were unknown. One of these Latin trans-
lations appeared to have acquired a more
extensive circulation than the others, under
the name of the Old Italic. Towards the
close of the fourth century, Jerome, who
had previously engaged in a review of the
Old Italic version, translated the Old Testa-
ment from the Hebrew into Latin. This
version, which surpasses all former ones, at
length acquired so great authority from the
approbation it received from Pope Gregory I.
that ever since the seventh century it has
been exclusively adopted by the Roman
Catholic Church, under the name of the
Vulgate version : and a decree of the Coun-
cil of Trent, in the sixteenth century, com-
manded that the Vulgate alone should be
used, whenever the Bible is publicly read,
20 ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS
and in all sermons, expositions, and disputa-
tions ; and pronounced it to be authentic y .
As by far the greater part of our Common
Prayer Book consists of the very words of
Scripture, and the whole of it is founded upon
Scripture, it may be expedient here to men-
tion what steps were taken for the purpose
of enabling the people of this land to read
the Bible in their own language.
It was a distinguishing maxim with the
Reformers, that the Scriptures were the great
repository, the storehouse, of religious truth,
and that all doctrines essential to salvation
were to be deduced from the Bible, and to be
supported by its authority. It was always,
therefore, their anxious wish that the people
at large should have the power of reading
and consulting the Scriptures in their ver-
nacular or common tongue. With this
view the Bible had been translated into
English by Wickliffe, about the year 1380.
This version was made from the Vulgate,
the Latin translation in common use ;
* Hartvvell Home, vol. ii.
OF THE BIBLE. 21
Wickliffe not being sufficiently acquainted
with the Hebrew and Greek languages to
translate from the originals. Before the
invention of printing, transcripts were ob-
tained with difficulty, and copies were so
rare, that in 1429 the price of one of
Wickliffe's Testaments was not less than
four marks and forty pence, or two pounds
sixteen shillings and eight pence, a sum
equivalent to more than forty pounds 2 at
present. This translation was very instru-
mental in preparing the people for the re-
formation of the Church of England, which
was carried into effect about one hundred
and fifty years afterwards.
For the first printed English version of
the Scriptures, we are indebted to William
Tindal, who, having formed the design of
translating the New Testament from the
original Greek into English, removed to
Antwerp for the purpose. Here, with the
assistance of the learned John Fry or Fryth,
who was burnt on a charge of heresy in
z Hart well Home, vo!. ii. p. 234.
22 ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS
Smithfield in 1552, and a Friar called
William Roye, who suffered death on the
same account in Portugal, he finished it,
and in the year 1526 it was printed, without
a name, either at Antwerp or Hamburgh.
Many copies of this translation found their
way into England ; and to prevent their
dispersion among the people, and the more
effectually to enforce the prohibition pub-
lished in all dioceses against reading them,
Tonstal, Bishop of London, purchased all
the remaining copies of this edition, and all
which he could collect from private hands,
and committed them to the flames at St.
Paul's Cross. The first impression of TindaPs
translation being thus disposed of, several
other numerous editions were published in
Holland, before the year 1530. These found
a ready sale, but those which were imported
into England were ordered to be burned.
On one of these occasions, Sir Thomas
More, who was then Chancellor, and who
concurred with the Bishop in the execution
of this measure, enquired of a person who
OF THE BIBLE. 23
stood accused of heresy, and to whom he
promised indemnity on consideration of an
explicit and satisfactory answer, " How
Tindal subsisted abroad, and who were the
persons in London that abetted and supported
him?" To which enquiry the heretical convert
replied, " It was the Bishop of London who
maintained him, by sending a sum of money
to buy up the impressions of his Testament."
The Chancellor smiled, admitted the truth
of the declaration, and suffered the accused
person to escape. The people formed a
very unfavourable opinion of those, who
ordered the word of God to be burned, and
concluded, that there must be an obvious
repugnance between the New Testament,
and the doctrine of those who treated it
with this indignity. Those who were sus-
pected of importing and concealing any of
these books, were adjudged by Sir Thomas
More, in the Court of Star Chamber, to
ride with their faces to the tails of their
horses, with paper on their heads, and the
New Testaments and other books which
24 ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS
they had dispersed hung about their cloaks,
and at the Standard in Cheapside to throw
them into a fire prepared for that purpose,
and to be fined at the King's pleasure V
In the mean time Tindal was busily em-
ployed in translating into English the five
Books of Moses, in which he was assisted
by Miles Coverdale. He afterwards trans-
lated the rest of the historical books of
the Old Testament, and the prophet Jonas.
Upon his return to Antwerp, in 1531, King
Henry VIII. and his Council contrived
means to have him seized and imprisoned.
After long imprisonment, he was condemned
to death by the Emperor's decree in an
assembly at Augsburgh; and in 1536, he
was strangled at Villefort, near Brussels,
the place of his imprisonment, after which
his body was reduced to ashes. He ex-
pired, praying repeatedly and earnestly,
" Lord, open the King of England's eyes."
Several editions of his Testament were
printed in the year of his death. Tindal
" Hart well Home.
OF THE BIBLE. 25
had little or no skill in Hebrew, and there-
fore he probably translated the Old Testa-
ment from the Latin h .
In 1535, the whole Bible, translated into
English, was printed in folio, and dedicated
to the King by Miles Coverdale, a mai/
greatly esteemed for his piety, knowledge of
the Scriptures, and diligent preaching ; on
account of which qualities, King Edward VI.
advanced him to the see of Exeter. Soon
after this Bible was finished, in 1536, Lord
Cromwell, Keeper of the Privy Seal, and
the King's Vicar-general and vicegerent in
ecclesiastical matters, published Injunctions
to the Clergy by the King's authority,
the Seventh of which was, that " every parson,
or proprietary of any parish-church within
this realm, should, before the first of August,
provide a book of the whole Bible,, both
in Latin and in English, and lay it in the
choir, for every man that would to look and
read therein."
In 1537, another edition of the English
b Hartwell Home's Introduction to the Scriptures.
C
26 ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS
Bible was printed by Grafton and Whit-
church in Germany. It bore the name of
Thomas Matthewe, and it was set forth
with the King's most gracious licence. The
name of Matthewe is allowed to have been
fictitious, for reasons of prudence. It may
well be admitted, that John Rogers, a
learned academic, and the first who was
condemned to the flames in the reign of
Queen Mary, was employed by Archbishop
Cranmer to superintend this edition, and to
furnish the few emendations and additions
that were thought necessary.
" It was wonderful," says Strype the eccle-
siastical historian, " it was wonderful to
see with what joy this book was received,
not only among the more learned, and
those who were noted lovers of the Reforma-
tion, but generally all over England, among
all the common people ; and with what
avidity God's word was read, and what
resort there was to the places appointed for
reading it. Every one that could, bought
the book, and busily read it or heard it
OF THE BIBLE. 27
read, and many elderly persons learned to
read on purpose."
In 1538, it was resolved to revise Mat-
thewe's Bible, and to print a correct edition
of it. With this view Grafton went to
France, where the workmen were more
skilful, and the paper was both better and
cheaper than in England, and obtained
permission from Francis I. at the request
of King Henry VIII. to print his Bible
at Paris. But notwithstanding the royal
licence, the inquisitors interposed, and the
impression consisting of 2500 copies was
seized, and condemned to the flames. Some
chests, however, of their books, escaped the
fire, being kept for the purpose of being
sold as waste paper, and the English pro-
prietors, who had fled on the first alarm,
returned to Paris as soon as it subsided,
and not only recovered some of these
copies, but brought with them to London
the presses, types, and printers, and renew-
ing the work, finished it in the following
year. In April, 1539, Grafton and Whit-
c2
28 HENRY THE EIGHTH'S PRIMER.
church printed the Bible, called the " Great
Bible/' in large folio. This impression for
the large Volume was revised by Cover dale,
who compared the translation with the
original, and corrected several places. And
now, to make it less offensive, the notes were
omitted, and a Preface of Cranmer's added,
which is probably the reason of its being
called Cranmer's Bible c . This appears to
be the edition, from which the Psalms, and
the Epistles and Gospels, in Edward the
Sixth's Liturgy were taken.
Some advances towards allowing the use
of the English language in the public service,
were made by the publication of Henry the
Eighth's Primer, 1545. In the Preface the
King says, " We have set out and given to
our subjects a determinate form of praying
in their own mother tongue, to the intent
that such as are ignorant of any strange or
foreign speech, may have what to pray in
their own acquainted and familiar language,
&c." And again, " We have judged it to
c Collier, vol. ii. 183.
HENRY THE EIGHTH'S PRIMER. 29
be of no small force, for the avoiding of strife
and contention, to have one uniform manner
or course of praying throughout all our do-
minions." This Primer contains, in English,
the Creed, Lord's Prayer, and Ten Com-
mandments, together with Prayers, Suffrages,
Hymns, and select passages of Scripture, for
morning and evening devotion. It gives also,
in English, the Litany, nearly the same with
that which we now use, to be said alter-
nately by the Priest and people. Towards
the end are several excellent prayers, (for
the most part taken from the Scriptures, and
from the books of Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus,)
on particular occasions, for particular graces
and blessings, and against particular sins.
And together with these are given, " A
fruitful prayer to be used at all times," " A
devout prayer unto Jesu Christ, called O
bone Jesu," " A prayer to be said at the
hour of death," and " A general confession of
sins unto God." These prayers, however, are
all evidently intended for private devotion,
not for congregational or public worship d .
d See " The Three Primers put forth in the Reign of
30 FIRST PRAYER BOOK
As the holy Eucharist had, through the
perverseness of man, been unhappily made
the occasion of the fiercest dissension, and
as resistance to the doctrine of the Church
of Rome respecting this Sacrament, had,
during the late reign, brought so many
persons of both sexes to the stake, it was
an object of primary importance, to set the
minds of the people at rest upon this im-
portant subject, as soon as possible. In the
first year of the reign of Edward, the Con-
vocation having unanimously approved of
the measure, an Act of Parliament was
passed, (Dec. 1547,) converting the mass*
into a communion, and requiring that the
sacrament of the Lord's Supper should be
delivered to the people, and under both kinds c .
Henry VIII." printed at Oxford in 1834, under the
superintendence of the excellent and deeply-learned
Dr. Burton.
5 Cardwell.
c The word mass is now generally applied to the
Lord's Supper, as administered by the Church of Rome,
but, it should seem, most erroneously, if the origin and
meaning of the term be taken into the account. The
word is the same with the ancient Latin term missa, which
OF EDWARD THE SIXTH. 31
In furtherance of this object, a Commission
was about the same time issued to Cranmer,
and the other divines above alluded to,
requiring them to prepare an Office for
the Holy Communion. Within four months
afterwards, on the 8th of March, 1548, the
Office was completed d ; but still a con-
siderable portion of it continued to be read
in Latin 6 , in compliance with the prejudices
of the Romanists. It was forthwith pub-
lished, with the King's Proclamation enjoin-
ing the use of it, and advising men " to
was a general name for every part of divine service.
One of the most learned liturgical writers of the Roman
Church* judiciously remarks, that the word missa has at
least three significations. It sometimes signifies the
lessons, sometimes the collects or prayers, and some-
times the dismission of the people. Indeed the third
reason is the original meaning of the word; for missa
is [the same as missio. It was the form used in the
Latin Church, Ite, missa est, the solemn words used at
the dismission, of the Catechumens first, and then, of the
whole assembly afterwards, at the end of their respective
services. Bingham, book xiii. chap. 1.
d Cardwell from Strype.
e Collier.
* Mabillon.
32 FIRST PRAYER BOOK
content themselves with following authority,
and not to run before it ; lest by their rash-
ness they should become the greatest hin-
derers of such things, as they, more arro-
gantly than godly, would seem, by their
own private authority, most hotly to set
forward f ."
It appears that a new Commission was
now addressed to the same divines (the
Commissioners formerly mentioned), direct-
ing them to prepare a complete collection
of divine Offices for public worship. This
Commission met at Windsor in May, 1548,
and drew up a Book of Common Prayer,
which was approved by Convocation, and
finally ratified by Act of Parliament in the
ensuing January. It was enjoined to be
used for all divine Offices from the Feast
of Whitsunday following, and was published
by Whitchurch, on the 4th of May, 1549*.
This Prayer Book was substantially the same
with that which we now have, though several
f Ridley's Life of Ridley, book iv. p. 222.
s Cardwell.
OP EDWARD THE SIXTH. 33
additions were made to it, and some parts
of it altered, in successive reviews. What the
most important of these additions and alter-
ations were, will be mentioned hereafter.
It has already been observed, that it was the
object of Cranmer and his fellow-labourers
to retain as much of the existing formularies
as possible, only translating them from
Latin into English. How excellently this
translation was made, must be apparent to
every person of cultivated taste or of de-
votional feeling. It has been forcibly and
justly said, in allusion to the use of the
ancient liturgies, " These helps, which our
Reformers did not disdain, they shewed
themselves able to improve, correcting what
was objectionable in doctrine, removing what
was offensive in taste, and often communi-
cating by some happy expression even an
additional glow of devotion to passages in
themselves (it might have been thought) too
beautiful to touch ; for in the whole compass
of English literature, many as are the ex-
cellent versions of ancient writings which it
c3
34 FIRST PRAYER BOOK
can boast, it would be in vain to look for
any specimens of translation (merely to put
the case thus) so vigorous, so simple, so close,
and yet so free from all constraint, as are
afforded by the Offices of our Church h ."
<e In what other versions in our language
shall we seek for such a combination of
fidelity and freedom of simplicity and
majesty'?"
Though the Commission for preparing
the Book of Common Prayer consisted
entirely of English Divines, who had com-
pleted their task before the most eminent of
the foreign Reformers had even arrived in
England, the new Liturgy was greatly in-
debted, whenever it deviated from the an-
cient Breviaries and Missals, to the progress
which had been made on the continent in the
reformation of religious worship. One of
the most remarkable occurrences, which the
h Blunt's Sketch of the Reformation in England.
5 Le Bas, Life of Cranmer. See the instances given
by those two writers themselves such great masters of
eloquent language.
OF EDWARD THE SIXTH. 35
eventful history of the times has recorded of
the state of Germany, is the attempt made
by Herman, Elector of Cologne, a Roman
Catholic Archbishop, and sovereign prince,
to establish within his electorate a purer
system of doctrine and discipline. His
attempt was ultimately unsuccessful ; but
the zeal and energy of the venerable Prelate,
and the learning and prudence with which
his measures were conducted, attracted the
notice, and secured the respect and sym-
pathy, of all Protestant Churches. He
resigned his See in the year 1547 ; but he
had previously published a book, the com-
position of which had been entrusted to
Melancthon and Bucer, containing his
views of a " Christian's reformation founded
on God's word." This book was translated
into English, and published in the year
1547. It cannot be doubted that the book of
Herman was much employed by the Commis-
sioners assembled at Windsor in the compila-
tion of their new form of Common Prayer.
In the great body of their work, indeed, they
36 FIRST PRAYER BOOK
derived their materials from the early ser-
vices of their own Church ; but, in the Occa-
sional Offices, it is clear, on examination, that
they were indebted to the labours of Melanc-
thon and Bucer ; and through them to the
older Liturgy of Nuremberg, which those
Reformers were instructed to follow k .
It may be expedient to mention some of
the instances in which the Prayer Book,
thus compiled, differed from the Breviary
and Missal, which had been previously used
in the daily Morning and Evening Service.
The Reformers began, as did the Breviary,
with the Lord's Prayer, because in this the
Breviary agreed with the primitive Church ;
but omitted the Ave Maria, in which the
Virgin Mary was desired to pray for them ;
a practice unknown to the early Christians,
and not introduced till about the year of
Christ 470. This, in the Breviary, was
followed by the Apostles' Creed, which our
Reformers introduced after reading the
Scriptures a more suitable position, inas-
k Cardwell, almost verbatim.
OF EDWARD THE SIXTH. 37
much as the Creed may be considered as a
summary of truths collected from the Scrip-
tures.
The Versicles, Gloria Patri, and Allelu-
jah, being authorized by the ancient Church,
were retained ; as was the 95th Psalm in
the Morning Service.
The Psalms had been divided into seven
long portions called Nocturns, yet of late
they were not gone through with : a few of
them only having been daily 1 said, and the
rest omitted. This was now so regulated,
as that reading a convenient portion every
morning and evening, the whole book of
Psalms might be repeated over every
month.
The practice of reading Lessons from the
Scriptures was derived from the Jewish to
the Christian Church, in both which they
were read in order, so as to go through the
Scriptures once a year 1 ". " But these many
years past," say our Reformers, " this
godly and decent order of the ancient
1 Preface to Prayer Book. m Ridley's Life of Ridley.
38 FIRST PRAYER BOOK
Fathers hath been so altered, broken, and
neglected, by planting in uncertain stories
and legends, with multitude of responses,
verses, vain repetitions, commemorations,
and synodals, that commonly when any
Book of the Bible was begun, after three
or four chapters were read out. all the rest
were unread. And in this sort the Book of
Isaiah was begun in Advent, and the Book
of Genesis in Septuagesima ; but they were
only begun and never read through. After
such sort were other books of holy Scripture
used ."
In the Breviary, the Creed of St. Athana-
sius was ordinarily appointed on Sundays ;
instead of which our Reformers appointed
the Apostles' Creed, except on the Feasts of
Christmas, the Epiphany, Easter, Ascen-
sion Day, Whitsunday, and Trinity Sunday.
Several of the Suffrages the short petitions
offered by the Minister and people alter-
nately which are found in the Breviary
were omitted .
" Preface to Prayer Book. Ridley's Life of Ridley.
OF EDWARD THE SIXTH. 39
The Collects for the day will be spoken
of in connexion with the Communion Service.
The second Collect at Mattins was in the
Breviary a prayer, " that we might receive
blessings in this life and the next through
the intercession of the blessed Virgin Mary."
A third for All Saints., " that the intercession
" of the holy Mother of God, of all the
" heavenly powers, of the blessed Patriarchs,
" Apostles, Evangelists, Martyrs, Confessors,
" and Virgins, and of all God's Elect, might
" make us every where to rejoice, that
" while we celebrate their merits, we might
" receive their protection 11 ." There was a
fourth Collect for the whole Church ; and
the last for Peace, which was the same with
our second Collect at Evening Prayer. Our
Reformers omitted the three former of these
Collects, and made their second Collect
for Peace, both at Morning and Evening
Prayer ; and their third was, in the
Morning for Grace, in the Evening for
p Ridley's Life of Ridley.
40 FIRST PRAYER BOOK
Aid against all Perils, the last being taken
from the Greek Liturgies.
/^The term Litany was, in the first ages,
applied in general to all prayers and suppli-
cations ; but, in the fourth century, belonged
more especially to solemn offices, which were
performed with processions of the Clergy
and people. Such processions are still
continued by the Church of Rome. The
Litany in Henry the Eighth's Primer, which
is very nearly the same with that in the
Prayer Book, is called " this common prayer
of procession ." It was principally taken from
the Latin Litany, compiled by Pope Gregory
from the Apostolical Constitutions, the Office
of St. Ambrose, and other ancient Litanies.
In this Litany, after the address to the
Holy Trinity, are three distinct supplications
to the Virgin Mary, and about fifty q to indi-
i This number is taken from the Missal used by the
Romanists in this country ; thirty are to be omitted on
Holy Saturday. The Missal of Pius V. gives about
twenty separate addresses to Angels and Saints by
name.
OF EDWARD THE SIXTH. 41
vidual Angels and Saints by name, and col-
lectively, to " all holy Angels and Arch-
" angels, and all holy orders of blessed
" Spirits, to all holy Patriarchs and Pro-
" phets, all holy Apostles, Evangelists, and
" Disciples of the Lord, all holy Innocents,
" Martyrs, Pontiffs, Confessors, Doctors,
" Priests and Levites, Monks and Hermits,
" all holy Virgins and Widows," imploring
the benefit of their intercession. These
supplications appear still to be retained
in the Missal used by the Romanists in
this country. They were, however, struck
out by our Reformers, who adopted from
Henry the Eighth's Primer a supplication
for deliverance " from the tyranny of the
" Bishop of Rome, and all his abominable
" enormities."
In the then established Latin Liturgy,
and in the first Prayer Book of Edward the
Sixth, the Communion Service began with
a Psalm or portion of a Psalm, appropriate
to the Service of the day, which from its
being sung or said while the Priest made
42 FIRST PRAYER BOOK
his entrance within the rails of the altar,
was called Introit.
The Collects for the Sundays, and other
Holydays, are short, pious, and impressive
prayers, so called, either because the priest
offers up in a comprehensive petition the
collected prayers of the people, or because
the substance of them is collected out of the
holy Scriptures, generally from the Epistles
and Gospels with which they are connected 9 .
They are, most of them, very .ancient.
Gelasius, who was Bishop or Patriarch of
Rome in the year of our Lord 492, arranged
the Collects, which were then used, into
order, and added some new ones of his own.
This Office was again corrected by Gregory
the Great in the year 600, whose Sacra-
mentary contains most of the Collects we
now use ; forty-four of them comprising
thirty-six of those for Sundays being taken
from it. Nine other of our present Collects
were altered to their present form at the
last Review of the Liturgy, 1662. Twenty-
q Wheatley.
OF EDWARD THE SIXTH. 43
four were composed anew, but still not
without attention to the formularies of the
ancient Church'. Among these new Collects
are twenty for Saints' days; the Collects pre-
viously in use having too frequently a reference
to the intercession) or expressing a reliance
upon the merits, of the saint commemorated;
a reliance not warranted by Scripture.
The Epistles and Gospels are thought to (
have been selected by St. Jerome, and put
into the Lectionary by him. It is certain
that they were very anciently appropriated \
to the days on which we now read them ;
since they are, for the most part, not only
of general use throughout the whole Western
Church, but are also commented upon in the
Homilies of several ancient Fathers, which
are said to have been preached on those
very days, to which these portions of Scrip-
ture are now affixed. So that they have,
most of them, belonged to the same Sundays
and Holydays on which we now use them
r Bishop Mant from Cosins, Shepherd, &c. but see
particularly Palmer's Origines Liturgicae.
44 FIRST PRAYER BOOK
for above twelve hundred years. With what
excellent judgment they have been selected,
with reference both to faith and to practice,
will be evident to any one who attentively
peruses them 5 .
In the old Common Prayer Books, the
Epistles and Gospels were taken out of the
Great Bible, neither of the two last transla-
tions being extant when the Common Prayer
was first compiled. But on account of the
defects which were observed in that Version,
and upon the petition of the Presbyterian
Commissioners at the Savoy conference in
1662, it was determined that the Epistles
and Gospels should be used according to the
last translation 1 .
In the Roman Liturgy, anciently, a Psalm
was sung after the Epistle, which was called
the Gradual or Grail, and is still used in
s The remark may appear trifling, but, upon going
through the several apostolical Epistles in the New
Testament for the purpose of selecting the passages
relating to Christian practice, I found that nearly all
these passages had already found place as Epistles in
the Prayer Book.
1 Wheatley and Palmer.
OF EDWARD THE SIXTH. 45
that Church . This was omitted by our
Reformers. Formerly, when the reader had
given out the title of the Gospel, the people
with one voice exclaimed, " Glory be to thee,
O Lord." This custom appears to have
prevailed from remote antiquity, and still
prevails in many churches in England,
though not prescribed by the Rubric ; as
maybe remarked also of the words, "Thanks
be given to God," in some churches said by
the congregation after the Gospel. Both
were afterwards prescribed in the Scotch
Liturgy.
In the Office for the actual celebration of
the Holy Eucharist, our Reformers shewed
that caution and respect for antiquity, which
they had evinced in the other parts of the
Prayer Book. As to the Elements themselves,
the Romanists used unleavened wafers, of the
u The Psalm or verse of a Psalm, sung after the
Epistle, was always entitled Gradual, from being
chanted on the steps (gradus) of the pulpit. When
sung by one person without interruption it was called
tractus ; when chanted alternately by several singers it
was termed responsory. Palmer, vol. ii. p. 46.
46 FIRST PRAYER BOOK
shape and size of a small piece of money *,
stamped with a crucifix y . Our Reformers
ordered, "that for avoiding all matter and
occasion of dissension, it is meet that the
bread prepared for the Communion be made
through all this realm after one sort and
fashion, that is to say, unleavened and
round, as it was afore, but without all
manner of print, and something more
large, and thicker than it was, that so
it may be aptly divided in divers pieces."
The wine in the Roman Church was to be
mixed with a little water, which practice
was continued. The elevation by the Priest
of the Sacramental Elements, that they
might be adored by the people, the use of
incense, the many crossings 2 , bowings, genu-
flexions, and the direction to the Priest to
kiss the paten and the altar, were omitted.
The Occasional Offices of our Church,
when they vary from the forms previously
* The Roman Denarius.
y Ridley's Life of Ridley, and Collier.
1 Two of the crossings were retained.
OF EDWARD THE SIXTH. 47
in use, seem principally to have been derived
from the Cologne Liturgy, drawn up by
Melancthon and Bucer, which has been
already mentioned. In our Baptismal Service
the resemblance between the two is parti-
cularly striking a . Some ceremonies, which
were afterwards omitted, may here be men-
tioned. In Baptism, exorcism was used, the
unclean spirit being solemnly commanded
by the Priest in the name of the blessed
Trinity to come out and depart from the
infant about to be baptized ; the infant
was anointed, then dipped, and had the
chrysom 5 put upon it. In Confirmation,
the Bishop was to cross the person in the
forehead. In Matrimony, bracelets and
jewels were to be given as tokens of
spousals. In Visiting the Sick, unction on
the forehead and breast, if desired, was
allowed. In the Burial Service, the Priest
was to cast earth upon the corpse, and to
recommend the soul to God. At Churching,
* Laurence's Batnpton Lectures, (notes,) p. 440.
b The anointed linen cloth.
48 FIRST PRAYER BOOK OF EDWARD VI.
the woman was to offer up her chrysom.
These ceremonies, having much antiquity to
plead for them, and the people having been
long habituated to them, our Reformers
found it inconvenient, if not impracticable,
at once and entirely to discontinue .
c Ridley's Life of Ridley, p. 245.
CHAP. II.
Second Prayer Book of Edward VI.
IT was clearly shewn by the disturbances,
which, especially in the more distant counties,
were excited among the people attached to
rites, and ceremonies^ and tenets, to which
they had been long accustomed, that in the
Prayer Book, thus constructed, the Com-
missioners had gone to the utmost limits of
prudence. On the other hand it is equally
clear, that several of the tenets and cere-
monies retained by them, did not meet with
support from the foreign Reformers, and
awakened the hostility of many of the most
active and zealous of their own countrymen.
Before the close of the year 1549, Calvin
wrote to the Protector Somerset, complain-
ing of several parts of the Service, on in-
formation which he appears to have obtained
D
50 SECOND PRAYER BOOK
from Bucer. A Lasco a addressed himself
to Cranmer on the continuance of certain
practices which he deemed superstitious.
And Martyr and Bucer, then holding re-
spectively the office of King's Professor of
Theology in the Universities of Oxford and
Cambridge, were not likely to continue silent
respecting prayers and ceremonies, which
they formally reported to be unsound and
dangerous, when they were consulted after-
wards by Cranmer b .
Great, however, as was the authority of
these and other distinguished foreigners, it
was neither proclaimed as boldly, nor cal-
culated to make as much impression, as the
earnest remonstrance of many of the Eng-
lish Reformers, and the progress which their
a A Lasco was a Polish nobleman, a man of dis-
tinguished learning and piety, who quitted his native
country for the sake of the free exercise of his religion,
and became superintendent of the foreign reformed con-
gregations in London.
