HISTORY OF NATIONS. '« .■^> ■' nr; LAKE LOUISE AN mSTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE ACCOUNT OF BRITISH AMERICA; COMPREHENDING CANADA, UPPER AND LOWER, NOVA SCOTIA, NEW- BRUNSWICK, NEWFOUNDLAND, PRINCE ED- WARD ISLAND, THE BERMUDAS AND THE FUR COUNTRIES ; THEIR HISTORY FROM THE EARLIEST SETTLEMENT; THEIR STATISTICS, TOPOGRAPHY, COMMBRCE, FISHERIES, *C- ; AND THEIR SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITION; AS ALSO AN AC- COUNT OF THE MANNERS AND PRESENT STATE OF THI ABORIGINAL TRIBES. BY HUGH MURRAY, F.R. S.E. IN TWO VOUTMES. VOL. I. THE BRADLEY COMPANY, PUBLISHERS.^ NEW XORK SRLF URL ADVERTISEMENT BT THE AMERICAN PXTBLISHERS, The subject to which these volumes relate is one possessing great interest to the American reader. The history of the present British possessions on this continent is, in the different periods of their discovery, settlement, and growth, intimately con- nected with our own. Bordering, too, upon our whole northern and eastern frontier, they are, throughout this vast extent of nearly four thousand miles, brought into immediate contact with us. Whether, therefore, these countries continue in a state of colonial dependance, or at some future day successfully assert their claim to self-government, it is manifest that, in either case, there must be re- lations of the highest importance between them and the United States. Recent occurrences also, both in the provinces and within our own borders, and the very unsatisfactory condition of our relations with Great Britain, arising out of conflicting claims, involving great national considerations, with regard to our extreme northeastern and northwestern Vlll ADVERTISEMENT. boundaries, give to the subjects treated of in this work peculiar interest at the present moment. From the high reputation of their author, and the uare which has been employed by the American ed- itor in preparing these volumes, the publishers feel great confidence in offering them to the public. In the English edition there were found to be great minuteness and proHxity of detail in relation to statistics, &c., and several subjects treated of at large which could only be considered as of local in- terest. It has been the aim of the American edi- tor so to condense the work, as to retain all that was most valuable, and, at the same time, to disen- cumber it of those parts which were of inferior im- portance, and which would have rendered it, as a whole, less entertaining, without being more useful, to the general reader. Notes have been added wherever it was thought necessary to observe and correct what was believed to be erroneous in tvl States respecting their common boundaries. The vi'gue terms often used in treaties have given rihK to disputes and diifjculties; but it is seldom, as m tlie present instance, that they apply to a territory {.f 10.000 st]uare miles, or 6,400.000 acres. Though this tract is at present only an unbroken forest, yet, as It consists in general of fertile land, the process of c. (Ionization, now rapidly approaching it, will, at lio very distant period, render it of great value. Botli naliuny maintain their claim in a very peremp- tory manner; and Bouchette, with other writers on the British side, repels with the utmost indignation the idea of yielding a single inch.* We respect the prurioiic zeal of these authors ; yet, when such feel- iits carry a people to unreasonable demands, and prevent them from listening to argument, it may lead to calamitous consequences. We shall therefore endeavour to approach the subject impartially, and view it as if totally abstracted from either British of .American interests. The terms of the treaty on which the dispute hin- ijes are, that the boundary shall be drawn "along the highlands which divide those rivers that empty them- selves into the river St. Lawrence from those which fall into the Atlantic Ocean.'''' These words were penn- ed in complete ignorance respecting the country of which they were intended to dispose. Instead of one highland tract, whose opposite waters fall into the specified receptacles, there are two ridges, con- siderably distant, and enclosing between them the wide expanse of the disputed territory. Through- out its centre, from west to east, flows the St. .Tohn, * Bouchette, vol. i., p. 18, 26. M'Gregor, vol. '., p. 140. GENERAL VIEW OF CANADA. 69 receiving nearly all the waters from the north side of the one range and the south side of the other. The British, as their boundary, claim the most south- erly, the Americans the most northerly of these two lines. Let us see how these claims will agree with the terms of tiie treaty. The British boundary clearly fulfils one condition ; all the rivers on its southern side fall into the At- lantic. But on the northern it entirely fails, for there they all How into the St. John, and not one drop reaches the St. Lawrence. Here, then, we cannot but own a want of coincidence with the lit- eral terms of the convention. Bouchetle does not deny this, and allows " that the letter of the treaty of 1783 has described a boundary which the physi- cal and hydrographical divisions of the country to be divided rendered it utterly impossible substan- tially to establish." He contends, however, that its professed design of contemplating " reciprocal advantages and mutual convenience," and of pro- ceeding upon "principles of liberal equity and reci- procity," clearly decides the point in favour of Brit- ain. These, however, are very vague grounds on which to determine a matter of fact ; and, besides, we do not very distinctly see their bearing in our favour. No doubt it would be advantageous and convenient for Britain lo get the whole of this ter- ritory ; but we caimot expect that the Americans will see the reciprocal benefit of their losing the whole. They, on the contrary, maintain that their boundary is strictly and literally conformable to the terms of the treaty. The rivers on one side of it undoubtedly flow into the St. Lawrence, while on the other they reach the St. John ; which last falls into the Bay of Fundy, and that bay communicates with the Atlantic* This, they pretend, is equiva- lent to il'.e original rivers falling directly into th« • Some of them fall into the Ristigouche, and thence into 1.— F 70 GENERAL VIEW OF CANADA. Atlantic Ocean. But such an interpretation appears to us to be wholly inconsistent with the precision which ever ought to be observed in the terms of a positive treaty. The obvious meaning was, that the rivers descending from the ridge in question were such as fall into the open Atlantic, and not merely connected with it in this indirect manner. It can- not for a moment be doubted, that the first was the meaning of the negotiators ; that they had in view the Penobscot, the Kennebeck, and the other streams flowing from the north into the ocean. We do not therefore think that the Americans stand on better ground than the British as to the literal terms of the treaty. Nay, we are convinced that these terms are wholly incapable of being executed, as they were obviously framed by persons entirely ignorant of the territory in question. In order to adjust this difference, it was agreed by the two contracting powers, on the 12lh of January, 1829, to refer it to the arbitration of the King of Holland. Accordingly, on the 10th Januarj^ 1831, his majesty delivered his award, in which he con- cluded that neither of the proposed boundaries could be held as at all conformable to the term oi the treaty ; and proposed, therefore, in their stead, the river St. John, which, as already stated, flows through the middle of the disputed district.* This decision was rejected by both parties, who repre- sented that the office intrusted to the friendly mon- arch was to interpret the treaty in reference to the original terms, not to throw it aside and substitute the Bay of Chaleur, which is also connected with the Atlantic, the argument with regard to these is exactly the same. * His majesty proposes that the line, after following tor a considerable space upward the course of the St. .lohii, should take that of its small tributary the St. Frames, and by it reach and follow the American land boundary. V\'e do not perceive the motive or advantage of this deviation ; our reasoning pro- ceeds upon the rit John being made the bo'.'ndary throughout till it strikes the American frontier. GENERAL VIEW OF CANADA. 71 an entirely new boundary of liis own contrivance. He had produced, they said, not an interpretation, but a compromise. This is no doubt true; yet, agreeing with his majesty, that the treaty cannot be nitelligibly interpreted, or possibly acted upon, and that the affair can be adjusted only by mutual concession, we cannot help thinking that the expe- dient proposed was deserving of a favourable con- sideration. The St. John divides the territory into two not very unequal portions ; the possession of the northern bank would secure to Britain the com- munication between New Brunswick and Canada, and prevent the frontier of the United States from encroaching too close on the St. Lawrence. A wa- ter boundary, where it can be procured, is usually preferred as the most precise and defensible ; and it is very probable that in this case it would have been adopted by the negotiators in 1783, had they not been wholly ignorant of its existence. At all events, it is extremely desirable that some adjust- ment should take place as speedily as possible, be- fore the increasing importance of the land shall ren- der it a subject of serious dissension between two great nations.* f * Bouchette, vol. i., p. 18-22, 489-498. M'Gregor, vol. i., p. 140. t With regard to the territory in dispute, it is certain that the condition of the treaty of 1783, referring to streams flowing northerly into the St. Lawrerjce, can be satisfied in no other way than by assuming that the highlands claimed by the United States are those intended by that treaty. But then, it is requi- red, by a second condition in the same treaty, that the streams running southerly from the designated highlands shall flow into the Atlantic Ocean ; and here the British cabinet contends that this latter condition completely fails; inasmuch as the waters of these streams, that is, the St. John and its tributaries, have their outlet in the Bay of Fundy. which, say they, cannot be considered as satisfying the condition that they shall flow into the Atlantic. < 'n this they proceed to set up a very different claim of their own : pretending that certain otiier highlands, \y ing south of the St. .John's and the disputed territority, are the 72 GENERAL VIEW OF CANADA. ones intended by the treaty ; on the ground that the streams running southerly from the latter, viz., the Penobscot and the Kennebeck, fall directly into the Atlantic. But there are no » streams originating in these more southern highlands which flow into the St. Lawrence. Still, say the British cabinet, we have as good reason for our claim as you have for yours ; inas- much as, by assuming the northern highlands as the true bound- ary, you make good only one condition of the treaty, while we, in taking the more southern, no less completely satisfy tl e other condition. In opposition to this, the American government contend, and we think most rightfully, that both conditions of the treaty of 1783 are satisfied, and in the only way that they possibly can be, by taking, as they have, the more northern highlands ; in- asmuch as from these, and from no others, the streams flow northerly into the St. Lawrence, and southerly into the Atlantic ; assuming in this, as, under the circumstances, and on every fair principle of construction, they seem justified m doing, that the waters of the St. John's, in flowing into the Bay of Fundy, should be considered within the meaning and intention of the treaty, as flowing into the Atlantic ; since this bay is a branch or arm of that ocean, and, as such, a part of the same, receiving its tides and opening broadly into it. Such are the grounds of the American claim. And now let us briefly consider the counter claim set up by the British cab- inet. By their own course of reasoning it may be shown, that they completely fail in the very point which they pretend is in their favour, since neither the Penobscot nor the Kennebeck flow directly into the open ocean ; the former terminating in the bay of the same name, and the latter in Sheepscot Bay. Now, I whatever may be the character of this objection, whether it be " (vellfounded or not, it must be considered as valid against the party choosing to avail themselves of it, to answer their own purposes m a parallel case. If, besides this, we consider that there are no streams running from the highlands assumed by the British cabinet into the St. Lawrence, we must be con- vinced that they make out a most unsatisfactory case ; and that, if this matter is to be decided by the terms of the treaty, and no- thing else, the American government, to say the least, occupy by far the strongest ground. How this controversy may finally be adjusted it is impossible to foresee. Neither party inanilests a disposition to yield ; and recent events have increased the apprehension that serious diificullies may arise. It would be truly lamentable if the two nations should resort to extreme measures to settle this question , nor can we for a moment suppose, vvhatever may be the present appearances, that it will come to this. — Am. Ed. THE NATIVE INDIANS, ETC. 73 CHAPTER II. The Native Indians inhabiting Canada and tts Bor- ders. Peculiar Condition of those Tribes.— Their Physical Character. —Form— Colour- Hair and Beard— Bodily Strength.— Dress. — Ornaments.— Painting and Tattooing of the Skin. — Modes of Subsistence. — Hunting.— Cultivation — Food. — Houses. — Canoes. — Spirit of Independence. — Internal Order — Marria- ges. — Rearing of Children.— Intellectual Character.— Orato- ry. — Style of Composition — Religious Ideas. — Importance at- tached to Dreams.— The xManitou.— Ideas of a P'uture State. — Reverence for the Dead. — Ceremonies of Interment.— Su- perstitious Modes of curing the Sick. — Indian Wars. — Their Motives. — Preparations. — March. — Modes of attacking and surprising the Enemy.— Return. — Treatment of Prisoners ; Tortures ; Adoption.— Treaties. — Indian Amusements— Mu- sic— Dancing — Smoking— Games. — Different Tribes inhabit- ing Canada and its Borders. Among the intellectual advantages derived from the discovery of America, perhaps the most impor- tant was the opening of a new page in the history of man ; for he was there presented under an as- pect never before viewed by the sages either of the ancient or modern world. Tlie rudest form under which they had observed the human being was that called barbarous ; and among the Greeks and Ro- mans, the Scythians were received as representing the man of nature. But, though comparatively rude, that people had already made a considerable prog- ress in the arts. They had reached the pastoral state, possessed numerous tlocks and herds, and were united in large bodies under hereditary chiefs. The modern Europeans, again, have records of a time when they themselves were little removed Irom a similar condition, of which examples still G 74 THE NATIVE INDIANS INHABITING exist in the outer borders of the Continent ; bul they have never beheid nations consisting only of hand- fuls of men, roaming through an unbounded and continuous forest, having scarcely any animals ta- med for service or food, and supporting themselves solely on the precarious product of the chase.* On the first intimation of the existence of such tribes, they were in this part of the world supposed to be a mere assemblage of meager and shivering wretches, whose constant exertions must be employed in at- tempting to escape the famine with which they were perpetually threatened. The first discoverers, ac- cordingly, were surprised to find among them war- riors, statesmen, and orators ; a proud race, of dig- nified port, terrible in war, mild in peace, maintain- ing order without the restraint of law, and uniting by the closest ties the members of the same com- munity. Such, though with some remarkable ex- ceptions, was the picture exhibited by the savages of the New World, particularly in its northern re- gions ; and those nations who dwelt on the rivers and lakes of Canada, presented it in the most deci- ded features, least modified by the restraints and re- finements of civilized life. The English and French, who, during nearly three centuries, have been en- gaged with them in the relations either of close al- liance or of deadly war, have learned to appreciate all that is bright as well as all that is dark and ter- rible in the character of this extraordinary race. From this intercourse we are furnished with ample means of estimating a state of society so peculiar, and so remote from that civilization to which Eu- rope has attained. In their physical character, the American Indians are considered by Blumenbach as forming a particu- This should be somewhat qualified. The native tribes of the New World, at the time of its discovery, were not unac- quainted with iriaizo or liidian-corn, which they cultivated in a rude way, as part of their means of subsistence. — 4'n- t'd. CANADA AND ITS BORDERS. 75 lar variety of the human species, differinpf, though not very widely, from the Mongolian. Believing, as we do, that the New World was peopled from the Old, and considering that the Mongol race was situated nearest to the point where Asia and America come almost into contact, we incline to ascribe these variations merely to a change of outward circum- stances. The face is broad and flat, with high cheek-bones; more rounded and arched, however, than in the allied type, without having the visage expanded to the same breadth. The forehead is generally low ; the eyes deep, small, and black ; the nose rather diminutive, but prominent, with wide nostrils; and the mouth large, with somewhat thick lips. The stature, which varies remarkably through- out the Continent, is, in the quarter of which we treat, generally above the middle size. This prop- erty, however, is confined to the men, the females being usually below that standard, a fact which may be confidently ascribed to the oppressive drudgery they are compelled to undergo. The limbs, in both sexes, are well proportioned ; and few instances of deformity ever occur.* The colour of the skin in the Indian is generally described as red or copper-coloured ; or, according to Mr. Lawrence's more precise definition, it is " an obscure orange or rusty iron colour, not unlike the bark of the cinnamon-tree." Although we believe that climate is the chief cause of the diversities in human colour, yet it is certain that all savages are dark-tinted. This peculiarity may be accounted for by their constant exposure to the inclemency of the seasons, to sun, air, and tempests ; and the same cause in civilized countries produces a similar effect on sailors, as well as on those who work constantly * Lawrence's Leftures on Physioloery. Zoology, and the Natural History of Man { 12rnr., London,''l834), p. 365. Adair's History of the Aiiit rican Indians (4t(), l.ondon, 1775), p. 5, 6. Weld's Travels in Worth America and Canada (4tQ, London, 1799), p. 375-377. 76 THE NATIVE INDIANS INHABITING in the fields. In the Old World, the intermediate tints between white and black are generally varieties of blown and yellow. The red tint is considered characteristic of the New World. We must, how- ever, observe, that the traveller Adair, who lived upward of thirty years among the Indians, posi- tively asserts that it is artificially produced ; that in the oil, grease, and other unctuous substances with which they keep their skin constantly smeared, there is dissolved the juice of a root which gradually tinges it of this colour. He states, that a white man, who spent some years with the natives, and adorned himself in their manner, completely acquired it. Charlevoix seems also to lean to the same opinion. Weld, though rather inclined to dissent from it, admits that such a notion was adopted by mission- aries and others who had resided long in the coun- try. It is certain that the inhabitants glory in this colour, and regard Europeans who have it not as nondescript beings, not fully entitled to the name of men. It may be noticed also, that this tint is by no means so universal as is commonly supposed. Humboldt declares that the idea of its general prev- alence could never have arisen in equinoctial Amer- ica, or been suggested by the view of the natives in that region ; yet these provinces include by far the larger part of the aboriginal population. The people of Nootka Sound and other districts of the north- western coast are nearly as white as Europeans : which may be ascribed, we think, to their ample clothing and spacious habitations. Thus the red nations appear limited to the eastern tribes of North America, among whom generally prevails the cus- tom of painting or smearing the skin with that fa- vourite colour. We are not prepared to express a decided opinion on this subject; but it obviously requires a closer investigation than it has yet re ceived.* * Lawience, p. 365. Humboldt's Personal Narrative of Tra- CANADA AND rTS BORDERS. 77 The liair is another particular in which the races of manlcind remarkably differ. The ruder classes are generally defective, eitlier in the abundance or quality of that graceful appendage ; and the hair of the American Indians, like that of their allied type the Mongols, is coarse, black, thin, but strong, and growing to a great length. Like the latter, also, by a curious coincidence, most of them remove it from every part of the head, with the exception of a tuft on the crown, which they cherish with much care. The circumstance, however, which has excited the greatest attention, is the absence of beard, appa- rently entire, among all the people of the New World. The early travellers viewed it as a natural deficiency; whence Robertson and other eminent writers have even inferred the existence of some- tliing peculiarly feeble in their whole frame. But the assertion, with all the inferences founded upon It, so far as relates to tlie North American tribes, has been completely refuted by recent observation. The original growth has been found nearly, if not wholly, as ample as that of Europeans; but the moment it appears, every trace is studiously oblit- erated. This is effected by the aged females, ori- ginally with a species of clam-shell, but now by means of spiral pieces of brass-wire supplied by the traders. With these an old squaw will in a few minutes reduce the chin to a state of complete smoothness ; and slight applications during the year clear away such straggling hairs as may happen to sprout. It is only among old men, who become careless of their appearance, that the beard begins to be perceptible. A late English traveller strongly recommends to his countrymen a practice which, though scarcely accordant with our ideas of manly vels to the Equinoctial Regions of the New Continent (9 vols. 8vo, London, !811>), vol. iii., p. 223. Adair, p. 3. Wdd, p. 375. Charlevoix's Jouriia! of a Voyage to North America (2 Tola. 8vo, London, 17G1), vol. li., p. 90. GS 78 THE NATIVE INDIANS INIIABITINO dignity, would, at the expense of a few minutes' pain, save them much daily trouble. The Indians have probably adopted this usage, as it removes an ob- stacle to the fantastic painting of the face, which they value so highly. A full beard, at all events, when it was first seen on their French visiters, is said to have been viewed with peculiar antipathy, and to have greatly enhanced the pleasure with which they killed these foreigners.* The comparative physical strength of savage and civilized nations has been a subject of controversy. A general impression has obtained that the former, inured to simple and active habits, acquire a decided superiority ; but experience appears to have proved that this conclusion is ill founded. On the field of battle, when a struggle takes place between man and man, the Indian is usually worsted. In sportive exercises, such as wrestling, he is most frequently thrown, and in leaping comes short of his antagonist. Even in walking or running, if for a short distance, he is left behind; but in these last movements he possesses a power of perseverance and continued exertion to which there is scarcely any parallel. An individual has been known to travel nearly eighty miles in a day, and arrive at his destination without any symptoms of fatigue. These long journeys, also, are frequently performed without any refreshment, and even having the shoidders loaded with heavy burdens, their capacity of supporting which is truly wonderful. For about twelve miles, indeed, a strong European will keep ahead of the Indian; but then he begins to flag, while the other, proceeding with unaltered pace, outstrips him con- siderably. Even powerful animals cannot equal them in this respect. Many of their civilized ad- * Weld, p. 377, 378. Adair, p. 6. Relation de ce que s'est passe de plus remarquable aux Missions des P. P. de la Com- pagnie de J^sus, ea la Nouvelle Fra^ice (32 tonias 8vo Paria 1683-1671). an 1G67, p. 104. CANADA AND ITS BORDERS. 