6 Cardwell, from whose learned preface much of this
account of the second Prayer Book of Edward the Sixth
is taken.
OF EDWARD THE SIXTH. 51
cause was constantly and manifestly making.
There was already within the Church a
party, though probably not numerous, which
espoused the peculiar sentiments of Calvin :
there were others, and Cranmer, it appears,
had recently been one of them, who adhered
strictly to the opinions of Luther : there
were many, and those among the most
active and most learned, who adopted the
views of Bullinger and the theologians of
Zurich : there was a still larger body, who
wished to combine all classes of Protestants
under one general confession. All these,
though with distinct objects and different
degrees of importance, looked forward to a
revision of the Liturgy, which might bring
it more completely into accordance with
their own sentiments.
These expectations soon began to produce
their natural effect. In the Convocation of
1550, the question was entertained in each
House, whether certain rubrics and other
passages could not be altered, and an especial
reference was made to the form of words,
D2
52 SECOND PRAYER BOOK
with which the sacred elements were given
to communicants. But the greatest impulse
was derived from the known sentiments of
the King himself, and of the leading members
of the Council .
In the mean time, as the Book of Common
Prayer contained no form of consecrating
and ordaining Bishops, Priests, and Deacons,
the Commissioners had drawn up an Office
for that purpose, which was now confirmed
by an Act of Parliament, and published
in March, 1550. This might naturally be
considered the termination of their labours ;
but there is reason to believe that the Com-
mission was not discharged, and that the
same persons who still continued members of
it, were soon afterwards instructed to revise
the whole Book of Common Prayer, and to
introduce such alterations as might seem to
them to be required.
It is stated by Heylin, and repeated by
Collier, that the alterations which were now
made in the Liturgy, were owing to the
c Cardwell.
OF EDWARD THE SIXTH. 53
remonstrances of Calvin, and the active
cooperation of Martyr and Bucer. But
this is probably an exaggeration. It does
not appear, however anxious Calvin may
have been to offer his assistance, that his
peculiar opinions were approved, or his
advice either sought or rejected, by the
Primate and the other Commissioners : and
it is clear on examination, that the faults
discovered by Martyr and Bucer, of which
they drew up a report at the request of
Cranmer, were neither all that were ad-
mitted to exist by English divines, nor were
themselves corrected, in most instances, in the
way that Martyr and Bucer recommended.
The Commissioners appear to have com-
pleted their revision of the Book of Com-
mon Prayer before the end of the year
1551. Early in the next year, a Bill for
the Uniformity of Divine Service, with
the Book of Common Prayer annexed to it,
was brought into the House of Lords, and
was finally passed in the House of Commons,
and returned to the Lords on the 14th of
54 SECOND PRAYER BOOK
April, 1552. It was ordered, that the new
service should be used throughout the king-
dom from the Feast of All Saints following.
Some of the principal alterations which
were made upon this review of the Prayer
Book shall now be mentioned.
At the end of the Preface was added a Rubric,
enjoining all Priests and Deacons to say daily
the Morning and Evening Service, privately or
openly, "except they be letted by preaching,
studying of divinity, or by some other urgent
cause d ." The Service was to be said in that
part of the church where the people could
best hear ; and the use of the alb, cope,
and tunicle 6 was prohibited, the Priest and
Deacon being only to wear a surplice, and
the Bishop or Archbishop his rochet. In
the corresponding Rubric in the first Prayer
Book of Edward the Sixth, the direction
is, " In the saying or singing of Mattins
and Evensong, baptizing and burying, the
Minister in parish churches and chapels
d See the Rubric.
e See Palmer's Origines Liturgicae, and the Plates.
OF EDWARD THE SIXTH. 55
annexed to the same shall use a surplice."
And then, after some directions respecting
the wearing of hoods belonging to degrees,
it follows ; " And whensoever the Bishop
shall celebrate the holy Communion in the
church, or execute any other public minis-
tration, he shall have upon him beside his
rochet a surplice or alb, and a cope or
tunicle, and also his pastoral staff, in his hand,
or else borne or holden by his chaplain."
An important alteration was the addition
of the Sentences, Exhortation, Confession,
and Absolution f , in the beginning of the
Morning Service, which previously began
with the Lord's Prayer. The Lord's Prayer
is well known to have been always considered
as especially the " Prayer of the faithful,"
the peculiar inheritance of sons. Our Re-
formers appear to have thought it expedient,
previously to being admitted to the privilege
f These, in the second Book of Edward, were omitted
in the Evening Service, which began, as before, with the
Lord's Prayer.
56 SECOND PRAYER BOOK
of joining in this prayer, that the congre-
gation should join in a penitential acknow-
ledgment of unworthiness, and should be
encouraged by the Church's authoritative
declaration of God's pardon and forgive-
ness " to all them which truly repent, and
unfeignedly believe his holy Gospel." The
Sentences, Exhortation, and Confession seem
to have been suggested by, and partly
taken from, a form of prayer used by
Calvin, first at Strasburgh, and afterwards
at Geneva.
The Responses after the Lord's Prayer
were altered from the singular number to
the plural ; (" open thou our lips," instead
of "open thou my lips," &c. &c.) and
the Hallelujah at the end of them was
omitted ; as was also the order for singing
in a plain tune after the manner of distinct
reading, " in such places where they do
sing," the Lessons, and likewise the Epistles
and Gospels ; and likewise the order for
using the Song of the Three Children in
Lent only. The hundredth Psalm was
OF EDWARD THE SIXTH. 57
inserted to be read sometimes after the
Second Lesson in the morning; as were also
the ninety-eighth to be used after the First,
and the sixty-seventh after the Second,
Lesson in the Evening Service. The daily
service, both for morning and evening,
appears to have concluded with the three
Collects ; the first for the day, the second
for peace, the third for grace and protection
from all perils h .
The Athanasian Creed, which in the first
Book was appointed only on the great
Festivals, was now directed to be said on so
many of the Saints' days, that it might come
in course once in every month.
The Litany was placed next to the
Morning and Evening Service ; and the use
of it was enjoined on Sundays, as well as on
Wednesdays and Fridays. The Occasional
Prayers, for Fair Weather ; In the time of
Dearth and Famine ; In the time of War ;
In the time of any Common Plague or
Sickness ; and the Collect, " O God, whose
b Ridley's Life of Ridley, book v. p. 335.
D.3
58 SECOND PRAYER BOOK
nature and property is ever to have mercy,"
&c. &c. were added at the end of it. The
Collect last mentioned occurs in the Sacra-
mentary of Gregory, and in the most ancient
monuments of the English Offices 1 .
In the Communion Service, including the
Collect, Epistle, and Gospel, several im-
portant alterations were made. The Introits,
(the Psalms used at the beginning of the
Office, when the officiating Priest went up
to the Communion table,) were all omitted ;
as was likewise the double Communion at
Christmas and Easter, the Collect, Epistle,
and Gospel which were retained, being the
same with those now in use : and the Hymn
for Easter Day, which in the first Book was
ordered to be sung before Mattins, was now
appointed instead of the ninety-fifth Psalm ;
the Hallelujahs, Versicles, and Collect at
the end being omitted. The Collect for
Easter Day was ordered to be repeated on
Low Sunday. The Feast of St. Mary
Magdalene (July 22) was struck out of the
1 Palmer.
OF EDWARD THE SIXTH. 59
Calendar k . The Service for this day went
entirely on the supposition, that Mary
Magdalene was the sinner spoken of in the
seventh chapter of St. Luke. This opinion
is countenanced by the heading of the chapter
in the authorized translation of the New
Testament, and is alluded to by good men
of those times, and of the preceding centuries,
without doubt or hesitation. Yet it appears,
on enquiry, to be an opinion not at all sup-
ported by the Fathers, and to have had its
origin in a Popish legend. Now we know
that one Mary has had her good deed
recorded as a memorial of her to all nations,
and it would be painful to think we might
be commemorating another in a character
of which she was guiltless 1 . The Collect for
the Feast of St. Andrew was changed for
that now used, and the Gospel for Whit-
k Ridley's Life of Ridley, from which book most of
this account of the alterations made on this Review is
taken.
1 Tracts for the Times, No. 86. See also Elsley's
Annotations.
60 SECOND PRAYER BOOK
Sunday continued, as at present, to the end
of the chapter.
In the title of the Office for the Holy
Communion, the words, commonly called the
mass, were omitted. In the first Book of
Edward, the Rubric says, " the Priest that
shall execute the holy ministry, shall put
upon him the vesture appointed for that
ministration, that is to say, a white albe
plain, with a vestment or cope ;" and of the
assistant Priests and Deacons, that they
" shall have upon them likewise the vestures
appointed for their ministry, that is to say,
albes with tunicles." In the second Book
this is omitted. The words in the first Book,
" the Priest standing humbly afore the midst
of the altar," are changed to " the Priest
standing at the north side of the table."
The triumphant hymn of praise, which is
now used immediately before the Blessing
at the conclusion of the Communion
Service, stood in King Edward's first Book
almost at its commencement. In its place,
was introduced the rehearsal of the Ten
OF EDWARD THE SIXTH. 61
Commandments, with a supplication after
each, for pardon of the transgression thereof
for the time past, and for grace to keep the
same for the time to come. The Commissioners,
it should seem, were induced to make this
alteration by the same feeling which led
them to begin the Daily Service with the
Sentences, Exhortation, and Confession ; the
feeling, that our solemn public devotions
should begin with an expression of penitence
and humiliation, and that by the law is the
knowledge of sin.
In both King Edward's Prayer Books,
the Collect for the day preceded the Prayer
for the King, after which came the Epistle
and Gospel, the Nicene Creed, and the
Sermon or Homily. If in the Sermon there
was no exhortation to the worthy receiving
of the Sacrament, the Curate, in the first
Book, was directed to read the Exhortation,
(the third in our Prayer Book,) which is now
used at the time of the celebration of the Holy
Communion. After which is a Rubric which
ra Rom. iii. 20.
6*2 SECOND PRAYER BOOK
says, " In Cathedral Churches and other
places where there is daily communion, it
shall be sufficient to read the Exhortation
above written once in a month ; and in
Parish Churches, upon the week days, it
may be left unsaid." Next follows, in the
first Book, an Exhortation to the Holy Com-
munion, bearing considerable resemblance to
that which now stands first in our Prayer
Book ; but warning those " who had done any
wrong to any other," that neither the abso-
lution of the Priest, nor the receiving of the
Sacrament, would avail them any thing,
unless they made satisfaction and restitution,
or at least were in full mind and purpose so
to do as soon as they were able ; and also
requiring " such as shall be satisfied with a
general confession, not to be offended with
them that do use, to their further satisfying,
the auricular and secret confession to the
Priest ; nor those also which think needful
or convenient, for the quietness of their
own consciences, particularly to open their
sins to the Priest, to be offended with them
OF EDWARD THE SIXTH. 63
that are satisfied with their humble confession
to God, and the general confession of the
Church ; but in all things to follow and
keep the rule of charity ; and every man to
be satisfied with his own conscience, not
judging other men's minds or consciences."
The Prayer " for the whole state of
Christ's Church" in the first Book of
Edward, immediately preceded the Prayer
of consecration. Towards the conclusion it
contained these words; "And here we do
" give thee most high praise, and most hearty
" thanks, for the wonderful grace and virtue
" declared in all thy saints, from the beginning
" of the world ; and chiefly in the glorious
" and most blessed Virgin Mary, Mother of
" thy Son Jesu Christ our Lord and God ;
" and in the holy Patriarchs, Prophets,
" Apostles, and Martyrs, whose examples,
" O Lord, and stedfastness in thy faith, and
" keeping thy commandments, grant us to
" follow. We commend unto thy mercy,
" O Lord, all other thy servants, which are
" departed hence from us with the sign of
64 SECOND PRAYER BOOK
" faith, and now do rest in the sleep of peace :
" grant unto them, we beseech thee, thy
" mercy and everlasting peace." The whole
of this was omitted, and in the short preface
before the Prayer, the words, militant here on
earth, were added. It may be remarked, by
the way, that in the mention of the saints
there is no reference to their intercession,
nor any expressions of reliance upon their
merits; and that in the Prayer for the
departed, " who rest in the sleep of peace,"
there is nothing that gives the slightest
support or countenance to the Romish
doctrine of purgatory.
Several transpositions and alterations were
made in the Exhortations, and other parts of
the service, which it is not necessary here to
specify m . In the second Exhortation, when
the Curate shall see the people negligent to
come to the holy Communion, the Commis-
sioners, at the review of the Liturgy, warned
m This is the less necessary, since the publication of
Dr. Cardwell's very valuable comparison of the two
Prayer Books.
OF EDWARD THE SIXTH. 65
the people not to add any more to the
unkindness of refusing this holy banquet,
" which thing," they continue, " ye shall do,
if ye stand by as gazers and lookers on them
that do communicate, and be no partakers
of the same yourselves."
The Rubric, which required water to be
mixed with the wine, was struck out ; and
instead of unleavened bread, to take away
all occasion of dissension and superstition,
it was declared sufficient, that " the bread
be such as is usual to be eaten, but the best
and purest wheat bread that conveniently
may be gotten" From a persuasion that
our Saviour instituted his supper at the
Paschal festival, at which festival the Jews
were commanded by Moses to eat un-
leavened bread, and commonly, though
without such command, drank wine mixed
with water, these have been supposed to be
the elements which Christ consecrated, and
made the Sacrament of his body and blood,
and have therefore been frequently used at
the celebration of the Eucharist. But the
66 SECOND PRAYER BOOK
Church has not held that they were com-
manded by Christ, as the words of institution
mention only bread, in general ; and the cup,
in which was the fruit of the vine, in general ;
without mentioning the circumstances of
unleavened, or mixed with water n . In the
Prayer of consecration, the words, " with
thy Holy Spirit and Word vouchsafe to
bless" (making the sign of the cross) " and
sanctify" (making the same sign) " these thy
gifts and creatures of bread and wine, that
they may be unto us the body and blood of
thy most dearly beloved Son Jesus Christ,"
were changed into a prayer, that " we,, re-
ceiving the creatures of bread and wine
according to our Saviour's institution, might
be made partakers of his most blessed body
and blood :" and the signing over the ele-
ments the sign of the cross was left out .
n Ridley's Life of Ridley. See, in his learned note,
(p. 337.) his reasons for thinking, that the Lord's
Supper was instituted not at the Paschal Festival, but
on the evening before.
Ridley's Life of Ridley, L 1 Estrange, and CardvvelL
OF EDWARD THE SIXTH. 67
At the distribution of the bread, which was
now directed to be delivered to the people
in their hands , instead of " the body of our
Lord Jesus Christ, which was given for thee,
preserve thy body and soul unto eternal
life/' which was the form in the first Liturgy,
was substituted this clause ; " Take and eat
this in remembrance that Christ died for
thee, and feed on him in thine heart by
faith with thanksgiving." The like change
was made in the words at the delivery of
the cup p . The Oblation Prayer 9 and the
Lord's Prayer, (which then was prefaced by
the words, " As our Saviour Christ hath com-
manded and taught us we are bold to say,")
which in the first Book of Edward VI. were
inserted before the Confession and Absolution,
In the Church of Rome it is put by the Priest into
the mouth of the communicant ; this custom had been
continued by the Rubric in the first Prayer Book of
Edward VI.
p The two clauses were united together (as we now
use them) in the first year of Queen Elizabeth.
q In which occur the words, " we offer unto thee our-
selves, our souls and bodies," &c, &c.
d8 SECOND PRAYER BOOK OF EDWARD VI.
were removed into the Post Communion.
The Sentences, (twenty-two verses from the
New Testament of a highly practical cha-
racter,) " to be said or sung every day one"
in the Post Communion, were omitted, and
the method and order of the whole Office
was brought to much the same state in
which it now stands r .
' Ridley's Life of Ridley, p. 336338.
CHAP. III.
The Prayer Book under Queen Mary. Troubles at Frankfort,
MARY succeeded to the Crown in July,
1553. In the month of October in that
year, an Act of Parliament* was passed for
the purpose of suppressing King Edward's
Liturgy, and restoring that in use in the time
of King Henry the Eighth. The Preamble
sets forth, " That forasmuch as by divers and
" several Acts, as well the Divine Service
" and good administration of the Sacraments,
" and divers other matters of religion, (which
" we and our forefathers found in the Church
" of England, to us left by the authority of the
" Catholic Church,) be partly altered, and in
" some part taken from us, and in place
" thereof, new things imagined and set forth
" by the said Act, such as a few of singu-
a 1 Mar. s. 2. c. 2.
70 THE PRAYER BOOK UNDER QUEEN MARY.
" larity have devised ; whereof hath ensued
" amongst us in very small time, numbers of
" divers and strange opinions, and diversities
" of sects, and thereby grown great unquiet-
" ness and much discord, to the great disturb-
" ance of the commonwealth of this realm,
" &c." The Act then goes on to repeal the
Statutes in the late reign, for giving the
Communion in both kinds ; for establishing
the first and second Liturgy ; for confirming
the new Ordinal; and for setting aside
certain parts and portions formerly observed.
It is further enacted, That all such Divine
Services and administration of the Sacra-
ments, which were most commonly used in
England, in the last year of the reign of
King Henry the Eighth, shall be revived and
practised after the twentieth of December
next following : after which term, the offici-
ating in any other Service is forbidden.
And lastly, it is provided, that all persons of
the Clergy shall be at liberty in the mean
time, to use either the old or the new Service.
The enforcing of the Act, and the dread
TROUBLES AT FRANKFORT. 71
of the persecution which they saw impending,
induced many of the learned and pious men,
who had taken a prominent part in promoting
the Reformation, to quit the land of their
birth, and to seek for safety in foreign coun-
tries, particularly in Germany and Switzer-
land. The largest number of refugees ap-
pears to have settled at Frankfort. They
arrived in this city in the latter end of June,
1555, and on the 14th of July, by the special
favour and mediation of Glauberg, one of
the chief senators of that state, had a
church granted to them; yet so, as they
were to hold the same in " coparcenie"
with the French Protestants, they one day,
and the English another; and on Sunday,
alternately to choose their hours, as they
could best agree among themselves. The
church was also granted them with this
proviso, that they should not dissent from
the French, in doctrine or ceremony, lest
thereby they should minister occasion of
offence. On the 29th of the same month,
our English, with great joy, entered their
72 TROUBLES AT FRANKFORT.
new church, and had two Sermons preached
to their singular comfort.
As it is to the unfortunate dissensions
which arose among the exiles in Frankfort,
that much of the subsequent hostility to the
Prayer Book is to be traced, a short account
of those dissensions will not be inexpedient.
Out of conformity, then, to the French Pro-
testants, the English exiles abrogated many
things, formerly used by them in the Church
of England. They concluded, that the an-
swering aloud after the Minister should not be
used ; and that the surplice, the Litany, and
other ceremonies in the service and sacra-
ments, should be omitted, both as superfluous
and superstitious. In place of the English
Confession, they used another, judged by
them of more effect, and framed according to
the state and time. The congregation then
sang to a plain tune, one of the Psalms of
the version of Sternhold and Hopkins. That
done, the Minister prayed for the assistance
of God's Spirit, and so proceeded to the
Sermon. After Sermon, a general Prayer for
TROUBLES AT FRANKFORT. 73
all States, and particularly for England,
was devised, which was ended with the
Lord's Prayer. Then followed a rehearsal
of the Articles of Belief; another Psalm;
and then the Minister pronounced the Bless-
ing, after which the people departed 8 .
By framing their Confession according to
the state and time was meant, probably, that
it was made more particularly, not only for
sinners, but for exiles, acknowledging their
present banishment as being justly inflicted
upon them for their offences. The prayer
devised after the Sermon, seems not to have
been an extemporary prayer then conceived
by the Minister, but a set form agreed upon
by the congregation. The account of their
Service here given, is to be understood as
referring to those instances only in which it
differed from the English Liturgy, which is
the reason why no mention is made of read-
ing the Psalms and Lessons b .
Thus settled in their church, their next
care was to write letters, dated August 1st,
a Fuller's Church History. " Fuller.
E
74 TROUBLES AT FRANKFORT.
to all the English congregations at Stras-
burgh, Zurich, Wesel, Emcben, &c. to invite
them, with all convenient speed, to come to
Frankfort. With this invitation, the other
exiles were little disposed to comply. Those
at Zurich particularly, who were most of
them men of distinguished learning , pleaded
in their excuse, that they were peaceably
settled, and courteously used where they
were, and that to go away before they had
the least injury offered to them, was to offer
an injury to those who so long and lovingly
entertained them. The main point, how-
ever, was, that the exiles of Zurich were
resolved not to recede from the Liturgy
used in England in the time of Edward the
Sixth ; and except those of Frankfort would
give them assurance, that, coming thither,
they should have the full and free use
thereof, they utterly refused any communion
with their congregation.
About this time, John Knox, who was
afterwards the vehement and sturdy leader
Fuller, book viii. p. 26.
TROUBLES AT FRANKFORT. 75
of the Reformation in Scotland, came from
Geneva, and was chosen by the congre-
gation of Frankfort for their constant
Minister. Nearly at the same period arrived
Grindal, afterwards Archbishop of Canter-
bury, and Chambers, deputed by the congre-
gation at Strasburgh. They proposed, that
they should have the substance and effect of
the Common Prayer Book, though such cere-
monies and things, which the country could
not bear, might well be omitted. Knox and
Whittingham asked them, what they meant
by the substance of the Book; and the
Strasburgh deputies not being prepared to
state, precisely, the extent of their proposal,
it was for the present dropped d .
It gave occasion, however, to Knox and
others in Frankfort to draw up in Latin a
description of the Liturgy as used in
England under King Edward, and to sub-
mit it to the judgment of Calvin, who with
many of the Reformers, both English and
foreign, had acquired an almost Papal su-
rf Fuller.
E2
76 TROUBLES AT FRANKFORT.
premacy. Calvin answered, that in " the
Liturgy of the Church of England were
many weaknesses % which, seeing that there
was no manifest impiety in them, might for
a season be borne with, but that it behoved
the learned, grave, and godly Ministers of
Christ to set forth something more pure
and free from imperfection." This censure
pronounced by Calvin produced a powerful
effect upon the congregation at Frankfort.
Some who formerly partly approved, did
now dislike, and more who formerly did
dislike, did now detest, the English Liturgy.
In this position stood matters at Frank-
fort, when Dr. Richard Cox, with some of
his friends from England, arrived there.
Cox was a man of high spirit, deep learning,
unblameable life, and of great credit among
his countrymen ; he had been tutor to
Edward VI. He with others coming into
the congregation, (March 13,) discomposed
the order of their service, by answering
aloud after the Minister. And on the
* Ineptiae.
TROUBLES AT FRANKFORT. 77
Sunday following, one of his friends, without
the consent and knowledge of the congre-
gation, got up into the pulpit, and there
read the Litany. Knox was highly offended,
and in the afternoon took occasion in his
sermon sharply to reprove the authors of this
disorder, declaring that many things in the
Prayer Book were superstitious, impure, and
imperfect ; and that he would never consent
that they should be received into the con-
gregation. Cox, however, being supported
by refugees newly arrived from England,
Knox called in to his support . the au-
thority of the Senate of Frankfort ; and
Glauberg (who at first procured for them
the use of the church) publicly professed,
that if the reformed order of the congre-
gation of Frankfort were not therein ob-
served, as he had opened the church door
unto them, so he would shut it again. Upon
this, the opposite part had recourse to an
expedient, unworthy both of them and of the
cause which they advocated. They repre-
sented to the civil authorities of the city,
78 TROUBLES AT FRANKFORT.
that Knox had some years before published
a book 6 , in which he said that the Emperor
was no less an enemy to Christ than was
Nero. " Such/ ' observes the honest historian f
from whom this account is taken, " such too
often is the badness of good people, that in
the heat of passion, they account any play
to be fair play, which tends to the over-
turning of those with whom they contend."
Hereupon the State of Frankfort (as an
imperial town, highly concerned to be tender
of the Emperor's honour) ordered Knox to
depart from the city ; who, accordingly,
on the 25th of March, to the great grief of
his friends and followers, left the congre-
gation.
A triumph achieved by such means cannot
have been unattended by some painful mis-
givings. At all events, the hostility to the
Liturgy, which had previously been felt and
avowed by Knox and his adherents, became
more bitter and more deeply rooted, and
the effects of it were felt by the Church of
e An Admonition to Christians. f Fuller.
TROUBLES AT FRANKFORT. 79
England during the whole of the ensuing
century. Of these adherents of Knox, Fox
the Martyrologist and a few more retired,
shortly afterwards, to Basle ; the greater
number settled themselves at Geneva, where
they were all most courteously enter-
tained 5 .
It was here that in the year 1557, some
of the refugees published an English New
Testament, the first in our language which
contained the distinction of verses by nume-
rical figures, after the manner of the Greek
Testament, which had been published in
Paris by Robert Stephens in 1551. In
1560, the whole Bible in quarto was printed
at Geneva by Rowland Harle ; some of the
refugees from England continuing in that
city for this purpose. The chief and most
learned of the translators were Bishop
Coverdale, Gilby, and Whittingham, as-
sisted by a few others, all zealous Calvinists
both in doctrine and discipline. In the
division of the verses they followed the
* Fuller.
80 TROUBLES AT FRANKFORT.
Hebrew example, and added the number to
each verse. They also introduced brief an-
notations for ascertaining the text, and
explaining obscure words h ; annotations, as
might be expected, not untinged with the
peculiar notions of the translators.
h Hartwell Home, vol. ii.
CHAP. IV.
The Prayer Book under Queen Elizabeth. Act of Supremacy.
High Commission Court. Public Disputation in Westminster
Abbey. The English Prayer Book restored. Sunday Proper
Lessons. Bishops' Bible.
QUEEN MARY died the 17th of November,
1558. Elizabeth was then at Hatfield,
when, having received intelligence of her
sister's death, and of her being proclaimed
Queen, she came from that place to London.
On the 19th, at Highgate, all the Bishops
met her. She received them courteously,
allowing them to kiss her hands, all except
Bonner, whom she considered as being
defiled with so much blood, that she could
not think it fit to bestow any mark of her
favour on him. She passed that night at
the Duke of Norfolk's residence in the
E3
82 THE PRAYER BOOK
Charter House, while preparation was made
for her reception in the Tower. Upon her
entering the Tower, the next day or soon
after, she kneeled down, and offered up
thanks to God for that great change in her
condition ; that whereas she had been for-
merly a prisoner in that place, every hour
in fear of her life, she now entered it as
Queen of England 3 .
Elizabeth was now about the age of
twenty-five, and had been so well disciplined
in the excellent school of adversity, as to have
become mistress of a wisdom and discretion
above her years. Of this she gave an early
proof in the choice of her Ministers ; for she
made of her Privy-Council, Heath, Arch-
bishop of York, a man of singular prudence,
and a well-tempered judgment, together with
twelve other Romanists, who had held the
same station and dignity under Queen
Mary. To these she added eight Pro-
testants, among whom were Cecil and Sir
Nicholas Bacon. To Bacon she committed
a Burnet and-Heylin.
UNDER QUEEN ELIZABETH. 83
the custody of the Great Seal b , Heath still
retaining the title of Lord Chancellor. On
these, as well as on all others whom she after-
wards admitted into the administration of
state affairs, she bestowed her favours with
so much caution and so little distinction, as
to prevent either party from gaining the
ascendancy over her, whereby she remained
mistress of her own self, and preserved entire
both their affections and her own authority .