79 versaries, when overcome in war, and fleeing before them on swift horses, have, after a long chase, been overtaken and scalped.* Having thus given a view of the persons of the Indians, we may proceed to consider the manner in which they are ch)thed and ornamented. This last object might have been expected to be a very sec- ondary one, among tribes whose mfans of subsist ence are so scanty and precarious ; but, so far is this from being the case, that there is scarcely any pur- suit which occupies so much of their time and re- gard. They have availed themselves of European intercourse to procure each a small mirror, in which, from time to time, they view their personal decora- tions, taking care that everything shall be in the most perfect order. Embellishment, however, is not much expended on actual clothing, which is sim- ple, and chiefly arranged with a view to convenience. Instead of shoes, they wear what are termed moc- casins, consisting of one strip of soft, leather wrap- ped round the foot, and fastened in front and behind. Europeans, walking over hard roads, soon knock these to pieces; but the Indian, tripping over snow or grass, finds them a light and agreeable chnvssure. Upward to the middle of the thigh, apiece of leath- er or cloth, tightly fitted to the limb, serves instead of pantaloons, stockings, and boots ; it is sometimes sewed on so close as never to be taken ofl". To a string or girdle round the waist are fastened two , aprons, one before and the other at the back, each somewhat more than a foot square ; and these are connected by a piece of cloth like a truss, often used also as a capacious pocket. The use of breeches they have always repelled with contempt, as cum- brous and effeminate. As an article of female dress, they would consider them less objectionable ; but Lawrence, p. 253. Weld, p. 388, 389 Long's Voyages and Travels of an Indian Interpreter and Traler '4to, Loudon, n91), p. 36. 80 THE NATIVE INDIANS INHABITING that the limbs of a warrior should be thus manacled, appears to them utterly preposterous. They were particularly scandalized at seeing an officer have them fastened over the shoulder by braces, and never after gave him any naiiu; but Tied-Breech. The garments now enumerated form the whole of their permanent dress. On occasions of ceremo- ny, indeed, or when exposed to cold, they put ovei it a short shirt fastened at the neck and wrists, and above it a long loose robe, closed or held together in front. For this purpose they now generally pre- fer an English blanket. All these articles were originally fabricated from the skins of wild animals ; but at present, unless for the moccasins, and some- limes the leggins, European stuffs are preferred. The dress of the female scarcely differs from that of the male, except that the apron reaches down to the knees ; and even this is said to have been adopt- ed since their acquaintance with civilized nations. The early French writers relate an amusing anec- dote to prove how little dress was considered as making a distinction between the sexes. The Ursu- line nuns, having educated a Huron girl, presented her, on her marriage to one of her countrymen, with a complete and handsome suit of clothes in the Parisian style. They were much surprised, some days after, to see the husband, who had ungenerous- ly seized the whole of his bride's attire and array- ed himself in it, parading back and forward in front of the convent, and betraying every symptom of the most extravagant exultation. This was farther heightened when he observed the ladies crowding to the window to see him, and a universal smile spread over their countennnces.* These vestments, as already observed, are simple, and adapted only for use. To gratify his passionate love of ornament, the Indian seeks chiefly to load * Creuxius, Nova Francia (4to, Paris, 1664), p. 63, 64. Adair, p. 7. Weld, p. 380-383. CANADA AiND ITS BORDERS. 81 his person with certain glittering appendages. Be- fore the arrival of Enropeans, shells and feathers took the lead ; but, since that period, these com- modities have been nearly supplanted by beads, rings, bracelets, and similar toys, which are inserted profusely into various parts of his apparel, particu- larly the little apron in front. The chiefs usually wear a breastplate ornamented with them ; and among all classes it is an object of the greatest am- bition to have the largest possible number suspend- ed from the ear. That organ, therefore, is not bored, but slit to such an extent that a stick of wax may be passed through the aperture, which is then load- ed with all the bawbles that can be mustered ; and if the weight of these gradually draw down the yielding flap till it rest on the shoulder, and the or- naments themselves cover the breast, the Indian has reached his utmost height of finery. This, howev- er, is a precarious splendour ; the ear becomes more and more unfit to support the burden, when at length some accident, the branch of a tree, or even a twitch by a waggish comrade, lays at his feet all his deco- rations, with the portion of flesh to which they were attached. Weld saw very few who had pre- served this organ entire through life. The adjust- ment of the hair, again, is an object of especial study. As already observed, the greater part is generally eradicated, leaving only a tuft, varying in shape and place, according to taste and national cus- tom, but usually encircling the crown. This lock is stuck full of feathers, wings of birds, shells, and every kind of fantastic ornainent. The women wear theirs long and flowing, and contrive to collect a considerable number of ornaments for it, as well as for their ears and dress.* But it is upon his skin that the American war- rior chiefly lavishes his powers of embe.lishment. » Creijxius, p. 63. Charlevoix, vol. ii., p. 119, 120. Weld p. 381-383. Adair, p. 171. 82 THE NATIVE INDIANS INHABITING His taste in doing so is very different from ours, " While tlie European," says Creuxius, " studies to keep his skin clean, and free from every extrane- ous substance, the Indian's aim is, that his, by the accumulation of oil, grease, and paint, may shine like tliat of a roasted pig." Soot scraped from the bottoms of kettles, the juices of herbs, having a green, yellow, and, above all, a vermilion tint, ren- dered adhesive by combination with oil and grease, are lavishly employed to adorn his person, or, ac- cording to our idea, to render it hideous. Black and red, alternating with each other in varied stripes, are the favourite tints. Some blacken the face, leaving in the middle a red circle, including the up- per lip and tip of the nose ; others have a red spot on each ear, or one eye black and the other of a red colour. In war the black tint is profusely laid on, the others being only employed to heighten its ef- fect, and give to the countenance a terrific expres- sion. M. de Tracy, when governor of Canada, was told by his Indian allies, that, with his good-hu- moured face, he would never inspire the enemy with any degree of awe. They besought him to place himself under their brush, when they would soon make him such that his very aspect would strike terror. The breast, arms, and legs are the seat of more permanent unpressions, analogous to the tat- tooing of the South Sea Islanders. The colours are either elaborately rubbed in, or fixed by slight in- cisions with needles and sharp-pointed bones. His guardian spirit, and the animal that forms the sym- bol of his tribe, are the first objects delineated. After this, every memorable exploit, and particularly the enemies whom he has slain and scalped, are dili- gently graven on some part of his figure ; so that the body of an aged warrior contains the history of his life.* * Creuxius, p. 62. Charlevoix, vol. ii., p. 118. Weld, p. 382, 383. Missions en la NouveHe France, ans 1664, 1665. CANADA AND ITS RIRHRRS. 83 The means of procuring subsistence must always form an important branch of national economy. Writers take a superficial view of savage life, and, seeing how scanty the articles of food are, while the demand is necessarily urgent, have assumed that the efforts to attain tliem must absorb his whole mind, and scarcely leave room for any other thought But, on the contrary, these are to him very sub- ordinate objects. To perform a round of daily la- bour, even though ensuring the most ample provision for his wants, would be equally contrary to his in- clination and supposed dignity. He will not deign to follow any pursuit which does not, at the same time, include enterprise, adventure, and excitement. Hunting, which the higher classes in the civilized parts of the world pursue for mere recreation, is al- most the only occupation considered of sufficient importance to engage his attention. It is peculiarly endeared by its resemblance to war, being carried on with the same weapons, and nearly in the same manner. In his native state, the arrow was the favourite and almost exclusive instrument for assail- ing distant objects ; but now the gun has nearly su- perseded it. The great hunts are rendered more ani- mating, as well as more effectual, from being carried on in large parties, and even by whole tribes. The ' men are prepared for these by fasting, dreaming, and other superstitious observances, similar to those which we shall find employed in anticipation of war. In such expeditions, too, contrivance and skill, as well as boldness and enterprise, are largely em- ployed. Sometimes a circle is formed, when all the animals surrounded by it are pressed closer and closer, till they are collected in the centre, and faL under the accumulated weight of weapons. On other occasions they are driven to the margin of a lake or river, in which, if they attempt to seek ref- uge, canoes are ready to intercept them. Else- where a space is enclosed by stakes, only a narrow 84 THE NATIVE INDIANS INHABITING opening being left, which, by clamour and shouts, the grime are compelled to enter, and thereby se- cured. In autumn and spring, when the ice is newly formed and slight, they are pushed upon it, and their legs breaking through, they are easily caught. In winter, when the snow begins to fall, traps are set, in which planks are so arranged, that the animal, in snatching at the bait, is crushed to death. Origi- nally the deer, both for food and clothing, was the most valuable object of chase ; but, since the trade with Europeans has given such a prominent impor- tance to furs, the beaver has in some degree sup- planted it. In attacking this animal, great care is taken to prevent his escape into the water, on which his habitation always borders; and with this view various kinds of nets and springes are employed. On some occasions the Indians place themselves upon the dike which encloses his amphibious village. They then make an opening in it, when the inmates, alarmed by seeing the water flowing out, hasten to this barrier, where they encounter their enemies, armed with all the instruments of destruction. At other times, when ice covers the surface of the pond, a hole is made, at which the animal comes to re- spire ; he is then drawn out and secured. The bear IS a formidable enemy, which must be assailed by the combined force of the hunters, who are ranged in two rows, armed with bows or muskets. One of them advances and wounds him, and, on being furi- ously pursued, he retreats between the files, fol- lowed in the same line by the animal, which is then overwhelmed by their united onset. In killing these quadrupeds, the natives seem to feel a sort of kind- ness and sympathy for their victim. On vanquish- ing a beaver or a bear, they celebrate its praises in a song, recounting those good qualities which it will never more be able to display, yet consoling themselves with the useful purposes to which ita flesh and its skin will be applied.* * Chateaubriand's Travels in America and Italy (2 vola. 8to. CANADA AND ITS BORDERS. 85 Of the animals usually tamed and rendered sub- servient to useful purposes, the Indians have only the dog. that faithful friend of man. Though his services in hunting are valuable, he is treated with but little tenderness, and is left to roam about the dwellinpf, very sparingly supplied with food and shelter. A missionary, who resided in a Huron vil- lage, represents his life as having been rendered miserable by these animals. At night they laid themselves on his person for the benefit of the warmth ; and, whenever his scanty meal was set down, their snouts were always first in the dish. Dog's flesh is eaten, and has even a peculiar sanctity attached to it. On all solemn festivals it is the principal meat, the use of which, on such occasions, seems to import some high and mysterious meaning. But, besides the cheering avocations of the chase, other means must be used to ensure the comfort and subsistence of the Indian's family; all of which, however, are most ungenerously devolved upon the weaker sex. Women, according to Creuxius, serve them as domestics, as tailors, as peasants, and as oxen; and Long does not conceive that any other purposes of their existence are recognised, except those of bearing children and performing hard work. They till the ground, carry wood and water, build huts, make canoes, and fish ; in which latter pro- cesses, however, and in reaping the harvest, their lords deign to give occasional aid. So habituated are they to such occupations, that when one of them saw a party of English soldiers c(jllecting wood, she exclaimed that it was a shame to see men doing women's work, and began herself to carry a load.* Through the services of this enslaved portion of Locdon, 1828), vol. i., p. 269-279. Carver's Travels through the Interior Parts of North America (8vo, London, 1778), p. 287-290. Lonij. p. 96. » Colden's Iliblory of the Five Nations (2 vols. 12ino, Loniloo, 1755), vol. I., p. 7, 14. Creusius, p. 57. Long, p. 137, 13tL I.-G 86 THE NATIVE INDIANS INHABITING the tribe, those savages are enabled to combine in a certain degree the agricultural with the hunting state, vvilhout any mixture of the pastoral, usually considered as intermediate. Cultivation, however, is limited to small spots in the immediate vicinity of the villages, and these being usually at the dis- tance of sixteen or seventeen miles from each oth- er, it scarcely makes any impression on the im- mense expanse of forest. The women, in the be- giiniing of suinnier, after having burned the stubble of the preceding crop, rudely stir the ground with a long, crooked piece of wood ; they then throw in the grain, which is chiefly the coarse but productive species of maize peculiar to the Continent. The nations in the south have a considerable variety of fruits; whereas those of Canada appear to have raised only turnsols, watermelons, and pompions. Tobacco used to be grown largely ; but that pro- duced by the P^uropean settlers is now universally preferred, and has become a regular object of trade. The grain, after harvest (which is celebrated by a festival), is lodged in large subterraneous stores lined with bark, where it keeps extremely well. Previous to being placed in these, it is sometimes thrashed, on other occasions merely the ears are cut off, and thrown in. When first discovered by settlers from Europe, the degrees of culture were found to vary in different tribes. The Algonquins, who were the ruling people previous to the arrival of the French, wholly despised it, and branded as plebeian their neighbours, by whom it was practised. In general, the northern clans, and those near the mouth of the St. Lawrence, depended almost solely on hunting and fishing ; and when these failed they were reduced to dreadful extremities, being often obliged to depend on the miserable resource of that species of lichen called tripe de roche. The maize, when thrashed, is occasionally toasted oji the coiil.s, and sometimes made into a coarse CANADA AND ITS BORDERS. 87 kind of unleavened cake. But the most favourite preparation is that called sagamity, a species of pap formed after it has been roosted, bruised, and sep- arated from the husk. It is insipid by itself; yet when thrown into the pot, along with the produce of the chase, it enriches the soup or stew, one of the principal dishes at their feasts. They never eat victuals raw, but rather overboiled ; nor have they yet been brought to endure French ragouts, salt, pepper, or, indeed, any species of condiment A chief, admitted to the governor's table, seeing the general use of mustard, was led by curiosity to take a spoonful and put it into his mouth. On feeling its violent effects, he made incredible efforts to con- ceal them, and escape the ridicule of the company ; but severe sneezmgs, and the tears starting from his eyes, soon betrayed him, and raised a general laugh. He was then shown the manner in which it should be used ; but nothing could ever induce him to allow the " boiling yellow," as he termed it, to enter his lips. The Indians are capable of extraordinarj'^ absti- nence from food, in which they can persevere for suc- cessive days without complaint or apparent suffering. They even take a pride in long fasts, by which they usually prepare themselves for any great underta- king. Yet, when once set down to a feast, their gluttony is described as enormous, and the capacity of their stomachs almost incredible. They will go from feast to feast, doing honour to each in succes- sion. The chief giving the entertainment does not partake, but with his own hands distributes portions among the guests. On solemn occasions, it is a rule that everything shall be eaten ; nor does this obligation seem to be felt as either burdensome or unpleasant. In their native state, they were not acquainted with any species of intoxicating liquors ; their love of ardent spirits, attended with so many 88 THE NATIVE INDIANS INhABITINO niinous effects, having been entirely consequent en their intercourse with Europeans.* The habitations of the Indians receive much less of their attention than the attire, or, at least, embel- lishment of their persons. Our countrymen, by common consent, give to them no better appella- tion than cabins. The bark of trees is their chiel material both for houses and boats : they peel it off with considerable skill, sometimes stripping a whole tree in one piece. This coating, spread not unskil- fully over a framework of poles, and fastened to them by strips of tough rind, forms their dwellings. The shape, according to the owner's fancy, resem- bles a tub, a cone, or a cart-shed, the mixture of which gives to the village a confused and chaotic appearance. Light and heat are admitted only by an aperture at the top, through which also the smoke escapes, after filling all the upper part of the mansion. Little inconvenience is felt from this by the natives, who, within doors, never think of any position except sitting or lying; but to Europeans, who must occasionally stand or walk, the abode is thereby rendered almost intolerable; and matters become much worse when rain or snow makes it necessary to close the roof. These structures are sometimes upward of a hundred feet long ; but they are then the residence of two or three separate fam- ilies. Four of them occasionally compose a quad- rangle, each open on the inside, and having a com- mon fire in the centre. Formerly the Iroquois had houses somewhat superior, adorned even with some rude carving ; but these were burned down by the French in successive expeditions, and were never after rebuilt in the same style. The Canadians in this respect seem o be surpassed by the Choc- taws, Chickasaws, and other tribes in the south, and * Charlevoix, vol. ii., p. 121-125. Adair, p. 409-412. Creux- ius p. 66. Mii-sions en la Nouvelle France, ans 1657, 1658, p 106. 10 <. CANADA AND ITS BORDERS. 89 even by the Saukies in the west, whose mansions Carver describes as constructed of well-hewn planks neatly jointed, and each capable of containing sev- eral families. In their expeditions, whether for war or hunting, which often lead them through desolate forests, sev- eral hundred miles from home, the Indians have the art of rearing, with great expedition, temporary abodes. On arriving at their evening station, a few poles, meeting at the top in the form of a cone, are in half an hour covered with bark ; and having spread a few pine-branches within by way of mattress, they sleep as soundly as on beds of down. Like the Esquimaux, they also understand how to convert snow into a material for building ; and find it in the depth of winter the warmest and most comfortable. A few twigs platted together secure the roof. Our own countrymen, in their several campaigns, have, in cases of necessity, used with advantage this spe- cies of bivouac. The furniture in these native huts is exceedingly simple. The chief articles are two or three pots or kettles for boiling their food, with a few wooden plates and spoons. The former, in the absence of metal, with which the inhabitants were unacquaint- ed, were made of coarse earthenware that resist- ed the fire ; and sometimes of a species of soft stone, which could be excavated with their rude hatchets. Nay, in some cases, their kitchen utensils were of wood, and the water made to boil by throwing in heated stones. Since their acquaintance with Eu- ropeans, the superiority of iron vessels has been found so decided, that they are now universally preferred. The great kettle or caldron, employed only on high festivals associated with religion, hunting, or war, attracts even a kind of veneration ; and potent chiefs have assumed its name as their title of honour. Canoes, another fabric which the Indians construct 90 THE NATIVE INDIANS INHABITING very rudely, are yet adapted with considerable skill to theii purpose. These are usually framed of the bark of a single tree, strengthened at the centre with ribs of tough wood. The ends are of bark only, but, being curved upward, are always above water, and thus remain perfectly tight. Our sailors can scarcely believe such nut-shells safe even on the smoothest waters, and see with surprise the na- tives guiding them amid stormy waves, where their very lightness and buoyancy preserve them from sinking. They have another quality of great ad- vantage in the devious pursuits of the owners ; being so extremely light, that they can be easily conveyed on the shoulder from one river or branch of a lake to another. One man, it is said, can carry on his back a canoe in which twelve persons may navigate with safety.* Having taken this minute survey of the physical condition of the Indians, we shall proceed to an examination of their social condition. The funda- mental principle of their polity is the complete independence of every individual, his right to do whatever he pleases, be it good or bad, nay, even though criminal and destructive. When any one announces an intention which is disagreeable to his neighbours, they dare not attempt to check him by reproach or coercion ; these would only rivet his determination more stronjily. Their only resource is to sooth him, like a spoiled child, by kind words, and especially by gifts. If, notwithstanding, he pro- ceeds to wound or murder any one, the public look on without concern, though revenge is eagerly sought by the kindred of the injured person. Notwithstanding this impunity, which, on our side of the Atlantic, would be followed by the most dreadful consequences, it is somewhat mortifying Charlevoix, vol.ii., p. 127-130. Weld, p. 383-389. Creux iu8, p. 68. Carver, p. 46 231-233. Adair, p. 413-430. CANADA AND ITS BORDERS. 91 to the pride of European civilization to learn that there reigns a degree of tranquillity greater than the strictest police can preserve with us. The In- dians are divided into a number of little nations or tribes, fiercely hostile to each other, but whose members are bound among themselves by the strict- est union. The honour and welfare of the clan sup- ply their ruling principle, and are cherished with an ardour not surpassed in the most brilliant eras of Greek and Roman patriotism. This national at- tachment forms a social tie, linking the members to each other, and rendering exceedingly rare, not only deeds of violence, but even personal quarrels, and banishing entirely that coarse and abusive language which is so prevalent among the vulgar in more en- lightened communities. This feeling, added to the sentiment of dignity and self-command considered suitable to the character of a warrior, renders their deportment exceedingly pleasing. They are com- pletely free from that false shame which is termed mauvaise himte. When seated at table with Eu- ropeans of the highest rank, they retain the most thorough self-possession ; and, at the same time, by carefullv observing the proceedings of the other guests, they avoid all awkwardness in their man- ners. Their generosity, too, in relieving each other's necessities, scarcely knows any bounds, and only stops short of an absolute community of goods. No member of a tribe can be in the least danger of starving if the rest have vvherewith to supply him. Children rendered orphans by the casualties to which savage life is subject, are immediately taken in charge by the nearest relative, and supplied with everything needful as abundantly as if they were his own. Nothing gives them a more unfavourable opinion of the Frent^h and English than to see one portion revelling in abundance, while the other suf- fers the extremities nf want ; but when they are told that, for vyant of these accommodations, men 92 THfi Native Indians inhabiting are seized by their fellow-creatures and immured in dungeons, such a degree of barbarism appears to them almost incredible. Whole tribes, when obliged by the vicissitudes of war to seek refuge among their neighbours, are received with unbounded hos- pitality ; habitations and lands are assigned to them, and they are treated by their new friends in every respect as a part of themselves. It may, however, be observed, that as such an accession of numbers augments the military strength of the tribe, there may be a mixture of policy in this cordial recep- tion.* In consequence of this spirit of order and internal union, the imbounded personal freedom which marks their social condition seldom breaks out into such crimes as would disturb the public peace. Its great- est evil, of which we shall see repeated instances, is, that individuals, actuated by revenge or a spirit of daring enterprise, think themselves justified in sur- prising and murdering a hated adversary. From this cause every treaty between the tribes is ren- dered precarious ; though, as each is aware of these lawless propensities, room is left for mutual expla- nation, so that particular outrages may not involve a general war. This circumstance leads us to no- tice, that the favourable aspect presented by the interior of these communities can by no means war- rant any conclusion as to the superiority of savage life when compared with that of civilized man. On the contrary, the most perfect form of government devised by the human being in the state of nature, has never been exempted from those feelings of re- lentless enmity and continual fear with which bor- dering nations regard each other. These, as will appear in the sequel, often impel them to the most * Charlevoix, vol. ii , p. .30-32, 86, 87. Creuxius, p. 72, 73. Carver, p. 248, 412. Adair, p. 378, 412. Missions en ia Nou- vdle France, ans 1657, 1658, p. 1^8. CANADA AND ITS IJORDKRS. 93 direful crimes; but at present we shall proceed with our survey of their domestic usages. Some writers have denied that there exists among the Indians anything that can properly be termed a matrimonial union. This, however, seems only a prejudice, in consequence of there not being any regular ceremony, as with us. The man, it appears, after having made an arrangement with the parent of his bride, takes her home, and they live in every respect as husband and wife. The mode of court- ship among several of the tribes is singular. The wooer, attended often by several comrades, repairs at midnight to his fair one's apartment, and three times twitches her nose. If she be inclined to listen to his suit, she rises; otherwise he must depart. Though this visit be so very unseasonable, it is said to be rarely accompanied with any impropriety; the missionaries, however, did not think it right to sanction such freedom in their converts. The pre- liminary step is, in this manner, taken with the lady, but the decision still rests with the father, to whom the suiter now applies. Long has given no unpleas- ing specimen of the address . " Father, I love your daughter: will you give her to me, that the small roots of her heart may entangle with mine, so that the strongest wind that blows may never separate them V He offers, at the same time, a handsome present, the acceptance of which is considered as sealing the union. Considerable discrepance pre- vails in the descriptions, and apparently in the prac- tice, as applied to different tribes ; yet, on the whole, great reserve and propriety seem to mark this inter- course The young men of the Five Nations val- ued themselves highly for their correct conduct towards the other sex. Of numerous female cap- tives who fell into their hands during a long series of wars, though some were possessed of great per- lonal beauty, no one had to complain that her hon- our was exposed to the slightest danger. Tke girls 94 THE Native Indians inhabiting themselves are not always quite so exemplary ; bu their failures are viewed with indulgence, and form no obstacle to marriage. Once united by that tie, however, a strict fidelity is expected and commonly observed. The husband, generally speaking, is not jealous, unless when intoxicated; but when his sus- picions are really excited regarding the conduct of his partner, he is very indignant, beats her, bites off her nose, and dismisses her in disgrace. There are occasional intsances of a divorce being inflicted without any assigned reason ; but such arbitrary proceeding is by no means frequent. As the wife performs the whole labour, and furnishes a great part of the subsistence, she is usually considered too valuable a possession to be rashly parted with. In some cases these domestic drudges become even an object of dispute and competition. A mission- ary mentions a woman, who, during the absence of her husband, formed a new connexion. Her first partner having returned, without being agitated by any delicate sensibilities, demanded her back. The question was referred to a chief, who could contrive no better scheme than that of placing her at a cer- tain distance from both, and decreeing that he who should first reach her should have her ; " thus," says he, " the wife fell to him who had the best legs." With regard to polygamy, the usual liberty is claim- ed, and by the chiefs in the west and the south it is indulged to a considerable extent; but among the tribes on the lakes the practice is rare and limited. When it does occur, the man very commonly mar- ries his wife's sister, and even her whole family, on the presumption, we may suppose, that the house- hold will be thereby rendered more harmonious. The Indian is said never to betray the slightest symptom of tenderness towards his wife or chil- dren. If he meets them on his return from a dis- tant expedition, he proceeds without taking the slightest notice, and seats hmiself in his cabin as U CANADA AND ITS BORDERS. 95 he had not been a day absent. Yet his exertions for their welfare, and the eagerness with which he avenges their wrongs, testify that his apparent apa- thy springs only from pride and a fancied sense of decorum. It is equally displayed with regard to his own most urgent wants. Though he may have been without food during several days, and enters a neighbour's house, nothing can make him stoop to ask for a morsel.* The rearing (for it cannot he called the education) of the children is cliiefly arranged so that it may cost the parents the least possible trouble in addition to the labour of procuring their subsistence. The father is either engrossed by war and hunting, or resigned to total indolence ; while the mother, op- Infant in a Frame. pressed by various toils, cannot devote much time to the cares of nurture. The infant, therefore, being fastened with pieces of skin to a board spread with oft moss, is laid on the ground or suspended to the branch of a tree, where it swings as in a cradle, an * Iia Potherie Bacqueville de, Histoire de I'Anierique Sep. tentnonale (4 tomes 12ino, Paris, 1074), vol. ii., p 22,31 Long, p. 93, 136. Carver, p. 230-241, 367-370, 410. 96 THE NATIVE INDIANS INHABITING expedient which is so carefully adopted as scarcely ever to be attended with accident. As soon as the creatures are able to crawl on hands and feet, they are allowed to move about every part of the house and vicinity, like a cat or dog. Their favourite re- sort is the border of the river or lake, to which an Indian village is usually adjacent, and where, in sum mer, they are seen all day long, sporting like fishes As reason dawns, they enjoy in the most ample de- gree that independence which is held the birthright of their tribe ; for, whatever extravagances they may indulge in, the parents never take any steps to re- strain or chastise them. The mother only ventures to give her daughter some delicate reproach, or throws water in her face, which is said to produce a powerful effect. The youths, however, without any express instructions, soon imbibe the spirit of their forefathers. Everything they see, the tales which they hear, inspire them with the ardent desire to be- come great hunters and warriors. Their first study, their favourite sport, is to bend the bow, to wield the hatchet, and practise all those exercises which are to be their glory in after-life. As manhood ap- proaches, they spontaneously assume that serious character, that studied and stately gravity, of which the example has been set by their elders.* The intellectual character of the American savage presents some very striking peculiarities. Con- sidering his unfavourable condition, he of all other human beings might seem doomed to make the near- est approach to the brute ; while, in point of fact, without any a^d from letters or study, many of the higher faculties of his mind are developed in a very remarkable degree. He displays a decided supe- riority over the uninstructed labourer in a civilized community, whose mental energies are benumbed amid the daily round of mechanical occupation, * Chateaubriand, vol. i., p. 129, 213. Weld, p. 387, 388 CANADA AND ITS BORDERS. 97 The former spends a great part of his life in arduous enterprises, wliere much contrivance is requisite, and whence he must often extricate himself by pres- ence of mind and iuLjenijity. His senses, particu- larly those of seeing and smelling, have acquired by practice an almost preternatural acuteness. He can trace an animal or a foe by indications which to a European eye would be wholly imperceptible ; and in his wanderings he gatiiers a minute acquaintance with the geography of the countries which he trav- erses. He can even draw a rude outline of them by applying a mixture of charcoal and grease to pre- pared skins, and on seeing a regular map he soon understands its construction, and readily finds out places. His facility in discovering the most direct way to spots situated at the distance of hundreds of miles, and known perhaps only by the report of his countrymen, is truly astonishing. It has been as- cribed by some to a mysterious and supernatural instinct, but it appears to be achieved by merely ob- serving the different aspect of the trees or shrubs when exposed to the north or the south, as also the position of the sun, which he can point out, although hidden by clouds. Even where there is a beaten track, if at all circuitous, he strikes directly through the woods, and reaches his destination by the straightest possible line.* * Other faculties of a higher order are developed by the scenes amid which the life of savages is spent. They are divided into a number of little communi- ties, between which are actively carried on all the relations of war, negotiation, treaty, and alliance. As mighty revolutions, observes an eloquent writer, take place in these kingdoms of wood and cities of bark, as in the most powerful civilized states. To increase the influence and extend the possessions of their own tribe, to humble and, if possible, to de- * Weld, p. 391-394. Long, p. 83. Carver, p. 241, 242. 98 THE NATIVE INDIANS INHABITING stroy those hostile to them, are the constant aims of every member of those little commonwealths. For these ends, not only deeds of daring valour are achieved, but schemes are deeply laid, and pur- sued with the most accurate calculcition. There is scarcely a refinement in European diplomacy to which they are strangers. The French once made an attempt to crush the confederacy of the Five Nations by attacking each in sm-cession; but as they were on their march agamst the first tribe, they were met by the deputies of the others, v;ho offered their mediation, intimating that, if it were rejected, they would make common cause with the one threat- ened. That association also showed that they com- pletely understood how to employ the hostility which prevailed between their enemy and the Eng- lish for promoting their own aggrandizement. Em- bassies, announced by the calumet of peace, are constantly passing from one tribe to another. The same political circumstances develop in an extraordinary degree the powers of oratory; for nothing of any importance is transacted without a speech. On every emergency a council of the tribe is called, when the aged and wise hold long delibera- tions for the public weal. The best speakers are de- spatched to conduct their negotiations, the object of wL.ch is unfolded in studied harangues. The func- tions of orator, among the Five Nations, had even become a separate profession, held in equal or higher honour than that of the warrior ; and each clan ap- pointed the most eloquent of their number to speak for them in the public council. Nay, there was a general orator for the whole confederacy, who could say to the French governor, " Ononthio, lend thine ear; I am the mouth of all the country; you hear all the Iroquois in hearing my word." Decanesora, their speaker at a later period, was trreatly admired by the English, and his bust was thought to resemble that of Cicero. In their diplomatic discourses, each CANADA AND ITS iJORKERS. 99 pro[)osition is prefaced by the delivery of a belt of wampuin, of wiiich what follows is understood to be the explanation, and which is to be preserved as a . record of the conference. The orator does not ex- ; ress his proposals in words only, but gives to every sentence its appropriate action. If he threatens war, he wildly brandi.shes the tomahawk ; if he solicits alliance, he twines his arms closely with those of the chief whom he addresses; and if he invites friendly intercourse, he assumes all the atti- tudes of one who is forming a road in the Indian manner, by cutting down the trees, clearing them away, and carefully removing the leaves and branch es. To a French writer, who witnessed the de- livery of a solemn embassy, it suggested the idea of a company of actors performing on a stage. So ex- pressive are their gestures, that negotiations have been conducted and alliances concluded between petty states and communities vi^ho understood no- thing of one another's language.* The composition of the Indian orators is studied and elaborate. The language of the Iroquois is even held to be susceptible of an Attic elegance, which few can attain so fully as to escape all crit- icism. It is figurative in the highest degree, every notion being expressed by images addressed to the •senses. Thus, to throw up the hatchet or to put 'on the great caldron is to begin a war ; to throw the hatchet to the sky is to wage open and terrible war , to take off the caldron or to bury the hatchet is to make peace ; to plant the tree of peace on the high- est mountain of the earth is to make a general paci- fication. To throw a prisoner into the caldron is to devote him to torture and death ; to take him out. is to pardon and receive him as a member of the community. Ambassadors coming to propose a full and general treaty say, " We rend the clouds asun- Missions en la Nouveile France, an 1644, p. 87-93, Carver, p 260. Colden, vol. i., p. 189, et seq. Adair, p. 79. 100 THE NATIVE INDIANS INHABITINO der, and drive away all darkness from the heavenst that the sun of peace may shine with brightness over us all." On another occasion, referring to / their own violent conduct, they said, '• We are glad that Assarigoa will bury in the pit what is past; let the earth be trodden hard over it, or, rather, let a strong stream run under the pit to wash away the evil." They afterward added, " We now plant a tree, whose top will reach the sun, and its branches spread far abroad, and we shall shelter ourselves un- der it, and live in peace." To send the collar un- der ground is to carry on a secret negotiation ; but when expressing a desire that there might be no du- plicity or concealment between them and the French, they said that " they wished to fix the sun in the top of the heaven, immediately above that pole, that it might beat directly down and leave no- thing in obscurity." In pledging themselves to a firm and steady peace, they declared that tliey would not only throw down the great war-caldron, and cause all the water to flow out, but would break it in pie- ces. This disposition to represent everything by a sensible object extends to matters the most impor- tant. One powerful people assumed the appellation of Foxes, while another gloried in that of Cats. Even when the entire nation bore a different appel- lation, separate fraternities distinguished themselves as the tribe of the Bear, the Tortoise, and the Wolf. They did not disdain a reference even to inani- mate things. The Black Caldron was at one time the chief warrior of the Five Nations ; and Red Shoes was a person of distinction well known to Long the traveller. When the chiefs concluded treaties with Europeans, their signature consisted in a picture, often tolerably well executed, of the beast or object after which they chose to be na- med.* * La Potherie, preface to tome iii. Golden, vol. i., p. 15^ 49, 175. Missions en la Nouvelle France, ans 1665, 1656, p. 21. Weld, p. 395. CANADA AND ITS BORDERS. 101 The absence among these tribes of any tvritten or even pictorial mode of recording events, was sup- plied by tbe memories of their old men, which were so retentive, that a certain writer calls them living books. Their only remembrancer consisted in the wampum belts ; of which one was appropriated to each division of a speech or treaty, and had seem- ingly a powerful effect in calling it to recollection. On the close of the transaction, these were deposit- ed as public documents, to be drawn forth on greit occasions, when the orators, and even the old wom- en, could repeat verbatim the passage to which each referred. Europeans were thus enabled to collect information concerning the revolutions of different tribes, for several ages preceding their own arri- val.* The earliest visiters of the New-World, on see- nig among the Indians neither priests, temples, idids, nor sacrifices, represented them as a people wholly destitute of religious opinions. Closer inquiry, however, showed that a belief in the spiritual world, however imperfect, had a commanding influence over almost all their actions. Their creed includes even some lofty and pure conceptions. Under the title of the Great Spirit, the Master of Life, the ma- ker. of heaven and earth, they distinctly recognise a supreme ruler of the universe and an arbiter of their destiny. A party of them, when informed by the missionaries of the existence of a being of in- finite power, who had created the heavens and the earth, with one consent exclaimed, '■'• Alahocan '. At- ahocan V that being the name of their principal dei- ty According to Long, the Lidians among whom he resided ascribe every event, projjitious or unfor- tunate, to the favour or anger of the Master of Life. They address him for their daily subsistence ; they * Missions en la Nouvelle France, ans 1C59, lOGO, p. 281 WeW, p. 389, 390. 103 THE NATIVE INDIANS INHABITING believe him to convey to them presence of mind m battle ; and amid tortures they thank him for inspi- ring them vk^ith courage. Yet though this one ele- vated and just conception is deeply graven on their minds, it is combined with others which show all the imperfection of unassisted reason in attempting to think rightly on this great subject. It may eve be observed, that the term, rendered into our Ian guage " great spirit," does not realbr convey th idea of an immaterial nature. It imports with them merely some being possessed of lofty and mysteri- ous powers, and in this sense is applied to men, and even to animals. The brute creation, which occu- pies a prominent place in all their ideas, is often viewed by them as invested, to a great extent, with supernatural powers; an extreme absurdity, which, however, they share with the civilized creeds of Egypt and India. When the missionaries, on their first arrival, at- tempted to form an idea of the Indian mythology. It appeared to them extremely complicated, more especially because those who attempted to explain it had no fixed opinions. Each man differed from his neighbour, and at another time from himself ; and when the discrepances were pointed out, no attempt was made to reconcile them. The southern trihes, who had a more settled faith, are described by Adair as intoxicated with spiritual pride, and denouncing even their European allies as " the accursed peo- ple." The native Canadian, on the contrary, is said to have been so little tenacious, that he would at any time renounce all his theological errors for a pipe of tobacco, though, as soon as it was smoked, he immediately relapsed. An idea was found prev- alent respecting a certain mystical animal, called Mesou or Messessagen, who, when the earth was buried in water, had drawn it up and restored it. Others spoke of a contest between the hare, the fox, the beaver, and the seal, for the empire of tJis CANADA AND ITS BORDERS. 103 world Aiiioiig tlie principal nations of Canada, the hare is thought to have attained a decided pre- eminence ; and hence the Great Spirit and the Great Hare are sometimes used as synonymous terms. What sfiould have raised this creature to such dis- tinction seems rather unaccountable ; unless it were that its extreme swiftness might appear something supernatural. Among the Ottowas alone the heav- enly bodies became an object of veneration ; the sun appears to rank as their supreme deity.* To dive into the abyss of futurity has always been a favourite object of superstition. It has been at- tempted by various means ; but the Indian seeks it chiefly through his dreams, wliich always bear with him a sacred character. Before engaging in any high undertaking, especially in hunting or war, the dreams of the principal chiefs are carefully watched and stu- diously examined ; and according to the interpreta- tion their conduct is guided. A whole nation has been set in motion by the sleeping fancies of a single man. Sometimes a person imagines in his sleep that he has been presented with an article of value by another, who then cannot, without impropriety, leave the omen unfulfilled. When Sir William .Tohn- son, during the American war, was negotiating an alliance with a friendly tribe, the chief confidential- ly disclosed that, during his slumbers, he had been favoured with a vision of Sir William bestowing upon him the rich laced coat which formed his full dress. The fulfilment of this revelation was very inconve- nient ; yet, on being assured that it positively oc- curred, the English commander found it advisable to resign his uniform. Soon after, however, he un- foldsd to the Indian a dream with which he had him- self been favoured, and in which the former was seen presenting him with a large tract of fertile land most commodiously situated. The native ruler admitted Adair, p. 32. La Potherie, tome ii., p. 3-8, 11, 12. Long: p. 139. Creuxius, p. 84. 104 THE NATIVE INDIANS INHABITINO that, since the vision had been vouchsafed, it must be realized, yet earnestly proposed to cease this mu- tual dreaming, which he found had turned much to his own disadvantage.* The manitou is an object of peculiar veneration; and the fixing upon this guardian power is not only the most important event in the liistory of a youth, but even constitutes his initiation into active life. As a preliminary, his face is painted black, and he undergoes a severe fast, which is, if possible, pro- longed for eight days. This is preparatory to the dream in which he is to behold the idol destined ever after to afford him aid and protection. In this slate of excited expectation, and while every nocturnal vision is carefully watched, there seldom fails to oc- cur to his mind something which, as it makes a deep impression, is pronounced his manitou. Most com- monly it is a trifling and even fantastic article ; the head, beak, or claw of a bird, the hoof of a cow, or even a piece of wood. However, having undergone a thorough perspiration in one of their vapour-baths, he is laid on his back, and a picture of it is drawn upon his breast by needles of fish- bone dipped in ver- milion. A good specimen of the original being pro- cured, it is carefully treasured up ; and to it he ap- plies in every emergency, hoping that it will inspire his dreams, and secure to him every kind of good fortune. When, however, notwithstanding every means of propitiating its favour, misfortunes befall him, the manitou is considered as having exposed itself to just and serious reproach. He begins with remonstrances, representing all that has been done for it, the disgrace it incurs by not protecting its vo- tary, and, finally, the danger that, in case of repeat- ed neglect, it may be discarded for another. Nor is this considered merely as an empty threat ; for if the manitou is judged incorrigible, it is thrown away ; * Charlevoix, vol. ii., p. 156-158 Creuxius, p. 84. Long, p. 89. CANADA AND ITS BORDERS. 105 and by means of a fresh course of fasting, dreaming, sweating, and painting, anotlier is installed, from whom better success may be hoped.