Elizabeth's first and great concern, after
her settlement on the Throne, was to restore
the reformed religion ; and though she made
but very few privy to the design, yet so well
was she persuaded of its purity and ortho-
doxy, and had built upon the principles of
reason and education such a high opinion of
its primitive truth and simplicity, that she
was fully resolved to countenance and sup-
port it d . Elizabeth had been bred up from
her infancy with a hatred of the Papacy,
and a love to the Reformation ; but yet, as
her first impressions in her father's reign
b Heylin. c Camden. u Camden.
84 THE PRAYER BOOK
were in favour of such old rites as he had
still retained, so in her own nature she loved
state, and some magnificence in religion, as
in every thing else. She thought, that in
her brother's reign they had stripped it too
much of external ornaments, and had made
their doctrine too narrow in some points.
She intended therefore to have some things
explained in more general terms, that so all
parties might be comprehended by them.
She was inclined to keep up images in
churches ; and to have the manner of
Christ's presence in the Sacrament left in
some general words, that those who believed
the corporeal presence, might not be driven
away from the Church by too strict an
explanation of it. Nor did she like the
title of Supreme Head of the Church ; she
thought it imported too great a power, and
came too near that authority which belonged
to Christ alone e .
The Queen's position, however, with re-
ference both to the continental powers, to
e Burnet, vol. ii, p. 376.
UNDER QUEEN ELIZABETH. 85
Scotland, and to her own subjects, required
that she should proceed with great prudence
and discretion. Many who were imprisoned
for the sake of religion, she restored to
liberty at her first coming to the Crown;
but when Rainsford, a gentleman of the
Court, made suit to her in behalf of
Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, who had
long been imprisoned in a Latin translation,
that they also might be restored to liberty,
and walk abroad, as formerly, in the English
tongue, she presently answered, " that she
should first endeavour to know the minds of
the prisoners, who perhaps desired no such
liberty as was demanded f ."
It was difficult to keep within any rea-
sonable bounds the intemperate zeal of both
religious parties, which threatened to throw
the whole kingdom into confusion. At
Dover, at Hailsham, in Bow church 8 in
London, and in other places, some Protestant
zealots engaged early and eagerly in the
work of pulling down images, demolishing
f Heylin. g Strype's Annals, p. 49.
86 THE PRAYER BOOK
altars, and defacing and injuring various
parts of the churches. At the same time
several of the zealous ministers who had
been silenced during the reign of Mary, and
many of those who now returned from exile,
upon resuming their pulpits, inveighed bit-
terly against the superstitions and corrup-
tions of the Church of Rome. The Romanist
preachers on the other hand, as was to be
expected, were not sparing of invectives
against their assailants, whom they accused
of heresy, schism, and innovations in the
worship of God.
For the suppressing of these disorders
and dissentions, the Queen issued two
Proclamations, nearly at the same time.
By one of these it was commanded, that no
man, of what persuasion soever in point of
religion, should be suffered from thenceforth
to preach in public, but only such as should
be licensed by her authority ; and that all
such as were so licensed and appointed,
should forbear preaching upon any point
which was matter of controversy, and might
UNDER QUEEN ELIZABETH. 87
conduce rather to exasperate than to calm
men's passions. By the other Proclamation,
which was published on the thirtieth of
December, it was enjoined, " That no man, *
of what quality or degree soever, should
presume to alter any thing in the state of
religion, or innovate in any of the rites and
ceremonies thereunto belonging, but that
all such rites and ceremonies should be
observed in all parish churches of the king-
dom, as were then used and retained in her
Majesty's chapel, until some further order
should be taken in it." Only it was per-
mitted, and indeed required, that the Litany,
the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and the Ten
Commandments, should be said in the
English tongue, and that the Epistle and
the Gospel, at the time of the High Mass,
should be read in English ; which was
accordingly done in all the churches of
London on the next Sunday after, being
New-year's day, and by degrees in all the
other churches of the kingdom also. Far-
ther than this she thought it not prudent to
88 THE PRAYER BOOK
proceed at present. She, however, com-
manded the bishop or minister who offi-
ciated in the Chapel-Royal, not to make
any elevation of the Sacrament, the better
to prevent that adoration which was given
to it, and which she could not suffer to be
done in her sight, without a most apparent
wrong to her judgment and conscience. This
being soon generally known, and all other
Churches being ordered to conform themselves
to the example of the Chapel-Royal, the ele-
vation was forborne in most other places, to
the great dissatisfaction of the Romanists ? .
About the same time, making none ac-
quainted with her intentions, excepting the
Marquis of Northampton, the Earl of Bed-
ford, Sir John Gray, and Sir William Cecil,
she committed the reviewing of the Liturgy,
established at the death of Edward the
Sixth, to eight of the most learned and able
men of the kingdom. These were, Bill, the
Queen's Almoner, and afterwards Dean of
Westminster, Parker, Grindal, Cox, Pilking-
8 Heylin's Hist. Ref. vol. ii. p. 145.
UNDER QUEEN ELIZABETH. 89
ton, May, Whitehead, and Sir Thomas
Smith, at whose house in Canon-Row h the
Commissioners met to prosecute their work,
being supplied with food and fuel at the public
expense. The four last-named Divines had
been exiles during the Marian persecution.
Cox and May had been employed in pre-
paring the first Prayer Book of Edward VI.
Parker and Grindal became afterwards
in succession Archbishops of Canterbury.
Whitehead, " a grave and elderly Divine,
highly esteemed by Cranmer'," had formerly
been Chaplain to Ann Bullen k . Other
learned men were afterwards to be called
in to give their assistance and assent 1 .
The funeral of Queen Mary was solemnized
on the thirteenth of December, (1558,) at
the Abbey of Westminster, and the obsequies
of the Emperor Charles V. were performed at
" Strype's Life of Sir T. Smith, p. 73. Smith is by
Fuller styled " Principal Secretary of Estate."
1 Life of Sir T. Smith.
k Fuller, p. 386.
i Life of Sir T. Smith.
90 THE PRAYER BOOK
the same place about ten days after. Having
paid this tribute of respect to her immediate
predecessor, and to that mighty Sovereign
of many thrones who had voluntarily quitted
them all for the retirement of the cloister,
Elizabeth began to prepare for her own
coronation. She passed from Westminster
to the Tower on the twelfth of January,
attended by the Lord Mayor, Aldermen,
and other citizens, in their barges, with the
banners and escutcheons of the several
companies. On the thirteenth she prepared
for a triumphant passage through London
to her Palace at Westminster. Before she
took her seat in her carriage, she is said to
have lifted up her eyes to heaven, and to
have offered a prayer to the following pur-
port ; " O Lord Almighty, and everliving
God, I give thee most hearty thanks that
thou hast been so merciful unto me, as to
spare me to see this joyful day. And I
acknowledge that thou hast dealt as won-
derfully and as mercifully with me, as thou
didst with thy true and faithful servant
UNDER QUEEN ELIZABETH. 91
Daniel the prophet, whom thou deliveredst
out of the den from the cruelty of the
raging and greedy lions ; even so was I
overwhelmed, and only by thee delivered.
To thee only be thanks, honour, and praise
for ever. Amen." In this thanksgiving, she
alluded to her imprisonment, first in the
Tower of London, and afterwards in the
custody of Mr. Henry Bedingfield, and the
great harshness and severity with which, in
both places, she had been treated. Indeed,
she had been in no little danger of being
brought to the scaffold for the sake of
religion, a danger from which she appears
to have been rescued by the kind, but
politic, intercession of King Philip, the hus-
band of Mary m . On her progress through
the city, she was every where received with
joyful shouts and acclamations of God save
the Queen, which she returned with such a
modest affability and so good a grace, that
it drew tears of joy from the eyes of some,
and prayers and thanksgivings from the
m Heylin, p. 97, 98.
92 THE PRAYER BOOK
hearts of all. But nothing more endeared
her to them, than the accepting of an
English Bible richly gilt, which was let
down from one of the pageants, by a child
representing Truth. Upon receiving the
book, she first kissed it, and then laid it in
her bosom, giving the City greater thanks
for that excellent gift, than for all the rest,
which plenteously had been that day be-
stowed upon her, and promised to be diligent
in reading it. The next morning (January
fourteenth) the Queen was crowned in West-
minster Abbey, according to the order of
the Roman Pontifical, by Oglethorp, Bishop
of Carlisle, all the other Bishops declining
to perform the office".
Parliament was summoned to meet on the
23d of January, but, on account of the Queen's
indisposition, was prorogued till the 25th.
It opened with a long speech of Bacon's the
Lord Keeper, in which he " laid before them
the distracted state of the nation, both in
matters of religion, and the other miseries
n Burnet, Heylin, and Collier.
UNDER QUEEN ELIZABETH. 93
that the wars and late calamities had brought
upon them. For religion, the Queen desired
that they would consider of it without heat
or partial affection, or using any reproachful
term of Papist or Heretic or Schismatic, and
that they would avoid the extremes of idol-
atry and superstition on the one hand, and
contempt and irreligion on the other ; and
that they would examine matters without
sophistical niceties or too subtle speculations,
and endeavour to settle things so as might
bring the people to an uniformity and cordial
agreement in them"."
One of the earliest objects of the atten-
tion of Parliament, was the Bill for esta-
blishing the Queen's supremacy, giving the
Queen the title, not of supreme head, a
title which she herself disapproved of, and
which justly gave offence to many, but
that of supreme governor of the Church.
In the third session of Parliament in Queen
Mary's time, an Act had been passed,
declaring, That the Regal power was in the
n Burnet, vol. ii. p. 381.
94 ACT OF SUPREMACY.
Queen's Majesty, as fully as it had been in
any of her predecessors. That Act, and the
Act of Supremacy now proposed, were not to
be considered as introductory of a new power,,
which was not in the Crown before, but as
declaratory of a power actually existing,
which naturally belonged to all Christian
Princes, and among others to the Kings and
Queens of the Realm of England . The
Act for restoring the supremacy of the Crown
was long and warmly debated. Heath,
Archbishop of York, and Scot, Bishop of
Chester, spoke against it at considerable
length. It was brought up from the Com-
mons on the 27th of February, but appears
not to have finally passed the House of
Lords with its additional clauses and provisos
until the 29th of April.
One very important clause of this Act em-
powered the Queen and her successors to
erect the High Commission Court for the
exercise of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, with
powers similar to those which had been given
Heylin, p 108.
HIGH COMMISSION COURT. 95
by Henry the Eighth to Cromwell, under
the title or designation of Lord Vice-Regent
or Vicar-General.
As it must be acknowledged, that the
extensive powers of this Court were, in the
two succeeding reigns, sometimes exercised
harshly and oppressively, and since, being so
exercised, they contributed not a little to
embitter and exasperate the hostility of the
enemies of the Church of England and of the
Prayer Book, that hostility, which for a time
succeeded in overthrowing and trampling
upon both, it becomes expedient to pay some
attention to the first establishment of this
formidable tribunal. The clause alluded to
enables the Queen and her successors, to
assign, by Letters Patent under the Great
Seal, such persons, and for so long time as
they shall think fit, (provided they are
natural born subjects,) for the exercising,
under the Crown, all manner of spiritual or
ecclesiastical jurisdiction. Particularly by
this Act, the Commissioners are empowered
" to view, reform, redress, order, correct, and
96 HIGH COMMISSION COURT.
amend, all such errors, heresies, schisms,
abuses, offences, contempts, and enormities
whatsoever, which by any manner of spiritual
or ecclesiastical power, authority, or juris-
diction, can or may lawfully be reformed,
ordered, repressed, corrected, restrained, or
amended," &c. &c. Nothing can be more
comprehensive than the terms of this clause.
The whole compass of Church discipline
seems transferred to the Crown. It is further
enacted, " that no person nor persons, who
shall be authorized by the Queen, her heirs
and successors, to execute any spiritual ju-
risdiction, shall have any authority or power
to determine or judge any matter or cause
to be heresy, but only such as heretofore had
been adjudged to be heresy, by the authority
of the canonical Scriptures, or by the first
four General Councils p , or any of them V &c.
p 1. Nice, in 325. 2. Constantinople, 381 . 3. Ephe-
sus, 431. 4. Chalcedon, 451. (Waddington's Hist, of
the Church.)
n Collier, vol. ii. p. 421. There are other provisions
in the Act, which it is not thought necessary to give at
length.
DISPUTATION IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY. 97
Previously to the introduction of the Bill
for restoring the English Liturgy, it was
thought expedient that a public disputation
should be held upon certain points, which
were most likely to occasion opposition.
The disputants were to be four Bishops and
five other learned men on the part of the
Romanists, and nine distinguished Divines on
that of the Reformers. The advocates for
the Romanists were White Bishop of Win-
chester, Bayne Bishop of Litchfield, Scott
Bishop of Chester, Watson Bishop of Lin-
coln, Cole Dean of St. Paul's, and Langdale
Archdeacon of Lewes. Those for the Reform-
ation were Scory late Bishop of Chichester,
Cox late Dean of Westminster, Home late
Dean of Durham, Aylmer late Archdeacon
of Stow, Whitehead, Grindal, Guest, and
Jewel a .
The disputation was to begin on the
30th of March, and was to take place in
Westminster Abbey, in the presence of
as many of the Lords of the Council,
and of the Members of both Houses
a Collier, vol. ii. p. 414.
F
98 DISPUTATION IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY.
of Parliament, as were desirous, in this
manner, to gain information respecting the
state of the question to be discussed. The
disputation for that reason was to be held
in the English language, and to be managed
by a mutual interchange of writings upon
every point ; those writings which were given
in one day, to be reciprocally answered on
a'nother, and so on, from day to day, till the
whole was concluded. To this arrangement
the Bishops gave consent, for themselves, and
for the rest of their party. The points to be
discussed were these ;
First, " That it is repugnant to the word
of God, and the custom of the ancient Church,
to use a tongue unknown to the people in
common prayer, and in the administration of
the Sacraments."
Secondly," That every Church hath autho-
rity to appoint, take away, and change cere-
monies and ecclesiastical rites, so the same
be done to edification."
Thirdly, " That it cannot be proved by the
word of God, that there is in the Mass offered
up a sacrifice for the living and the dead."
DISPUTATION IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY, 99
The day being come, and the place pre-
pared for so large an audience, the Lord
Keeper Bacon took the Chair as moderator ;
not for the purpose of determining any thing
in the points discussed, but solely to preserve
order, and to take care that the disputation
should be managed in the form agreed upon.
Contrary to expectation, the Bishops and
their party brought nothing in writing to be
publicly read, and then delivered to their op-
ponents, but contended for a viva voce discus-
sion, appointing Cole, Dean of St. Paul's, to
be their spokesman r . Cole accordingly made
a long discourse in defence of the Latin Ser-
vice, the greatest part of which he read from a
book or paper, a copy of which he refused to
give to the advocates of the Reformation.
The arguments which he used certainly ap-
pear singularly weak. When this was done,
the Lord Keeper turned to those of the other
side, and desired them to read their paper.
Home, late Dean of Durham, was appointed
r Heylin's History of the Reformation. See also
Collier and Burnet.
F 2
100 DISPUTATION IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY.
to do this. He began with a short prayer
to God to enlighten their minds, and with a
protestation that they were resolved to follow
the truth according to the word of God.
He then read his paper, in which he said,
that, " they founded their assertion on St.
Paul's words, wherein, in the 14th chapter of
his first Epistle to the Corinthians, he had
expressly treated of the subject, and spoke in
it, not only of preaching, but of praying with
the understanding; and said that the un-
learned were to say Amen at the giving of
thanks. From that chapter they argued,
that St. Paul commanded all things should
be done to edification, which could not be by
an unknown language. St. Paul also charged
them, that nothing should be said that had
an uncertain sound ; and that, as the sound
of the trumpet must be distinct, so the
people must understand what is said, that so
they might say Amen at the giving of thanks.
St. Paul also required those that spoke in a
strange language, and could not get one to
interpret, to hold their peace, since it was an
DISPUTATION IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY. 101
absurd thing for one to be as the speaker of
a foreign language to others in the worship
of God. They added, that these things were
so strictly commanded by St. Paul, that it is
plain they are not indiffereMt, or within the
power of the Church. In the Old T&sta-
ment the Jews have their worship-in- their own
language, and the new dispensation being
more spiritual than the old, it was absurd
that the worship of God should be less un-
derstood by themselves than it had been by
the Jews. The chief end of worship is,
according to David, that we may shew forth
God's praises, which cannot be done, if it is
in a strange tongue, &c. &c. s The most
barbarous nations perform their worship in a
known tongue, which shews it to be a law of
nature. It is plain from Justin Martyr's
apology, that the worship in his time was in a
known tongue; and a long citation was quoted
from St. Basil, for the singing of psalms,
duly weighing the words with much atten-
tion and devotion ; which, he says, was prac-
5 Burnet, vol. ii. p. 390, 3.
102 DISPUTATION IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY.
tised in all nations. They concluded by
expressing their wonder, how such an abuse
could at first creep in, and should still be so
stiffly maintained ; and why those, who would
be thought the ^guides and pastors of the
Church, were so unwilling to return to the
rule'of'St. Paul, -and the practice of the pri-
mitive times." When he had concluded, the
assembly expressed their approbation of his
arguments by a shout of applause ; and the
paper, signed by himself and all his col-
leagues, was given to the Lord Keeper,
to be delivered to the other side, as he
should think fit. But he kept it until
the other side should bring in theirs*. The
Romanists now alleged, that they had
more to offer upon thejirst question. This
was contradicting their former answer ; for,
when Cole had ended his first discourse, the
Privy Council asking him if they had any
thing to say farther upon that head, they
answered, No. However, to take off all
pretences of complaint, the Conference was
r Burnet, vol. ii. p. 391.
DISPUTATION IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY. 103
adjourned till the Monday following,
and the Romanists were ordered to bring in
their paper relating to the second proposition,
with a promise that what they had farther
proposed upon the fast question, should like-
wise be heard. To this both parties agreed.
But when the day came, the Romanists in-
sisting upon reading the supplemental paper
on ihejirst question, and refusing to abide
by the terms of the agreement, the Con-
ference, after some dissension, broke up".
Watson Bishop of Winchester, and White
of Lincoln, went so far as to threaten the
Queen with excommunication. The Ro-
manists contended that they were straitened
in time ; that it was beneath them to go
through a disputation of this kind, where
Bacon, a mere layman, was to sit as judge ;
and finally, that the points to be argued
had been determined already by the Catholic
Church, and therefore were not to be called
in question without leave from the Pope x .
u Collier, vol. ii. p. 417. from the Paper Office.
* Heylin,p. 11 1, 112. and Collier.
104 THE ENGLISH PRAYER BOOK RESTORED.
It was by this last consideration, probably,
that they were chiefly influenced-''.
To the Commissioners who, towards the
conclusion of the preceding year, had been
appointed to review King Edward's Liturgy,
Cecil had added Guest, afterwards Bishop
of Rochester, a man of great learning and of
sound judgment ; directing him carefully to
compare King Edward's two books together,
and from them both to frame a book for the
use of the Church of England, correcting
and altering according to his judgment and
the ancient Liturgies. The alterations which
were made by these prudent and pious men
were not many. With regard to the vest-
ments, it was now ordered, that the Min-
ister at the time of the Communion, and at
all other times in his ministration, shall use
such ornaments in the church, as were in
use by authority of Parliament, in the second
year of King Edward the Sixth. In the
Litany, the petition for deliverance " from
" the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, and
y Camden.
THE ENGLISH' PRAYER BOOK RESTORED. 105
" all his detestable enormities," was left out ;
and the Prayer, that the Queen might be
" strengthened in the true worshipping of
" God, in righteousness, and true holiness
" of life," was added.
At the end of the Litany, the Prayer for
the King or Queen, and that for the Clergy,
were added, as was the Collect, beginning,
O God, whose nature and property is ever to
have mercy, &c.
In the first Liturgy of King Edward, the
Priest, upon administering the Sacrament
to each communicant, was directed to say,
The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ, which
was given for thee, preserve thy body and soul
unto everlasting life ; and words to a similar
purport upon administering the cup. This,
being thought by some of our Reformers to give
some countenance to the doctrine of Tran-
substantiation,was omitted in Edward's second
Prayer Book ; and the words, Take and eqt
this in remembrance that Christ died for thee,
and feed on him in thy heart by faith with thanks-
giving, were substituted. The revisers of the
F3
106 THE ENGLISH PRAYER BOOK RESTORED.
Prayer Book under Elizabeth, joined both
forms together, lest, under colour of reject-
ing a carnal, they might be thought also to
deny such a real presence, as was defended
in the writings of the ancient Fathers 2 .
They struck out also the Rubric at the end
of the Communion Service, which said, that
the direction that the communicants should
receive the elements kneeling, was meant,
" for the humble and grateful acknowledg-
" ing of the benefits of Christ given to
" the worthy receiver," &c. and was not
meant to imply, " that any adoration is
" done or ought to be done, either unto the
" sacramental bread and wine then bodily
" received, or unto any real and spiritual
" presence then being of Christ's natural
" flesh and blood a ."
A Bill for restoring the English Prayer
Book, with these slight alterations, was read
the first time in the House of Commons on
. Heylin, p. 111.
a This Rubric was restored, nearly in the same words,
at the last Review.
THE ENGLISH PRAYER BOOK RESTORED. 107
the 18th of April, and passed on the 20th.
On the 25th it was brought up to the House
of Lords. Feckenham b the Abbot of West-
minster, and Scott Bishop of Chester, spoke
against it at considerable length. On the
28th, however, it passed under the title of
An Act for the Uniformity of Common
Prayer and Service in the Church, and Ad-
ministration of the Sacraments ; and was to
come into operation on the day of St. John
the Baptist (June 24), then ensuing.
This restoration of the Prayer Book
naturally gave great offence to the zealous
advocates of the Church of Rome, both
abroad and at home, and the Prayer Book
itself was assailed from many quarters.
Bishop Pilkington, who had been an exile
for religion during the Marian persecution,
replied to these assailants, that, " our
b " Queen Mary preferred him (Feckenham) from
being Dean of Paul's to be Abbot of Westminster,
which church she erected and endowed for Benedictine
monks." Fuller, book ix. p. 79. This preferment
seems to have given him a seat in the House of Lords.
108 THE ENGLISH PRAYER BOOK RESTORED.
service hath nothing in it, but what is
written in God's book, the Holy Bible,
(where no lie can be found,) saving Te
Deum, and a few collects and prayers ;
which although they be not contained in the
Scriptures, yet differing in words, they
agree in sense and meaning with the
Articles of the Faith, and the whole body
of the Scriptures ." The more moderate
of the Romanist laity, however, found the
Prayer Book so free from any thing cal-
culated to give them just ground of offence,
that for the first ten years of Elizabeth they
came frequently to church 11 , and to the
Lord's Supper 6 .
The case of the Romanist Bishops, who,
by the Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity,
were deprived of their preferment in the
Church, was not neglected abroad. The
Queen was solicited by the Emperor, and
by other Roman Catholic Princes, to deal
c Strype's Annals, p. 87.
d Collier, vol. ii. p. 436.
e Burnet.
THE ENGLISH PRAYER BOOK RESTORED.
favourably with them; and to allow the
Papists some churches in cities, and great
towns. To this the Queen replied, " that
notwithstanding those Bishops disobeyed the
laws, and disturbed the quiet of the king-
dom ; though they refused compliance with
that doctrine, which in the reigns of her
father and brother they had publicly re-
commended and maintained ; notwithstand-
ing this inconsistency and misbehaviour, yet
in regard to those Princes, she was willing
to treat them gently ; though this could not
be done without disgusting the rest of her
subjects. But to grant them churches to
officiate in their worship, and keep up a
distinct communion, were things which the
public interest, her own honour and con-
science, could not allow. Neither was there
any reason for such an indulgence; for there
was no new faith propagated in England ;
no religion set up, but that which was com-
manded by our Saviour, practised by the
primitive Church, and unanimously ap-
proved by the Fathers of the best antiquity."
110 THE ENGLISH PRAYER BOOK RESTORED.
In fact, both from inclination and from
policy, Elizabeth, at the beginning of her
reign, was well disposed to conciliate the
Romanists ; and it must be acknowledged,
that Pius IV. who, in August 1559, suc-
ceeded Paul IV. in the Papacy, was not
deficient in his endeavours to win back the
Queen and country to allegiance to the
Church of Rome.
The See of Canterbury had been vacant
since the death of Cardinal Pole, who died
almost on the same day with Queen Mary.
Parker, a man of distinguished learning 1 ,
was selected by Elizabeth for this high
office. Parker had, in the reign of Queen
Mary, been deprived of all his church pre-
ferment on account of his marriage, and in
" those years lurked secretly within the
house of one of his friends; leading a poor
life, without any man's aid or succour; and
yet so well contented with his lot, that in
that pleasant rest and leisure for his studies,
he would never, in respect of himself, have
f " By far the most prudent churchman of the time."
Hallam.
THE ENGLISH PRAYER BOOK RESTORED. Ill
desired any other kind of life, the extreme
fear of danger only excepteds." He says
himself, " After my deprivation, I lived so
joyful before God in my conscience, and so
neither ashamed nor dejected, that the most
sweet leisure for study to which the good
providence of God recalled me, created me
much greater and more solid pleasures, than
that former busy and dangerous kind of
living ever pleased me. What will here-
after happen to me, I know not ; but to God,
who takes care of all, and who will one day
reveal the hidden things of men's hearts, I
commend myself wholly, and my godly and
most chaste wife, and my two most dear
little sons. And I beseech the same most
great and good God, that we may for the
time to come with unshaken minds bear the
reproach of Christ, that we may always re-
member, that we have here no abiding city,
but may seek one to come, by the grace and
mercy of my Lord Jesus Christ 11 ." On one
Strype's Life of Parker, p. 31.
tl Strype's Life of Parker.
11-2 THE ENGLISH PRAYER BOOK RESTORED.
occasion during his concealment strict
search was made for him, which he having
some notice of, escaped in the night in
great danger, and was so severely hurt
by a fall from his horse, that he never
recovered it. Upon the first intimation of
the Queen's intention to place him in the
high and responsible situation of Archbishop
of Canterbury, he manifested deep and un-
feigned reluctance to accept it. In answer
to two successive summonses from the Lord
Keeper Bacon, who did not, as yet, mention
precisely the dignity intended for him, and
again, in reply to a third more peremptory,
from Cecil, the secretary, in the Queen's
name, he excused himself from coming to
London on the plea of bad health. A fourth
letter, from the Lord Keeper, in January,
brought him to Court, but it was not till the
17th of May, that Bacon intimated to him
that it was determined by the Council, that
the Archbishopric should be conferred upon
him. Upon this Parker addressed an earnest
letter to the Queen herself* humbly imploring
THE ENGLISH PRAYER BOOK RESTORED. 113
her " to discharge him of that so high and
" chargeable an office/' on account of " his
" great unworthiness," his disability, his po-
verty, and also his infirmity of body. " But
"nothing would do," says his biographer',
" and Dr. Parker must be the man pitched
" upon, for his admirable qualities, and rare
" accomplishments, to fill the See of Can-
" terbury."