* Tlie absence of temples, worship, sacrifices, and all the observances to which superstition prompts the untutored mind, is a remarkable circumstance, and, as we have already remarked, led the early vis- iters to believe that the Indians were strangers lo all religious ideas. Yet the missionaries found room to suspect that some of their great feasts, in which everything presented must be eaten, bore an idola- trous character, and were held in honour of the Great Hare. Tlie Ottavvas, whose mythological system seems to have been the most complicated, were wont to keep a regular festival to celebrate the beneficence of the sun; on which occasion the luminary was told that tills service was in return for the good hunt- ing he had procured for his people, and as an en- couragement to persevere in his friendly cares. They were also observed to erect an idol in the mid- dle of their town, and sacrifice to it ; but such cere- monies were by no means general. On first wit- nessmg Christian worship, the only idea suggested by it was that of their a.sking some temporal good, which was either granted or refused. f The mission- aries mention two Hurons, who arrived from the woods soon after the congregation had assembled. Standmg without, they began to speculate what it was the white men were asking, and then whether they were getting it. As the service continued be- yond expectation, it was concluded they were not getting it ; and as the devotional duties still pro- ceeded, they admired the perseverance with which this rejected suit was urged. At length, when the vesper hymn began, one of the savages observed to » Charlevoix, vol. ii , p U5, 146. La Potherie, vol ji. p. 11, t Miasions en la Nouvelle France, an 1635, p. 72. 106 THE NATIVE INDIANS INHABITING tlie other : " Listen to them now in despair, crying with all their might."* The grand doctrine of a life beyond the grave was, among all the tribes of America, most deeply cher- ished and most sincerely believed. f They had even formed a distinct idea of the region wliither they hoped to be transported, and of the new and happier mode of existence, free from those wars, tortures, and cruelties which throw so dark a shade over their lot upon earth. Yet their conceptions on this subject were by no means either exalted or spiritu- alized. They expected simply a prolongation of their present life and enjoyments, under more fa- vourable circumstances, and with the same objects furnished in greater choice and abundance. In that brighter land the sun ever shines unclouded, the for- ests abound with deer, the lakes and rivers with fish ; benefits which are farther enhanced in their imagin- ation by a faithful wife and dutiful children. They do not reach it, however, till after a journey of sev- eral months, and encountering various obstacles; a broad river, a chain of lofty mountains, and the at- tack of a furious dog. This favoured country lies far in the west, at the remotest boundary of the earth, which is supposed to terminate in a steep precipice, with the ocean rolling beneath. Sometimes, in the too eager pursuit of game, the spirits fall over, and are converted into fishes. The local position of their paradise appears connected with certain ob- scure intimations received from their wandering neighbours of the Mississippi, the Rocky Mountains, and the distant shores of the Pacific. This system of belief labours under a great defect, inasmuch as it scarcely connects felicity in the future world with virtuous conduct in the present. The one is held to * La Potherie. vol. ii., p. 12. Missions en la Nouvelle France an 1667, p. 53-55 ; an 1635, p. 72. <• Aninioruin immortaliiatem persuasissimam quidein omnea babeiit. Creuxius, p. 87. CANADA AND ITS bORDERS. 107 be simply a continuation of the other ; and under this impression, the arms, ornaments, and everything tliat had contributed to the welfare of the deceased, are interred along with him. This supposed assu- rance of a future life, so comformable to their gross habits and conceptions, was found by the mission- aries a serious obstacle when they attempted to al-l lure them by the hope of a destiny, purer and high-[ er indeed, but less accordant with their untutored i conceptions. Upon being told that in the promised world they woidd neither hunt, eat, drink, nor mar- ry, many of them declared that, far from endeavour- ing to reach such an abode, they would consider their arrival there as the greatest calamity. Men- tion is made of a Huron girl whom one of the Chris- tian ministers was endeavouring to instruct, and whose first question was what she would find to eat. The answer being " Nothing," she then ask- ed what she would see ; and being informed that she would see the Maker of heaven and earth, she ex- pressed herself much at a loss how she should ad- dress him.* Another sentiment, congenial with that now de- scribed, is most deeply rooted in the mind of the Indians. This is reverence for the dead, with which Chateaubriand, though somewhat hastily, considers them more deeply imbued than any other people. f During life they are by no means lavish in their ex- pressions of tenderness, but on the hour of final separation it is displayed with extraordinary force. When any member of a family becomes seriously ill, all the resources of magic and medicine are ex- hausted in order to procure his recovery. When the fatal moment arrives, all the kindred burst into loud lamentations, which continue till some person possessing the requisite authority desires them to * Missions en la Nouvelie France, an 1637, p. 121, 170: an 1635, p. 41. Creuxius, p. 87. Charlevoix, vol. li., p 154, 154 t Cura ingens mortuorum. Creuxiua. p. 91. 108 THE NATIVE INDIANS INHABITING cease. These expressions of grief, however, are renewed for a considerable time at sunrise and sunset. After three days the funeral takes place, when all the provisions which the family can pro- cure are expended in a feast, to which the neigh- bours are generally invited ; and, although on all solemn occasions it is required that everything should be eaten, the relations do not partake. These last cut off their hair, cover their heads, paint their faces of a black colour, and continue long to deny themselves every species of amusement.* The de- ceased is then uiterred with his arms and ornaments, his face painted, and his person attired in the richest robes which they can furnish. It was the opinion of one of the early missionaries, that the chief ob- ject of the Hurons in their traffic with the French was to procure materials for honouring their dead; and, as a proof of this, many of them have been seen shivering half naked in the cold, while their hut contained rich robes to be wrapped round them after their decease. The body is placed in the tomb in an upright posture, and skins are carefully spread round it, so that no part may touch the earth. This, however, is by no means the final ceremony, being followed by another still more solemn and singular. Every eighth, tenth, or twelfth year, according to the custom of the different nations, is celebrated the festival of the dead ; and, till then, the souls are sup- posed to hover round their former tenement, and not to depart for their final abode m the west. On this occasion the people march in procession to the places of interment, open the tombs, and. on be- holding the mortal remains of tlieir friends, continue some time fixed in mournful silence. The women then break out into loud cries, and the party begin to collect the bones, removing every remnant of flesh. The remains are then wrapped in fresh and • Charlevoix, vol. ii., p. 191. CANADA AND ITS BORDKRS. U)9 valuable robes, and conveyed amid continual lam- entation I'j the family-cabin. A feast is tlien given, followed during several days by dances, games, and prize-combats, to which strangers often repair from a great distance. Tliis mode of celebration cer- tainly accords very ill with the sad occasion ; yet the Greek and Roman obsequies were solemnized in a similar manner; nay, in many parts of Scot- land, till very recently, they were accompanied by festival, and often by revelry. The relics are then carried to the council- house of the nation, where they are hung for exhibition along the walls, with fresh presents destined to be interred along with them. Sometimes they are even displayed from village to village. At length, being deposited in a pit previously dug in the eanh, and lined with the richest furs, they are finally entombed. Tears and lamentations are again lavished ; and during a few days food is brought to the place. The bones of their fathers are considered by the Indians the strongest ties to their native soil; and when calam- ity forces them to quit it, these mouldering frag- ments are, if possible, conveyed along with them.* Under the head of religious riles we may include medicine, which is almost entirely within the do- main of superstition. The great warmth of affection which, amid their apparent apathy, the natives cher- ish for each other, urges them, when their friends are seriously ill, to seek with the utmost eagerness for a remedy. An order of men has thus arisen en- tirely different from the rest of the society, uniting the characters of priests, physicians, sorcerers, and sages. Nor are they quite strangers to some branch- es of the healing art. in external hurts or wounds, the cause of which is obvious, they apply various simples of considerable power, chiefly drawn from the vegetable world. Chateaubriand enumerates • (.niateauhriand, vol. i., p. 215. Creuxius, p. 91. Charle voii, vol. 11., p. 186, 187 ; 193-195. I.— I 110 THE NATIVE INDlAMh INHABITING the ginseng of the Chinese, the, sassafras, the three- leaved hedisaroii, and a tall shrub called bellis ; with decoctions from which they cure wounds and ulcers in a surprising manner. With sharp-pointed bones they scarify inflamed or rheumatic parts; and shells of gourds, filled with combustible matters, serve in- stead of cupping-glasses. They learned the art of bleeding from the French, but employed it some- times rashly and fatally, by opening the vein in the forehead : they now understand it better, but their favourite specific in all internal complamts is the vapour-bath. To procure this, a small hut or shed is framed of bark or branches of trees, covered with skins, and made completely tight on every side, leaving only a small hole, through which the patient is admitted. By throwing red-hot stones into a pot of water, it is made to boil, and thus emit a warm steam, which, filling the hut, throws the patient into a most profuse perspiration. When he is completely bathed in it, he rushes out, even should it be in the depth of winter, and throws himself into the nearest pond or river; and this exercise, which we should be apt to think sufficient to produce death, is proved, by their example as well as that of the J Russians, to be safe and salutary. As a very large 'proportion of their maladies arise from cold and obstructed perspiration, this remedy is by no means ill chosen. They attach to it, however, a supernat- ural influence, calling it the sorcerer's bath, and employ it not only in the cure of diseases, but in opening their minds whenever they are to hold a council on great affairs, or to engage in any impor- tant undertaking.* All cases of internal malady or of obscure origin are ascribed without hesitation to the secret agency of malignant powers or spirits. The physician, there- fore, must then invest himself with his mystic char- Chateaubriand, vol. i., p. 247-249. Creuxius, p. 58, 59 Carver, p. 390, 391. Long, p. 46, 100. CANADA AND ITS BORDERS. 11 acter, and direct all his eflbrls against these invisible enemies. His proceedings are various, and prompt- ed seemingly b\r a mixture of delusion and impos- ture. On his first arrival, he begins to sing and dance round the patient, invoking his god with loud cries. Then, pretending to search out the seat of the enchantment, he feels his body all over, till cries seem to indicate the bewitched spot. He then rushes upon it like a madman or an enraged dog, tears it with his teeth, and often pretends to show a small bone or other object which he has extracted, and in which the evil power had been lodged. His disciples next day renew the process, and the whole 'aniily join in the chorus, so that, setting aside the disease, a frame of iron would appear necessary to withstand the remedies. Another contrivance is to surround the cabin with men of straw and wood- en masks of the most frightful shapes, in hopes of scaring away the mysterious tormentor. Some- times a painted image is formed, which the doctor pierces with an arrow, pretending that he has there- by vanquished the evil spirit. On other occasions he professes to discover a mysterious desire, which exists in the patient unknown to himself, for some particular object ; and this, however distant or diffi- cult of attainment, the poor family strain all their efforts to procure. It is alleged, that when the mala- dy appears hopeless, he fixes upon something com- pletelj'' beyond reach, the want of which is then rep- resented as the cause of death. The deep faith reposed in these preposterous remedies caused to the missionaries much difficulty even with the most intelligent converts. When a mother found one of her children dangerously ill, her pagan neigh- bours came round and assured her, that if she would allow it to be blown upon, and danced and howled round in the genuine Indian manner, there would be no doubt of a speedy recovery. They er- hortcd her to take it into the woods, where the 112 THE N..T1VE INDIANS I^HABiTING black-robes, as they called the Christian priests, would not be able to find her. The latter could not fully undeceive their disciples, because in that less enlightened age they themselves w^ere impressed with the notion that the magicians communicated and derived aid from the Prince of Darkness. All they could do, therefore, was to exhort them reso- lutely to sacrifice any benefit that might be derived from so unholy a source. This, however, was a hard duty ; and they record with pride the example of a Huron wife, who, though much attached to her husband, and apparently convinced that he could be cured by this impious process, chose rather to lose him. In other respects the missionaries suffered from the superstitious creed of the natives, who, even when unconverted, believed them to possess supernatural powers, which, it was suspected, they sometimes employed to introduce the epidemic dis- eases with which the country was from time to time afflicted. They exclaimed, it was not the de- mons that made so many die, it was prayers, images, and baptism ; and when a severe pestilential disorder followed the murder of a Frenchman who fell by their hands, they imagined that the priests were thus avenging the death of their countryman.* We have still to describe the most prominent ob- ject of the Indian's passions and pursuits, his war- fare. It is that which presents him under the darkest aspect, effacing almost all his fine quali- ties, and assimilating his nature to that of fiends. While the most cordial union reigns between the members of each tribe, they have neighbours whom they regard with the deepest enmity, and for whose extermination they continually thirst. The in- tense excitement which war affords, and the glory * Missions en la Nouvelle France, an 1685, part hi., p. 155, 217; ans 1642, 1643, p. 49; an 1637, part hi., p. 216, 217; part ii., p. 238, &c. La Potherie, vol. u., p. 36-40. Charlevoix, vol M., p. 17&-180. CANADA AND ITS BORDERS. 113 wliich rewards its achievements, probably give the primary impulse ; but after hostilities have begun, the ieclinsT which keeps tlieni alive is revenge. Every Indian who falls into the power of an enemy, and suffers the dreadful fate to which the vanquish- ed are doomed, must have his ghost appeased by a victim from that hostile race. Thus every contest generates another and a more deeply imbittered one. Nor are they strangers to those more refined motives which urge civilized nations to take arms — the extension of their boundaries, an object pursued with ardent zeal, and the power of their tribe, which last they seek to promote by incorporating in its ranks the defeated bands of their antagonists. Per- sonal dislike and the love of distinction often impel individuals to make inroads into a hostile territory even contrary to the general wish ; but when war is to be waged by the whole nation, more enlarged riews, connected with its interest and aggrandize- ment, guide the decision. To most savages, how- ever, long-continued peace becomes irksome and unpopular; and the prudence of the aged can with difficulty restrain the fire of the young, who thirst for adventure. As soon as the determination has been formed, the war-chief, to whom the voice of the nation assigns the supremacy, enters on a course of solemn preparation. This consists not, however, in provi- ding arms or supplies for the campaign, for these are comprised in the personal resources of each in- dividual. He devotes himself to observances which are meant to propitiate or learn the will of the Great Spirit, who, when considered as presiding over the destinies of war, is named Areskoui. He be- gins by marching three times round his winter- house, spreading the great bloody flag, variegated with deep tints of black. As soon as the young warriors see this signal of death, they crowd around, istening to the oration by which he summons them 114 THE NAl'lVli INUiANci INHABITING to the field : " Comrades," he exclaims, " the blood of our countrymen is yet unavenged ; their bones lie uncovered ; their spirits cry to us from the tomb. Youths, arise ! anoint your hair, paint your faces, ^et your songs resound through the forest, and con- * ole the dead with the assurance that they shall be avenged. Youths, follow me, while I march through tlie war-path to surprise our enemies, to eat their flesh, to drink their blood, and tear them limb from limb! We shall return triumphant ; or, should we fall, this belt will record our valour." The wam- pum, that grand symbol of Indian policy, is then thrown on the ground. Many desire to lift it ; but this privilege is reserved for some chief of high rep- utation, judged worthy to fill the post of second in command. The leader now commences his se- ries of mystic observances. He is painted all over black, and enters on a strict fast, never eating, nor even sitting down, till after sunset. From time to time he drinks a decoction of consecrated herbs, with the view of giving vivacity to his dreams, which are carefully noted, and submitted to the de- liberation of the sages and old men. When a war- like spirit is in the ascendant, it is understood that either their tenour or their interpretation betokens success. The powerful influence of the vapour- bath is also employed. After these solemn prelimi- naries, a copious application of warm water re- moves the deep black coating, and he is painted afresh in bright and varied colours, among which red predominates. A huge fire is kindled, whereon is placed the great war-caldron, into which every one present throws something ; and if any allies, invited by a belt of wampum and bloody hatchet to devour the flesh and drink the blood of the enemy have accepted the summons, they send some ingre- dients to be also cast in. The chief then announ- ces the enterprise by singing a war-song, nevur sounded but on such occasions, and his example is canai».\ and its bohuers. 115 followed by ail the warriurs, who join in the mili- tary (lance ; recounting their former exploits, and dilating on those which they hope to achieve. They now proceed to ;irin, suspeii-ling the bow and quiver, or, more frequently, the musket, from the shoulder, the hatchet or tomahawk from the hand, while the scalping-knife is stuck in the girdle. A portion of parched corn or sag;imity, [>repared for the purpose, is received from the women, who frequently bear it to a considerable distance. But the most important operation is the collection of the manitous or guardian spirits, to be placed in a common box, which is looked to as a protecting power. The fe- males, during these preparations, have been busily negotiating for a supply of captives, on whom to wreak their vengeance and appease the shades of their fallen kindred; sometimes also with the more merciful view of supplying their place. Tenderer feelings arise as the moment approaches when the warriors must depart, perhaps to return no more, and it may be to endure the same dreadful fate which they are imprecating on others. The lead- er, having made a short harangue, commences the march, singing his war-song, while the others follow at intervals sounding the war-whoop. The women accompany them at some distance, and when they must separate, they exchange endearing names, and express the most ardent wishes for a triumphant re- turn ; while each party receives and gives some object which has been long worn by the other, as a memorial of this tender parting. As long as the warriors continue in their own country, they straggle in small parties for the con- venience of hunting, still holding communication by shouts, in which they imitate the cries of certain fJirds and beasts. When arrived at the frontier, they all unite anrl hold another great festival, followed by solemn dreaming, the tenour of w^hich is carefully examined. If found inauspicious, room is still left 116 THR NAl IVE INDIANS INHaBITINO to return ; and those whose courage shrinks are on such occasions supplied with an apology for relin- quishing the undertaking; but such an issue is rare. On entering the hostile territory deep silence is en- joined ; the chase is discontinued ; they crawl on all fours ; step on the trunks of fallen trees, or through swamps. Sometimes they fasten on their feet the hoof of the buffalo or tlie paw of the bear, and run in an irregular track like those animals. Equally earnest and skilful are they in tracing through the woods the haunts of the enemy. The slightest in- dications, such as would wholly escape the notice of a European, enable them to thread their course through the vast depths of the western forests. They boast of being able to discern the impression of steps even on the yielding grass, and of knowing by inspection the nation or tribe by whom it has been made. Various and ingenious artifices are em- ployed to entrap their foe. From the recesses of the wood they send forth the cries of the animals which are most eagerly sought by the rival hunters. Their grand object, however, is to surprise a village, and, if possible, the principal one belonging to the hated tribe. Thither all their steps tend, as they steal like silent ghosts through the lonely forest. On approching it, they cast hasty glances from the tops of trees or of hillocks, and then retreat into the thickest covert; but, in total disregard of the most disastrous experience, the obvious precaution of placing nightly sentinels has never been adopted. Even when aware of danger, they content them- selves with exploring the vicinity two or three miles around, when, if nothing is discovered, they go to sleep without dread. This supineness is much fos- tered by a delusive confidence in the manitous en- closed in the holy ark. If, during the day, the as- sailants have reached unperceived a covert spot in the neighbourhood of the devoted village, they ex- pect the satisfaction of finding its inhabitants buried CANADA AND ITS BORDERS. 117 in the deepest slumber in the course of the ensuing night. They keep close watch till immediately be- fore daybreak, when silence and security are usually the most complete. Then, flat on their faces, and carefully suppressing the slightest sound, they creep slowly towards the scene of action. Having reach- ed it undiscovered, the chief, by a shrill cry, gives the signal, which is instantly followed by a dis- charge of arrows or musketry; after which they rush ill with the war-club and the tomahawk. The air echoes with the sound of the death- whoop and of arms. The savage aspect of the combatants; their faces painted black and red, and soon stream- ing with blood ; their frightful yells, make thein ap- pear like demons risen from the world beneath The victims, too late aroused, spring frotTi their fa- tal slumber, and, foreseeing the dreadful fate which awaits them if taken prisoners, make almost super- human struggles for deliverance. The contest ragps with all the fury of revenge and despair, but ii is usually short. The unhappy wretches, surprised and bewildered, can seldom rally or resist; they seek safety by fleeing into the depth of forests or marshes, whither they are hotly pursued. The main study of the victorious army is to take the fu- gitives alive, in order to subject them to the horri- ble punishments which will be presently described. Should this be impracticable, the tomahawk or the hatchet despatches them on the spot, and the scaip is then carried off as a trophy. Placing a foot on the neck of his fallen enemy, and twisting a hand in the hair, the warrior draws out along, sharp-pointed knife, specially formed for this operation; then cut- ting a circle round the crown of the head, by a few skilful scoops he detaches the hair and skin, lodges the whole in his bag, and returns in triumph.* * Charlevoix, vol. i., p. 317, 327, 330, 338, 339, 359-361. Adair, p. 380-3S3. Rogers's Concise Account of North Amej iea (London, 1765), p. 222. 118 THE NATIVE INDIANS INHABITING At the close of the expedition, the warriors re- pair to their village, and even in approaching, an- nounce its results by various signals well understood among their families. According to the most ap- proved custom, the evil tidings are first communi- cated. A herald advances before the troop, and for every kinsman who has fallen sounds the death- whoop ; a shrill, lengthened note, ending in an eleva- ted key. An interval is then allowed, during which the burst of grief excited by these tidings may be in some degree exhausted. Then rises the loud, inspiring sound of the war-whoop, which, by its successive repetitions, expresses the number of cap- tives brought home as the fruits of victory. The barbarous joy thus kindled banishes for the moment all trace of lamentation. The women and children form two rows, through which the prisoner is led, having his face painted, and crowned with flowers as for a festival. Then begins the darkest of all the scenes by which the savage life is deformed. A se- ries of studied and elaborate torture commences, in which ingenuity is tasked to the utmost to inflict the intensest agony that can be endured without ac- tually extinguishing life. The first caress, as the French call it, is to tear the nails from the fingers ; the flesh is then pierced to the bone, and fire in va- rious forms applied to the extremities. Blows are also given to the last degree that nature can sus- tain ; and sometimes an amusement is found in toss- ing, for a long time, the victim like a ball from one ; to another. Other contrivances, peculiar to infuri- ' ated savages, are sometimes resorted to. One mis- sionary, for example, being made to lie on his back, had his stomach covered with sagamity, on which hungry dogs were set to feed, which tore his flesh with their teeth. The unhappy wretch is occasion- ally paraded from village to village, kept for weeks in this Ptate of suffering, fed on the coarsest refuse, and allowed only a neglected corner of the cabin to CANADA AND ITS BORDERS. 119 sleep in At length a grand council is held to de- cide his fate, or, in other words, to determine whether all the furies of vengeance shall be let loose upon him, and his life be taken away amid the most frightful tortures, or whether he shall be salu- ted as one of themselves, and treated as a brother The decision is influenced by various considera- tions. If he be a youth or new to the field, a le- nient course may probably be adopted ; but a vet- eran warrior, who has been the terror of the nation, and on whose skin is painted a record of triumphs, has to dread a sterner sentence. The women have much influence, according as they either demand revenge for the loss of a husband or brother, or so- licit that the captive may supply the vacancy. The Iroquois, though the fiercest of these barbarians, being the deepest politicians, were always anxious to augment their numbers; hence, though they pro- longed and heightened the preliminary torture, they usually ended it by adoption. This was carried so far that they are described as having at length be- come less a single nation than an aggregate of all the surrounding tribes. The stranger, being receiv- ed into one of the families as a husband, brother, or son, is treated with the utmost tenderness ; and she, who perhaps immediately before exhausted her in- genuity in tormenting him, now nurses the wounds she has made, and loads him with caresses. He becomes now one of the clan, and goes with them to war, even against his former countrymen ; and so far is the point of honour carried, that to return into their ranks would be branded as an act of base- ness.* There are, however, many occasions in which the more inhuman resolution is taken, and a fearful dis- play is then made of the darkest passions that can Charlevoix, vol. i., p. 368-373 Missions en la Nouvejla France, ans 1612, 1643, p. 257, inc. , ans 1643, 1644, p. 162-168 Adair, p. 389. 120 THE NATlVfi INDIANS INHABITING agitate the human breast. The captive is informed of his fate by being invested with moccasins o/ black bear's-skin, and having placed over his head a flaming torch, the sure indications of his doom. Before the fatal scene begins, however, he is al- lowed a short interval to sing his death-song, which he performs in a triumphant tone. He proclaims the joy with which he goes to the land of souls, where he will meet his brave ancestors, who taught him the great lesson to fight and to sufi"er. He re- counts his warlike exploits, particularly those per- formed against the kindred of his tormentors; and if there was any one of them whom he vanquished and caused to expire amid tortures, he loudly pro- claims it. He declares his inextinguishable desire to eat their flesh and to drink their blood to the last drop. The scene is considered, even when com- pared to the field of battle, as the great theatre of Indian glory. When two prisoners were about to be tortured by the French at Quebec, a charitable hand privately supplied a weapon with which one of them killed himself; but the other derided his effeminacy, and proudly prepared himself for his fiery trial. In this dreadful work the women take the lead, and seem transformed into raging furies. She, to glut whose vengeance the doom has been specially pronounced, invokes the spirit of her hus- band, her brother, or her son, who has fallen in bat- tle or died amid torture, bidding him come now and be appeased. A feast is prepared for him ; a war- rior is to be thrown into the great caldron; his blood will be poured out ; his flesh torn from the bones ; let the injured spirit then cease to complain. A game begins between the torturers and the tor- tured, one to inflict the most intense suffering, the other to bear it with proud insensibility. That there may be some appearance of open contest, he is not chained, but merely tied to a post, and a certain range allowed, within which, while the brand, the CANADA AND ITS BOUDERS. 121 hatchet, and every engine of torture are applied, he can do somewhat to repel his assailants, and even attack in his turn. He struggles fiercely in the un- equal strife, and while his frame is consuming in agony, still defies his tormentors, and outbraves death itself. Some even deride the feeble eflTorts of their executioners, boasting how much more ef- fectively they themselves had applied torture to in- dividuals of their tribe. Yet there are instances when the murderers at last triumph ; tiie sufferer exclaims, " Fire is strong, and too powerful;" he even utters loud shrieks, which are responded to by exulting shouts of savage laughter. Some few have been known, by almost incredible effbrts, to break loose, and by rapid flight to effect their es- cape. The general result, however, is death, after protracted suffering; when the scalp, if still entire, is taken off and deposited among the military tro- phies.* It has been made a question whether the Indians can be justly charged with cainiibalism. It is cer- tain that all the terms by which they designate their inhuman mode of putting a prisoner to death bear reference to this horrid practice. The expressions are to throw him into the caldron, to devour him, to eat soup made of his flesh. It has hence been plausibly inferred that this enormity really prevailed in early times, but was changed, we can scarcely Bay mitigated, into the present system of torture. •. Yet, as every action is described by them in terms highly figurative, those now quoted may have been used as expressing most fully the complete gratifi- cation of their revenge. Of this charge they can- not now be either condemned or wliolly acquitted. in the excited fury of their passions, portions of the flesh are often seized, roasted, and eaten, and draughts taken of the blood. To eat an enemy's • Charlevoix, vol. i.. p. 375. Adair, p. 390, 391. Golden, vol. t, p. 144, 146 122 THE Native Indians inhabiting heart is considered a peculiar enjoyment. Long mentions a gentleman who came upon a party who were busy broiling a human heart, when he with difficulty prevailed on them to desist. There is lit- tle hesitation among them, in periods of scarcity, to relieve hunger with the flesh of their captives ; and during one war, this fate is said to have befallen many French soldiers who fell into the hands of the P^ive Nations. Colonel Schuyler told Golden, that, having entered the cabin of a chief who had some rich soup before him, he was invited to partake. Being hungry and tired, he readily agreed, till the ladle, being put into the great caldron, brought up a human hand, the sight of which put an inmiediate end to his appetite and meal.* Although war may be considered as the ordinary state of those tribes, yet, after having for a consid- erable time experienced its destructive effects, there usually arises a desire for an interval of tranquillity To procure this, a regular form is observed. The nation which resolves to make the overture de- spatches several individuals, usually of some note, as ambassadors, with at least one orator. They bear before them the calumet of peace, which ren- ders their character sacred, and secures them from violence. They carry also a certain number o' belts of wampum, with which are respectively con- nected the several motives and terms of the pro- posed treaty. The orator having obtained an au- dience of the chiefs on the other side, expounds the belts, dancing and smgmg in unison, and by ac- tions expressing the peaceful purpose of his mis- sion. If the opposite parly be favourably inclined they accept the offered symbols, and next dsy pre- sent others of a similar import. He them smoke* in the calumet, and the contract is sealed by bury ing a hatchet ; if there be any allies, one is depos * Charlevoix, vol. i., p. 318. Adait, p. 199. Long, p. 77, 78 Colden, vol. i., p. 156. CANADA AND ITS BORDERS. 123 ited for each. This agreement is often accompa- nied with professions, at the moment perhaps sin- cere, of maintaining the sun always in the heavens, and never again digging up the hatchet; but the turbulence of individuals, and the satiety of long peace, to which the whole nation is subject, usually rekindle hostilities at no distant period.* Some notice may finally be expected of Indian amusements ; the most favourite of which are smo- king, music, and dancing. These, however, are viewed in a much higher light than mere pastime, being ranked among the most serious occupations, and esteemed quite indispensable in the conduct of every important affair. Without them a council cannot be held, a negotiation carried on, peace or war proclaimed, nor any public or private contract entered into; for not one of these transactions is accounted valid till it has been smoked over, and sung and danced to. The calumet is the grand in- strument of their policy. No important affair can be taken into consideration without the pipe in their mouths ; and hence, to call an assembly of the chiefs is said to be lighting the council- fire. This tube accompanies and is the guardian of every em- bassy, and to smoke together is the chief cement of national union. Music and dancing accompanying each other are equally indispensable to every solemn celebration. Yet the instruments and performance are alike simple and rude ; for their song, though often con- tinued for a long period, consists merely in the perpetual iteration of a few wild melancholy notes. The words are usually of the minstrers own com- position, and record his exploits in war or hunting, and sometimes the praises of the animals which he has killed in the chase. The song is accompanied bv performance on the drum, and on the chi'^hikoue, Cnarlevoix, vol. i., p. 321. 124 THE Native Indians inhabiting or pipe. The former is merely a hollowed piece of wood, covered with skin; the latter is formed of a thick cane, upward of two feet in length, with eight or nine holes, and a monthpiece not unlike that of a common whistle. Those who know how to stop the holes and bring out a sound consider themselves performers; yet they cannot play upon it even those simple airs which they execute with the voice, though they will often continue for hours drawing out wild irregular notes. The dances of the Indians, even those at com- mon festivals, are on an extensive scale, requiring to a complete performance forty or fifty persons, who execute their evolutions by following each other round a great fire kindled in the centre. Their movements, monotonous but violent, con- sist in stamping furiously on the ground, and often brandishing their arms in a manner compared by an able writer to a baker converting flour into dough. They keep good time ; but the music is so exceed ingly simple that this implies little merit. They conclude with a loud shout or howl, which echoes frightfully through the woods. The dances in cele- bration of particular events are of a more varied character, and often form a very expressive panto- mime. The war-dance is the most favourite and frequent. In this extraordinary performance, a complete image is given of the terrible reality; the war-whoop is sounded with the most frightful yells; the tomahawk is wildly brandished ; and the enemy are surprised, seized, and scalped, or carried oflf for torture. The calumet-dance, which celebrates peace between nations, and the marriage-dance, which represents domestic life, arc much more pleasing. Some mention is made of i '.iiystie dance, carried on by the jugglers or doctors, with strange superstitious ceremonies, and in which a supernat- ural personage, termed by some the devil, rises and performs ; but it does not seem to have been wit- Canada and its borders. liio oessed by any l']uro[>ean, and is said to be now in a great measure disiiised.* There are, tnoreover, games to which the Indians are fondly attached, which, though they be only ranked under the head of amusement, are yet con- Btructed in the same serious manner as their other transactions. Their great parties are said to be collected by supernatural authority, communicated by the jugglers ; and they are preceded, like their wars and hunts, by a course of fasting, dreaming, and other means of propitiatmg fortune. The favour- ite game is that of the bone, in which small pieces of that substance, resembling dice, and painted of dif- ferent colours, are thrown in the air, and according to the manner in which they fall, the game is deci- ded. Only two persons can play ; but a numerous party, and sometimes whole villages, embrace one side or the other, and look on with intense interest. At each throw, especially if it be decisive, tremen- dous shouts are raised ; the players and spectators equally resemble persons possessed ; the air rings ■with invocations to the bones and to the manitous. Their eagerness sometimes leads to quarrelling and even fighting, which on no other occasion ever dis- turb the interior of these societies. To such a pitch are they occasionally worked up, that they stake successively all they possess, and even their personal liberty ; but this description must apply only to the more southern nations, as slavery was unknown among the Canadian Indians. A temporary interval of wild license, of emanci- pation from all the restraints of dignity and deco- rum, seems to afford an enjoyment highly prized in all rude societies. Corresponding with the sat- urnalia and bacchanals of antiquity, the Indiana have their festival of dreams, which, during fifteen Missions en !a Nouvelle France, ans 1645, 1646, p. 20, 21 Well', !>. 412-417. Creuxius, p. 67. Chateaubriand, vol, I, p. 805. Charlevoix, vol. li., p. 70. Carver, p. 270, 271. 126 THE NaIIVE INDIANS INHABITING flays, enlivens the inaction of the coldest season Laying aside all their usual order and gravity, they ^run about, frightfully disguised, and commiting ev- ery imaginable extravagance. He who meets an- otFier demands an explanation of his visions, and it not satisfied, imposes some fantastic penalty. He throws upon hitn cold water, hot ashes, or filth, sometimes, rushing into his cabin, he breaks and destroys the furniture. Although everything ap- pears wild and unpremeditated, it is alleged that opportunities are often taken to give vent to old and secret resentments. The period having elapsed, a feast is given, order is restored, and the damages done are carefully repaired.* On the first settlement of Europeans in Canada, that territory was chiefly divided between three great nations, the Algonquins, the Hurons, and the Iroquois or Five Nations. The first held an exten- sive domain along the northern bank of the St. Lawrence, about a hundred leagues above Trois Rivieres. Shortly before, they had been the most powerful of all these tribes, and considered even in some degree as masters over this part of America. They are described also as having the mildest as pect and polished manners of any. They subsisted entirely by hunting, and looked with proud disdain on their neighbours, who consented to bestow on the soil even llie smallest cultivation.! The Hu- rons were a numerous people, whose very exten- sive territory reached from the Algonquin frontier to the borders of the great lake bearing their name. They were also more industrious, and derived an abundant subsistence from the fine territory of Up- per Canada. But they were, at the same time, more effeminate and voluptuous, and had less of the proud independence of savage life, having chiefs * Charlevoix, vol. ii., p. 13-15, 159 164, &c. Chateaubriand, wol. i., p. 238-242. La Fotherie, vol. ii., p. 126, 127. i La Puthene, toI. i. p. 232- -289. CANADA AND ITS BOKUERS 127 hereditary in the female line, to whom they paid considerable deference. The Iroquois, destined to act the most conspicu- ous part among all the native tribes, occupied a long range of territory on the southern border of the St. Lawrence, from Lake Champlain to the western extremity of Lake Ontario. They were thus beyond the limits of what is now considered Canada ; yet, as all their transactions were com- pletely connected with the interests of that country, we cannot at present avoid considering them as be- longing to it This people were divided into five cantons, each of which was considered as an independent nation. They were united, however, by the closest alliance , were never found waging war with each other; nor did they often fail to combine their forces when at- tacked by neighbouring tribes.* The following are the names given to them by English and French authors : English. French. Mohawks. Agniers. Oneidas. Onneyouths. Onondagoes. Onontagues. Cayugas. Anniegue. Senecas. Tsonnonthouans. • La Potherie, vol. i., p. 232-289. Rogeis, p. 237. Colden, ?. 3. 4. 28 HISTORY OF CANADA CHAPTER III. History of Canada under the French Earliest Discoveries of the English and French- De m Rocb — Chauvin and Pontgrave.— De Monts.— Champlain, em ployed by him, ascends the St. Lawrence. — Founds Quebec. — Dealings with a Party of Natives. — Joins a warlike Expe- dition.— Victory. — Torture. — Transactions in France. — Fresh military Encounter. — Foundation of Montreal. — Various Transactions. — Voyage up the Ottawa.— Great Expedition against the Iroquois. — Unsuccesslul. — Difficulties in France. — Appointirentof De Caen.— Peace among the Indian Tribes. — Duke de Ventadour Viceroy. — Rupture of the Treaty. — Quebec taken by the English.— Restored.— Large Supplies sent out. — Death of Chaiiiplain.— Great Power of the Five Nations — Treaty with them.— War renewed. — Destruction of the French Indian Allies.— A Remnant flee to Quebec. — Iroquois MastiMS of Canada.— Louis XIV. determines to re- enforce the Colony. — Expedition under l~)e Tracy.— Govern- ment of De Courcelles.— Frontenac— De la Barre.— His fruit- less Expedition — DenonviUe. — His violent Proceedings. — Critical state of the Colony. — Second Government of Fron- tenac. — ('apture of Corlaer or Schenectady.— The English under Phipps attack Quebec— Repulsed.— Negotiations with the Indians. — Invasion of their Territory. — Death of Fron- tenac— De Calli^res. — Peace, and speedy Renewal of War. — Attempts by the English to conquer Canada. — Treaty ot Utrecht. — Charlevoix's Account of the Stale of the Colony. —Its prosperity.— Administration of Du Quesne. The English took decidedly the most prominent part in the discovery of North America. In 1497, John Cabot, under a commission from Henry VII., landed on its shores, four years only after Columbus had reached the West Indies, and nearly twelve months before that celebrated navigator had touched at any part of the continent. In the following year, Sebastian, son tc the first discoverer, performed a most extensive exploratory voyaae alone the greater tTNDRR THE FRENCH. 12^ part of the eastern coast, to lat. 56° or 58° N., and soulli as far as Florida. The same eminent seaman took part in anotlier expedition undertaken in 1517, for the discovery of a northwest passage. The squadron appears to iiave penetrated into Hudson's l5ay, but through the pusillanimity of Sir Thomas Pert, the commander, returned without completing the object in view. These interesting voyages, however, have been illustrated with such diligent and acute research by Mr. Tytler, that to our read- ers another detailed narrative of them would be very superfluous.* Various circumstances combined to withdraw the successors of Henry from this brilliant career. They were succeeded in it by France ; and it is sin- gular that the settlement of by far the greater part of what is now British America was effected by that power. When, too, England had wrested these pos- sessions from her rival, she retained them after most of her own colonies had established their in- dependence ; for which reason we find it necessary lo enter at considerable length into the proceedings of those Gallic adventurers who laid the foundations of civilization in the Canadian provinces. In 1524, Francis 1. commissioned Giovanni Ve- razzano, a skilful Florentine navigator, who appears to have sailed along the whole coast from Carolina to the northern extremity of Nova Scotia. It was then appropriated in the name of his most Christian majesty, under the magnificent title of New France. His second expedition was disastrous; but in 1534, Jacques Cartier, a bold and able mariner of St. Malo, was sent out with a similar view. This discoverer made two voyages, in the second of which he pen- etrated up the St. Lawrence as high as the position now occupied by Montreal, and brought home with * See Progress of Discovery on the more Northern Coasts of America, from the Earliest Period to the Present Time, p. 15- 84, 31-38. Harpers' Family Library. ySO HISTORY OF CANADA him Donnaconna, a native king. He was employed a third time in 1540, though in a subordinate rank, under the Sieur de Roberval, an opulent nobleman of Picardy, who, having agreed to defray the ex- pense of the expedition, was created lieutenant- general and viceroy. The enterpris-e was begun with spirit; and a fort named Charlesbourg was erected near the site now occupied by Quebec. The natives, however, showed a hostile spirit; the two leaders quarrelled ; and Roberval abandoned the uiidertakuig. He renewed it in 1540, but with an issue singularly unfortunate, neither he nor his brother, who accompanied him, being ever again heard of. For the details of these voyages also we refer to the work above mentioned, where they will be found narrated in a very satisfactory manner.* These failures, and still more, perhaps, the dis- tracted state of France during many years, occa- sioned by religious wars, withdrew the attention of the government from schemes of transatlantic colo- nization. The merchants, however, of the great commercial towns, particularly Dieppe, Rouen, St. Malo, and Rochelle, had opened communications, and even established posts for the prosecution of the fur-trade. That of Canada was carried on chiefly at Tadoussac, near the mouth of the river Haguenay. Tranquillity being restored by the union of parties under the sway of Henry IV., the public attention was again directed towards New France. The Marquis de la Roche, a nobleman of Brittany, under- took to equip an expedition on a large scale, and form a settlement on that remote shore. The encourage- ments to such enterprises were always liberal ; and Henry in this respect seems to have surpassed all other monarchs. The marquis was authorized not only to levy troops, make war, build forts and citieSj • Pages 49-58. UNLEK TH£ fllENCH. l3l and enact laws, but even to create lords, counts, barons, and similar dignities. He accordingly equip- ped several vessels, with a considerable number of sttUers, whom, however, he was obliged to draw pirtly from the prisons of Paris. He sailed under the guidance of Chedotel, a Norman pilot ; but of the voyage it is only narrated that he landed and left forty men on Sable Island, a small barren spot near the coast of Nova Scotia. He then returned ; when, being thwarted hi his designs at court, he fell sick, and died of chagrin. The colonists were entirely forgotten, and soon experienced such hardships as caused even the criminals among them to regret their dungeons. Having, with a few planks ob- tained from a wrecked vessel, erected a hut, they were obliged to subsist on the fish which they caught, and to replace their worn-out garments with the skins of sea-wolves. In this condition they were left seven years, when the king, or, according to Champlain, the parliament of Rouen, sent out Che- dotel to see what was become of them. He found only twelve survivers, who exhibited the most wretched and deplorable aspect. On their return to France they waited upon Henry, who received them kindly, and made them a handsome donation.