Accordingly on the 17th of December,
1559, Parker was with much form and ce-
remony consecrated in Lambeth Chapel by
the four Bishops, Barlow, Scory, Coverdale,
and Hodgkins, according to the ordinal
of King Edward the Sixth, then newly
printed for that purpose k ; only the cere-
mony of putting the staff in his hand, was
left out in this reign. The Confirmation of
his election had taken place on the 9th at
the Church of St. Mary Le Bow, (de Arcu-
bus, the Court of Arches,) in Cheapside,
i Strype, p. 39.
k Strype, Heylin, and Burnet.
114 SUNDAY PROPER LESSONS.
with exact attention to all the minute forms
prescribed by law 1 .
Parker, as has already been mentioned,
was one of the Commissioners, appointed at
the very beginning of Elizabeth's reign, to
revise the Book of Common Prayer. In
1560, not long after his consecration as
Archbishop, he, with the rest of the Eccle-
siastical Commissioners, observed, that some
chapters appointed to be read in the ordinary
course of the Common Prayer, were likely
to be of little benefit to common hearers,
and thought that they might well be changed
for others tending more to edification. He
accordingly procured letters under the Great
Seal, dated January 22, to the Commis-
sioners, and particularly to himself, with
Grindal Bishop of London, Dr. Bill, and
1 It is not improbable, that the various officers, eccle-
siastical and civil, employed in the ceremony, may have
dined together afterwards at the Nag's Head close by ;
which may have given occasion to the palpably absurd
and most improbable fiction of the Nag's Head conse-
cration, invented forty years afterwards. Strype's Life
of Parker.
SUNDAY PROPER LESSONS. 115
Dr. Haddon, authorizing them, among other
things, " to peruse the order of the Lessons
throughout the whole year, and to cause
new calendars to be printed." Before the
reformation of the Lessons, it was recom-
mended to the discretion of the officiating
ministers, to change the chapters for some
others more proper. For so it is in
the Admonition to Ecclesiastical Ministers
set before the second Book of Homilies 111 :
" And when it may so chance, some one or
The second Book of Homilies, to which the admo-
nition above mentioned was prefixed, had been pre-
pared, or nearly so, before the death of Edward the
Sixth, and is supposed to have been written by Jewel.
(Key's Lectures, vol. iv. p. 460.,) They were revised
and finished by Parker, and the other Bishops, (Jewel
was now Bishop of Salisbury,) during the Convocation
in 1562-3. The Preface, which was afterwards slightly
altered, was written by Cox, Bishop of Ely. (Strype's
Annals, chap. 30.) It was submitted to Elizabeth for
her approval, and in 1563, Parker earnestly solicited
her allowance that he might leave a copy in each
parish during his visitation. Two editions of the
Homilies were printed in this year. (Strype's Life of
Parker, p. 128.)
116 SUNDAY PROPER LESSONS.
" other chapter of the Old Testament to fall
" in order to be read upon the Sundays or
" Holy-days, which were better to be changed
'< with some other of the New Testament of
" more edification, it shall be well done to
" spend your time to consider well of such
" chapters beforehand, whereby your pru-
" dence and diligence in your office may ap-
" pear. So that your people may have
" cause to glorify God for you, and be the
" readier to embrace your labours, to your
" greater commendation, to the discharge of
" your consciences and their own." But
when the above-mentioned Commissioners
had altered the Lessons, and made a new Ca-
lendar, and Tables denoting the chapters to
be read, this liberty was no longer indulged
to every private minister".
The reformation that was made in the
Lessons was this; " That whereas in King
Edward's first book there were no proper
Lessons for the Holy-days or Sundays of the
year, but the chapters of the Old and New
" Strype's Life of Parker, p. 84.
SUNDAY PROPER LESSONS. 117
Testament were read on in course without
any interruption ; and in King Edward's
second Book there were Proper Lessons for
some few Holy-days only, and none for the
Sundays : now there was a Table of Proper
Lessons to be read for the First Lesson, both at
Morning and Evening Prayer on the Sundays
throughout the year: and for some also the
Second Lesson. There is another Table for
Proper Lessons on Holy-days ; beginning
with St. Andrew ."
At the end of the Common Prayer Book
now printed, (in 4to.) were added several
very good prayers for family use, entitled,
Certain godly prayers to be used for Sunday
purposes. These were probably inserted by
order of the Archbishop ; and they were the
same that were printed in the former Com-
In the Order how the holy Scripture is appointed to
be read, is this direction, " So oft as the first chapter of
St. Matthew is read either for Lesson or Gospel, ye shall
begin the same at QH;e 33irti) of 3tas f)rist toas on tfjis
toise, fyc. And the third chapter of St. Luke's Gospel
shall be read unto, So ttyat Ije toas supposed to be tf>e Son
), &c.
118 BISHOPS' BIBLE.
mon Prayer Book under King Edward. In
the later editions they are either shortened
or wholly omitted, which perhaps is to be
regretted p .
The Geneva Bible had been printed in the
town, the name of which it bears, in the year
1560, and was in the act of being prepared for
a second edition in 1565, in some degree with
the sanction of the Archbishop, and of Grindal
Bishop of London. At the same time they
intimated their intention of preparing an
improved translation for the use of the
Church. In order to carry this intention into
effect, Parker allotted to several of the most
learned of the Bishops, particular portions of
the Bible of the former translations, to be by
them revised with the exactest scrutiny. It
was on this account called the Bishops' Bible.
He employed several men critically learned in
the Hebrew and Greek languages, to peruse
the old translation, and to compare it care-
fully with the original text, and with the
Geneva and other versions. Afterwards
p Strype's Life of Parker, p. 84.
BISHOPS* BIBLE. 119
himself, with other learned divines in his
family, revising the whole, he set forth (ap-
parently in the year 1568) a more correct
translation of the holy Scriptures, of the same
size with the former, or a little bigger, and
better printed. And so highly pleased was
this good Prelate when he saw an end put to
this great work, that he seemed to be in the
same spirit with old Simeon, using his words,
Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in
peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation.
In order that private families, as well as
Churches, might be supplied with copies of
this translation, it was published in the fol-
lowing year (1569) in a small but fine
Black letter in large 8vo. The chapters
here are divided into verses, but there is no
break in the chapter till the end of it. This
probably is the first English Bible printed
with distinction of verses. Some useful notes
are added in the margin q .
In the year 1572, a new edition of this
Bible was published in a large and hand-
i Strype's Life of Parker, p. 272, 3.
120 BISHOPS' BIBLE.
some volume, with various embellishments
and illustrations. Prefixed were two pre-
faces by Parker himself, the Prologue of
Cranmer, and before the Book of Psalms
the Preface of St. Basil. Useful historical
and genealogical Tables were added, together
with the " Table of degrees of Kindred and
" Affinity, within which it is unlawful to con-
" tract matrimony."
During the remainder of the long reign of
Elizabeth, there appears to have been no
farther change affecting the Public Service
of the Church. It continued to be vehe-
mently attacked by the zealous and pious,
though ill-judging", Puritans on the one hand ;
and, on the other, by the active and indefati-
gable partisans of the Court of Rome, par-
ticularly the Jesuits and the Dominicans,
some in their own character, some in the
r " He said those of the separation were good men, but
they had narrow souls, who would break the peace of
the Church, about such inconsiderable matters, as the
points in difference were." Spoken by Sir Matthew Hale
after the Restoration.
FAITHFUL CUMMINS. 121
disguise of soldiers, others under that of
Puritans. One instance of the latter de-
scription may be mentioned. In the year
1567, Faithful Cummins, a Dominican Friar,
was much admired and followed by the people
for his seeming piety, for his readiness in
making long extempore prayers, and for in-
veighing against the Pope Pius the Fifth.
His real character being suspected, he was
taken up and examined before the Privy
Council. Having made his escape, he went
to Rome. Being questioned by the Pope,
Cummins replied, " That his Holiness little
thought that he had done him a considerable
service, nothwithstanding he spoke so much
against him." When the Pope asked how ?
He said, " He had preached against set forms
of prayer, and that he called the English
Prayer Book, English Mass, and had per-
suaded several to pray spiritually and ex-
tempore: tind that this had so much taken
with the people, that the Church of England
was become as odious to that sort of people,
whom he instructed, as a Mass was to the
CLERICAL VESTMENTS.
Church of England. And that this would
be a stumblingblock to that Church while
it was a Church." Upon this the Pope com-
mended him, and gave him a reward of two
thousand ducats s .
Among the chief occasions of the hostility
of the Puritans were the surplice and other
clerical vestments. This unhappy contro-
versy appears to have originated in England
with Hooper, Professor of Divinity in Oxford,
who, to avoid the penalties denounced by
the sanguinary Act of the Six Articles, had
fled to Zurich in the latter part of the reign
of Henry the Eighth. From his intimacy
with Bullinger, and other members of the
Swiss Church, he became strongly prepos-
sessed in favour of their customs ; and when,
after his return to England in the reign of
* Strype's Life of Parker, 244, 245, from " Foxes
and Firebrands." This book adds, " This produced that
Act for preventing Popery and other Sects, which en-
joined all people from ten years old and upwards, not
having; a lawful impediment, to repair every Sunday to
.hear Divine Service, under penalty of forfeiting twelve-
pence for every default." p. 29.
CLERICAL VESTMENTS. 123
Edward, he was appointed to the new
Bishopric of Gloucester, he refused to wear
the Episcopal Habit. Cranmer and Ridley
for a considerable time endeavoured, without
success, to remove his scruples ; and the
judicious remonstrances of Peter Martyr and
Bucer were long addressed to him in vain 1 .
A similar controversy sprung up in the
reign of Elizabeth, occasioned principally by
those pious men who, during the Marian
persecution, fled for refuge to Germany and
Switzerland. Two of these exiles, who took
a very prominent part in the opposition to
the clerical vestments, were Sampson, Dean
of Christ Church, and Lawrence Humphrey,
President of Magdalen College in the same
University, both men of considerable learn-
ing, and of sincere and ardent piety. These
two divines were, in 1564, appointed to
appear at Lambeth, together with four other
Ministers in London of the same opinions,
that the Ecclesiastical Commissioners might
1 See their very sensible letters in Collier, vol. ii.
p. 292-3.
124 DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP PARKER.
confer with them, in order to understand
their reasons for omitting what was enjoined".
The Conference appears to have been con-
ducted in a fair and amicable manner, but
the result of it was not satisfactory. Samp-
son persisted in his opposition, and was de-
prived. Humphrey, after some years, com-
plied, and held preferment in the Church.
They had both consulted Gualter and Bui-
linger, two eminent divines of Zurich, upon
the question. The answer they received
was in favour of conformity. These sensible
foreigners argued, like Martyr and Bucer,
that the peace and unity of the Church ought
notto be sacrificed, for the sake of circumstan-
tials in religion, things indifferent x in them-
selves. Sampson and Humphrey, however,
were not convinced ; and these dissensions
continued to agitate and disturb the Church
during nearly the whole of the succeeding
century.
Archbishop Parker, who bore so distin-
u Strype's Life of Parker, p. 162.
* Collier, vol. ii.p, 501.
GRINDAL ARCHBISHOP. 125
guished a part in establishing the Prayer
Book at the beginning of the reign of
Elizabeth, died the 17th of May, 1575.
" He was of a s*edate temper, had no starts
of passion, nor treated any person with
rough language. He was easy of access,
had great penetration in going to the bottom
of things, and was very quick in apprehend-
ing the tendency of what was proposed.
His private life was unexceptionable and
exemplary." His benefactions, both during
his life and at his death, especially to the
University of Cambridge, were most muni-
ficent 7 .
Parker, after an interval of more than half
a year, was succeeded by Grindal, one of his
most able coadjutors in the review, both of
the Prayer Book, and also of the English
Translation of the Bible. " Grindal," says
Camden, " was a religious and grave man,
who, returning from banishment under Queen
Mary, was made first Bishop of London,
afterwards Archbishop of York, and lastly,
' Collier.
126 WHITGIFT ARCHBISHOP.
Archbishop of Canterbury. He flourished
in great grace with Queen Elizabeth, till by
the cunning artifices of his adversaries, he
quite lost her favour, under pretence that
he had countenanced the conventicles of
some turbulent and hot-spirited ministers
in their prophecies (as they called them) ;
but, in truth, because he had condemned
the unlawful marriage of Julio, an Italian
physician, with another man's wife, while
Leicester in vain opposed his proceedings 2 ."
Grindal died in 1583.
In his room succeeded John Whitgift,
being translated to Canterbury from the see
of Worcester ; " an excellent and very
learned man, who gained singular com-
mendations, both by his justice in the Vice-
Presidentship of Wales, and by maintaining
the doctrine and discipline of the Church of
England; which commendation he farther
merited by his fortitude, prudence, and
patience' 1 ." Upon his appointment to this
2 Camden. Complete Hist of Eng. vol. ii. 494.
a Camden's Elizabeth.
WHITGIFT ARCHBISHOP.
high office, he was charged by the Queen
that he should take special care to restore
the discipline of the Church of England,
and the uniformity in Divine Service esta-
blished by authority of Parliament, which
through the connivance of the Prelates, the
obstinacy of the Puritans, and the power of
some noblemen < was neglected. The noble-
men particularly alluded to seem to have
been Leicester, Walsingham, and Knollys,
by all of whom the Puritans were secretly
favoured. In order to check the numerous
irregularities which thus prevailed, and to
restore union, Whitgift propounded three
Articles to be subscribed to by the Ministers
of the Church ; in fact, the three Articles in
the thirty-sixth Canon, to which the clergy
still subscribe.
On this occasion, incredible it is what
controversies and disputations arose, what
hatred and reproachful speeches he endured
from factious ministers, and what troubles,
and indeed injuries, he encountered from
some noblemen, who, by promoting unfit
128 WHITGIFT ARCHBISHOP.
and undeserving men, caused destruction
in the Church, or else endeavoured to lay
their hands upon its revenues. Through
constancy, fortitude, and patience, he over-
came all difficulties at last, and restored
peace to the b Church; so that not without-
good reason he may seem to have chosen as
his motto, Vinclt qui patitur c .
b Camden's Elizabeth. Complete Hist, of Eng. vol. ii.
c He overcomes, who suffers with patience.
CHAP. V.
The Prayer Book under James I. Hampton Court Conference.
Translation of the Bible Death of Whitgift Canons of
1603 Directions concerning Preaching.
THE leaning towards the doctrine and
discipline of Calvin, which had with dif-
ficulty been kept in check by the vigorous
administration of Elizabeth, gathered new
life and encouragement upon the accession
of James in 1602; encouragement, in ap-
pearance, not altogether without foundation,
when the ascendancy of that doctrine and
discipline in the country, in which James
had been born and educated, was taken into
the account. Accordingly, very soon after
the arrival of the King in England, a
Petition was presented to him, praying for
several alterations in the rites and formu-
laries, and in the discipline of the Church. !
This Petition was called the Millenary
Petition, from its professing that it was
signed by a thousand, or " more than a
o3
130 THE PRAYER BOOK UNDER JAMES I.
"thousand," of his " Majesty's subjects and
" ministers;" a profession not strictly accord-
ing to fact, as the number of signatures was
about 750.
In this Petition, the objections to the
Liturgy were few and unimportant. With
respect to the Church Service, to which
alone our attention is now confined, their
humble suit was, " That the Cross in Bap-
" tism, Interrogations ministered to infants,
" Confirmation, as superfluous, may be taken
" away. Baptism not to be ministered by
(e women, and so explained. The cap and
" surplice not urged. That examination may
" go before the Communion ; that it be min-
" istered with a Sermon. That divers terms
" of Priests, and Absolution, and some other
" used, with the ring in Marriage, and other
" such like in the book, may be corrected.
" The Longsomeness of the Service abridged.
" Church-songs and music moderated to
" better edification. That the Lord's day be
" not profaned. The rest upon holy-days
a not so strictly urged. That there may be
THE PRAYER BOOK UNDER JAMES I. 131
" an uniformity of doctrine prescribed. No
" Popish opinion to be any more taught or
" defended. No ministers charged to teach
" their people to bow at the name of Jesus.
" That the canonical Scriptures only be read
" in the church d ."
This Petition was the occasion of the
Hampton Court Conference 6 .
This way of deciding the dispute by con-
ference was proposed by the Puritan party in
the late reign ; but Queen Elizabeth could
not be prevailed with to grant the request.
She conceived the exposing things settled to
question and dispute would breed disorder,,
and weaken the force of government. But
King James, either out of a desire to satisfy
himself, or to shew his talent in arguing and
elocution, was of a different sentiment, and
gave orders for a conference. Accordingly,
certain divines of each party received a
" Collier, vol. ii. p. 672.
e The following account of the Hampton Court Con-
ference is taken principally from Fuller and Barlow; in
part from Collier.
132 HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE.
summons to attend his Majesty at the
palace of Hampton f Courts. At the head
of the advocates of the Church was the
Archbishop of Canterbury, John Whitgift,
a man of extensive learning and exalted
piety, of whom it has been said, that " he
" devoutly consecrated both his whole life
" to God, and his painful labours to the
" good of the Church h ." The excellence of
his character gave Whitgift great influence
with Queen Elizabeth, which influence he
successfully exerted for preventing the
farther spoliation of the property of the
Church by the rapacity of her courtiers,
especially by the unprincipled Earl of
Leicester. Together with Whitgift, were
f Hampton Court was given by Wolsey to Henry
the Eighth in 1526, and during the latter years of that
monarch became his favourite residence. It was the
birth-place of Edward VI. Hampton Court often re-
ceived the splendid Court of Elizabeth, and James ap-
pears to have made it his first place of residence upon
his accession.
Collier, vol. ii.. p. 673.
11 Walton's Life of Hooker.
HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE. 133
eight Bishops, among whom were Bancroft
Bishop of London, Matthew Bishop of
Durham, and Bilson Bishop of Winchester ;
six Deans of Cathedral Churches, (among
whom were Andrewes, Overall, and Barlow,)
besides the Dean of the King's Chapel, two
Doctors of Divinity, and one Archdeacon.
Those that appeared for the Puritans were
four, Dr. John Reynolds and Dr. Sparks of
Oxford, and Mr. Knewstubs and Mr. Chader-
ton of Cambridge, who were sent for by the
King as the most grave, learned, and modest
of the aggrieved party 1 . Reynolds, was Pre-
sident of Corpus Christi College in Oxford ;
and both he and Chaderton, from their ac-
knowledged learning, were soon afterwards
employed in the new Translation of the Bible.
The Conference began on the fourteenth
of January, on which day none but the
Bishops and Deans above mentioned, and
the Lords of the Council, were admitted
into the presence. The King began, by
acquainting the Bishops, and the rest, that
1 Strype's Life of Whitgift, folio, p. 57 1 .
134 HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE.
the reason of his consulting them /by them-
selves, was to receive satisfaction concerning
several usages in the worship and discipline
of the Church.
As to the Book of Common Prayer, he
required satisfaction in three things.
First, about Confirmation. He scrupled
the term, te for if it imported a confirming of
Baptism, as if this Sacrament was insig-
nificant without it, then there was blasphemy
in the name. For though the ancient cus-
tom was defensible, that infants answering
by their godfathers, should be examined
when they came to years of discretion ;
that after having owned the engagement
made for them at the font, they should be
confirmed with the Bishop's blessing and
imposition of hands ; yet his Majesty ab-
horred the abuse of raising this usage to
a Sacrament, and attributing its giving any
force to Baptism."
The second thing he desired to be cleared
was concerning Absolution. His Majesty
had been informed, that this usage in the
HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE. 135
Church of England had some resemblance
with the Pope's pardons.
His Majesty's third objection was Private 5
Baptism ; meaning the administration of that
Sacrament by women and laics.
The Archbishop, after some prefatory
expressions of respect, proceeded to give
his Majesty satisfaction in the order pro-
posed.
First, as to Confirmation, he shewed the
antiquity of that rite at large ; and that it
had been all along practised from the
Apostles' times : that this had been the
constant usage of Christendom, till some
particular Churches had unadvisedly thrown
it off of late ; and that it was a very untrue
suggestion, that the Church of England
held Baptism imperfect without Confirma-
tion. And this he made good by the
Rubric before this Office.
Bancroft, Bishop of London, seconding
the Archbishop, affirmed, that Confirmation
had for its support not only the practice of
the primitive Church, and the testimony of
136 HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE.
the Fathers, but that it was an Apostolical
institution, and a part of the Catechism
expressly mentioned in the New Testament k ;
that Calvin expounded the text in the
Epistle to the Hebrews in this sense, and
earnestly wished the custom might be re-
vived in those reformed Churches which had
suppressed it. The Bishop of Durham like-
wise cited St. Matthew to justify the im-
position of hands upon children. The result
was, that for the clearer explanation that
the Church of England makes Confirmation
neither a Sacrament, nor a confirmation of
a Sacrament, it should be referred to the
Bishops, whether the Office, standing as it
did, might not be called an Examination
with a Confirmation.
With regard to Absolution, the Arch-
bishop cleared the practice of the Church
of England from all abuse and superstition ;
and for this appealed to the Confession
and Absolution in the beginning of the
Prayer Book. The King perusing the Book
* Heb. vi. 2.
HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE. 137
found the allegation true, and acquiesced.
But the Bishop of London stepping forward,
said, " It becometh us to deal plainly with
your Majesty ; there is also in the Book
a more particular and personal Absolution
in the Visitation of the Sick;" adding, that
not only the Confessions of Augsburgh, Bo-
hemia, and Saxony, retained it, but that
Calvin approved such a general Confession
and Absolution as is used in the Church of
England. The form being read, the King
said, " I exceedingly well approve of it,
" being an Apostolical and godly ordinance,
" given in the name of Christ, to one that
" desireth it, upon the clearing of his con-
" science." The conclusion was, that the
Bishops should consult whether the remission
of sins ought not to be added to the Abso-
lution Rubric for explanation.
The Archbishop then went on to speak of
Private Baptism. He endeavoured to satisfy
his Majesty, that the administration of Bap-
tism by women and lay persons was not
allowed by the Church of England; that
138 HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE.
the Bishops in their Visitations censured this
practice ; and that the words in the Office
do not infer any such latitude. This occa-
sioned a discussion of some length upon the
admissibility and validity of lay-Baptism, in
which the King judiciously remarked, that
a lawful Minister was essential to the right
and lawful administration of Baptism, sup-
porting his remark by the commission ex-
pressly given to the Apostles, " Go ye, and
teach," (or make disciples of,) " all nations,
baptizing them 1 ." Upon the whole it was
resolved, that the Bishops should debate
afterwards, whether the words Curate or
lawful Minister, might not be inserted in the
Rubric for Private Baptism.
On the Monday following, (Jan. 16,)
Reynolds, Sparks, Knewstubs, and Cha-
derton were called into the Privy Chamber,
Patrick Galloway, Minister of Perth, being
likewise admitted. For the Church, appeared
Bancroft, Bishop of London, and Bilson,
Bishop of Winchester, together with the
1 Matt, xxviii. 19.
HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE. 139
Deans and Doctors above mentioned. Whit-
gift and the other Bishops seem not to have
been present. The King entering the room
with Prince Henry, made a short speech,
and in the close of it directed his discourse
to the four advocates for the Puritans, com-
mending them for their modesty and learn-
ing, and letting them know that he was
ready to hear what they had to object.
Upon this Dr. Reynolds reduced his re-
monstrance to four heads, the three first of
which had reference to the Articles, the
Ministers, and the government of the Church.
The fourth was, that the Book of Common
Prayer might be fitted to more increase of
piety.
On the subject of Confirmation, he objected
" that there was an inconsistency between the
25th Article, and the Collects of Coiifirma-
tion ; that the first confessed Confirmation
to be a depraved imitation of the Apostles ;
whereas the second grounded it upon their
example."
Here Bancroft, a man of great learning
140 HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE.
and uncompromising honesty, but of a hasty
and irritable temper, interrupted Reynolds
in a manner, which, if permitted, would have
precluded all fair discussion, the very object
for which they professedly were assembled.
Upon which the King, as Moderator, said,
" My Lord Bishop, something in your passion
" I may excuse, something I must mislike.
" I may excuse you thus far, that I think
" you have just cause to be moved, in
" respect that they traduce the well-settled
" government, and also proceed in so in-
" direct a course, contrary to their own
" pretence, and the intent of this meeting.
" I mislike your sudden interruption of Dr.
" Reynolds, whom you should have suffered
" to have taken his liberty ; for there is no
" order, nor can be any effectual issue of
" disputation, if each party be not suffered,
" without stopping, to speak at large.
" Wherefore, either let the Doctor proceed,
" or frame your answer to his motions
" already made, though some of them are
" very needless."
HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE. 141
In reply to Reynolds's remarks upon Con-
firmation, Bancroft observed, " that the 25th
Article merely meant to say, that the making
of Confirmation to be a Sacrament) was a
corrupt or depraved imitation of the Apostles;
but the Prayer Book, aiming at the right
use, and proper course thereof, makes it to be
according to the Apostles' example :" which
his Majesty observing, and reading both
places, concluded the objection to be a
mere cavil.
In support of Confirmation, some addi-
tional passages of the early Fathers were
brought forward, and Bilson challenged
Reynolds, with all his learning, to shew
where ever Confirmation was used in ancient
times by any other but Bishops.
Upon some " rallying discourse" between
the King and the Lords of his Council upon
the slight nature of the objections made by
the Puritans, Bishop Bancroft reminded
the King of the speech of the French
Ambassador, Rognie l , upon the view of our
' Rosni, (afterwards Duke de Sully,) who had re-
142 HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE.
solemn Service and Ceremonies : " If the
" reformed Churches in France," says this
Ambassador, " had kept on the same ad-
" vantage of order and decency, I am con-
" fident there would have been many
fc thousand Protestants in that country more
" than there is m ."
Reynolds having expressed a desire that
the Lambeth Articles, which in clear and
explicit language assert the doctrines of Cal-
vin on the subject of God's grace and decrees,
should be generally received, a great deal
of discussion followed upon points connected
with those doctrines. After this discussion,
Reynolds complained that the Catechism in
the Common Prayer was too short, and that
by Dean No well too long, too long for
children to learn by heart. The King
thought the Doctor's request very reason-
able, " yet so," he continued, " that the
Catechism may be made in the fewest
cently been sent to England by Henry IV. to congratu-
late James on his accession to the Throne.
01 Collier, Barlow, and Fuller.
HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE. 143
and plainest affirmative terms that may
be."
Reynolds's next request was fora new trans-
lation of the Bible, for that the version now
extant did not come up to the meaning and
force of the original. Of this he gave several
instances. Bancroft replied, that " if every
man's humour was to be pleased, there would
be no end of translating." The King, how-
ever, declared that he had never seen a good
translation of the Bible, though he thought
that done at Geneva the worst, and wished
that the undertaking might be resumed.
The method suggested by his Majesty was
this. He would have the Version made by
the most eminent men in the Universities,
and then submitted to the Bishops, and other
learned ecclesiastics. Upon this review it
should be laid before the Privy Council, and
in the last place ratified by his Majesty's
authority. And thus the whole national
Church was to use the version thus made,
and no other. Bishop Bancroft having sug-
gested that no marginal notes should be
144 HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE.
added thereunto, the King rejoined, " That
" caveat is well put in, for in the Geneva
" translation some notes are partial, untrue,
" seditious, and savouring of traitorous con-
" ceits," several instances of which he imme-
diately produced.
The King concluded this point with this
advice, that errors in matters of faith (if
there were any such) should be rectified and
amended, and indifferent things should be
explained in an inoffensive sense ; adding,
that the bearing with some blemishes in a
Church was better than innovation".
After some conversation, respecting the
unlawful and seditious books introduced into
the kingdom by the Papists, and upon the
importance of planting a learned minister in
every parish, Dr. Reynolds proceeded to
mention some of the objections of the Puri-
tans to subscribe to the Prayer Book, the
principal of which was, that it enjoins the
Apocryphal books to be read in church, not-
withstanding some chapters in those books
n Barlow, Fuller, and Collier.
HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE. 145
deliver apparent errors, and contradictions
to Canonical Scripture. Each of the two
Bishops made some reply, when the King
rejoined, " To take an even order betwixt
both, I would not have read in church any
chapter out of the Apocrypha, wherein any
error is contained; wherefore let Dr. Rey-
nolds note those chapters in which the offences
are, and bring them to the Archbishop of
Canterbury against Wednesday next."
In answer to the objection to the use of
the Cross in Baptism, brought forward by
Knewstubs, it was urged, that the sign of the
Cross was not used in Baptism any other-
wise than only as a significant ceremony,
such as the Church might lawfully order,
and such as were in other instances sanc-
tioned by the practice of the Puritans them-
selves. The King desiring to be informed
respecting the antiquity of the use of the
Cross, Dr. Reynolds acknowledged that it
had been used ever since the Apostles' time;
but the question was, how ancient the use
thereof had been in Baptism. Upon this the
H
146 HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE.
profoundly learned Andrewes, then Dean of
Westminster, proved the antiquity of such
use of it from Tertullian, Origen, Cyprian,
and others ; and Bishop Bilson argued, that
the sign of the Cross was so used in the time
of Constantine.
Dr. Reynolds, objected the instance of the
brazen serpent, beaten to powder by Hezekiah,
because it had been abused to idolatry. By
parity of reasoning he conceived the use of
the Cross should be suppressed, because it
had been carried to a superstitious excess in
times of Popery. The substance of the King's
answer was, " That the objections they rested
ef upon, made against themselves; for the
IC superstitious abuse of it in time of Popery,
" supposing it true, is an argument that it
if was commendably used in the ages prior
" to Popery." " I have lived," continued
the King, speaking to the Lords and Bishops,
" amongst these men ever since I was ten
" years old, and nothing has given me a
te stronger aversion for their system, than
" their peremptory disapproving every thing
HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE. 147
" used by the Papists; this way of reasoning
" I detest. For my part, I know no way of
" avoiding the charge of novelty objected by
" the Papists, but by answering, that we
" retain the primitive use of things, and only
" stand off from the innovations brought in
" by themselves ; but Dr. Reynolds' argu-
" ment would bring us to renounce the
" Trinity, and many other fundamental
" points of faith, because they are common
" to us and the Papists. Dr. Reynolds,"
said the King with an air of pleasantry,
" they used to wear shoes and stockings in
" times of Popery, have you therefore a mind
6 ' to go barefoot ?" Secondly, the King
desired to know what resemblance there
was between the brazen serpent, a material
visible thing, and the sign of the Cross made
in the air? Thirdly, he was informed by
the Bishops, and found their account true,
that the Papists themselves never attributed
any spiritual grace to the sign of the Cross
in Baptism a .
a Collier.
H2
148 HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE.
" To say, that in nothing they may be
" followed which are of the Church of Rome,
" were violent and extreme. Some things
" they do in that they are men, in that they
" are wise men, and Christian men, some
" things in that they are misled and blinded
" with error 6 ."
The next scruple was the wearing of the
surplice ; this, it was pretended, was a habit
worn by the priests of Isis. " This objec-
" tion," the King said, " was somewhat new,
ee because it was usually called a rag of
" Popery. But granting the supposition,
" we do not live now amongst heathens, and
" therefore there was no danger of reviving
" paganism. Further, since it was evident
" from antiquity, that the clergy officiated
" in a different habit, and particularly in
" white linen, he saw no reason why it might
" not be still continued in the Church ;"
laying down this admirable rule, that no
society of Christians ought to separate farther
from the Church of Rome, either in doctrine
b Hooker, b. v. sect. 28.
HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE. U!>
or ceremonies, than she had departed from
herself, and her own primitive condition.
Dr. Reynolds took exceptions to the words
in the office of Matrimony, " with my body
" I thee worship." The King perusing the
place said, " I was made believe, the phrase
" imported no less than divine worship ; but
" find it an usual English term, as when we
" say, A gentleman of worship; and it agreeth
" with the Scriptures, giving honour unto the
" wife. As for you, Dr. Reynolds, many men
" speak of Robin Hood, who never shot in his
" bow. If you had a good wife yourself, you
" would think all worship and honour you
" could do her, well bestowed on her."
The Dean of Sarum observed, that the
ring in marriage was scrupled by some
people ; but this was approved of by Rey-
nolds, and the King thought they could
scarcely be well married without it. Rey-
nolds spoke of the Churching of women, by
the name of purification; which being read
out of the book, his Majesty very well al-
lowed it, and pleasantly said, that women
150 HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE.
were loth enough of themselves to come to
church, and therefore he would have this or
any other occasion to draw them thither "'.
Towards the conclusion of the second day's
conference, something having been proposed
by Dr. Reynolds, which seemed to the King
likely to militate against his Supremacy, he
rather lost his temper, and addressed the
advocates of the Puritans in a tone of vehe-
mence and menace, more in unison with his
own exaggerated notions of the regal prero-
gative, than with his character as moderator
in a religious conference. With this ex-
ception, the King, throughout the conference,
appears to have shewn good temper, as well
as good sense. He certainly manifested much
general knowledge of the various questions
which were discussed, much quickness of per-
ception, and readiness of remark and reply,
not without a considerable portion of fairness
and candour. " The King," says Collier,
" was extremely admired by the Lords for
" the quickness of his apprehension, his skill
K Barlow, Fuller, and Collier.
HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE. 151
" in controversy, and his dexterity in dis-
" entangling difficulties"."
The third day's conference related princi-
pally to the High Commission Court, the
oath ex officio, and sundry matters of eccle-
siastical discipline. Several civilians were
called in, but the advocates for the Puritans
were not present till near its conclusion.
As to the three Articles which the clergy
were obliged to subscribe, the King having
read them, dilated upon the subject, and
shewed how necessary this expedient was for
preserving peace. He urged, that since the
Bishop was to answer for every clergyman in
his diocese, it was reasonable that he should
know the sentiments of those he admits.
" Now the best way to understand the senti-
" ments of his clergy, and to prevent factions,
" was to offer them the test of subscribing at
" their first entrance into the diocese ; for,
" Turpius ejicitur, quam non admittitur hospes ;
n Collier, vol. ii. p. 682.
Nearly the same with those in the 36th Canon.
152 HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE.
" and again, Prcestat ut per eat unus, quam
" unitas*."
Towards the conclusion of the conference,
the King ordered Dr. Reynolds, and the
other three agents, to be called in, and the
few alterations, or rather explanations, of the
Common Prayer, agreed to by the King and
the Bishops, were read to them.
Those mentioned by Barlow, in his account
of the Conference, are as follows. First, In
the Rubric of Absolution, Remission of Sins
is added. Secondly, Whereas it was said in
the Rubric for Private Baptism, first, Let
them that be present, fyc. it is now altered
thus, first, Let the lawful Minister and them
that be present. In the Rubric to the same
Office, when it was said, that they baptize not
children, ,it was to be altered to, that they
cause not children to be baptized; and the
words Curate, or lawful Minister present
shall do it in this fashion. Thirdly, A slight
alteration was also made in the Rubric before
Confirmation. And, fourthly, Jesus said to
p Collier and Barlow.
HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE. 153
them, was to be put twice in the Sunday
Gospel, instead of Jesus said to his disciples;
an inaccuracy remarked by the Puritans.
To these explanations, Reynolds and the
other agents for the Nonconformists assented,
seemed satisfied with the result of the Con-
ference, and promised to regard the Bishops
as their spiritual fathers, and to perform all
duty to them* 1 . Besides the trifling alter-
ations above mentioned, there w r ere added
after the Litany, Thanksgivings, For Rain,
For Fair Weather, For Plenty, For Peace and
Victory, and For Deliverance from the Plague.
There were added also to the Catechism all
the questions and answers relating to the
Sacraments.
Dr. John Reynolds, who took so prominent
a part in this Conference, was a man of great
learning and piety, and was appointed one
of the Commissioners for the new translation
of the Bible, but died soon after his en-
gaging in the work. He was born at Pinho
in Devonshire ; bred in Oxford, where he
q Collier.
H3
154 HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE.
was King's Professor of Divinity', and Presi-
dent of Corpus Christi College. His brother
William and himself happened to divide in
their persuasion ; John was a zealous Papist,
and William as heartily engaged in the
Reformation. Afterwards the two brothers,
entering into a close dispute, argued with
that strength, that they turned each other.
This gave occasion to a copy of verses, con-
cluding with this distich :
Quod genus hoc pugnae est? ubi victus gaudet uterque,
Et simul alteruter se superksse dolet.
What war is this? when conquer'd both are glad,
And either, to have conquer'd other, sad.
This Dr. Reynolds, notwithstanding his ap-
pearing for the Dissenters at the Hampton
Court Conference, conformed himself to the
Church ceremonies. For instance, he even-
tually wore the hood and surplice, and re-
ceived the Holy Eucharist kneeling. And
on his death-bed he earnestly desired abso-
lution in the form prescribed by the Rubric.
And having received it with imposition of
* I cannot discover his Professorship.
TRANSLATION OF THE BIBLE. ]$Jj
hands by Dr. Holland, expressed his satis-
faction with much feeling r .
The most important result of the Hampton
Court Conference was the New Translation
of the Bible, that excellent Version which
we now have in common use. The work
was intrusted in the first instance to fifty-
four 8 of the most learned men in the king-
dom. As a preparatory step, James addressed
a letter to the Archbishop, requiring him "to
" move all our Bishops to inform themselves
" of all such learned men within their several
" dioceses, as having especial skill in the
" Hebrew and Greek tongues, have taken
" pains in their private studies of the Scrip-
" tures, for the clearing of any obscurities
" either in the Hebrew or in the Greek, or
" touching any difficulties or mistakings in
" the former English Translation, which
" we have now commanded to be thoroughly
" viewed and amended, and thereupon to
r Collier and Fuller.
s Fuller gives the number as forty-seven ; some of
those first named having died in the interval.
156 TRANSLATION OF THE BIBLE.
" write unto them, earnestly charging them,
" that they send such their observations, to
" be imparted to the Commissioners, that so
" our said intended Translation may have
" the help and furtherance of all our prin-
" cipal learned men within this our king-
" dom."
f~^ The whole number of the Translators was
divided into six Divisions, a separate portion
of Scripture being assigned to each. Some
of the judicious instructions suggested to
them by the King were as follows :
1. The Bible then read in the Church, com-
monly called the Bishops' Bible, was to receive
as few alterations as might be, and was to
pass throughout, unless the originals called
plainly for an amendment; the Translations,
however, of Tindal, Mathews, Coverdale,
Whitchurch, and Geneva, were to be used
when they came closer to the original.
2. The old ecclesiastical words were to be
retained.
3. When any word has several signifi-
cations, that which has been commonly
TRANSLATION OF THE BIBLE. 157
used by the most celebrated Fathers, should
be preferred ; provided it were agreeable to
the context, and to the analogy of faith.
4. Every member of each Division was to
take the chapters assigned for the whole com-
pany; and after having gone through the Ver-
sion or corrections, all the Division was to
meet, examine their respective performances,
and come to a resolution, which parts of them
should stand.
5. When any Division had finished a Book
in this manner, they were to transmit it to
the rest to be farther considered.
6. In case of any difference of opinion
respecting amendments, the dispute was to
be referred to a general committee, consisting
of the ablest men of each Division.
7. Lastly, three or four of the most eminent
divines in each of the Universities, though
not of the Translators, were to be assigned
by the Vice-Chancellor, to consult with the
other Heads of Houses for reviewing the
whole translation 1 .
1 Collier, vol. ii. p. 6Q4, and Fuller.
158 TRANSLATION OF THE BIBLE.
The Translators entered upon their work
in 1607, and were nearly three years before
they had completed it. The result of their
care and diligence we have in the excellent
Translation now used, a Translation which
has contributed essentially, not only to the
maintenance of sound religion, but also (if
such a remark may here be allowed) to the
preservation of the English language in its
purity and strength.
Whitgift himself did not live to take part
in this great work. He had been unwell for
sometime; and soon after the Hampton Court
Conference, going, in the month of Febru-
ary, in his barge, to the palace at Fulham,
to meet with some Bishops and Judges of
his Court, there to confer about the affairs
of the Church, the weather being inclement
and tempestuous, he caught cold. A few
days after he had a long discourse with the
King and the Bishop of London upon eccle-
siastical business; and going thence to the
Council-chamber to dinner, after a long
fasting, he suffered a severe attack of palsy
DEATH OF WHITGIFT. 159
in his right side, which deprived him of
speech. Two days after he was visited by
the King, who, out of his sense of the great
need he should have of him at this particular
juncture, told him, " he would pray to God
" for his life. And that if he could obtain
" it, he should think it one of the greatest
" temporal blessings that could be given
"him in this kingdom." The Archbishop
would have said something in reply, but his
speech failed him, so that he uttered only
imperfect words. He was just heard to
repeat earnestly, with his eyes and hands
lifted up, Pro Ecclesid Dei! Pro Ecclesid
Dei*! The next day, February 29, he quietly
departed this life.
Whitgift held the high office of Arch-
bishop for twenty years, and had learning,
courage, and temper suitable to his station.
It was his custom to do a great deal of
business without much appearance of effort.
His house was a sort of academy, where
young gentlemen were instructed in lan-
11 Strype's Life of Whitgift, p. 578.
DEATH OF WHITGIFT.
guages, mathematics, and other sciences.
He entertained a great many indigent scho-
lars in his family, gave exhibitions to several
at the Universities, and encouraged them in
proportion to their merit and necessities 31 .
The character given of him by one layman?
has been already mentioned. A second calls
him a holy, grave, and pious man z . And a
third* says of him, that he was "a man born
" for the benefit of his country and the good
" of the Church 11 ."
x Collier, p. 685, 684.
y Camden, see page 132.
i Wilson's Complete History of England, vol. ii. p. 665.
a Stow as quoted by Strype.
'' " He built a large Almshouse near to his own
palace at Croydon in Surrey, and endowed it with
maintenance for a master and twenty-eight poor men
and women; which he visited so often, that he knew
their names and dispositions, and was so truly humble,
that he called them brothers and sisters : and whenso-
ever the Queen descended to that lowliness to dine with
him at his palace in Lambeth, (which was very often,)
he would usually, the next day, shew the like lowliness
to his poor brothers and sisters at Croydon, and dine
with them at his Hospital ; at which time, you may
believe, there was joy at the table. And at this place
CANONS OF 1603. 101
In the interval between the death of
Whitgift and the appointment of his suc-
cessor, a measure was carried into effect,
directly and materially bearing upon the
Church and her Service . This was the
establishing of the Canons, under which the
Clergy of the Church of England are now
governed 11 ; the Clergy, since it has been
determined by a formal judicial decision
that the Canons do not proprio vigore
he built also a fair Free-school, with a good accommoda-
tion and maintenance for the master and scholars."
Walton's Life of Hooker.
c The Prayer Book refers to the thirtieth Canon for
an explanation of the reason for using the sign of the
Cross in Baptism ; and the thirty-sixth Canon gives the
form, in which clergymen signify their assent to the
Prayer Book.
d Some years ago it was stated in a highly respectable
periodical publication, (Blackwood's Magazine,) that
the clergy of the Church of England were sworn to obey
the Canons. The mistake was occasioned by the oath
of canonical obedience upon institution to a Living, by
which oath, the Clergyman taking it engages to " per-
" form true and canonical obedience to the Bishop of
" the Diocese, and his successors, in all things lawful
" and honest."
16*2 CANONS OF 1603.
bind the laity*. The Convocation met on
the twentieth of March, 1604. The See of
Canterbury being now vacant, the Dean and
Chapter of that Church gave a commission
to Bancroft, Bishop of London, to preside
in the Synod. In the eleventh session, the
President delivered to the Prolocutor a book
of Canons, which passed both Houses, and
were afterwards ratified by the King's Letters
Patent. Those Canons, being a hundred and
forty-one, were collected by Bishop Bancroft
out of the Articles, Injunctions, and Synodi-
cal Acts, passed and published in the reigns
of King Edward VI. and Queen Elizabeth f ,
particularly those put forth in the years 1571
and 1597 g ,
After a vacancy of about nine months in
the See of Canterbury, Bancroft Bishop of
London was translated to it. Bancroft was
a man of deep and accurate learning, who
e See Lord Hardwick's judgment in the Preface to
Burns' Ecclesiastical Law.
f Collier, vol. ii. p. 687.
Fuller, p. 28.
DEATH OF BANCROFT. 163
thoroughly understood the constitution of
the Church, and was cordially attached to
it. He accordingly governed with great
vigour, and pressed a strict conformity to
the Rubric and Canons, without any allow-
ance for latitude of interpretation, or for
those of a different persuasion. This unre-
lenting strictness gave a new face to the
public exercises of religion. Divine Service
was performed with more solemnity ; the
Fasts and Festivals were better observed ; the
use of copes was renewed, the surplice ge-
nerally worn, and all things, in a manner,
brought back to the first settlement under
Elizabeth. Some who had formerly sub-
scribed to the Prayer Book in a loose sense,
with some mental reservation, were now
called upon to sign their conformity in more
close unevasive terms. For now the 36th
Canon obliged them to declare, that they did
subscribe willingly and ex animo, so that no
room was left for evasion. And thus some
Ministers 11 of consideration lost their Livings
w Collier says 49.
164 ABBOT ARCHBISHOP.
i
to preserve their conscience ; for it is a hard
matter to bring every body's understanding
to a common standard, or to make all honest
men of the same mind 5 .
Bancroft died towards the conclusion of
the year 1610. Upon the vacancy of the
See of Canterbury occasioned by his death,
several of the Bishops then in London met
to consult together, who was the fittest person
to be his successor. The great learning and
piety of Andrewes, then Bishop of Ely,
pointed him out for that elevated station,
and, the Bishops concurring in opinion as to
his distinguished merit, they recommended
him to the King. Believing that the King was
willing to accede to their recommendation,
and that there was no occasion for soliciting
any farther, they either retired into the
country, or, at all events, desisted from
pressing their application. In the mean
time, the Earl of Dunbar was so urgent with
the King for the appointment of Abbot
Bishop of London, that the King, in the
j Collier, vol. ii. p. 687.
ABBOT ARCHBISHOP. 165
yielding easiness of his disposition, gave way,
and Abbot was appointed.
jVbJiQJt was a man of holy and unblameable
life k , but was not much beloved by the in-
ferior clergy, as over-rigid and austere.
" Indeed," says Fuller, " he was mounted to
command in the Church, before he ever
learned to obey therein ; made a shepherd
of shepherds, before he was a shepherd of
sheep ; consecrated Bishop before ever
called to a parochial charge ; which, say
some, made him not to sympathize with
the necessities and infirmities of poor
ministers 1 ." In the year 1621, a sad acci-
dent happened to the Archbishop. He had
been invited by Lord Zouch to Bramshill in
Hampshire, to hunt and kill a buck ; the
keeper ran amongst the herd of deer to bring
them up to the fairer mark, while the Arch-
bishop sitting on his horse discharged a
barbed arrow from a cross-bow, and un-
k Wilson's History of James the First. Welwood's
Memoirs. Fuller, p. 87.
1 Fuller.
166 DIRECTIONS CONCERNING PREACHING.
happily hit the keeper in the arm, who died
almost immediately. This presently put an
end to the sport of that day, and almost to
the Archbishop's mirth to the last of his life.
He gave during his own lifetime twenty pounds
a year to the man's widow, (who quickly re-
married;) and kept a monthly fast on Tuesday,
the day on which the accident happened.
It may be expedient to mention here the
Directions concerning Preaching, put forth
by King James in the year 1623, from
their connexion not, indeed, strictly speak-
ing with the Prayer Book, but with the
Public Service of the Church. The substance
of these Directions is as follows ;
1. That no preacher, under the degree of
Bishop or Dean, do take occasion to fall
into any set discourse, (otherwise than by
the opening the coherence and division of the
text,) which shall not be comprehended and
warranted in substance, effect, or natural
inference, in some one of the Articles of
religion, or in some of the Homilies.
2. That no Parson shall preach any
DIRECTIONS CONCERNING PREACHING. 167
sermons upon Sundays or Holy-days in the
afternoon, but upon some part of the Cate-
chism, particularly the Creed, Ten Com-
mandments, and the Lord's Prayer, and
that those preachers be most encouraged and
approved of, who spend the afternoon's ex-
ercise in the examination of children in their
Catechism, which is the most ancient and
laudable custom of teaching in the Church
of England.
3. That no preacher under the degree of
a Bishop, or Dean at the least, do from
henceforth presume to preach in any popular
auditory upon the deep points of predestina-
tion, election, reprobation, or of the univer-
sality, efficacy, resistibility, or irresistibility
of God's grace, but leave those themes rather
to be handled by learned men, and that mo-
derately and modestly by way of use and
application, rather than by way of positive
doctrine, being fitter for the schools than for
simple auditories.
4. That no preacher shall from henceforth
presume to declare, limit, or bound out, in
168 DIRECTIONS CONCERNING PREACHING.
any sermon, the power, prerogative, autho-
rity, or duty of sovereign princes, or other-
wise meddle with matters of state, than as
they are instructed and precedented in the
Homilies of Obedience, &c. &c. ; but rather
confine themselves wholly to those two heads,
of faith and good life, which are all the sub-
jects of the ancient sermons and homilies.
5. That no preacher shall presume cause-
lessly (or without invitations from the text)
to fall into bitter invectives or indecent
railing speeches against the persons of either
Papists, or Puritans ; but modestly and
gravely, when they are occasioned thereunto
by the text of Scripture, free both the
doctrine and the discipline of the Church
from the aspersions of either adversaries,
especially where the auditory is suspected
to be tainted with the one or the other
infection.
6. Lastly, That the Archbishops and
Bishops (whom his Majesty hath good cause
to blame for their former remissness) be
more wary and choice in their licensing of
CANONS OF 1603. 169
preachers ; and that all the Lecturers through-
out the kingdom (a new body severed from
the ancient clergy) be licensed henceforward
in the Court of Faculties, but only from a
recommendation of the party from the Bishop
of the diocese under his hand and seal, with
ajial from the Archbishop, and a confirma-
tion under the Great Seal 1 .
It may well be supposed, that these direc-
tions gave considerable offence. They were
looked upon as a reflection on the discre-
tion of, and an unusual restraint on, the
clergy m .
About two years after the issuing of these
directions, the reign of James drew towards
its conclusion. In the spring of the year
1625, he was seized with a tertian ague; and,
when encouraged by his courtiers with the
common proverb, that this distemper, during
that season, was health for a King, he replied,
that the proverb was meant of a young
King".
i Fuller and Collier. m Collier. " Hume's
Hist, of England.
170 CANONS OF 1603.
Four days before his death, he desired to
receive the Sacrament; and being asked
whether he was prepared for receiving in
point of faith and charity ? He said, he was,
and gave humble thanks to God for the
same. Being desired to declare his faith,
and to say what he thought of the religious
books which he had written ; he repeated
the Articles of the Creed one by one, and
said, "He believed them all as they were
" received and expounded by that part of
" the Catholic Church which was established
" here in England." He added with a degree
of vivacity, that " whatever he had written
" of this faith in his life, he was now ready
" to seal with his death." Being ques-
tioned with respect to his charity, he an-
swered, " That he forgave all men that had
" offended him, and desired to be forgiven by
" all Christians, whom he in any wise had
" offended." Some hours after receiving the
Sacrament, he professed to his son and
successor, and his attendants, that "they
" could not imagine what ease and comfort
CANONS OF 1603- 371
u he found in himself since the receiving
" thereof." And so quietly resigned his soul
to God?.
p Fuller.
12
CHAP. VI.
Prayer Book under Charles the First. Death of Archbishop
Abbot, and appointment of Laud. Scotch Prayer Book.
Long Parliament. Assembly of Divines. The Directory.
Prayer Book abolished by Parliament. Attainder
and Death of Laud. Persecution of the Church of
England.
CHARLES THE FIRST, like his father, had
acquired at an early age a considerable
portion of theological knowledge, and was
equally attached to the Prayer Book, and to
the doctrine and discipline of the Church of
England. During the whole of his reign he
was anxious to promote the establishment of
the Prayer Book, and of Episcopacy, in Scot-
land, the land of his birth ; and this consti-
tuted one leading object of his visit to that
country in the year 1633. He found, how-
ever, that the temper of his countrymen and
DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP. ABBOT. 173
of the times was not such as to render the
attempt to introduce the Liturgy expedient
or safe.
Soon after his return to England, about
the end of August, died Abbot, Arch-
bishop of ^Canterbury. Abbot's personal
character appears to have been free from
blame, but it is said of him by Clarendon 5 ,
that he " considered Christian Religion no
otherwise, than as it abhorred and reviled
Popery, and valued those men most, who
did that the most furiously. If men pru-
dently forbore a public reviling and railing
at the hierarchy and ecclesiastical govern-
ment, let their opinions and private prac-
tice be what they would, they were not
only secure from any inquisition of his,
but acceptable to him, and, at least equally,
preferred by him. And though many
other Bishops plainly discerned the mischiefs
which broke in to the prejudice of religion,
by his defects and remissness, and prevented
- Book I.
174 DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP ABBOT,
it in their own dioceses as much as they
could," "yet that temper of the Archbishop,
whose house was a sanctuary to the most
eminent of the factious party, and who licensed
their most pernicious writings, left his suc-
cessor a very difficult work to do, to reform
and reduce a Church into order, that had
been so long neglected, and that was so
ill filled by many weak and more wilful
Churchmen."
Upon the death of Abbot, the King took
very little time to consider who should be
his successor ; but the very next time that
Laud, Bishop of London, came to him,
accosted him with these words, " My Lord's
Grace of Canterbury, you are very wel-
come."
Laud was possessed of an acute and
vigorous intellect, of accurate and extensive
learning both as a scholar and as a theolo-
gian, and was one of the most munificent
patrons of learning and of learned men that
the country has ever known. He was a
man of undaunted courage, of strict personal
AND APPOINTMENT OF LAUD. 175
integrity and singleness of heart, and of
humble and ardent piety a . But his temper
was hasty and irritable, his voice harsh, and
his manner often ungracious. He took no
pains to soften or conciliate those to whom
his manners were distasteful ; and when a
person of some distinction waited on him
for the purpose of removing some offence
occasioned by the Archbishop's want of
courtesy, Laud dismissed him rather rudely,
saying that " he had no time for compli-
ments b ." " He believed," says one who knew
him well and intimately, "he believed in-
nocence of heart and integrity of manners,
was a guard strong enough to secure any
man in his voyage through this world, in what
company soever he travelled, and through
what ways soever he was to pass : and sure
never any man was better supplied with that
provision ." Certainly he appears to have
a See the very interesting Life of Laud, by Mr.
Le Bas.
b See Laud's vindication of himself in this instance
in Clarendon's Life, Part I.
Clarendon, Book I.
176 LAUD.
been deficient in that practical wisdom and
prudence, that discernment of, and attention
to, the temper and prejudices of the people,
which were essential to carry him with safety
through the turbulent times in which he
lived. In his high-minded integrity, how-
ever, he could not stoop, he could not bend
himself, to any condescension that wore the
appearance of time-serving. It must be ac-
knowledged, too, that it is hardly possible
to acquit him of participation in some of the
iniquitous and rigorous sentences pronounced
by the Star Chamber and High Commission
Court ; though in the cruel punishment in-
flicted upon Leighton, and afterwards upon
Prynne, Burton, and Bastwick, he had not,
it seems, directly, any share.