* The king was still disposed to encourage coloni- zation. In 1599, two eminent naval characters, Chauvin of Rouen and Pontgrave of St. Malo, under- took to settle five hundred persons, and prevailed on his majesty to aid them, by granting a monopoly of the fur-trade on the St Lawrence. Chauvin, it is alleged, was disposed to execute as little as pos- sible of the agreement, his chief object being to avail himself of the exclusive traffic. However, being under the necessity of making some show, he fitted out two vessels, and arrived at Tadoussac. Histoire Generale des Voyages (19 vols. 4to, Paris, 1746- 1770), tome xiv., p. 589-591. Cliamplaiii, Voyages du Sieur d« (,2 voU. 8vo, Paris, 1830), toirif i.. p. 41-43. 132 MlsTOflY Oii" CAxVaDA This situation being bleak and barren in the extreme, he was strongly advised to proceed farther up the river, to one which was reported to be much more ad- vantageous. Disregarding this suggestion, he buih a house twenty-four feet long, eighteen broad, and eight high, surrounded it with a ditch, and lodged there sixteen settlers for the winter. They had, however, a very slender stock of provisions, and on the setting in of the cold were reduced to the last extremity, and finally obliged to throw themselves on the mercy of the natives. From that simple people they experienced a great degree of kindness, but, nevertheless, suffered such hardships, that many of them perished before the arrival of vessels from France. Chauvin performed another voyage, which was as fruitless as the first ; and in the course of a third he was taken ill and died.* Fresh adventurers were never wanting in this hazardous enterprise. The next was the Comman- deur de Chaste, governor of Dieppe, who, though already gray with years, engaged in it, and prevail- ed upon some considerable merchants to second him. He made a most important acquisition in Samuel Champlain, the destined founder of the .French settlements in Canada, who had just arri- \ ved from the East Indies. He and Pontgrave were sent out to Tadoussac, with instructions to ascend the St. Lawrence, and examine the country on its upper borders. They penetrated as far as the Sault St. Louis, a little above Montreal ; but, finding it impossible to pass that cataract, they with some difficulty reached the height above it. where they made the best observations they could on the river and country. Champlain, on his arrival in France, was dismayed to find De Chaste dead, and the whole undertaking deranged. He proceeded, how- ever, to Paris, and showed to the king a chart and • Champlain, tome i., p. 44-48. UNDER THE FRENCH. 133 descriplion of the region he had surveyed, with which his majesty appeared highly pleased.* Scarcely an interval elapsed when the same en- terprise was taken up by De Monts, a gentleman ot opulence and distinction, and a special favourite of Henry. He obtained the highest privileges that had been granted to any of his predecessors, and having prepared an expedition on a more exten- sive scale than any former one, he put to sea ; but as he had accompanied Chauvin to Tadoussac, and viewed that bleak shore, he felt very averse to enter the St. Lawrence. It appeared to him that the seacoast, being in a more southern latitude, was likely to enjoy a milder climate ; an idea plau- sible, tiiough erroneous. He directed his chief ef- forts, therefore, to the country now named Nova Scotia; and though his operations there were dis- astrous to his companions, and ultimately to him- self, they were the means of founding the impor- tant colony of Acadia. Our narrative of these adventurers, however, is reserved till we come to treat of that province. f Champlain, whose services he had secured, then remonstrated with him on the error of preferring an iron-bound coast to the beautiful and fertile banks of the upper St. Lawrence. De Monts lis- tened to the suggestion, and, undeterred by pre- vious losses, applied to the king for a commission. He obtained it without difficulty, associated, as be- fore, with a grant of a monopoly of the fur-trade on the river. He fitted out two vessels, but, not find ing it convenient to command in person, placed them under Champlain, who, accompanied by Pont- grave, was authorized to act as his lieutenant. J The expedition sailed from Honfleur on the 13th \pril, 1608, and on the 3d June reached Tadoussac. * Champlain, tome i., p. 49-53. 1 Ibid., p. 54-56. •■ 'W'fi.. D. loO. 151. 134 HISTORY OF CANADA The Saguenay, hitherto the chief seat of the traff„c in furs, was described as flowing from a consider- ably distant source in the north. Forty or fifty leogues up, its current was broken by a succession of falls, beyond which was a lake (St. John) which it required three days to cross. On the other side were wandering tribes, from whom the skins were chiefly procured, and who reported that in their roammgs they came in view of the Northern Sea. Champlain had sufficient information to know that this could only be a large gulf; though he had no knowledge of Hudson's Bay, which had not yet been entered by the great navigator whose name it bears. The small port of Tadoussac was tolerably safe; but the shore consisted only of dreary rocks and sands, scantily clothed with larch and pine. He could find nothing to catch except a few small birds, which visited the spot only in summer. The natives who traded with the French sailed in canoes of birch-bark, so light that a man could easily carry them from one river or lake to another. The navigator continued to ascend the stream, though the banks were still naked and unpromising, till he reached the Isle of Orleans, which formed the commencement of the most valuable part of the river, being adorned with fine woods and meadows.* After passing this island, he immediately sought a commodious place of settlement, and soon fixed on a hill richly clothed with vines and walnut-trees, called by the natives Quebeio or Quebec. Having begun to clear and build, he formed an acquaintance with a number of the natives busily employed in the fishery of eels. They showed a considerable disposition to adopt European culture and other improvements, the introduction of which he was led to hope might issue in their conversion. -f The Frenchman spent the winter here, and sow * Champlain, tome i., liv. iii., ch.. 3„4, t Ibid,, liv. iv., ch. 5. UNDKK THE FRENCH. l35 ed some grain, for which he found the soil well adapted. The iniKibitaats, who, uiihke those high- er up the river, did not practise agriculture in any degree, were often reduced to the most dreadful extremes of famine. Of lliis the settlers witness- ed a painful example in February, 1609, when a party of the savages, seeing them from the oppo- site bank, and hoping to obtain relief, resolved to cross, without regard to the floating ire. The French considered the attempt quite desperate ; and accordingly, in mid-channel, the canoes were dashed to pieces, and the poor creatures leaped on a mass of ice, whence they raised the most doleful cries. By peculiarly good fortune, a larger piece struck that on which they stood and caused it to drift ashore. They landed with joy, but in a stale of such ravening hunger, that, had the discoverers made any attempt to satisfy it, their whole stock would have been swallowed up. A limited allow- ance was, however, granted, which they sought to augment by very strange expedients. A dead pig and dog had been laid out as a bait for foxes ; but having been exposed two months, and the weather becoming milder, such a scent issued from them that the French could scarcely approach the spot. The new-comers, however, on discovering this store, exultingly carried it to their hut, and began to feast upon it. Their hosts ran to warn them of the danger of such food, but found them so busily enga- ged, each with a piece in his hand, that remon- strance was vain, and being themselves assailed with disgusting odours from the half-cooked vic- tuals, they were glad to retreat. Another dead dog had been placed on the top of a tree to attract birds of prey. The natives were so extremely weak that they could not climb ; but having, by great efforts, cut down the tree, they possessed themselves of this highly-flavouied morsel.* * Chftiiplain, tome i., liv. ill., ch. 6> 136 HISTORY OF CANADA As soon as the season admitted, Champlam re- Siimed his voyage up the river, the banks of which were covered with noble forests. Twenty-five leagues above Quebec, at a small island named St. Eloi, he met a band belonging chiefly to the cele- brated nation of the Algoiiquins, commanded by two chiefs, Yroquet and Ochasteguin. It now ap- pears that a treaty had already been opened at the winter station by a son of the former, through whom they had promised to assist the stranger in his attempt to traverse the country of the Iroquois, on the condition that he should aid them in a war against that fierce people. The zeal of our adven- turer blinded him not only to the danger, but to the guilt of this most unprovoked aggression on a nation who had never offended him. In reply to a solemn appeal from the savage chiefs, he assured them of his determination strictly to fulfil this questiona- ble engagement, and accepted of their proposal to visit him previously at Quebec* They accompa- nied him thither, and, exulting in the prospect of approaching triumph, spent five or six days in dan- cing and festivity, while Champlain procured a re- enforcement from Tndoussac. He set out with his new allies on the 28th May ; and in a short time, having passed through Lake St. Pierre, he reached the mouth of the river which takes its rise in the country of the Iroquois. He had been apprized that fifteen leagues farther up there was a consid- erable fall, but had been led to hope that his light shallop might be conveyed beyond it. On recon- noitring the spot, he found this to be quite imprac- ticable, as the stream from bank to bank was dash- ing with violence amid rocks and stones ; and hia party had not strength to cufa road through the woods. Nothing, however, could damp his ardour; and, in the failure of every other resource, 1 le deter- Champlain, tome i., liv. iii. ch. 7. UNDER THE FRENCH. 137 mined to commit himself to the canoes of the sav- ages, and share their fate. As soon, however, as this was announced to his men, they " bled at the nose ;" and two only were foinid who did not shrink from accompanying the Indians.* By carrying their canoes, arms, and baggage half a league overland, the natives avoided the fall and re-embarked. When night approached they landed, reared huts covered with birch-bark, and having cut down large trees, formed round the spot a barricade of such strength, that five hundred assailants could not have stormed it without much difficulty. They sent some of their number to reconnoitre a few miles up and down the river, but rejected the advice of their European ally to set a watch during the night. High conjurations were now performed by the pilotois or priest, who was placed alone in a cabin, while the multitude sat round in solemn si- lence. Violent and mysterious movements shook the wigwam, which the Frenchman clearly perceived to be produced by its crafty inmate ; while, in an- swer to his solemn call, the demon appeared, and, in the form of a stone, foretold the issue of the en- f^rprise. Solemn sounds overawed the spectators, though it was easy to discover that they were all uttered by the pilotois himself. The French chief was also every morning carefully examined regard- ing his dreams, and great exultation was expressed when they appeared to portend success. The only drilling employed to prepare them for the approach- ing battle was' confined to their taking a number of canes, one for each man, with two longer ones for the chiefs, and fixing them in the ground according to the order in which the troops were to advance. The Indians then practised the various movements till they could arrange themselves exactly in the same manner. The river was diversified with nu- * Champlain, tome i., liv. lii., ch. 8. M2 138 HISTORy OF CANADA merous low islands, aoouuding in woods, meadows, and game, but deserted in consequence of the deadly wars which had for some time been raging. It opened into an extensive lake, now named, from our traveller, Chaniplain, and containing four large islands, also uninhabited. They had reached its southern extremity, and even entered a smaller one (George) connected with it, when, on the 29th June, at ten in the evening, they beheld the Iroquois, who raised loud shouts of defiance, and began hastily to arm and to form a barricade with trunks of trees. The invaders sent two canoes to ask if their ad- versaries would fight; the answer was, there was nothing they more desired, but the hour was un- suitable, adding, however, that they would be ready next morning at daybreak. This delay was ap- proved ; but the two parties, instead of qualifying themselves for the combat by taking suitable rest, danced the whole night without intermission, ex- changing the most imbittered expressions of re- proach and contempt. The Algonquins being told that neither their courage nor arms were of any value, and that to-morrow would witness their doom, threw out in return mysterious hints that their ad- versaries would then see something never before witnessed. In the morning they landed, and the French chief saw the enemy come out of their bar- ricade, two hundred strong, firm and robust, headed by leaders with waving plumes, and advancing with J a bold and determined aspect, which struck him with ' admiration. He and his two countrymen stationed t themselves at diflferent points, and the natives made way for him to go about twenty paces in front. He then fired an arquebus, loaded with four balls, by which two Indians were killed and one mortally wounded. His allies raised shouts which would have drowned the loudest thunder, while the enemy were astounded at seeing armour, proof against na- tive weapons, pierced by this unknown instrument UNDER THE FRENCH. 139 of destruction. Yet they still poured in clouds of arrows, till another shot, fired from a thicket, excited such a degree of fear that they fled precipitately, abandoning their fort, and seeking refuge in the heart of the forest. A number were killed, and ten or twelve taken prisoners.* The savages, having celebrated their victory with dance and festival, immediately began their return to their own country. After travelling sixteen leagues, they took one of the captives, and in a for- mal harangue recounted to him all the cruelties of his countrymen, which he must now expiate; they then summoned him, if he were a man of cour- age, to sing. He did so, though in a somewhat lu- gubrious tone. Champlain, then, was perhaps the first Kuropean who beheld that horrid scene of tor- ture, which we spare our readers, though described by him in the most minute detail. He did not, how- ever, witness that stoical apathy so often displayed, for the sufferer occasionally uttered loud shrieks, though his fortitude was, on the whole, wonderful. The Frenchman was asked why he did not join in this triumphant vengeance ; and when he declared that the sight gave him pain, and even showed a disposition to withdraw, they allowed him to termi- nate the scene by a discharge of his arquebus. The most shocking indignities were inflicted on the lifeless bodj' ; even the heart was plucked out and cut in small pieces, which the other prisoners were compelled to receive into their mouths, though tliey were not expected to swallow the horrid morsel. The Algonquins marched on with the remaining Iroquois, who continued to sing, though fully aware of their approaching fate. Another employment of the victors was to ornament the heads of the slain, to be displayed in triumph on their arrival. With this view they earnestly solicited from Champlain * Champlain, tome i., liv. ui., cb. 140 HISTORY OF CANADA some copies of the paternoster, which sacred arti- cle, amid all his professions of piety, he did not hesitate to bestow for this profane purpose. Thus prepared, as the party approached home, the heads were fastened on the ends of poles, and exhibited to the women, who came swimming across the river to meet their lords. The adventurer himself was presented with one of these savage trophies, with a request that he would offer it to his sovereign, ; which, to please them, he engaged to do.* On the author's return from this expedition, which seemed to hold out a great promise of ultimate suc- cess, he was greeted with unfavourable tidings from France. The merchants of that country, to his deep indignation, though, we think, with very good reason, had raised loud complaints of the injury which they, as well as the nation at large, sustained by the fur- trade being confined to a single individual. De Mont's commission was in consequence revoked, and his lieutenant was obliged to return home. He gave an account of his transactions, first to his pa- tron, and then to the king, who listened to them with much satisfaction. All his attempts, however, to procure a renewal of the monopoly proved abortive; yet such was his zeal, that he determined even without this aid to retain the settlement. To light- en the expense, he made an agreement with some traders at Rochelle, to give them the use of his building at Quebec as a depot for their goods, while they, by way of recompense, engaged to assist him in his plans of colonization. He was thus enabled in 1610 to fit out Champlain with a considerable re- enforcement and fresh supplies.! On his return to the St. Lawrence, he received an application from the Algonquins to assist them in a new war; and they promised to join him with 400 men at the entrance of the Iroquois river. Un- • Champlain, tome i., liv. iii., ch. 10. t Ibid., p. 152, 163 UMJtiK I'Ht; FilENCH. l4i JeterreJ by any luoiive eilhiT of fear or principle, and seeiiiiiigiy wUlioul any liesilatioii, he accepted Ihe proposal ; but, on reaching the spot, affairs were found more urgent than tiad been supposed. A ca- noe arrived with intelligence that a hundred of the en- emy were so strongly intrenched in the vicinity, that, wuliout the aid of the Mislhigosches, as the French were termed, it appeared impossible to dislodge them. Tlie savages, on this uiformation, hurried on board of their canoes, and prevailed on their Eu- ropean friend to quit his bark, and accompany them with four of his countrymen. On landing, the na- tives ran forward so swit'tly that they were soon out of the sight of their allies, who floundered after them through woods and marshes, tormented by nioschetoes, and much at a loss for their way. They met, however, an Indian, who came in all haste to inform them that his brethren, ill acquainted with military tactics, had no sooner arrived, than, with- out waiting for the French, they rushed to the as- sault ; and that, having sustained a most severe re- pulse, in which several of their chiefs were killed and a number wounded, all their hopes were now placed in their au.xiliaries. Having proceeded about half a mile, they heard the howlings of the hostile parties, who, as usual, poured on each other tor- rents of invective. On their appearance, these il- lustrious allies raised shouts louder than thunder, while Uhamplain advanced to reconnoitre the fort. He found it very strong, composed, according to the usual fashion, of large trees fixed close together in a circle. He himself was immediately wounded in the ear and neck by an arrow pointed with stone, yet not so as to disable him from acting. At the discharge of fire-arms the Iroquois, who seem to have been a difierent party from those formerly en- countered, felt the same astonishment and dismay. Covered by their intrenchments, however, they con- tinued to pour forth clouds of darts, and Champlain, 142 HISTORY OP CANADA whose ammunition began to fail, urged the savages to exert themselves in forcing a way into the barri- cade. He made them fasten ropes round the trunks of single trees, and apply all tiieir strength to drag them out, undertaking, mean time, to protect them with his fire. Fortunately, at this moment, a party of French traders, unconnected with our leader, be- ing seized with martial ardour, came to join him; and he thought it fair " that they should have their share in the diversion." Under their cover, the Al- gonquins pulled so stoutly, that a sufficient opening was soon made ; and though the stumps still stood six feet high, the allies leaped in, and the enemy were completely routed, most of them being killed or drowned, and fifteen taken. Of the assailants three fell in the action, and fifty were wounded. Instead of carrying the heads of the slain, they " flayed them," taking the scalps as their trophy. Champlain asked and obtained one of the captives, whom he saved from the dreadful tortures which were inflicted on most of the others, one by one, at different stages ; the rest being carefully reserved for their wives and daughters, who took peculiar de- light in these scenes of savage vengeance, and were even ingenious in devising new and exquisite tor- ments. His prisoner, not being very carefully guarded, made his escape. The Frenchman, before taking leave of his allies, prevailed on them to al- low one of his people to remain with them and learn their language, while he, at their request, took a na- tive youth with him to Europe.* In 1611 Champlain returned to America with his savage, and on the 28th May arrived at the place of rendezvous appointed for another warlike expedi- tion. Not finding the Indians, he employed his time in choosing a spot for a new settlement higher up the river than Quebec. After a careful survey he * Champlain, tome L, liv. iii., ch. 11, 12. UNDER THE FRENCH 143 fixed upon ground in the vicinity of an eminence wliich he called Mont Royal; and his choice has been amply justified by the prosperity to which this place, under the name of Montreal, has subsequent- ly risen. He cleared a considerable spare, sowtd some grain, and enclosed it by an earthen wall. A distressing accident soon afterward occurred. Sa- vignon, the native who had accompanied him to France, with Louis, a European, and Outetoucos, an Indian leader, set out on a hunting excursion to an island in the Chambly. After excellent sport they were returning, when Savignon, who guided the ca- noe, proposed to make a circuit to avoid a danger- ous rapid. The chief, however, insisted that it was quite safe, without even lightening the boat, and the other allowed himself to be persuaded ; but, as soon as they came within the action of the whirlpool, the bark was tossed up and down in the most violent man- ner. Louis was thrown into the water and drown ed. The chief endeavoured to swim to land, but could not stem the eddies, and sunk. Savignon alone, clinging to the canoe, whether above or be- low water, at length reached the shore. Champlain, on coming to the spot, could scarcely believe it pos- sible that any person should have attempted to pass this formidable rapid.* At length, on the 13th of June, three weeks after the time appointed, a party of his savage friends ap- peared. Ttiey evinced much pleasure at meeting their countryman, who gave tlie most favourable re- port of the treatment which he had received in France ; and, after a liberal present of beaver-skins, they unfolded the cause of this long delay. The prisoner who escaped the previous year had spread a report that the French, having now resolved to es- pouse the cause of the Iroquois, were coming in great force to destroy altogether the Algonquin na * Champlain, tome L, liv. lii., ch. 13 144 HISTORY OF CANADA tion. Chaniplain bitterly complained of their hav- ing listened to such a rumour, which all his actions belied. They protested that it had never gained cre- dence with them, but only with those of their tribe who had no opportunity of knowing the foreigners. However, having received solemn protestations of friendship, they declared their determination of ad- hering to their alliance, and aiding to the utmost of their power his projects of penetrating into the inte- rior. They gave him very extensive information respecting the continent, their acquaintance with which was found to reach southward as far as the Gulf of Mexico. They agreed to his proposal of returning with forty or fifty of his people to prose- cute discoveries, and even form settlements in the country. The warlike designs, for some reason not explained, appear to have been dropped for the present ; but they requested that a French youth should accompany them and make observations upon their territory and tribe. They asked their visiter to use his influence in order to dissuade one of their bravest warriors, who had been three times made prisoner by the Iroquois and always escaped, to relinquish the purpose he had now formed of set- ting out with only nine companions to attack the en- emy and avenge his former wrongs. Attempts were made to divert him from so rash a purpose; but, ex- hibiting his fingers partly cut off and his whole body covered with wounds, he declared that it was im- possible to live unless he obtained revenge.