The remissness of his predecessor Abbot,
had rendered necessary measures which in-
creased the unpopularity of Laud. " For
the strict observation of the discipline of the
Church, or conformity to the Articles or
Canons, Abbot made little enquiry, and took
less care ; and having himself made little
LAUD. 177
progress in ancient and solid divinity, he
adhered only to the doctrine of Calvin, and
for his sake did not think so ill of the dis-
cipline of the Calvinists as he ought to have
done j ." The remissness of Abbot had af-
fected not only the discipline, but also the
edifices of the Church, which in many parishes
were suffered to become sadly dilapidated,
so as to admit the wind and rain. The ex-
pense occasioned by the attempt to enforce
the necessary reparations, concurred with
other circumstances to exasperate against
the new Archbishop the hostility of those,
whose property was thus subjected to a
burden, which, though sanctioned by law,
they had hitherto evaded.
A measure, which, in its long train of con-
sequences, contributed most essentially to
the overthrow of the constitution in Church
and State, and ultimately to bring both
Charles and Laud to the block, was the
attempt to introduce into Scotland the
Liturgy of the Church of England.
d Clarendon.
i3
178 SCOTCH PRAYER BOOK.
This measure had been contemplated by
James, who was very anxious to establish a
uniformity of divine worship throughout the
whole of his dominions. An Act had ac-
cordingly passed in Scotland, authorizing
certain of the Bishops of that country to
prepare a Book of Common Prayer. When
the project was revived in the reign of Charles,
it was determined not to attempt the intro-
duction of the English Liturgy in precisely
the same words, lest this should be miscon-
strued into a badge of dependence of the
Scotch Church upon the Church of England.
It was resolved also, that the two Liturgies
should not differ in substance, that no ground
of attack or of triumph might be given to
the Romanists e . It seems that the Liturgy
intended for Scotland, if not entirely com-
posed, was yet carefully examined and ar-
ranged by the Scottish Bishops ; who, from
their acquaintance with the old Liturgical
forms of Eucharistic Service, thought proper
to make the first Book of Edward the Sixth
6 Fuller, cent. xvii.
SCOTCH PRAYER BOOK. 179
the model which they copied after, in pre-
ference to the Communion Service then used
in England ; a preference in strict accord-
ance with the opinions and wishes of Arch-
bishop Laud f . The most material points
of difference between the two Liturgies, were
in that Service, and in the Office for Bap-
tism. The word Priest in the English Ser-
vice having given offence, was in the Scotch
Rubric changed to Presbyter. All the Apo-
cryphal Lessons were struck out of the Ca-
lendar, with the exception of two chapters
on All Saints' day ; and the names of seve-
ral saints, who had been natives of Scotland
or Ireland, were inserted in the Scotch Ca-
lendar, but only in black letter s . The Psalms,
the Epistles and Gospels, were, it seems, to
be taken from the new translation of the
Scriptures 11 . And the expression by the
congregation of praise and thanksgiving be-
f Skinner's Ecclesiastical History of Scotland, vol. ii.
p. 299.
Fuller.
11 Russell's Hist, of the Church in Scotland.
180 SCOTCH PRAYER BOOK.
before and after the Gospel, which is still
adopted in many churches in England, was
prescribed by the Rubric.
The advance made in the former reign
towards the constitution of the English
Church, however just and reasonable, had
made the Scotch more and more averse to
the Church and Court of England. The
Book of Canons for Scotland, which should
have followed the Liturgy, (because referring
to the Rites and Ceremonies required by it,)
came preposterously out before it, in 1635,
and contained many things likely to occa-
sion popular odium*. A deep and bitter
spirit of hostility had, accordingly, been gene-
rated and grown up among the people, which
burst into a flame when the Liturgy was
first read in Edinburgh on the 23d of July,
1637. The Archbishop of St. Andrew's, with
two or three other Bishops, the Lords of the
Council and of the Session, the Magistrates
of the city, and a great auditory of all sorts
of people, being convened in the high church
1 Complete Hist, of England.
SCOTCH PRAYER BOOK. 181
of St. Giles, no sooner had the Dean of
Edinburgh, in his surplice, begun to read
the Prayers from the desk, but immediately
a multitude of the meaner sort, most of them
women, with clapping of hands, clamours,
outcries, and curses, raised such a hideous
noise, that not a word could be distinctly
heard, and then a shower of stones and
sticks were thrown at the Dean's head. The
Bishop of Edinburgh, who was to preach
that day, stepped into the pulpit with a view
to appease the tumult, by putting them in
mind of the sacredness of the place, and of
their duty to God and the King. But this
enraged them the more; and a woman, named
Janet Geddes, threw her folding-stool at the
Bishop, which might have killed him, had it
not been turned aside by the hand of a per-
son near him. Upon this, the Archbishop,
as Chancellor, called upon the Provost and
Magistrates to suppress the riot by their
authority, which with great difficulty was
done, by thrusting the most unruly out of
the church, and shutting the doors. The
182 SCOTCH PRAYER BOOK.
Dean now went on with the Service, but was
still disturbed by the mob without, who
pelted the doors and windows with sticks
and stones, crying, " A Pope! a Pope! Anti-
Christ 1 Pull him down ! stane him ! stane
him!" with all the signs of ungovernable
fury. When the Bishops, at the conclusion
of the Service, were going home, the rabble
followed them with the most opprobrious
language, and treated Bishop Lindsay so
rudely, that had he not providentially got
into a private house, after they had torn his
habit, he would undoubtedly have fallen a
sacrifice to their fury. The same spirit ap-
peared, though not to such a violent degree,
in the other churches of the city, where the
Ministers, who read the Prayer Book, were
assailed with the most bitter execrations
against Bishops and Popery 1 .
This unfortunate and ill-managed attempt,
with the tumult which it occasioned, led on
to the abolition of Episcopacy in Scotland,
1 Skinner, Fuller, Collier. Complete Hist, of England.
Clarendon.
LONG PARLIAMENT. 183
to the Solemn League and Covenant, and to
the invasion of England by the Scotch army;
and, in its consequences, contributed not a
little, in concurrence with other unhappy
circumstances, to the fatal war between
Charles and his Parliament.
It is by no means the object of the present
work, to trace the progress of the unhappy
dissensions and calamitous civil war, which
terminated in the utter overthrow of the
constitution in Church and State. The
Long Parliament met at Westminster on the
3d of November, 1640. It contained many
members of distinguished ability, but among
those who were most influenced by religion,
a great majority had a strong leaning to
the doctrine and discipline of the Calvinists,
and were animated by a spirit of bitter hos-
tility to Episcopacy, and to the established
ordinances and Liturgy of the Church. At
the first opening of the Session, violent
speeches were made by Bagshaw and others
against the Crown and the Church, speeches
which gave early indication of what was to
184 COMMITTEE OF RELIGION.
follow" 1 . In December, Mr. Denzil Hollis
was sent up from the Lower House to the
Lords, with an impeachment of high treason
against Archbishop Laud. Upon this the
Archbishop was committed to the custody of
the Black Rod, and continued under that
restraint till the 1st of March, when he was
sent to the Tower. Not many days after,
the Lords appointed a Committee of their
own members for the settling of peace in the
Church. This Committee consisted of ten
Earls, ten Bishops, and ten Barons, the lay
votes being thus double those of the Clergy.
At the same time the Lords appointed a
Sub-Committee to prepare matters for their
consideration, (Williams, Bishop of Lincoln,
having the Chair in both Committees,) and
to call together several Bishops and Divines
to consult for correction of what was amiss,
and to restore peace". Among those Divines
were some of the ablest men of both parties.
Archbishop Usher, Hall, Sanderson, Brown-
rigg, and Hackett, were leading men among
Collier, vol. ii. p. 795. n Fuller, cent. xvii. p. 174.
COMMITTEE OF RELIGION. 185
the friends of the Church; and Calamy,
Featly, Twisse, Marshall, and Burges, were
eminent among the Calvinists.
With respect to the Prayer Book, they
consulted, whether some legendary, and some
much doubted saints, with some superstitious
memorials, might not be expunged from the
Calendar; whether it was not fit that the Les-
sons should be only out of Canonical Scripture ;
the Epistles, Gospels, Psalms, and Hymns, to
'be read in the new translation ; whether
times prohibited for marriage might not
totally be taken away ; whether it were not
fit that hereafter none should have a license,
or have their banns of Matrimony published,
excepting such as should bring a certificate
from their Minister, that they were instructed
in the Church Catechism ; whether the
Rubric might not be altered and explained
in many particulars . " Some are of opinion,"
continues Fuller, " that the moderation and
mutual compliance of these Divines might
have produced much good, if not interrupted,
Fuller, p. 175.
186 LONG PARLIAMENT.
conceiving such lopping might have saved
the felling of Episcopacy." This consulta-
tion was continued till the middle of May,
when it was broken off by the attack made
in the House of Commons upon Deans and
Chapters.
The well-known hostility of the House of
Commons to the Established Church did so
much encourage the schismatical and enthu-
siastic people, that they broke out into the
most insolent rudeness, interrupting the
Church Service in a most disorderly manner.
Complaint and proof being made of this in
the House, they resolved that the following
order should be read publicly in all the
parish churches of London, Westminster,
and Southwark, " That the Divine Service
" be performed as it is appointed by the Acts
" of Parliament of this Realm ; and that all
" such as shall disturb this wholesome order,
" shall be severely punished according to
" law ; and that the Parsons, Vicars, and
" Curates in the several parishes, shall for-
ebear to introduce any Rites or Ceremo-
LONG PARLIAMENT. 187
" nies that may give offence, otherwise than
" those which are established by the law of
" the land."
The King was so well pleased, as to return
the House thanks for this order ; not con-
sidering that the reading of it in churches
should have been rather enjoined by his own
prerogative, or the jurisdiction of the Ordi-
nary p .
The hostility of the House of Commons to
the Bishops and the Liturgy becoming more
and more violent, the Lords, in September,
found it necessary to declare, that " The
" Book of Common Prayer should be ob-
" served in all churches without any omis-
" sion or alteration ; and that none should
" offer any contempt at the use of it."
The House of Commons, however, perse-
vered in their attack upon the Established
Church. One of their first measures was to
bring in a Bill for the purpose of excluding
the Bishops from the House of Lords. In
this attempt they were, as usual, assisted by
p Complete Hist, of Eng. vol. iii. p. 114.
188 BISHOPS EXCLUDED
the mob. Petitions came up from several
counties, setting forth that the Bishops were
a common nuisance; that the decay of trade,
the clogging and disappointing of all business
in Parliament, was occasioned by the Bishops.
The rabble went on to railing and insulting
their persons, and throwing stones at them,
so that they could not come to the House of
Lords either by land or water, without im-
minent hazard of their lives r . The Bill
against the Bishops passed both Houses in
February, 1642, and the King, though with
the utmost reluctance, was prevailed upon to
give his assent.
In proportion as the King gave way, the
Parliament grew more exorbitant and per-
emptory in their demands, till at length the
well-meaning, but too yielding, Charles was
driven to have recourse to arms for the de-
fence of what was left, of his prerogative, of
the monarchical constitution of the country,
and of the established religion ; and, on the
r Collier, vol. ii. p. 317.
^JoRDS. ^ SSY
FROM THE HOU
22d of August, set up the
Nottingham.
The attack upon the Prayer Book was at
first carried on with a certain appearance of
moderation. In April, the two Houses pub-
lished a declaration, " That they intended a
" due and necessary reformation of the go-
" vernment and Liturgy of the Church, and
" to take away nothing in the one or the
" other, but what should be evil, and justly
66 offensive, or at least unnecessary and
" burdensome ; and for the better effecting
" thereof, they would speedily consult with
" godly and learned Divines 8 ."
In pursuance of this declaration, they pro-
ceeded to pass an ordinance for convening the
Assembly of Divines. They did not venture
to refer the choice of these Divines to the
beneficed Clergy, according to the customary
method of choosing provincial synods, nor did
they pay any regard to the division of dioceses,
but, reserving the power of election to them-
selves, they gave the nomination to the
* Clarendon, Book I. Sanderson's Oxford Reasons.
190 ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES.
Knights of Shires, requiring them to name
two or more Divines for each county. By the
recommendation of two or three members of
the Commons, whom they were not willing
to displease, and by the authority of the
Lords who added a small number to those
named by the House of Commons, a few
very reverend and worthy persons were in-
serted, but of the whole number of one
hundred and twenty of which the Assembly
was originally to consist, there were not
above twenty who were not declared and
avowed enemies to the doctrine or discipline
of the Church of England*. Among the
Episcopalians, were Usher, Brownrig, West-
field, Featly, Sanderson, &c. The most dis-
tinguished Presbyterians in the Assembly
were Twisse, (who was chosen Prolocutor,)
Burgess, E. Reynolds, Cheynell, and Caryll,
of Oxford ; and of Cambridge, Gouge, Ga-
taker, Scudder, Marshall, Newcomen, and
the very learned Lightfoot. The names of se-
1 Clarendon and Collier. See Clarendon's character
of many of the members.
SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT. 191
veral leading members of both Houses were
added to those of the Divines. It may well
be supposed that few of the Episcopalians
attended, as they considered the Assembly
as unsanctioned either by law or primitive
usage.
One of the earliest measures of the As-
sembly of Divines was to unite with the
Members of the two Houses of Parliament
in taking the " Solemn League and Cove-
nant" by which they bound themselves to
" endeavour the preservation of the reformed
" religion in the Church of Scotland, and
" the reformation of religion in the kingdoms
" of England and Ireland ; so as to bring
" the Churches of God in the three king-
" doms to the nearest conjunction and uni-
" formity in religion, confession of faith,
" form of Church government, &c. &c."
That is, the Church in England and Ire-
land, was to be brought to a conformity
with the Church of Scotland, which appears
in their estimation to have been perfect, and
needing no reformation whatever.
192 PRAYER BOOK ABOLISHED BY PARLIAMENT.
They engaged, secondly, to endeavour the
extirpation of Popery and Prelacy, &c. &c.
The other objects of this engagement it is
needless to specify ; they may be found in
many publications of easy access, and parti-
cularly in Sanderson's Oxford Reasons against
taking the Covenant.
The Assembly next proceeded to prepare
" A Directory for the public worship of God
throughout the three kingdoms of England,
Scotland, and Ireland ;" which, on the 3d of
January, 1644, was established by an Ordi-
nance of Parliament. The Ordinance begins,
" The Lords and Commons, assembled in
" Parliament, taking into serious considera-
" tion the manifold inconveniences that have
" arisen by the Book of Common Prayer in this
" kingdom, and resolving, according to their
" Covenant, to reform religion, &c. &c. ;
" do judge it necessary, that the said Book
" of Common Prayer shall be abolished, and
" the Directory for the public worship of
" God, herein after mentioned, be established
" and observed in all churches within this
ATTAINDER OF LAUD. 193
" kingdom, &c. &c." It then goes on to
repeal all previous Acts for establishing the
Prayer Book; orders the Directory to be
used in every church and chapel ; and directs
Register Books to be provided.
Just a week after this condemnation of
the Prayer Book, followed the execution of
him who had so zealously supported it, Arch-
bishop Laud. Laud having been three years
in prison, his jurisdiction and patronage
seized, and his estate sequestered, was now
impeached of high treason before the House
of Lords. As he had committed no legal
offence that could justify his condemnation,
the House abandoned the Impeachment,
and determined to proceed by way of At-
tainder. The Bill for this purpose passed
the Commons the 16th of November, 1643;
but the Lords could not be induced to
consent till threatened with personal vio-
lence. At length, in January, the Ordinance
of Attainder passed by the voice of six or
seven Peers; the rest of that Assembly
having absented themselves through fear or
194 DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
shame". On his way to execution, he was
occasionally assailed by the revilings of the
lowest of the populace, who were unwilling
that he should pass even to the grave in
peace. But his composure was unruffled by
their insults ; and when he reached the spot,
he ascended the platform " with so brave a
courage, and a countenance so cheerful, as
if he mounted rather to behold a triumph,
than to be made a sacrifice." On the scaffold
he addressed the people in an eloquent and
forcible manner, and then offered a sublime
and pathetic prayer to the God whom he
had so long served. He then met his death
with the cool self-possession and courage of a
hero, and the resignation, humility, and faith
of a Christian martyr. te Thus fell Laud,"
says Heylin, " and the Church fell with him :
fe the Liturgy whereof was voted down about
" the same time that the Ordinance was
" passed for his condemnation ; the Presby-
" terian Directory x authorized for the press,
" Le Bas.
* For a short account of the Directory, see Appendix.
DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 195
" by Ordinance, March 13th ; Episcopacy,
" root and branch, suppressed by Ordinance
" in like manner, October 9, 1646 ; the lands
" of the Cathedrals sold ; the Bishops dispos-
" sessed of their lands and rents, without the
" charity of a small annual pension towards
" their support; the regular and conformable
" Clergy sequestered, ejected y , and turned out
" of all, to the utter undoing of themselves,
" their wives, and children 2 ." Orders were
issued by Parliament for sequestering the
estates of, and ejecting from their Livings,
all malignants and delinquents, under which
words were comprehended all who were true
to their engagements to their Church and
King, all who refused the Covenant when
pressed to take it, and all who persisted in
using the Common Prayer.
Of the manner, in which these orders were
y Walker (Sufferings of the Clergy) reckons, and
gives at length the proof or ground on which his esti-
mate is formed, that more than seven thousand Clergy-
men were thus ejected. This estimate seems to include
ejected Fellows of Colleges.
z Le Bas's Life of Laud.
K2
196 PERSECUTION OF THE
enforced by the ruder instruments of those,
who had overthrown the Church of England,
many instances are found in the histories
and memoirs of the times.
Sanderson, who, after the Restoration, was
for a short time Bishop of Lincoln, was a man
of distinguished learningand of singular kind-
ness and gentleness of disposition. His high
character occasioned his being named as one
of the Assembly of Divines, though he never
attended. He was for many years Rector of
Boothby Pannel, where he continued to
officiate, though for some time the profits of
his Living were sequestered by Parliament.
" Here the soldiers of the Parliament would
appear, and visibly disturb him in the church
when he read prayers, pretending to advise
him how God was to be served most accept-
ably: and he not approving, but continuing
to observe order and decent behaviour in
reading the Church Service, they forced his
book from him and tore it, expecting ex-
temporary prayers."
" At this time he was advised by a Parlia-
CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 197
ment man of power and note, that loved and
valued him much, not to be strict in reading
all the Common Prayer, but make some
little variation, especially if the soldiers came
to watch him ; for then it might not be in
the power of him and his other friends to
secure him from taking the Covenant, or se-
questration y ; for which reasons he did vary
somewhat from the strict rules of the Rubric 55 ."
The opinion of our Liturgy expressed by
this meek and holy man, in an accidental
conversation with his honest and single-
minded biographer, deserves to be repeatedly
brought forward. " He did most highly com-
mend the Common Prayer of the Church,
saying, " The Collects were the most pas-
" sionate, proper, and most elegant expres-
" sions that any language ever afforded ;
" and that there was in them such piety,
" and that so interwoven with instruction,
" that they taught us to know the power,
y Walton says that his Living was sequestered,
1644.
z Walton's Life of Sanderson.
198 PERSECUTION OF THE
" the wisdom, the majesty, and mercy of
" God, and much of our duty both to him
" and our neighbour ; and that a congre-
" gation behaving themselves reverently, and
" putting up to God these joint and known
tf desires for pardon of sins, and praises for
" mercies received, could not but be more
" pleasing to God, than those raw unpreme-
" ditated expressions, to which many of the
" hearers could not say, Amen." And he then
commended to me the frequent use of the
Psalter or Psalms of David ; speaking to this
purpose, " That they were the treasury of
" Christian comfort, fitted to all persons
" and all necessities ; able to raise the soul
" from dejection by the frequent mention of
" God's mercies to repentant sinners ; to
" stir up holy desires, to increase joy, to
" moderate sorrow, to nourish hope, and
" teach us patience by waiting God's leisure ;
" to beget a trust in the mercy, power, and
" providence of our Creator ; and to cause
" a resignation to his will ; and then, and
" not till then, to believe ourselves happy.
CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 199
61 This, he said, the Liturgy and Psalms
" taught us ; and that by the frequent use
" of the last, they would not only prove
" to be our souls' comfort, but would become
" so habitual, as to transform them into
" the image of his soul that composed
" them*."
Dr. Hackett 5 is recorded as the last man
in England who persisted to read the Liturgy
after it had been proscribed by Parliament :
and the following anecdote is given by his
biographer, illustrative both of his attach-
ment to the Church, and of his holy courage.
One Sunday, while he was reading the Com-
mon Prayer in his church, a soldier of the
Earl of Essex came and clapped a pistol to
his breast, and commanded him to read no
farther. The Doctor, not at all terrified,
replied, " / will do what becomes a divine,
and you may do what becomes a soldier.''
* Walton's Life of Sanderson.
b The biographer of Archbishop Williams, and dis-
tinguished for his able speech before Parliament in de-
fence of the Cathedrals.
200 PERSECUTION OF THE
The tumult was quieted for a time, and the
Doctor permitted to proceed 6 .
The example of Sanderson in deviating a
little from the Rubric in these times of dis-
turbance and peril, was followed, perhaps
unknowingly, by the learned and clear-
headed George Bull. " The iniquity of the
times," says his biographer, the pious Nelson,
" would not bear the constant and regular
use of the Liturgy ; to supply therefore that
misfortune, Mr. Bull formed all the devotions
he offered up in public, while he continued
Minister of this place d , out of the Book of
c Not unworthy of being mentioned with this, is the
case of the Westminster scholars, who are stated by
Dr. South, he being one of them, and present at the
time, to have offered up public prayers for King Charles,
within an hour or two before the time of his being be-
headed. Of this disinterested, and in those times dan-
gerous, demonstration of loyalty and charity, South
in his quaint manner remarks, " that they were not only
called, but really were King's scholars." This, and the
anecdote of Hackett, are taken from that excellent little
publication, the Penny Sunday Reader, by Dr. Moles-
worth.
d St. George's, near Bristol.
CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 201
Common Prayer, which did not fail to supply
him with fit matter and proper words upon
all those occasions, that required him to
apply to the throne of grace for a supply of
the wants of his people." " And his manner
of performing the public service, was with
so much seriousness and devotion, with so
much fervour and ardency of affection, and
with so powerful an emphasis in every part,
that they who were most prejudiced against
the Liturgy, did not scruple to commend
Mr. Bull as a person that prayed by the
Spirit, though at the same time they railed
at the Common Prayer, as a beggarly ele-
ment, and a carnal performance." " A parti-
cular instance of this happened to him while
he was Minister of St. George's. He was
sent for to baptize the child of a dissenter
in his parish; upon which occasion, he
made use of the Office of Baptism, as pre-
scribed by the Church of England, which he
had got entirely by heart; and he went
through it with so much readiness, and free-
dom, and yet with so much gravity and de~
K3
202 PERSECUTION OF THE
votion, and gave that life and spirit to all
that he delivered, that the whole audience
was extremely affected with his performance ;
and notwithstanding that he used the sign of
the cross, yet, they were so ignorant of the
Offices of the Church, that they did not
thereby discover that it was the Common
Prayer. After he had concluded, the father
of the child returned him a great many
thanks, intimating at the same time, with
how much greater edification they prayed,
who entirely depended upon the Spirit of
God for his assistance in their extempore
effusions, than those did who tied themselves
up to premeditated forms ; and that if he
had not made the sign of the cross, the
badge of Popery, as he called it, nobody
could have formed the least exception against
his excellent prayers. Upon which Mr.
Bull, hoping to recover him from his ill-
grounded prejudice, shewed him the Office
of Baptism in the Liturgy, wherein was con-
tained every prayer which he had offered up
to God on that occasion ; which, with farther
CHURCH OF ENGLAND. '203
argument that he then urged, so effectually
wrought upon the good man, and his whole
family, that they always after that time fre-
quented the parish-church, and never more
absented themselves from Mr. Bull's com-
munion 6 ."
A lively picture of the persecution of those
who preserved their attachment to the Prayer
Book during the Protectorate, is furnished by
the private diary of a layman, that zealous
promoter of useful knowledge and cultivated
taste, the accomplished Evelyn. A few ex-
tracts may be sufficient.
In 1654, December 3, he wrote thus.
" Advent Sunday. There being no office at
the church, but extempore prayers after the
Presbyterian way, for now all persons were
prohibited, and most of the preachers were
usurpers, I seldom went to church upon
solemn Feasts, but either went to London,
where some of the orthodox sequestered
Divines did privately use the Common
Prayer, administer Sacraments, &c. or else
e Nelson's Life of Bull, p. 39, 40.
204 PERSECUTION OF THE
I procured one to officiate in my house ;
wherefore, on the 10th, Dr. Richard Owen,
the sequestered Minister of Eltham, preached
to my family, in my Library, and gave us
the holy Communion."
" December 25, Christmas Day. No public
office in churches, but penalties on observers,
so as I was constrained to celebrate it at home.''
In 1655, (p. 256.) " On Sunday afternoon^
I frequently stayed at home to catechise and
instruct my family, these exercises universally
ceasing in the parish-churches, so as people
had no principles, and grew very ignorant
of even the common points of Christianity ;
all devotion being now placed in hearing-
sermons and discourses of speculative and
notional things."
November 27. " This day came forth the
Protector's edict or proclamation, prohibiting
all Ministers of the Church of England from
preaching or teaching any schools ; in which
he imitated the apostate Julian ; with the
decimation of all the royal party's revenues
throughout England."
CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 205
December 25. " There was no more notice
taken of Christmas Day in churches. I went
to London, where Dr. Wild preached the
funeral sermon of preaching, this being the
last day, after which Cromwell's proclamation
was to take place, that none of the Church
of England should dare either to preach or
administer Sacraments, teach schools, &c. on
pain of imprisonment or exile. So this was
the mournfullest that in my life I had seen,
or the Church of England herself, since the
Reformation ; to the great rejoicing both of
Papist and Presbyterian. So pathetic was
his discourse, that it drew many tears from
the auditory. Myself, wife, and some of our
family, received the Communion. God make
us thankful, who hath hitherto provided for
us the food of our souls as well as bodies !
The Lord Jesus pity our distressed Church,
and bring back the captivity of Zion!"
Again, August 3, 1656. " I went to
London to receive the blessed Sacrament,
the first time the Church of England was
reduced to a chamber and conventicle, so
206 PERSECUTION OF THE
sharp was the persecution. The parish-
churches were filled with sectaries of all sorts,
blasphemous and ignorant mechanics occu-
pying the pulpits every where. Dr. Wild
preached in a private house, where we had
a great meeting of zealous Christians, who
were generally made more devout and re-
ligious than in our greatest prosperity."
1657, December 25. " I went to London
with my wife, to celebrate Christmas Day,
Mr. Gunning preaching in Exeter Chapel,
on Micah vii. 2. Sermon ended, as he was
giving us the holy Sacrament, the chapel
was surrounded with soldiers, and all the
communicants and assembly surprised and
kept prisoners by them, some in the house,
others carried away, some to the Marshal,
some to prison. When I came before them,
they took my name and abode, examined
me why, contrary to an ordinance made that
none should any longer observe the supersti-
tious time of the Nativity, (so esteemed by
them,) I durst offend, and particularly be at
Common Prayer, which they told me was but
CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 207
the Mass in English, and particularly pray for
Charles Stuart, for which we had no Scrip-
ture, &c.; finding no colour to detain me,
they dismissed me with much pity of my
ignorance. These were men of high flights
and above ordinances, and spake spiteful
things of our Lord's Nativity. As we went
up to receive the Sacrament, the miscreants
held their musquets against us, as if they
would have shot us at the altar, but suffering
us to finish the Office of Communion, as, per-
haps, not having instructions what to do in
case they found us in that action."
Nor was it in England only that the ad-
herents to the Prayer Book were thus mo-
lested. Persecution followed them across
the Atlantic. " Long before the termination
of the seventeenth century, the members of
the Church of England in the colonies were
greatly exceeded in number by those of other
persuasions. Nor was this all. From one
denomination they soon experienced a vio-
lent and long-continued opposition. At a
very early period a few persons withdrew
208 PERSECUTION OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.
from communion with the Puritans, and as-
sembled separately to worship God according
to the Liturgy of the Church. This was too
much to be patiently endured by the domi-
nant majority. The leaders of the party"
(of the Church of England), " two brothers
named Brown, the first champions of reli-
gious liberty in America, were expelled from
the colony of Massachusetts, and sent home
to England. Heavy fines were inflicted on
those who took part in the ceremonies of the
Church; severe laws were enacted against
the observance of any such day as Christ-
mas, or the like; and, to use the words of an
eminent New England Jurist, ' an Inquisi-
tion existed in substance, with a full share
of its terrors and its violence'.'"
f See Caswall's well-written and pleasing account of
the American Church, p. 165.
CHAP. VIL
Prayer Book under Charles the Second. Savoy Conference.
Convocation. Final establishment of the Prayer Book.
THE rigorous and despotic rule of Crom-
well maintained some degree of order at
home, and made the name and power of
England to be respected and feared in fo-
reign countries. After his death, (Sept. 3,
1658,) however, and the peaceable deposition
(Apr. 22, 1659,) of his amiable and unam-
bitious, but weak and irresolute son Richard,
who held the Protectorate about half-a-year,
the lamentable confusion and distraction
which for the space of nearly a year prevailed
from the frequent changes of government,
and from the lawless proceedings of the army,
induced a great majority of the nation to
concur in wishing for the restoration of the
Monarchy. Every thing being, under Divine
Providence, prepared for such an event by
the wary and prudent management of General
210 PRAYER BOOK UNDER
Monk, the two Houses of Lords and
Commons began their convention on the
25th of April, (1660,) meeting, both toge-
ther, at St. Margaret's, Westminster, where
Dr. Reynolds preached. After sermon, they
went to their several Houses, and the Com-
mons chose Sir Harbottle Grimston for their
Speaker. On the 26th, they ordered a day
of solemn thanksgiving to God for raising
up General Monk and other blessed instru-
ments in the delivery of this nation from
thraldom and misery. When on the 1st of
May, Sir John Granville delivered to the
two Houses letters from the King at Breda,
inclosing his Declaration, they were received
with the warmest expressions of joy and
loyalty. Both Houses having drawn up their
answers, six Lords and twelve Commoners
were appointed to attend his Majesty with
them, and to desire his Majesty to make a
speedy return to his Parliament and his
kingly office. The King was proclaimed the
8th of May.
The Presbyterians, among whom were
CHARLES THE SECOND. 211
many men of great piety and considerable
learning, had for some years been super-
seded in point of influence by the Independ-
ents, and they were shocked by the multitude
of wild and discordant fanatics, who were
let loose upon the people, and by the atro-
cious doctrines and detestable blasphemies
which they uttered with impunity. It ap-
pears that towards the conclusion of the
year 1659, several of their ablest preachers,
especially in and about London, gave their
willing assistance towards the reestablish-
ment of regular government, by so stirring
up their congregations to a desire of the
King's restoration, as did not a little facili-
tate that happy event a .
And now, when the Commissioners from
the Parliament and the City went to wait on
the King at the Hague, eight or ten of their
most influential preachers, among whom
were Reynolds, Calamy, Case, and Manton,
accompanied them. They entreated to be
admitted all together to have a formal
a Nicholls from Clarendon.
PRAYER BOOK UNDER
audience of his Majesty ; where " they pre-
sented their duties, and magnified the affec-
tions of themselves and their friends ; who,
they said, had always, according to the
obligation of their Covenant, wished his Ma-
jesty very well, and had lately, upon the op-
portunity that God had put into their hands,
informed the people of their duties ; which,
they presumed, his Majesty had heard had
proved effectual, and been of great use to him."
They professed that they were no enemies
to moderate " Episcopacy ; only desired that
such things might not be pressed upon them
in God's worship, which in their judgment,
who used them, were acknowledged to be
matters indifferent, and by others were held
unlawful." The King spoke very kindly to
them ; and said, " That he had heard of
" their good behaviour towards him ; and
" that he had no purpose to impose hard
" conditions upon them, with reference to
" their consciences ; that they well knew he
" had referred the settling all differences of
" that nature to the wisdom of the Parlia-
CHARLES THE SECOND. 213
" ment, which best knew what indulgence
" and toleration was necessary for the peace
" and quiet of the kingdom."
They afterwards requested several private
audiences, which the King never denied. On
one of these occasions they told him, " The
Book of Common Prayer had been long dis-
continued in England, and the people having
been disused to it, and many of them having
never heard it in their lives, it would be much
wondered at, if his Majesty should, at his
first landing in the kingdom, revive the use
of it in his own chapel, whither all persons
would resort ; and therefore they besought
him, that he would not use it entirely and
formally, but have only some parts of it read,
with mixture of other good prayers, which
his Chaplain might use." The King told
them with some warmth, " That whilst he
" gave them liberty, he would not have his
" own taken from him : that he had always
" used that form of service which he thought
" the best in the world, and had never discon-
" tinued it in places where it was more disliked
" than he hoped it was by them : that when he
214 PRAYER BOOK UNDER
" came into England, he would not severely
" inquire how it was used in other churches,
" though he doubted not he should find it used
u in many; but that he was sure he would have
" no other used in his own chapel." Then they
besought him with more importunity, that
the use of the surplice might be discontinued
by his Chaplains, because the sight of it
would give great offence and scandal to the
people. They found the King as immove-
able in that point, as in the other. He told
them plainly, " that he would not be re-
" strained himself, when he gave others so
" much liberty; that it had been always held
" a decent habit in the Church, constantly
" practised in England, till these late ill times ;
" that it had been still retained by him, and
" though he was bound for the present to
" tolerate much disorder and indecency in the
" exercise of God's worship, he would never,
" in the least degree, by his own practice,
" discountenance the good old order of the
" Church in which he had been bred 5 ."
b Clarendon, Book xvi.
CHARLES THE SECOND. 215
Notwithstanding the firmness of the King
on this occasion, the Presbyterians had se-
veral circumstances of advantage to support
their hopes. Actual possession of the churches
in very many places, the favour of no small
numbers of the people,the countenance of great
men, as the Earl of Manchester and others,
and the King's Declaration at Breda, gave
this party considerable hopes c . The passage
in the Declaration from Breda, upon which so
much stress was justly laid, is as follows :
" And because the passion and unchari-
" tableness of the times have produced se-
" veral opinions in religion, by which men
" are engaged in parties and animosities
" against each other, which when they shall
" hereafter unite in a freedom of conversa-
" tion, will be composed or better under-
" stood : We do declare a liberty to tender
" consciences, and that no man shall be dis-
" quieted or called in question for differences
" of opinion in matters of religion, which do
" not disturb the peace of the kingdom ;
c Collier, vol. ii. p. 870.
PRAYER BOOK UNDER
" and that we shall be ready to consent to
" such an Act of Parliament, as upon mature
" deliberation shall be offered to us, for the
" full granting that indulgence."
To mark the sense entertained of the con-
duct of the Presbyterians, Reynolds, Spur-
stow, Wallis, Bates, Manton, Calamy, Ash,
Baxter, Case, and two or three more, were
soon after the Restoration made King's Chap-
lains in Ordinary ; though none of them
ever preached before his Majesty, excepting
Calamy, Reynolds, Baxter, Spurstow, and
Woodbridge d . Reynolds afterwards became
Bishop of Norwich, and the Bishopric of
Hereford was offered to Baxter, and that of
Litchfield and Coventry to Calamy 6 . Both
the latter declined the offer.
The King landed on the pier at Dover on
the 25th of May, 1660, and entered London
on the 29th, saluted every where by the most
joyous and unanimous acclamations of his
people. His first care on returning to
Whitehall, was to pay his devotions and
d Collier, and Life of Baxter. c Collier, ii. p. 876.
CHARLES THE SECOND. 217
thanks to God, on that the day of his birth,
and of his restoration to his kingdom. On the
very next day after he took possession of his
Royal Palace, the King published a Procla-
mation against vicious, debauched, and profane
persons. Happy had it been for the peace
and honour of this reign, if the example of
the Court had confirmed the order of it f !
In the month of October, (the 5th,) the
King issued another remarkable Declaration
to all his loving subjects of his kingdom of
England and dominion of Wales, concerning
Ecclesiastical affairs. In this Declaration
the King states what are his intentions
respecting toleration, the jurisdiction of
Bishops, and several other matters of Eccle-
siastical polity. In the seventh head, or sec-
tion, he proceeds thus, " We are very glad to
" find, that all with whom we have conferred,
" do in their judgments approve a Liturgy
" or set-form of public worship to be lawful;
" which in our judgment, for the preservation
" of unity and uniformity, we conceive to be
* Complete History of England.
L
PRAYER BOOK UNDER
" very necessary. And though we do con-
" ceive the Liturgy of the Church of England,
" contained in the Book of Common Prayer,
" and by law established, to be the best we
" have seen, (and we believe that we have
" seen all that are extant, and used in this
" part of the world,) and well know what
" reverence most of the Reformed Churches,
" or at least the most learned men of those
" Churches, have for it ; yet since we find
" some exceptions made against several things
" therein, we will appoint an equal number
" of learned Divines of both persuasions to
" revise the same, and to make such alter-
" ations as shall be thought most necessary,"
&c. &c.
The Complete History of England, after
giving the Declaration at full length, says of
it=, that it "has a spirit of truth, wisdom,
" and charity, above any one public profes-
" sion that was ever yet made in matters of
" religion." Another very accurate writer h
justly observes, " It must be said, those who
Vol. iii. p. 246. h Collier, vol. ii. p. 870.
CHARLES THE SECOND. 219
penned this instrument carried the prero-
gative to an extraordinary extent. The
Declaration seems not only to reach into the
business of Synods, overrules the Canons,
and disables the discipline of the Church ;
but over and above dispenses with statutes
to the construction of a repeal ; and lies
hard upon the civil constitution' 1 ." In the
Declaration from Breda, the King, more
wisely and constitutionally, referred every
thing to the wisdom of the Legislature.
Now, however, in compliance with the
clause of the Declaration of October, above
quoted, a Commission was issued by the
Crown, dated March 25, 1661, to empower
twelve of the Bishops, and twelve of the
Presbyterian Divines, to consider of the ob-
jections raised against the Liturgy, and to
make such reasonable and necessary alter-
ations as they should jointly agree upon ;
nine assistants on each side being added to
supply the place of any of the twelve princi-
pals who should happen to be absent. The
names of them were,
* Collier, vol. ii. p. 876.
L2
220 SAVOY CONFERENCE.
ON THE EPISCOPALIAN SIDE.
Fruen Archbishop of York, Sheldon Bishop of
London, Cosin Bishop of Durham, Warner Bishop
of Rochester, King Bishop of Chichester, Henchman
Bishop of Sarum, Morley Bishop of Winchester,
Sanderson Bishop of Lincoln, Laney Bishop of
Peterborough, Walton Bishop of Chester, Sterne
Bishop of Carlisle, Gauden Bishop of Exeter.
Coadjutors.
Dr. Earles Dean of Westminster, Dr. Heylin,
Dr. Hackett, Dr. Barwick, Dr. Gunning after-
wards Bishop of Ely, Dr. Pearson, author of the
excellent Exposition of the Creed and afterwards
Bishop of Chester, Dr. Tierce, Dr. Sparrow after-
wards Bishop of Exeter, Mr. Thorndike.
ON THE PRESBYTERIAN SIDE.
Reynolds Bishop of Norwich, Dr. Tuckney, Dr.
Conant, Dr. Spurstow, Dr. Wallis, Dr. Manton,
Calamy, Baxter, Jackson, Case, Clark, Newcomen.
Coadjutors.
Dr. Horton, Jacomb, Bates, Rawlinson, Cooper,
the profoundly learned Lightfoot who had been
a member of the Assembly of Divines, Dr. Collins,
Dr. Woodbridge, Drake.
SAVOY CONFERENCE. 221
The Commissioners appear to have been
well chosen, most of the ablest men of the two
parties being named. They were directed,
" To advise upon and review the Book of
" Common Prayer, comparing the same with
" the most ancient Liturgies which have been
" used in the Church in the primitive and
" present times, and to take into their serious
" and grave consideration the several direc-
" tions and rules, forms of prayer, and things
" in the said Book of Common Prayer con-
" tained ; and to advise, consult upon and
" about the same, and the several objections
" and exceptions which shall now be raised
" against .the same ; and (if occasion be)
" to make such reasonable and necessary
" alterations, corrections, and amendments,
" as shall be agreed upon to be needful arid
" expedient, for the giving satisfaction to
" tender consciences, and the restoring and
" continuance of peace and unity in the
" Churches under his Majesty's protection
" and government ; but avoiding (as much
" as may be) all unnecessary abbreviations
222 SAVOY CONFERENCE.
<e of the forms and Liturgy, wherewith the
" people are altogether acquainted, and
" have so long* received in the Church of
" England 1 ."
The place of meeting was the Savoy, in
the lodgings of Dr. Sheldon, Master of the
Savoy, and Bishop of London. When they
first met, the Bishop of London opened the
meeting by tellingthe Presbyterian Ministers,
" That they, and not the Bishops, had re-
quested the Conference for making altera-
tions in the Liturgy ; and therefore he pro-
posed that they should bring in all their ob-
jections against the Liturgy in writing, and
all the additional forms and alterations which
they thought proper to be made in it." This
method the Presbyterian Divines had before
declined, when it had been offered by the
King, and again by the Lord Chancellor,
excusing themselves by saying, " They were
" but few, and had no commission from their
1 Complete History of England, and Collier. By the
latter, the Patent appointing the Commission is given at
length.
SAVOY CONFERENCE. 2*23
" brethren to express their minds ; and
" therefore begged leave to acquaint their
" brethren in the country, that they might
" know their sense j ." And when the King
again pressed them for their proposals, they
declared, " That they could not pretend to
" speak for or oblige others ; and that there-
" fore what they did, must signify but the
" minds of so many men as were present."
On the present occasion the Presbyterians
wished that the debate should be by amica-
ble verbal conference, according to the intent
" as they presumed of the Commission,
" and as being more likely to contribute to
" the object of their meeting ; whereas
" writing would be a tedious business, and
" prevent that familiarity and acquaintance
" with each other's minds, which would best
" facilitate peace and concord." But the
Bishop of London prudently insisted on the
safer and more certain way of bringing in all
their exceptions, alterations, and additions,
in one view, in writing, to which they should
J Complete History of England, vol. iii. p. 253.
224 SAVOY CONFERENCE.
receive distinct answers also in writing.
After some debate it was agreed, That they
should bring all their exceptions at one time,
and all their additions at another time.
The exceptions were accordingly drawn
up by Bp. Reynolds, Bates, Calamy, New-
comen, &c., and presented to the Bishops
under this title, The Exceptions of the Pres-
byterian Brethren against some passages in
the present Liturgy, dated August 30, 1661.
The Exceptions were eighteen in number.
It may here be convenient to give shortly,
the substance of each Exception, together
with that of the Reply that was made to it.
1. In the first place the Presbyterians
prayed, " that the Liturgy might not be
clogged with any thing that was doubtful
or questioned among pious, learned, and or-
thodox persons ; since the imposing things of
doubtful disputation as terms of communion,
had in all ages been the ground of schism
and separation."
The Episcopalians replied, " That the pas-
sages complained of in the Liturgy, ought
SAVOY CONFERENCE. 225
to be evidently proved unlawful, before any
alterations can be demanded. That it is no
argument to say, a great many pious persons
scruple the use of it, unless it can be clearly
made out that the Liturgy has given just
ground for such scruples. For if the bare
pretence of scruples is a sufficient plea to
discharge us from obedience, all law and
order can signify nothing. To this they
add, that if the Liturgy should be altered as
required by the Presbyterians, the generality
of the soberest and best members of the
Church of England would have just cause
of disgust. With regard to the proposal,
that prayers may consist of nothing doubtful,
or questioned by pious, learned, and orthodox
persons, the Episcopalians replied, that since
it is not defined and ascertained who those
orthodox persons are, they must either take
all those for orthodox persons who have the as-
surance to call themselves such ; and if so, the
demand is unreasonable ; but if by orthodox
are meant only those, who adhere to Scripture
and the Catholic consent of antiquity > they
L3
226 SAVOY CONFERENCE.
are not of opinion that any part of the
Liturgy has been objected to by such."
2. Secondly, the Presbyterians urged/' that
as the English Reformers, out of their great
wisdom, formed the Liturgy in such manner as
was most likely to gain upon the Papists, by
varying as little as might be from the Offices
anciently received; so, according to the
same rule of prudence and charity, they
desired the Liturgy might be so composed
as might best reconcile it to those Pro-
testants who are agreed in the substantial
points of religion."
To this it was answered, " That as the Ro-
manists never charged our Liturgy with any
positive errors ; but only with the want of
something they conceived necessary ; so was
it never found fault with by those properly
distinguished by the name of Protestants, that
is, those of the Augustan Confession; and as
for others who have brought the Church-
Service into dislike with some people, this
practice of theirs has been their fault and
their sin."
SAVOY CONFERENCE. 327
3. The Presbyterians wished to omit the
repetitions and responses of the parish-clerk
and people, and the alternate reading of the
psalms and hymns. They pretend this custom
raised a confused noise in the congregation,
and made what was read less easy to be
understood.
4. For similar reasons they would have
the divided prayers of the Litany thrown into
one solemn prayer, to be pronounced by the
Ministers.
The Episcopalians contended in reply,
" that the practice of responses tended
to edification, by quickening, keeping up,
and uniting our devotion, which is apt to
sleep or grow languid in a long continued
prayer. For this purpose alternate reading)
repetitions, and responses , are far more ser-
viceable than a long tedious prayer. Nor
is this our opinion only, but the judgment of
former ages, as appears by the practice of
Jewish and ancient Christian Churches."
5. In answer to the request, " That
nothing might remain in the Liturgy, which
228 SAVOY CONFERENCE.
seems to countenance the keeping of Lent as
a religious fast ;" the Bishops replied, " This
is requested as an expedient for peace, and
is in effect to desire our Church may shew
herself contentious for the sake of peace, and
divide from the Catholic Church, that we
may correspond the closer at home, and live
at unity among ourselves. But St. Paul
reckons those contentious, who oppose the
custom of the Churches of God. Now that
the religious observation of Lent was a
custom of the Churches of God, appears by
the testimonies of the Fathers."
6. With regard to the sixth proposal,
" That the religious observation of Saints*
Days, together with their Vigils, may be
laid aside; and that if any of them are
continued they may be called Festivals, and
not Holy-days;" it is answered, " The ob-
serving of Saints' Days is not enjoined as of
divine, but of ecclesiastical institution : that
therefore it is not necessary they should have
any particular appointment in Scripture;
their being useful for promoting piety, and
SAVOY CONFERENCE. 229
serviceable to the general end recommended
in holy writ, is sufficient for this purpose.
That the observation of these solemnities
was a primitive custom, appears by the an-
cient Rituals and Liturgies, and by the con-
sentient testimony of antiquity. Our Saviour
himself kept the Feast of the Dedication,.
which was a solemnity of the Church's in-
stitution."
7. The Presbyterians said, that " the gift
of prayer being one special qualification for
the Ministry, they desire the Liturgy may
not be so strictly imposed, as totally to ex-
clude the exercise of that faculty in any part
of public worship : and that in consequence
of this, it may be left to the discretion of the
Minister to omit part of the stated service, as
occasion shall require." And this liberty,
they pretend, was allowed by the first Com-
mon Prayer Book of Edward the Sixth.
The Episcopalians replied, " Their pro-
posal touching the gift of prayer, makes the
Liturgy in effect wholly insignificant. For
what else can be the consequence, if every
230 SAVOY CONFERENCE.
Minister may put in and leave out at dis-
cretion? As for the gift, or rather the spirit
of prayer, it consists in the inward graces of
the Holy Spirit, and not in extemporary ex-
pressions : such unpremeditated effusions are
only the effect of natural parts, of a voluble
tongue, and uncommon assurance. But if
there is any such gift as is really pretended,
this extraordinary qualification must be sub-
ject to the order of the ChurchV
8. The request that the passages of Scrip-
ture in the Liturgy might be taken from the
new translation of the Scriptures instead of
the old, was acceded to by the Episcopalians,
with the exception of the Psalms.
9. In answer to the objection to reading
in the Church Lessons from the Apocrypha,
the Episcopalians observe, " The Presby-
terians demand an alteration upon such
grounds as would exclude all sermons as
well as the Apocrypha. Their argument
is, the Holy Scriptures contain all things
necessary with reference both to belief and
k 1 Cor. xiv.
SAVOY CONFERENCE. 231
practice. If the inspired writings are so
comprehensive, to what purpose are there
so many unnecessary sermons ? why have
we any thing more than the reading of
Holy Scripture ? But if, notwithstanding
the sufficiency of the Old and New Testa-
ment, sermons are necessary, there is no
reason why these Apocryphal chapters
should not be reckoned equally useful ;
for most of them deliver excellent dis-
courses and precepts of morality ; and it
is much to be wished the sermons of these
Ministers were no worse. If they are afraid
that these books may, by this regard, come
up to an equal authority with the Canon;
the Church has secured them against this
apprehension, by calling them Apocryphal.
Now it is the Church's testimony which
teaches us to make this distinction. And
lastly, to leave out these Apocryphal Lessons,
were to cross the practice of former ages."
10. " That the Minister should not read
the Communion Service at the Communion
Table, is not reasonable to demand, since it
232 SAVOY CONFERENCE.
was the practice of all the primitive Church;
and if we do not govern ourselves by that
golden rule of the Council of Nice, (let
ancient customs be continued,} unless reason
plainly requires the contrary, we shall give
offence to sober Christians by a causeless
departure from Catholic usage, and put a
greater advantage in the hands of our Roman-
ist adversaries, than, it is to be hoped, our
brethren the Dissenters would willingly allow."
11. To the eleventh exception they reply,
" That it is not reasonable the word Minister
should alone be used in the Common Prayer ;
for since some parts of the Liturgy may be
performed JDy a Deacon, and others, such as
Absolution and Consecration, by a Priest, it
is fit some such word as Priest should be used
for those offices which are appropriated to
his character. The word Curate likewise,
(which was objected to,) signified those who
are entrusted by the Bishop with the cure of
souls, and therefore was very fit to be used.
Sunday being a very ancient distinction of
the day on which our Saviour rose from the
SAVOY CONFERENCE. 233
dead, there is no reason why that name
should be disused,"
12. In reply to a request for an improved
metrical version of the Psalms, the Episco-
palians answer, that " singing of psalms in
metre is no part of the Liturgy, and by con-
sequence is no part of our commission."
13. The request that all obsolete terms
may be altered to words of common use, has
already been, in great measure, disposed of,,
by consenting to adopt the last translation
of the Scriptures.
14. The request that no portion of the Old
Testament, or of the Acts of the Apostles,
should be called Epistles, was acceded to.
15. The Presbyterians desired, " That the
phrases in several Offices which presume all
persons within the communion of the Church
toberegenerated, converted, and in actual state
of grace, may be reformed; for considering the
want of ecclesiastical discipline, confessed in
the Commination, such a supposition is more
than the utmost charity can suppose."
In answer to this, the Episcopalians allege,
" that the Church's phrase in her prayers is
234 SAVOY CONFERENCE.
no more offensive than St. Paul's. This
Apostle, in his Epistles to the Corinthians,
Galatians, and others, calls them in general
the Churches of God, sanctified in Christ
Jesus, and Saints by vocation. And yet
amongst these, there were many, who, upon
the score of their open irregularities, could
not properly be styled such."
16. The Presbyterians wished " that the
petitions in the prayers might have a more
orderly connexion, and the forms carried on
to a more competent length ; that this method
would be more to edification, and gain farther
upon the people's esteem."
Under this head they are somewhat more
particular ;
And first, " they charge the Collects with
being generally too short, many of them con-
sisting of one, or at most, but of two sen-
tences of Petition. That they are gene-
rally prefaced with a repeated mention of
the name and attributes of God, and pre-
sently conclude with the name and merits of
Christ; that by this disposition of the service
many unnecessary breaks are occasioned;
SAVOY CONFERENCE. 235
and that when many petitions are to be
offered at the same time, these interruptions
are neither agreeable to Scriptural examples,
nor suited to the gravity of that holy duty."
Secondly, They object " that the Prefaces
of many of the Collects have no clear and
direct reference to the following petitions :
That the petitions are put together without
due order or natural connexion, &c. &c. It
is therefore desired, that instead of those dis-
continued Collects, there may be one me-
thodical and entire form of prayer composed
out of many of them."
The Church Commissioners replied, that
" as to the connexion of the parts of the
Liturgy, it is conformable to the example of
the Churches of God, and has as much con-
nexion as usually occurs in many petitions of
the same psalm."
u The Collects, by their brevity, are best
suited to devotion, and resemble those short
but prevalent prayers in Scripture, Lord, be
merciful to me a sinner. Son of David, have
mercy on us. Lord, increase our faith."
236 SAVOY CONFERENCE.
After this, proceeding to the remainder of
the objection, they subjoin, " We cannot
imagine why the repeated mention of the
name and attributes of God, should not
be most acceptable to any person reli-
giously disposed ; or how this repetition
should seem any burthen, since David
magnified one attribute of God's mercy
six-and-twenty times together (Psalm 136).
Nor can we conceive why the name and
merits of Jesus should be less comfortable
to us, than to former Saints and Martyrs :
and since the hopes of obtaining our peti-
tions are founded upon the attributes of God,
such prefaces of prayers as are taken from
the divine perfections, are not to be censured
as unsuitable, though they should have no
special reference to the following petitions."
17. In the next place the Presbyterians
complained, that the Liturgy is defective in
the following instances ;
First, "That there is no preparatory prayer
in the beginning of the Service, for God's
assistance and acceptance ; and yet many
SAVOY CONFERENCE. 237
Collects in the middle of the Service have
little or nothing else."
2. " The Confession" as these Ministers
continue, " is very defective. Original sin
is not clearly expressed, nor the number of
actual sins, with their aggravations, suffi-
ciently enlarged on : the form goes too
much upon generals"
3. They complain of a great defect in
the forms of public Thanksgiving. And,
4. They object that the whole body of
Common Prayer is too much wrapt in gene-
rals ; as, to be kept from all evil, from all
enemies, from all adversity, that we may do
God's will, fyc. fyc. without dilating upon
particulars.
5. They pretend that the Catechism is
defective in many necessary doctrines, and
that some of the essentials of Christianity
are not mentioned, except in the Creed.