* Chaniplain again returned to France with the view , of making arrangements for those more extensive operations which he contemplated and had recom- mended to his Indian allies. The negotiation was attended wiih difficulty. De Monts, who had been appointed governor of Saintonge, was no longer in clined to take the lead, and excused himself from • Champlain, tome i., liv jii., ch. li. UNDER THE PUENCH. 145 going to court, on account of the urgency of his own affairs. He committed the whole to his former agent, advising hirji to seek some powerful protect- or, whose authority miglit overcome the opposition to his plans. Our adventurer was so fortunate as almost immediately to gain the Count de Soissons, who obtained the title of Lieutenant-general of New France, and who, by a A)nial agreement, delegated to him all the functions of that higti office. The count died soon after; but a still more influential friend was found in the Prince of Conde, who suc- ceeded to all the privileges of the deceased, and made them over in a manner equally ample. His commission, including a monopoly of the trade, ex- cited loud complaints among the merchants ; but our author endeavoured to remove the principal ob- jection by allowing as many of them to embark in the traffic as chose to accompany him. There came accordingly three from Normandy, one from Ro- chelle, and one from St. Malo. These were allow- ed free trade, burdened only with the condition of contributing six men each to assist in his projects of discovery, and a twentieth of their profits to de- fray the expenses of settlement.* In the beginning of March, 1613,t this expedition sailed from Honfleur, and on the 7th May arrived at Quebec. Champlain, however, had an aim which diverted him from his grand schemes of war and discovery in the west. Among the objects of ad- venture in that age, a favourite one was a northwest passage to China ; hence everything connected with the report of a sea beyond Canada inspired the great- est hopes. There was a Frenchman named Nicolas de Vignau, who had accompanied our traveller in * Cliamplain, tome i., !iv. iv., ch. 5. + Champlain's dates are jumbled in the most confused man- ner; but on comparing page 312 with pages 215 and 246, it will be evident ihat the one here given is correct, though the narra live of his voyage precedes the account of his departure. 146 History of canada former expeditions, and spent a winter among the savages. This person reported that the river of the Algonquins (the Ottawa) issued from a lake which was connected with the North Sea; that he had visited its shores, and had there witnessed the wreck of an Enghsh vessel. The crew, eighty in number, h.td reached the shore, where they had all been killed and scalped by the inhabitants, except one boy, whom they would have been happy to present to him, along with the trophies of their victory Wishing to assure himself as to this story, the nav- igator caused the man to sign his declaration before two notaries, warning him, if it were false, that he was putting a rope round his own neck. Finding the fellow persevere, and learning that some English vessels had really been wrecked in 1612 on the coast of Labrador, his doubts were removed, and he determined to devote a season to the prosecution of this grand object. With this view he did not stop at Quebec, but, setting sail on the 13th May, arrived on the 21st at the fall of St. Louis. Here, with only two canoes, containing four of his countrymen and one native, he began his voyage up the river. The hardships and difficulties were very severe. He encountered a succession of cataracts and rapids, which it was necessary to avoid by carrying the skiffs and stores overland. Sometimes the woods being too dense to admit of this, it became requisite to drag them through the foaming current, not without danger of being themselves ingulfed. If they had lost their boats, they could neither have proceeded back nor forward, unless by the mere accident of meeting with friendly Indians. There was reason, besides, to dread an attack from some wandering bands of Iroquois, who, if victorious, would have doubtless treated the French as they treated their Algonquin captives. As the difficulties ofnavigation increased, they were obliged to leave their corn behind, and UNDER THE FRENCH. 147 trust entirely to their guns and nets, which afforded a precarious and somewhat scanty supply. Nicolas, to our author's surprise, was forward in recommend- ing parts of the river which the natives declared to be highly dangerous. At length the party reached the abode of Tessouat, a friendly chief, whose coun- try was only eight days' sail from that of the Nebi- cerini (Nipissings),on whose borders the shipwreck was said to have occurred. The people received our adventurer courteously, and agreed to his re- quest of admission to a solemn council. It was preceded by an entertainment of boiled maize, with meat and fish ; after which the young men went out, and the old took their pipes and smoked for half an hour in silence. Champlain being then asked his object in soliciting the interview, after many cour- teous professions requested four canoes to escort him into the country of the Nipissings, which he earnestly desired to visit. To this the Indians de- murred, stating that the route was very difficult, and that they were bad men and sorcerers, who had caused the death of many of their tribe ; neverthe- less, upon his earnest entreaty, they at length con- sented. After the meeting had broken up, however, the French chief learned that there was a great in- disposition to fulfil the engagement, and that no one could be found who was willing to accompany him. He therefore again called them together; reproached them with their meditated breach of faith ; and in refutation of their assertions of danger as arising from the people, referred to the fact of Nicolas hav- ing spent some time among them without any an- noyance. Hereupon De Vignau was called on to say if he had ever made such a journey ; and when, after long hesitation, he answered in the affirmative, they raised loud and fierce cries, declaring that he was speaking falsely, having never passed beyond their country, where ho had gone to bed with them every evening and risen every morning ; and 1 48 HISTORY OF CANADA that he ought to be tortured to death for having 80 grossly deceived his chief. Champlain, seeing nio follower a good deal confused, took him aside, and adjured him to state the truth. The fellow, however, having recovered his confidence, renewed his former averments, and gave the fullest assurance that, if canoes could be procured, they would, ere long, reach the spot. The commander, unable to believe that any individual could persevere in such audacious falsehoods, went back to the savages, re- ferred to the interior sea, the English shipwreck, the eighty scalps, and the young boy in possession of the natives. Hereupon they shouted louder than ever, proclaiming his deceit to be now quite palpa- ble. They began to put close interrogatories, to which he returned only unsatisfactory replies. Champlain, extremely perplexed, called him again to a private interview^, and told him that everything already past should be forgiven ; but that if, by per- sisting in false assertions, he should induce the ex- pedition to go any farther, he would most assuredly be hanged. The man then, after rentaining silent for some time, fell on his knees and confessed that all he had said, and which had induced his master to undertake so long and painful a journey, was a complete untruth. The motives of this crime had been the eclat derived from the supposed discovery, and the being brought out to New^ France in a con- spicuous situation. He had trusted that the obsta- cles would be such as, at some earlier point, to lead his superior to renounce the attempt ; and with this view, in passing the falls, he had urged him to prefer the most dangerous channels. Champlain was obliged to inform the Indians that they were right, and himself egregiously deceived. They earnestly entreated him to place the liar in their hands, who they would take effectual care should never agam deceive him. But, though much and justly enraged, he resolved honourably to redeem his pledge. He UNDKK THE FRENCH. 149 had the vexation, however, to reflect, that not only had he encountered in vain a long series of labours and fatigues, but that the whole season had been spent without any effort to proinole other objects which he had much at heart. He had now no al- ternative but to commence his voyage down the Ot- tawa, and on his way lie was joined by a considerable number of savage allies, who rendezvoused at the fall of St. Louis- They agreed, though with difficulty, to allow two young Frenchmen to accompany them, with tlie view of obtaining a knowledge of the coun- try. Champlain left also De Vignau, as a punish- ment for his falsehood ; who promised to make fur- ther discoveries, and to reach, if possible, the North Sea ; but none of the natives would have any inter- course with him. Our author then sailed to Tadous- sac, and thence to St. Malo, where he arrived on the 26th August, 1014.* Affairs in France continued favourable to the col- ony. The Prince of Conde being still powerful at court, no ditficulty was found in equipping an expedition from Rouen and St. Malo, though it gave some discontent to the merchants of Rochelle, who were excluded on account of their not having come in time. They were accompanied by Anir Fathers Recollets, whose benevolence led them to attempt the conversion of the Indians. f Champlain, with this new company, arrived on the 25th of May, 1615, at Tadoussac, where he im- mediately pushed up to Quebec, and thence to the place of rendezvous at the fall of St. Louis. He found his old allies there, full of projects of war against the Iroquois, whom they proposed now to assail among the lakes to the westward ; and they promised to muster for this attack no fewer than 2500 fighting men. The Frenchman, never slow to * Champlain, tome i , liv. iv., ch. 1,2, 3. + lbul.,toine i , p. 313-317. 1— M 150 HISTORY OF CANADA embark in such enterprises, now laid down a plan of operations, at which they expressed the utmost satisfaction. He accompanied them in a long route, first up the Ottawa, then, partly carrying the canoes overland, partly launching them on small pieces of water, till they came to Lake Nipissing, northward to that of Huron. The country through which he passed is described as in many places broken and rocky, though not mountainous, and completely uncultivated ; yet there was a profusion of berries and delicate small fruits, which the na- tives preserved for winter use. The Nipissings, about 700 or 800 in number, who inhabited the shores of this lake, received the party well. After remaining two days, they made their way by land and water to the coast of the great lake Attigou- antan, which appeared a complete fresh-water sea, 300 leagues in length by 50 in breadth. It is evi- dently the northern part of Lake Huron, apparently separated into a distinct body of water by the con- tinuous chain of islands which extend parallel to this shore.* After coasting it for about forty-five leagues, they turned a point which forms its ex- tremity, and struck into the interior, with the view of reaching Cahiague, the appointed rendezvous of their savage friends. This country was found much superior to that hitherto passed, being well cultiva- ted, and abounding in Lidian corn and fruits. At the place just mentioned, a large body were found collected, who gave them a joyful welcome, stating their expectation of five hundred more, who also considered the Iroquois as enemies. While their forces were mustering, several days was spent in dancing and festivity, the usual prelude to their expeditions. They then set out and passed several small lakes, one of which led to the great one, Vi'hich they now named Entouhonorons (Huron) ' Clia nplain, tome i., liv. iv., ch. 6. UNDER THE FRENCH. 151 On the way they employed themselves in several hunting parties. Upon one occasion they made a large circle, enclosing the whole of a promontory that stretched into the lake ; after which, by loud cries and volleys of arrows, they drove all the ani- mals to the extreme point, where they were either taken or threw themselves into the water. To meet this last case a range of canoes were drawn up, and the quadrupeds fell beneath the weapons darted from either side. Having met a detachment returning with a band of prisoners, our adventurer was shocked to see them begin the horrid work of torment upon a female, and reproached the leader with a cruelty so unworthy of a genuine warrior. The Indian replied, that it was no more than the enemy did to his country-women; but, in courtesy to his ally, he would desist, retaining, however, his full right to torture the men. After quitting the Huron Lake, they struck into the interior, and came to a smaller expanse of wa- ter, finely diversified by islands, which seems to be Lake George. On its banks they descried the Iroquois fort, which, in expectation of this attack, had been rendered peculiarly strong. It was de- fended by four successive palisades of trees twined together, with strong parapets at top : and it enclo- ' sed a pond wlience streams were led to the different quarters, with the view of extinguishing fire. They had advanced, and were skirmishing with success against their assailants ; but when the firearms be- gan to play, and they heard the balls whizzing about their ears, they hastily retreated within the ram- part. Thence, however, they poured forth showers of arrows and stones, which induced the allies, in spite of the exhortations and reproaches of Cham- plain, to withdraw beyond their reach. He now, however, endeavoured to train them to the use of European machinery, teaching them to construct with wood an elevated enclosure of planks, called 152 HISTORY OF CANADA a cavalier, which should command the enemy's in- trenchnient. The discharge from this platform was meant to drive them from the parapet, and afford to the assailants an opportunity of setting fire to the defences. The savages showed the utmost activity in constructing this work, which they fin- ished in four hours, and 200 of the strongest moved it forward close to the pallisade. The shot from it drove the Iroquois into the interior of their strong- hold, whence they still continued to return missiles of various kinds. The Indians might now, with the greatest ease, have set the fort in a blaze ; but Champlain soon found that he had to do with men who would make war only as they were inclined and accustomed. Instead of following his direc- tions, they preferred to pour out execrations upon the enemy, and shoot arrows against the strong wooden defences. At length they began to throw pieces of burning timber, but carelessly, and with little effect. Their European ally called out to them in what manner to proceed ; but the field was filled with such clamour and confusion, that his voice was lost amid the tumult. The Iroquois, mean time, drew water from their reservoir so copiously, that streams flowed through every part of the fortress, and the slight fires were speedily quenched. Ta- king advantage of the disorder in the adverse ranks, -they made arrows descend like hail, which pierced two chiefs and a number of their followers. Cham- plain himself was twice wounded in the leg. His allies hereupon felt a strong inclination to retire, and, as usual, they followed their own views, with- out any regard to'his exhortations. They justified themselves by alleging the absence of the 500 aux- iliaries, promising, on their arrival, to renew the assault. Although, therefore, for two days a strong wind blew most favourably for another attempt, no- thinff could induce them to advance. Several petty attacks were made, but with so little success, that the French were always obliged to come to the res- UNDER THK FREMCH. 153 cue; while the enemy bitterly taunted the Algon- quins as unable to cope with them in a fair field, and obliged to seek ihe odious aid ol' this strange and unknown race. As the re-enforcement did not appear, the savages determined to abandon the enterprise altogether, and return homeward. The retreat was conducted . with a degree of skill and judgment wliich had not' appeared in any of their offensive operations. They placed the wounded and aged in tlie centre, while armed warriors guarded tlie front, rear, and danks. The Iroquois followed a short way, but soon gave up the pursuit. If, however, the safety of the dis- abled was well provided for, their comfort was very little considered. 'I'heir bodies were bent into a circular form, bound with cords, and thrown into a basket, where they lay like infants in swaddling- clothes, unable to stir hand or foot. Champlain feelingly describes the agonies he endured while carried twenty-five or thirty leagues in this position, on being relieved from which he felt as if he had come out of a dungeon. He now claimed Ihe promise to convey him home after his campaign. First, however, guides were wanting, then a canoe; and he soon found thatihey were determined to detain him and his companions, with a view to their defence in case of attaci<, or to aid them in future expeditions. He was very ill provided for winter in so desolate a region ; bat a chief, Darontal, gave him his hovel, built in the t)ost Indian style, and he found considerable amusement in their hunting excursions. On one occasion they constructed a wooden enclosure of a triangular form, each side nearly a mile long, with a narrow opening at the point, into which, by loud cries, and imitating the howling of wolves, they contrived to drive all the A^er in the vicinity. The aper- ture being then shut, the animals became an easy prey.* * Cb^mplain, tome i., liv. iv., ch. 7. 154 HISTORY OF CANADA On the 20th May of the following year Chainplain set out, and found himself in the end of June at the Sault St. Louis. Having remained there a short time, he repaired to Tadoussac, whence he sailed, and arrived at Honfleur on the 10th September, 1616 * Tlie interests of the colony were now in consid- erable jeopardy. The Prince of Conde, in conse- quence of the share taken by him in the disturbances during the minority of Louis XIIL, was not only in disgrace, but under confinement. The Marshal de Themines, however, was prevailed upon to under- take the duties of the situation, on condition of sha- ring its emoluments. Unfortunately, he was soon involved in controversy with the merchants, and after many and tedious transactions, during two years and a half, the Duke de Montmorency was induced to treat with Conde for his office of viceroy, and obtained it upon the paymentof 11,000 crowns. Champlain considered this arrangement as every way eligible, the duke being better qualified for such functions, and, from his situation of high admiral, possessing the best means of forwarding the object. A body of associated merchants had already, in Jan- uary, 1619, agreed to send out a larger colony than any preceding one, of eighty persons, including three friars, with the necessary supply of furniture, arms, seed-corn, and domestic animals. Their departure was, however, delayed a whole year by the disputes between Rochelle and other commercial cities, and between the Protestants and the Catholics. At- tempts were also made to degrade Champlain from the high situation in which he had been placed ; but by virtue of commissions both from Montmorency and the king, he succeeded in crushing this opposi- tion.! In May, 1620, he set sail with his new equipment and, after a very tedious voyage, anchored on the » Champlain, tome i., p. 396-398. t Ibid., tome i., liv. iv.,ch. 4 UNDER THE FRENCH. 155 7th July near the port of Tadoussac. He found that, during his long absence, the settlements had been considerably neglected, especially at Trois Rivieres, which he enlarged and defended by a fort, placed on a mountain that commanded the passage ol the river. After all that had been done for the colony, there remained, when winter arrived, not more than sixty inhabitants, including women, chil- dren, and clergy, and ten of the number were em- ployed in establishing a religious seminary.* The following year, as soon as the season per- mitted, a vessel was sent out with letters from Mont- morency and his secretary, announcing a change which greatly surprised and by no means delighted our commander. The association of merchants who had fitted out the last expedition were deprived of all their privileges by the duke, who had intrust- ed the care of the colony to the Sieurs de Caen, un- cle and nephew, one a merchant and the other a mariner, the latter of whom was to visit it person- ally in the course of the summer. The local gov- ernor, who saw many causes of complamt against the merchants, had no ground on which he could ob- ject to this arrangement; yet he was thereby vir- tually divested of his command, and subjected to the control of another, armed with formidable pow- ers. f About the middle of July he received notice that De Caen had arrived at Tadoussac, and was desi- rous of an interview. After some delay, he set out, and met him on the 3d August. He was received with the utmost courtesy, but soon found the new superintendent disposed to act in a very violent and arbitrary manner. He claimed the right of seizing all the vessels belonging to the associated mer- chants, which might have come out for the purpose of traffic ; and he actually took that of Du Pont, Champlain, lome ii , liv. i., ch. 1. t Ibid , tome ii., liv. i., ch. a. 156 HISTORY OF CANADA their favourite agent, and an intimate friend of cui author. Champlain remonstrated strongly against these proceedings, but without any effect, as he pos- sessed no power which could eflfectually check the violence of this new dictator. De Caen, however, left a supply of provisions, arms, and ammunition ; though this last is said to have been both scanty and ill adapted to its object. In consequence of these arrangements, a great part of the population con- nected with the European traders took their depar- ture, while the agent of Montmorency had brought only eighteen new settlers; so that the colony, in- stead of being augmented, was thereby reduced to forty- eight.* Notwithstanding these vexatious occurrences, as soon as the governor had time to breathe, he turned his attention to discovery and settlement ni the in- terior. He formed an intimate connexion with a Huron who had assumed the name of Mahigan Aticq (Wolf Stag), to express the union of ferocity and mildness which became the savage character. Through him intelligence was received of a propo- sal made to terminate the long and desolating war which had raged between his nation and that of the Iroquois. Champlain, on former occasions, when such an accommodation was mentioned, earnestly represented to them its great advantages ; and he now expressed the utmost anxiety to forward it. Learning, therefore, that two individuals of the hos- tile people had arrived at Trois Rivieres, he invited them to Quebec, and met them at a village of friend- ly Indians in that vicinity. On his arrival, Mahigan took his hand, kissed and locked his own into it, causing the two strangers to do the same to his com- panions. Thus, hand in hand, they entered the chief cabin, where a number of the natives were seated, according to their respective ranks, and learned with * Champlain, tome ii., liv. i., ch. 4. UNDER THE FRENCH. 16t satisfaction the good understanding that now pre- vailed. They then proceeded to the important oper ation of dancing, which was kept up a longtime by the alhes and the three visiters ; then each of them kissed his hand, and put theirs into that of the gov- ernor. Tlie Hurons now danced in a body, men, women, and children, when harmony was consider- ed as completely established. At this stage the Iro- quois explained their object, which Chaniplain read- ily engaged to promote. They represented this pro- posal for amity as proceeding entirely from them- selves, and that they came not as authorized envoys ; though this, we suspect, was rather to avoid prema- turely committing tiie nation. Tiie Hurons, howev- er, treated them with friendship, and, in concurrence with their French ally, determined upon sending four of their number to complete, if possible, the negotiation opened under such favourable auspices.* On arriving at the headquarters of the Iroquois, they met a very kind reception, and t!ie treaty was nearly concluded, when it was almost broken off by an event strikingly characteristic of this fierce inde- pendent race. Even before they set out, a savage, whom the French named Simon, declared his deter- mination to accompany them, but in a hostile char- acter, singly to wage war against this hated enemy; and such, in this rude tribe, was the total want of any public authority, that they could use nothing be- yond impotent remonstrances to deter him. They had recourse to their ally, who employed warm rep- resentations, and even threats, to make the barba- rian desist. But though the latter admitted it to be very wicked in him, he declared that he was perfect- ly miserable, and could have no peace till he had cutoff the head of an enemy. After this assurance all arguinent was vain, the community not having any means of placing its members under the slight- * Champlain, tome ii., liv. i., ch. 6. 