The Episcopalians replied, "That, whereas
it was objected that there was no preparatory
prayer in our Liturgy for God's assistance
and acceptance, this they answer is a plain
238 SAVOY CONFERENCE.
misreporting the Common Prayer. For be-
sides a preparatory Exhortation, there are
several prayers upon the heads in which it is
pretended they are deficient. The instances
are these ; Despise not, O Lord, humble and
contrite hearts ; That those things may please
him which we do at this present ; O Lord,
open thou our lips, fyc. fyc."
As to the objection, " that the Confession is
couched in too general terms/' the Episcopal
Divines answer, " that this is rather a perfec-
tion than a disadvantage ; that the Offices are
intended for common use ; that general ser-
vices would cease to be such by descending
to particulars. When confession of sins is
general, all persons may and must join in it,
because in many things we offend all. But if
the enumeration of sins was particular, it
would not be so well suited to the use of the
congregation ; for it may well be supposed
to happen, that some persons may, by God's
grace, have been preserved from several of
the sins recited ; and therefore by confessing
themselves guilty, they would lie to God
SAVOY CONFERENCE. 239
Almighty, and thus stand in need of a new
confession. As for original sin, they conceive
it sufficiently acknowledged in the Church's
confessing, that without God's help our frailty
cannot but fall ; and that our mortal nature
can do no good thing without him"
As for the complaint, that the Liturgy
goes too much upon generals, for instance,
that we may do Gods will, that we may be
kept from evil, fyc. fyc. the Church Commis-
sioners reply, that these are almost the very
terms in the Lord's Prayer ; so that they
must reform that, before they can pretend to
mend our Liturgy in these particulars.
18. The principal demand of the Presby-
terians was, that the directions, which impose
any ceremonies, especially the surplice, the
sigji of the cross, and kneeling at the Lord's
Supper, might be abrogated.
In answer to the general principles on
which this demand was grounded, the Church
Commissioners reply, " that God has not
only given a power, but likewise commanded
the imposing whatever shall be truly decent
and becoming his public service. That after
-240 SAVOY CONFERENCE.
St. Paul had laid down some particular rules
for praying, thanksgiving, prophesying) fyc t
he concludes with this general precept, Let
all things be done evo-xrj/jLova)?, in a decent
manner ; and that there may be uniformity
in these circumstances of decency, the Apo-
stle adds, Let there be a rdfy?, a rule, or
canon for that purpose 1 ." They add, that
" superiors, not inferiors, must be judges of
what is decent and convenient ; those who
have authority to order that every thing be
done decently, must of necessity first judge
what does or does not fall under that de-
scription."
After several judicious observations, the
Episcopalians proceed, " Whereas the Non-
conformists plead that they cannot obey the
commands of the Church for fear of violating
the precept which forbids adding to the word
of God, (Deut. xii. 32.) we answer, those
Ministers do not well consider, that it is no
addition to the word of God to command things
for order and decency, provided they are en-
joined, only asregulations of human authority."
1 1 Cor. xiv. 40.
SAVOY CONFERENCE. 241
" And supposing some persons continue per-
plexed and under scruples, the Church may
notwithstanding, without sin, insist upon
compliance with decent ceremonies ; and all
this without being guilty of offending our
weak brother, for here the scandal is taken,
and not given. It is the prejudice and mis-
take of the scrupulous person that disturbs
himself."
" Neither will the case of St. Paul's not
eating flesh if it offended his weak brother
give any support to the objection. For here
it must be observed, the Apostle speaks of
things not commanded by God or his Church;
of matters which had nothing of decency or
significancy for religious purposes. And
therefore in a case thus unconnected with
divine worship, St. Paul was willing to resign
his liberty, rather than offend his brother.
But if any man should venture to break a
just law or custom of the Church, the Apo-
stle marks him for a contentious person,
(1 Cor. xi. 16.)"
" That these ceremonies have occasioned
M
242 SAVOY CONFERENCE.
many divisions, as it is pretended, is no more
their fault, than the misunderstandings be-
tween the nearest relations, accidentally con-
sequent upon the preaching of the Gospel,
(Luke xii.) can be fairly charged on the
Christian religion."
They justify the use of the surplice by
alleging, " that both reason and experience
may inform us, that decency and propriety
in ornament and habit strike the senses, and
excite respect and regard ; with this view
particular habits are adopted in the equipage
of princes, and in courts of justice. And
why should the service of God be refused
this advantage ? With respect to the surplice,
no habit is more suitable at holy ministra-
tions than white linen ; it is the emblem of
purity. That this habit was anciently used
in the Church we may learn from St. Chry-
sostom."
" The sign of the cross" continue the
Episcopal Divines, " was always used in
immortali lavacro, in the Sacrament of
Baptism. We continue to use it to testify
SAVOY CONFERENCE. 243
our communion with the Saints of former
ages, and to signify that we are not ashamed
of the Cross of Christ."
As to the posture of kneeling, they argue,
" that it best becomes the solemnity of the
Holy Eucharist, since the most valuable
blessings ought to be received with the
greatest marks of reverence and submission."
The Church Commissioners conclude their
general answer with observing, that " there
were ancient Liturgies in the Church, as ap-
pears plainly from St. Chrysostom's,St. Basil's*
and others ;" " and the Greeks," say they,
" mention St. James's much older than the
rest. And though we cannot trace entire
Liturgies through all the centuries of Christi-
anity ; yet that there were such in the
earliest ages, may certainly be concluded
from the fragments remaining, many of which
have been adopted into our Liturgy."
With respect to the more particular ex-
ceptions, made by the Presbyterians, they
wished in the Litany, the words from all
other deadly sin, to be altered to, from all
M2
244; SAVOY CONFERENCE.
other heinous sin ; and the words, from sudden
death, to be changed to, unprepared dying
suddenly. They objected to the Church's
praying for all that travel, because many, as
thieves and pirates, travel for bad purposes,
and wished the expression to be, those that
travel. In the Office for Visitation of the
Sick, they objected to the form of Absolution,
and pressed for declarative or conditional
expressions, as / pronounce thee absolved if
thou dost truly repent and believe. In the
Office for the Churching of Women, they
would have the prayer and response omitted,
O Lord, save this woman thy servant;
(Response) Which putteth her trust in thee ;
because it may happen a woman may come
to give thanks for a child born in adultery
or fornication. To this the Episcopal Di-
vines replied, that in such cases she is to do
penance before she is churched.
Besides the exceptions already mentioned,
additions to the Liturgy were proposed, and
Baxter, to whom the work was committed
by his colleagues, drew up an absolute form
SAVOY CONFERENCE. 245
of his own, and styled it The Reformed Li-
turgy, " as if he had the modesty to think,"
says a very impartial writer, " that the old
Liturgy compiled by a number of very
learned confessors and martyrs, must now
give place to a new form composed by a
single man ." As the Commission merely
authorized a review of the Common Prayer,
comparing the same with the ancient Litur-
gies, and to make reasonable and necessary
alterations, corrections, and amendments
this attempt of Baxter to substitute an
entirely new Liturgy of his own composing,
was certainly not a little presumptuous, and
was little likely to draw concessions from
those to whom he was opposed.
Baxter had been regularly ordained by
Thornborough, Bishop of Worcester. At
that time he had satisfied himself that con-
formity was lawful , and he accordingly pro-
fessed his adherence to the Liturgy. Sub-
sequently, however, he found cause to change
Complete History of England, vol. iii. p. 253.
a Life of Baxter.
246 SAVOY CONFERENCE.
his opinion. He was a man of ardent piety,
of much self-denial, of unwearied zeal and
activity in his ministerial labours, and was
gifted with a forcible popular eloquence.
Perhaps no man in this country, up to the
days of John Wesley, was ever instrumental
in bringing so many persons to a deep sense
of practical religion. This he effected by
his preaching, by his private pastoral minis-
trations, and above all by his numerous prac-
tical writings. He was not perhaps exempt
from that confidence in his own powers and in
his own opinions, from that love of ascendancy,
of being the head of a party, which has
formed a feature in the character of so many
distinguished men, for instance, in the cha-
racter of Calvin, about a century before, and
in that of Wesley p , about a century after
him. The account which Baxter gives of
the increasing moderation of his sentiments
in his later years, and of his greater readi-
p The ascendancy acquired by Wesley was certainly
employed by him for the purpose of widely spreading the
knowledge and the influence of the Christian religion.
SAVOY CONFERENCE. 24T
ness to make allowances for the opinions of
other men when they differed from his own,
is very pleasing d .
Baxter's presumption, however, on the
present occasion, and the disposition of his
colleagues to cavil and find fault with things
of minor importance, probably rendered the
Episcopalians the less inclined to give way,
and to consent to some verbal alterations
which might have been really desirable.
About ten days before the Commission
expired (it was to continue in force four
calendar months) the Nonconformists de-
sired a personal conference with the Bishops
upon the subject of the papers exchanged.
The Bishops, with some degree of reluctance,
consented. Three of each party were ap-
pointed to manage the dispute, the Bishops
choosing Drs. Pearson, Gunning, and Spar-
row, and the Presbyterians selected Bates,
Jacomb, and Baxter. When they met,
the conference, through want of order, fre-
u Life of Baxter, and that very useful book, Words-
worth's Ecclesiastical Biography.
248 SAVOY CONFERENCE.
quent interruptions, and personal reflexions,
turned to no account.
At the close of the last day it was mutually
agreed, that the report of the conference
should be delivered to the King in writing ;
and that each party should give in this ge-
neral account, " That the Church's welfare,
" that unity and peace, and his Majesty's
f< satisfaction, were ends upon which they
" were all agreed ; but as to the means, they
ft could not come to any harmony'."
Perhaps this result, however it may be
lamented, is not to be wondered at, when
both parties, from the temper and circum-
stances of the times, were little disposed to
make concessions. The Episcopalians, who
had recently suffered so much in consequence
of their attachment to the Liturgy, not un-
naturally felt that attachment increased
even to its blemishes, if blemishes it had
r Collier, (vol. ii. p. 886.) from whom this account of
the Savoy Conference is abridged. Collier's account is
taken from " Papers that passed between the Commis-
sioners at the Savoy Conference."
SAVOY CONFERENCE. 249
and could not brook to have laws prescribed
to them by that party, which they regarded
as the primary cause of all their sufferings.
The Presbyterians, who for some time had
been the dominant party, felt, in point of
honour, pledged to their avowed opinions,
and relied upon the encouragement which
they had received from the King, upon the
assurances of some leading Members of Par-
liament, and upon the interest which they
believed themselves to have with large num-
bers of the people. Some alterations how-
ever were assented to by the Episcopalians,
which were afterwards adopted by the Convo-
cation, and established by Act of Parliament'.
Before taking leave of the subject, it may
be well to mention those Church Commis-
sioners who had the greatest share in the
debate. Henchman, then Bishop of Salis-
bury and afterwards of London, is reported
r For some very sensible and impartial observations
upon the Savoy Conference, the last Review of the
Prayer Book, and its consequences, see the " Sketch of
the History of the Church of England, by Dr. Short;"
a book well deserving the attention of all members of
the Church of England, both lay and clerical.
M3
250 CONVOCATION.
as having shewn that he was well acquainted
with the Fathers and Councils ; he discoursed
with great temper, but was strongly against
large abatements, and schemes of compre-
hension. This Prelate, together with Sheldon
and Morley, is said to have had the chief
management of this affair. Dr. Pearson,
afterwards Bishop of Chester, disputed with
great exactness. The Ministers on the other
side had a particular regard for him, and
believed that if this Divine had been an um-
pire in the controversy, his concessions would
have gone a great way : and to mention only
one more, Dr. Gunning, afterwards Bishop
of Ely, had a principal part in the debate :
he had a ready pronunciation, and argued
with great learning and vigour. His regard
for the practice of antiquity made him adhere
strictly to the ceremonies and constitution
of the Church : and he thought it by no
means reasonable to give up usages and
regulations so primitively settled and sup-
ported 8 .
The Convocation met on the 8th of May,
Collier, p. 885,
CONVOCATION. 251
1661. They adopted most of the alterations
to which the Episcopalian Commissioners
had agreed, made some farther concessions
to the Presbyterians, and introduced a few
other changes and additions. On the 20th
of September, the Prayer Book, having
passed both Houses of Convocation, was
subscribed by the Bishops and Clergy ; and
received the civil sanction of the Parliament.
The Royal Assent was given May 16, 1662.
Of the alterations and additions adopted
by the Convocation, the following are the
most considerable.
The Order for reading the Psalms was
simplified and improved. The version of
the Psalms however, given in the Great
Bible, was still retained. By the Great
Bible is understood the translation made by
Tyndal and Cover dale, and revised by Arch-
bishop Cranmer, in the reign of Henry the
Eighth, in contradistinction both to the
Bishops' Bible, published in the reign of
Elizabeth under the superintendence of
Archbishop Parker, and to the translation
now used in our Church. This translation
252 FINAL ESTABLISHMENT
was retained in the Prayer Book, partly, pro-
bably, because it was most familiarly known
to the people; the reason which induced
the Church of Rome when it gave doctrinal
authority to the Vulgate, still to retain the Old
Italic version in its Breviary and Missal 1 ;
and partly because the old translation was,
in this instance, thought preferable to the
new. Coverdale's translation, (for neither
Tyndal nor Rogers had any share in trans-
lating the Psalms,) being unfettered with the
idiom of the Hebrew, is expressed with
greater freedom, and with more regard to
the genius of our language, than the new.
The old translation is certainly most har-
monious in its periods, and excellently
adapted for public worship".
But to return to the last Review of the
Prayer Book. Some directions respecting
certain of the Lessons were omitted, typo-
1 Hartwell Home on the Scriptures.
Shepherd's Elucidation of the Morning and Evening
Prayer. . He strongly expresses his regret, that the
pointing of the Psalms as they are to be sung or chaunted
is retained in all our Common Prayer Books.
OF THE PRAYER BOOK. 253
graphical errors in this part of the book
were rectified, and Lessons were added for
the 29th of February. Until this Review,
the Sentences, Exhortation, Confession,
and Absolution, had never been printed 31 ,
before the Lord's Prayer in the beginning
of the Evening Service. Indeed, the order
seems to have been ambiguous. The Rubrics
were, " An order for Evening Service
throughout the year. The Priest shall say,
Our Father," &c. The Absolution was di-
rected to be read by the Priest standing.
The Gloria Patri was expressly ordered after
every division of the 1 19th Psalm. The
words rebellion and schism, sins from which
the Church had recently suffered so severely,
were inserted in the last deprecation in the
Litany; in which Office likewise, Bishops,
Pastors, and Ministers, were changed into
Bishops, Priests, and Deacons. The Collects
for the Ember Weeks, the Prayer for the
High Court of Parliament, the excellent and
* Shepherd adds, " though they were intended to be
said." I know not the authority on which this assertion
is made.
254 FINAL ESTABLISHMENT
comprehensive Prayer for All Sorts and Con-
ditions of Men, and the General Thanksgiving,
were all composed at this time. In excuse
for the words, most religious and gracious
King, applied in the Prayer for the Parlia-
ment, to a King, who subsequently proved to
be one of the most selfish, sensual, and un-
principled Monarchs that ever swayed the
sceptre of this kingdom, it should be remem-
bered, that Charles's character had not yet
developed itself. His previous misfortunes,
as well as the calamitous state from which the
country was just restored, his strong profes-
sions of attachment to religion, the excellent
tone and spirit of his declarations on the
subject of religion, and, perhaps, it must be
added, the fascination of his personal de-
meanour, all concurred, when he returned to
this country, to dispose his subjects to see his
character in the most favourable point of view.
With regard to other alterations, it may
be observed, that the Occasional Prayers and
Thanksgivings, which had hitherto formed a
part of the Litany, were now disjoined from
it. A Collect was appointed for Easter Eve.
OF THE PRAYER BOOK. 255
on which day that for the preceding Sunday
had hitherto been used; and a Collect,
Epistle, and Gospel for the sixth Sunday
after the Epiphany, on which day those for
the fifth were before ordered to be repeated.
A new (certainly a very excellent) Collect
was likewise composed for the third Sunday
in Advent; and this is perhaps a proper
place for observing, that considerable im-
provements were made in several other
Collects. An appropriate Epistle was al-
lotted to the Festival of the Purification, on
which the Epistle for the Sunday preceding
had formerly been used. Instead of calling
by the name of Epistle, a portion of the Old
Testament, or of the Acts of the Apostles,
read in the place of the Epistle, it was or-
dered, that the Minister should say, " The
portion of Scripture appointed for the Epis-
tle." The Epistles and Gospels in the Com-
munion Office, as well as the Lessons in the
Daily Prayer, were taken from the New
Translation of the Bible. These alterations
just mentioned were in accordance with the
256 FINAL ESTABLISHMENT
wish of the Presbyterian Commissioners.
The two previous Exhortations to the Lord's
Supper were altered, and ordered to be read
on the Sunday, or Holy-day, preceding the
day of the celebration of the Communion,
and not at the time when the people were
actually assembled to receive it. In the
prayer for the " Church militant here on
earth," a thanksgiving was inserted, (" we
also bless thy holy Name for all thy servants
departed this life in thy faith and fear")
to make the latter part correspond with these
introductory words, " and to give thanks for
all men." This addition also gave the
Prayer a nearer resemblance to that in the
first Prayer Book of Edward the Sixth. At
the reading of the Gospel, and at the recita-
tion of the Nicene Creed, the people were
ordered to stand, no directions about the
posture having been given in the old books.
At the Consecration of the Bread and Wine,
marginal rubrics were added to direct the
Minister, as had orginally been done in
Edward's Liturgy, but not in the later
OF THE PRAYER BOOK. '257
books ; and provision was made for conse-
crating more bread and wine, should more
of either be wanted. Some new rubrical
directions were placed at the end of the
Communion, and in many of the Offices ;
whilst others, that were thought no longer
necessary, were omitted.
la the Office of Public Baptism of Infants,
was added the interrogation, " Wilt thou
keep God's holy will and commandments,
and walk in the same all the days of thy
life ?" together with the answer ; and in the
Collect preceding the act of baptizing the
child, the words, " sanctify this water to the
mystical washing away of sin," were inserted ;
an addition suggested probably by King
Edward's first Liturgy. A new Office of
Baptism for those of Riper Years was com-
posed, an Office rendered peculiarly neces-
sary by the late distractions, and by the
number of the persons who, in consequence
of those distractions, and of the spreading of
opinions hostile to Infant Baptism, were
found to be unbaptized.
258 FINAL ESTABLISHMENT
The two Psalms, which we now have, .were
prefixed to the Lesson in the Burial Service.
In Edward's first book, the 116th, 139th,
and 146th, were appointed. These were
omitted in the second book, and no others
substituted till the Review of the Liturgy in
1661. The Forms of Prayer to be used at
Sea ; and the Forms of Prayer for the 30th
of January, and that for the 29th of May,
were likewise added. Several other altera-
tions were made, but principally of a nature
so minute as not to require enumeration 55 .
It does not appear to be certainly known,
which of the pious and learned Divines of the
time had the principal share in making these
alterations, and particularly in composing or
compiling the new Prayers and Offices which
were now sanctioned by authority. It seerns
to be acknowledged, that the forcibly-written
Preface, " It has been the wisdom of the
Church," &c. &c. was from the pen of the
z Much of this account of the alterations made at the
last Review of the Prayer Book is taken from Shepherd's
very useful " Elucidation of the Common Prayer.'*
OF THE PRAYER BOOK. 259
judicious Sanderson, and his biographer a inti-
mates the probability that the new prayers
were in great measure written by him. The
additions and alterations now made generally
bear the impress of sound judgment and of
fervent piety.
Thus was the Prayer Book re-established,
having been so constructed as to give, at
least in its Ordinary Service, no just ground
of offence either to the Romanist, or to the
orthodox Dissenter, both of whom may join
in its worship with edification and advantage.
Both may perhaps think that they find
cause to object to its ritual. In the com-
pleteness which it now received it has con-
tinued ever since to be the instructor, the
guide, and the consolation of all true and
faithful sons of the Church of England ; and
the most unlearned man, who pays due at-
tention to the Prayer Book, will find in it,
drawn from the holy Scriptures, all that is
essentially necessary to salvation, " all that
" a Christian ought to know and believe for
" his soul's health." If, after humble peti-
a Walton's Life of Sanderson.
260 FINALESTABUSHMENTOFTHE PRAYERBOOK.
tion for the aid of the Spirit of grace and
supplication, he joins in the prayers of the
Church with seriousness and devotion, with
the spirit and the understanding, he will
learn to love and delight in " the pleasures
" of the temple, the order of her services,
" the beauty of her buildings, the sweetness
" of her songs, the decency of her ministra-
" tions b ." He will from his heart adopt the
encomium pronounced upon the Liturgy by
one of its most eloquent commentators 6 , and
say, that it " is so judiciously contrived,
" that the wisest may exercise at once their
" knowledge and devotion ; and yet so plain,
" that the most ignorant may pray with
" understanding ; so full, that nothing is
" omitted which is fit to be asked in public ;
" and so particular, that it compriseth most
" things which we would ask in private ;
" and yet so short, as not to tire any that
" hath true devotion. Its doctrine is pure
" and primitive ; its ceremonies so few and
" innocent, that most of the Christian world
" agree in them.'*
b Bishop Taylor. c Comber.
APPENDIX.
Some Account of the Directory.
THE " Directory for the Publique Worship of
God," gives general directions, for the order in
which public worship shall be celebrated, and for
the manner in which the Sacraments and religious
rites shall be administered, but, in both instances,
leaves all the detail to the discretion of the offi-
ciating Minister. The Minister is to begin the
Publick Service with prayer, In all reverence and
humility acknowledging the incomprehensible great-
nesse and majesty of the Lord, and their own vile-
nesse and unworthinesse to approach so near him,
fyc. 4-0. This is to be followed by publique read-
ing of the holy Scriptures. " How large a portion
" shall be read at once, is left to the wisdom of
" the Minister ; but it is convenient, that ordi-
'* narily, one Chapter of each Testament be read
" at every meeting; and sometimes more, where
" the Chapter be short, or the coherence of matter
" requireth it."
262 APPENDIX.
" When the Minister, who readeth, shall judge
" it necessary to expound any part of what is read,
" let it not be done until the whole Chapter or
" Psalme be ended : and regard is always to be
" had unto the time, that neither Preaching or
" other Ordinance be straitened or rendred
" tedious. Which rule is to be observed in all
" other publike performances." " After reading
of the Word (and singing of the Psalme)" next
follow very long and particular directions for the
prayer before sermon, still leaving much to the
discretion of the Minister.
The directions for " the preaching of the Word,
" being the power of God unto salvation," con-
tain much sound and judicious advice, well de-
serving attention.
In the prayer after the sermon the Minister is
to give thanks unto God " for the blessings of
" the Gospel, to turn the chief and most usefull
" heads of the sermon into some few petitions ; and
u to pray that it may abide in the heart, and bring
" forth fruit."
" And because the Prayer which Christ taught
" his Disciples, is not only a patern of prayer,
" but it self a most comprehensive prayer, we
" recommend it also to be used in the prayers
" of the Church."
" The prayer ended, let a Psalm be sung, if
" with conveniency it may be done. After
APPENDIX. 263
" which let the Minister dismisse the congrega-
" tion with a solemn blessing. 1 '
" Baptisme is not to be administred in any
" case by any private person; but by a Minister
" of Christ," &c. &c.
" Nor is to be administred in private places,
" or privately, but in the place of Publike
" Worship, and in the face of the congregation,
" where people may most conveniently see and
" hear; and not in the places where fonts in
" the time of Popery were unfitly and super-
" stitiously placed." " The childe is to be pre-
" sented by the father, or (in case of his necessary
" absence) by some Christian friend in his place,
" professing his earnest desire that the child may
" be baptized."
" Before Baptisme the Minister is to use some
" words of instruction touching the institution,
" nature, use, and ends of the Sacrament, but
" is to use his own libertie and godly wisdom, as
" the ignorance or errours" " and the edifica-
" tion of the people shall require.' 1 " He is also
" to admonish all that are present to look back to
<c their Baptisme," Sic. &c. " He is to exhort the
" parent to consider the great mercy of God to
" him and his childe ; to bring up the child in
" the nurture and admonition of the Lord," &c.
Prayer is to follow " for sanctifying the water to
" this spiritual use," &c.
264 APPENDIX.
" As he pronounceth these words," (I baptize
thee, &c.) " he is to baptize the childe with water :
" which for the manner of doing, is not only law-
" full, but sufficient and most expedient to be, by
" pouring or sprinkling of the water on the
" face of the childe, without adding any other
" ceremony."
" This done, he is to give thanks, and pray"
the general purport of such thanksgiving and
prayer being added.
The directions for the celebration of the Lord's
Supper, with the exhortations and prayers, bear
in substance considerable resemblance to the Office
in the Prayer Book, only here, as in the other
services, the choice of words is left entirely to the
officiating Minister ; who, in the actual adminis-
tering of the bread, is to break it, and give it to
the communicants, saying, Take ye, eat ye, This
is the body of Christ which is broken for you, do
Ms in remembrance of Him. And so, with respect
to the cup.
The instructions for " The sancti/ication of the
Lord^s Day" which follow next, direct that
" The whole day is to be celebrated as holy to
11 the Lord, both in publique and private, as being
" the Christian Sabbath. To which end it is re-
" quisite, that there be a holy cessation, or resting
w all the day, from all unnecessary labours, and
" an abstaining, not only from all sports and pas-
APPENDIX. 265
" times, but also from all worldly words and
" thoughts. 1 '
With respect to Marriage, the Assembly of
Divines observe, " Although Marriage be no Sa-
" crament, nor peculiar to the Church of God,
" but common to mankinde, and of publike
" interest in every Commonwealth, yet because
" such as marry are to marry in the Lord, and
" have speciall need of instruction, direction, and
" exhortation, from the word of God, at their
" entering into such a new condition ; and of the
" blessing of God upon them therein; we judge
" it expedient, that Marriage be solemnized by a
" lawful Minister of the Word, that he may ac-
" cordingly counsell them, and pray for a blessing
" upon them." Many of the following directions
for the form of solemnization of marriage bear
considerable resemblance to those in the Office in
the Prayer Book.
The directions for the Visitation of the Sick,
which are good and sensible, bear a still closer
resemblance to those of our Church.
The Burial of the Dead., is directed to be un-
accompanied by any religious service. " When
" any person departeth this life, let the dead body,
" upon the day of Buriall, be decently attended
" from the house to the place appointed for pub-
4< lique Buriall, and there immediately interred,
" without any ceremony." At the conclusion a
N
266 APPENDIX.
clause is added, < That this shall not extend
" to deny any civill respects or differences at the
" Buriall, suitable to the rank and condition of
" the party deceased whiles he was living a ."
The directions concerning " Publique solemn
" Fasting," assert, that, " A religious Fast requires
c< total abstinence, not only from all food, but
u also from all worldly labour, discourses, and
"thoughts, and from all bodily delights, (although
" at other times lawful,) rich apparell, ornaments,
" and such like during the Fast," &c. &c.
The next head, " Concerning the Dayes of
" Publique Thanksgiving," contains several ob-
vious but sensible and appropriate, directions.
Then follow some short directions concerning the
singing of Psalms ; and then, an Appendix touch-
ing dayes and places for Publique Worship, which
says, " Festival days, vulgarly called Holy-dayes,
" having no warrant in the word of God, are not to
" be continued," &c. &c.
a Cromwell was honoured with a pompous funeral.
THE END.
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