158 HISTORY OF CANADA est restraint. He accompanied his countrymen, and shared in their good reception ; but as they were returning home, he met one of the detested tribe, and gratified his vengeance by despatching him. Such a deed, by any member of aciviUzed mission, must at once iiave terminated all negotiation; but the deputies having satisfied the Iroquois, who were no strangers to such sallies, that it was completely an individual act, lamented by the nation, they over- looked it, and sent six of their number to conclude the treaty.* In the mean time the progress of the colony was still checked by dissensions in the mother country. A union, indeed, was formed between the old and new companies, which enabled them to proceed for some time with greater vigour. But, though united, they were not ol one mind ; contentions were soon kindled, which made Montmorency com- plain, that he had more trouble with this concern than with his most important affairs ., so that he was well pleased, for a moderate consideration, to transfer it to the Duke de Ventadour. The new viceroy, however, soon found himself involved in serious troubles. He professed, in a manner pecu- liarly decided, that his main object was to diffuse the Catholic religion throughout the New World ; but it so happened that the Protestants were the only French citizens who possessed the nautical skill to conduct such an expedition, or were willing to brave its dangers. In despite of the court, there- fore, they formed the majority of every crew ; and though the most illiberal restrictions were laid upon their worship, their numbers enabled them to treat these with little ceremony. Even De Caen pro- fessed this faith ; and the new viceroy had the affliction to learn that he had not only allowed Prot- estant prayers to be publicly offered up, but even * Champlain, tome ii., p. 79-89 UNDER THE FRENCH. 159 desired the Romanists to attend them. He was restless, therefore, till an arrangement could be made by which a captain of sound belief should be appointed to command the vessels. He could not, however, escape the fatal necessity of employ- ing a crew, most of whom were accounted hereti- cal ; but, in return, he directed that the means of exercising their religion should be confined within the narrowest possible limits. In particular, he strictly enjoined that they should not sing psalms in the St. Lawrence ; but the mariners, who had freely performed this act of worship in the open sea, loudly exclaimed against such a capricious restriction ; and though the express orders of the duke could not be departed from, a compromise was made, allowing them greater latitude in other parts of their ritual. Our author uniforndy express- es a pious horror touching the Reformers, and the utmost reluctance to grant them the slightest fa- vour ; but oddly excuses himself by saying, "They were almost two thirds Huguenots ; so of a bad debt, one must take what payment he can get."* Champlain was continued in all his powers by the Duke de Ventadour, who kept him a consider- able time near his person, so that two years and a half had elapsed before his return to Canada. He found the colony in the same unsatisfactory state as after his former absence ; the fort, for comple- ting which all the materials and full instructions had been left, was exactly in the same condition as when he departed. The settlement at Quebec consisted still of no more than fifty five persons, of whom twenty-four only were fit for labour.f He learned, moreover, that the Indian affairs were by no means in a good state. The Iroquois, being on their way to attack a tribe called the Wolves, had Champlain, tome li., p. 41, 94, 103, 104, 133 + Ibid., tome ii., p. 137, 138 {60 HISTORY OF CANADA killed a party who opposed their progress, among whom were five of another nation. The latter forthwith sent messengers, bearing as gifts collars of wampum, to the chiefs of the P'rench allies, and entreating their aid in a war of revenge. It was easy to kindle a hostile spirit among these fierce clans, and a strong party was soon formed in favour of warlike measures. The more prudent anxiouslv recommended a pacific policy, and Mahigan Aticq hastened to Quebec, to apprize (yhamplain of what was passing. Deeply regretting these events, he reiterated all his arguments for the preservation ol the blessings enjoyed under the present tranquil system. As it was not in his power to go in per- son, he sent Boulle, his brother-in-law, and after- ward one of his people, named Emery, to impress these views upon the savage assembly. They were both well received, and their advice approved by the great body of the nation ; but the lawless system which still prevailed in the tribe made it impossible to prevent nine or ten hot-headed youths from making an unauthorized inroad into the Iro- quois territory. This band, having reached Lake Champlain, surprised a canoe with three individu- als, two of whom they seized and brought home in triumph. The preparations for the work of torture were already going on, when P^jjiery hastened to convey the intelligence to Champlain, who im- mediately repaired to the spot. The sight of the captives, fine young men, and of the tortures pre- paring for them, quickened his ardour in the cause of peace and humanity. He strongly urged that, instead of such barbarous treatment, they should be sent home unhurt, with presents to compensate for this wanton attack. After due deliberation, this advice was so far adopted that one individual was sent back, with two allies, one of them a chief, and Magnan, a Frenchman. This expedition, sent with so laudable an intention, had the most tragical UNDER THE FRENCH. 161 issue. An Algonquin who wished to foment war, contrived to rouse the jealousy of the Iroquois by ' persuading them that this mission, though profess- ing friendship, was devised with the most treacher- ous intent. Misled by these views, the latter pre- pared to take cool and deliberate revenge. When the strangers arrived, they found the fire kindled, the caldron boiling, and, being courteously re- ceived, were invited to sit down. The Iroquois then asked the chief if, after so long a journey, he lid not feel hungry. As he replied in the affirma- »ive, they rushed upon him, and began to cut slices from his arms, and throw them into the pot ; soon after, they presented them to him half cooked. They then cut pieces from other parts of his body, and continued their torture till he died in lingering agonies. The Frenchman was tormented to death in the usual manner. Another Indian, more fortu- nate, while attempting to escape, was shot dead on the spot ; a fourth was made prisoner. When news reached the allies of this dreadful tragedy, the war-cry was immediately sounded, and the re- maining captive was put to death with every re- finement of cruelty.* Champlain himself, though deeply afflicted by the intelligence, saw no longer any possibility of averting hostilities ; he felt that, as a countryman had been deprived of life, the power of the nation would be held in contempt if no resentment were shown at so dreadful an out- ragi Indeed, he experienced no little trouble, eve^ among the friendly tribes, who immediately surrounded him. In several cases, Europeans were murdered in an atrocious manner, and under cir- cumstances which rendered it impossible to accept as an explanation the assurance that parties of Iro- quois had penetrated to the spot. After overlook- ii\g these as much as possible, a fresh instance • Champlain tome ii, p. 146, 211-214. 162 HISTORi' OF CANADA having occurred, he demanded that an individual, to whom strong suspicion attached, should be put into his hands. He detained him fourteen months ; but being unable to procure positive evidence, and pressed by other circumstances now to be related, he set him at liberty. The dignity of the French required that vigorous measures should have been taken to avenge so great a wrong ; but their attention was soon called to other quarters. Hostilities having broken out with England, two of their subjects, David and Louis Kertk, Calvinist refugees, entered the ser- vice of that country, where they were known under the name of Kirk. They equipped a squadron, which sailed to the mouth of the St. Lawrence, captured several vessels, and intercepted the com- munication between the mother-country and the colony. The settlers, who had not yet sufficiently extended cultivation to supply themselves with provisions, were thus reduced to the greatest dis- tress. At length, in July, 1629, Sir David Kirk summoned Quebec. As, in addition to famine, the ammunition was nearly exhausted, the governor considered himself as having no choice but to sur- render. The invader, who still retained many of the feelings of his birth, promised honourable con- ditions, and every species of good treatment to his countrymen. They were allowed to depart with their arms, clothes, and baggage. The request of a ship to convey them directly home could not be complied with; but they were promised a commo- dious passage by way of England. Champlain was desirous to take with him two little native girls whom he had carefully educated, and although at first objected to, this was granted on a fuller ex- planation. The place being surrendered. Kirk and the English showed to the garrison every species of courtesy ; though Baillif, a renegade Frenchman to whom "he intrusted the keys of the magazine. UNDER THE FRENCH. 163 seized a great quantity of furs, besides various articles of church property, and subjected his coun- trymen to all the ill treatment in his power. I Champlain, who arrived at Dover on the 27th Oc- t)ber, proceeded thence to London for the purpose of conferring with the French ambassador. The differences between the two nations were now in a train of adjustment ; but a large party in the Gallic cabinet set too little value on the settlement to think its restoration worth insisting upon. Champlain strongly deprecated this view of the subject; his counsels at length prevailed at the court of Louis Xin. ; and when the English found the matter seri- ously pressed, they consented without much diffi- culty. The final treaty, however, was not signed till the 29th March, 1632. The indifference with which both countries viewed this colony, though bearing the pompous title of New France, was not ill justified by its actual con- dition. A fort, with some houses and barracks at Quebec ; a few huts for fishing and trade at Tadous- sac, Trois Rivieres, and Montreal, formed nearly all that answered to that imposing name.* But even prior to its late disaster, arrangements had been made with a view to rescue it from this depressed ' state. Under the direction of Cardinal Richelieu, whose administration was marked by a bold and enterprising character, an association was formed of a hundred distinguished individuals, who undertook that, by the year 1643, they would raise the popula- tion to 6000. They engaged to maintain the emi- grants for three years, bestowing upon them lands and seed-corn. They were also to send a suitable number of clergymen, subsisting them for fifteen years, and at the end of that period to assign them glebes sufficient for their support. f Their opera- * Heriot, History of Canada, 8vo, London, 1804 (translateo from Charlevoix, Histoire de la Nouvelle France), p. 49. + Charlevoix in Heriot, p. 37, 38. i64 HISTORY OP CANADA lions were suspended by the disastrous events just narrated ; but when the above treaty restored Can- ada to the French, their rights were fully confirmed, . and they made no hesitation in reinvesting Cham- plain with his former jurisdiction. The year 1633 had arrived, however, before an expedition was ready to sail, which carried with it more property than was supposed at the time to exist in the colony. The governor found most of those whom he had left ; but their prosperity must have been greatly checked by the bigoted spirit which induced the court to prohibit altogether the exercise of the re- formed religion, by whose professors chiefly the settlement had been supported. Some small com- pensation was aff'orded by the institution of religious establishments embracing objects of general educa- tion and instruction. A son of the Marquis de Ga- mache, whose fervour had impelled him to join the order of Jesuits, conceived the ambition of founding a college at Quebec, and was enabled by his friends to offer 6000 gold crowns for this purpose. His pro- posal was readily accepted, and, though delayed by the misfortunes of the colony, was carried into ef- fect in 1635. Four years later, under the auspi- ces of the Duchess d'Aiguillon, a party of Ursuline nuns were sent out, and a seminary established by them at Quebec. But the religious foundation from which the greatest advantages were derived was that projected by the Abbe Ulivier, who had origi- nated the order of St. Sulpice, and proposed that a seminary, bearing its name and composed of its members, should be formed in New France. The king listened favourably to this suggestion, and, with a view of realizing it, made a grant of the whole island of Montreal. A party was formed, the Sieur Maisonneuve was placed at its head, and in- vested with the government. That important place, where hitherto there had been only a few detached huts, assuraerf now the aspect of a regular settle« UNDER THE FRENCH. 165 ment, and rose, by gradual steps, until it attained a great degree of prosperity.* But, in the mean time, the rising colony was des- tined to encounter severe disasters. Tiie death of Charaplain, early in 1636, was a severe blow. Though some parts of liis early policy were very questionable, his devotion to the cause, his energy and high reputation, were generally viewed as tlie chief bond by which the whole undertaking had been held together. The company, after their first great effort, soon relaxed, and allowed the settlement to relapse into a languishing state. They had sent, indeed, a considerable number of monks and nuns ; but of troops and stores, which were more urgently wanted, the supply was very scanty. The situation of M. de Montmagny, the new governor, was ren- dered more critical by the state of the Indian nations. We have already seen the renewal of the war with the Iroquois ; and as the weakness of the French had rendered it impossible for them to afford any aid to their native allies, that warlike confederacy had advanced by rapid steps to a supremacy of power. The}' had completely humbled the Algon- quins, who formerly held the foremost place in the savage world; they closely pressed the Hurons, scarcely allowing their canoes to pass up and down the river; and they now threatened in great force the settlement of Trois Rivieres. In this exigency, Montmagny's resources enabled him only to carry on a defensive warfare, which he appears to have done with vigour, erecting a fort at the mouth of the river Sorel. by which the Iroquois chiefly made their descents. That fierce people, whether tired of so long a contest or awed by the renewed power displayed by the French, began to make proposals for a solid peace ; and though the governor had good reason to doubt their sincerity and dread some sin- * Charlevoix in Heriot, p 49-55 I.— .^ 166 HISTORY OF CANADA ister object, his situation left no choice but to re- ceive them with apparent cordiality. He therefore repaired to Trois Rivieres to meet their deputies, while the chiefs of the tribes in alliance with him came also to the interview. The envoys of the Five Nations then produced seventeen belts, which they had arranged along a cord fastened between two stakes. Their orator came forward and addressed the governor-general by the title of Ononthio, which, in their language, signifies Great Mountain ; and though it was in reference to his name of Mont- magny, they continued ever after to apply this term to the French viceroy. They often added the re- spectful appellation of father. The speaker de- clared the sincerity of their intentions, and their wish " to forget their songs of war and to resume the voice of cheerfulness." He then proceeded to the exposition of the belts, which occupied three hours, each explanation being accompanied with appropriate gestures, which alone would have been almost sufficieiit to unfold his meaning. Thus, havnig occasion to refer to the difficulties of canoe- navigation, he performed all the movements neces- sary in guiding one through the rapids, and, repre- senting himself as striking against a rock, used signs expressive of the pain caust^d by such an accident. These belts variously expressed the calming of the spirit of war, the opening of the paths, the mutual visits to be paid, the feasts to be given, the restitu- tion of the captives, and other friendly proceedings. The governor, in conformity to Indian etiquette, delayed his answer for two days, when, at another general meeting, he bestowed as many presents as he had received belts, and through an interpreter expressed the most pacific sentiments. Piskaret, a great Algonquin chief, then said, " Behold a stone, which I phice on the sepulchre of those who were killed in the war, that no one may attempt to remove their bones, and that every desire of avenging their DNDEU THE FRENCH. }(')7 death may be laid aside." Three disch,arges ol cannon were considered as sealing the treaty. It was for some time faithfully observed, and unwonted tranquillity reigned throughout this savage region. The Iroquois, the Algonquins, and Hurons forgot their deadly feuds, and mingled in the chase as if they had been one nation.* M. de Montmagny, like his predecessor, appears to have commanded the general respect of the na- tive inhabitants. Unluckily, in consequence of an attempt by De Poinci, who commanded in the West Indies, to render himself independent, the court adopted the jealous policy of continuing no govern- or in power longer than three years. This system was peculiarly ill suited to a settlement like that of Canada, where intimate local knowledge, and a pe- culiar mixture of firmness and address, were neces- sary to deal with tumultuary tribes whom they had not strength to subdue. Montmagny was replaced by Ailleboust, said to have been a man of probity, but scarcely possessing the energy required in so difficult a situation. During his government the Iro- quois formed the resolution of renewing the war in all its fury. No ground is stated ; but the Europe- ans and their allies, in consequence, became exposed to a series of dreadful calamities. The missionaries had not merely formed estab- lishments at Quebec and Montreal, but had also pen- etrated into the territory of the savages. In this task they certainly gave full proof of sincerity, re- nouncing all the comforts of civilized life, and ex- posing themselves to every species of hardship and danger. They have been accused of unduly com- bining political with religious objects. They did certainly employ their influence for the furtherance of French power, since they induced a number even of the Iroquois not only to quit the country to which Charlevoix in Heriot, p. 51-63. 168 HISTORY OF CANADA they were so strongly attached and settle withm the limits of the colony, but even to fight against their own relations. But, at the same time, they un- doubtedly reclaimed their votaries from many sav- Hge habits, and trained them to some degree of or- der and industry. The Hurons were found the most docile and susceptible of improvement, and their great numbers afforded a wide field of exer- tion. Upward of three thousand of them are re- corded to have been baptized at one time ; and though it was easier to make converts than to re- tain them, yet a considerable change is said to have appeared in the aspect of this wild region, and very favourable prospects to have been opened.* The main object was to unite them in villages, of which the chief was Sillery, or St. Joseph and St. Mary, with several smaller dependent ones. In 1648 the Iroquois, as already stated, deter mined to renew the war; a resolution adopted by them, if we may believe the annals of the colony, without any ground, or even pretext. The settle- ment, however, was now destined to experience the terrible effects of their rapid movements ; that they could advance like foxes and attack like lions ; and that their arrival and triumphant return were usu- ally announced at the same moment. f In the vil- lage of Sillery, where four hundred families were settled in the most profound peace, and the mission- ary was celebrating the most solemn ordinances of religion, the cry was suddenly raised, " We are mur- dered !" An indiscriminate massacre had begun, without distinction of sex or age. In vain did wom- en flee into the depth of the forest with infants in their arms, whose feeble cries betrayed themselves and their mothers. Finally, the assailants fell upon * Missions en la Nouvelle France, ans) 1642, 1643, p. 32 ; an 1647, p. 19 ; ans 1649. 1650. p. 92. + Miissions, ans 1659, 1660, p. 17. UNDER THE FRENCH. 169 the priest, and, after each successively had struck a blow, threw him into the flames.* Notwithstanding this dreadful example, the Iro- quois having disap[)eared for six months, the villages relapsed into their former security. This tranquil- lity, however, was again disturbed in 1649 by a party of the same people, amounting to a thousand, who made an attack upon the mission of St. Ignace. Some resistance was off"ered, and ten assailants fell ; but ultimately all the inhabitants, except three, were killed or carried off. St. Louis was next attacked, and made a brave defence, which, though it was finally stormed, enabled many of the women and children to escape. The missionaries could have saved themselves ; but, like others of their brethren, attaching a high importance to the administration of the sacrament to the dying, they sacrificed their lives to the performance of this sacred rite. They were not killed on the spot, but " reserved for great- er crowns," having to pass through a dreadful series of torture and mutilation. f Deep and universal dismay now spread among the Huron people. Their country, lately so peace- able and flourishing, was become a land of horror and of blood, a sepulchre of the dead, and no hope appeared to the survivers. The whole nation, with one consent, broke up and fled for refuge in every direction. A few reluctantly offered to unite with their conquerors, who, according to their usual pol- icy, readily accepted them. The greater number sought an asylum among the nations of the Cat, the Ottawa, and others still more remote. The mis- sionaries were greatly at a loss how to proceed with the remnant of their converts, now nearly reduced to the single village of St. Mary. The island of Manitoulin, in Lake Huron, was proposed ; but, * Missions en la Novuelle France, ans 1648, 1649, p. 12, 13. t Missions ans 1648, 1649, p. 12, 34-39, c. iv 170 HISTORY OF CANADA though they wanted the means or courage to defend their country, they felt a deep reluctance to remove to such a distance from it. They preferred the in- sular situation of St. Joseph, in Lake Ontario, which, it was hoped, would secure them against this dread- ed foe. They enjoyed fur some time an unwonted tranquillity, but were obliged, by the difficulty of subsistence, to form stations on the opposite coast, at the distance of six or eight leagues. It was hoped that, on any alarm, the inhabitants might thence flee to the island for safety ; but the Iro- quois, on learning the existence of these posts, came upon them successively, with such suddenness and fatal precision, that it seemed as if a destroying an- gel had guided their steps. One after the other was surprised and destroyed, till of many hundreds only a single individual escaped The unhappy remnant of the Huron nation, now reduced to 300, renounced every hope of remaining in their native seats. One of their chiefs addressed the missionary, representing the extremity to which they were reduced, being ghosts rather than meO; and hoping to preserve their wretched existence only by fleeing into the depth of the forests, or to some distant country. If he chose to remain where he was, he could only have trees and rocks to in- struct. This was the preface to a solicitation that he should convey them to Quebec, and place them under the immediate protection of the French set- tlement. After serious consideration, this was deemed the most eligible course, and arrangements were immediately made for its execution. They were then led through the wide regions lately peo- pled by their countrymen, to tlie number of ten or twelve thousand, but which now presented a scene of unbroken silence and desolation. The sombre aspect of ihe vast forest was only interrupted by the traces of havoc and slaughter at every spot formerly inhabited, attesting the general destruction UNDER THE FRENCH. 171 of the Huron name. Overwhelmed with distress, they reached Quebec, where they experienced a mortifying contrast to the reception which they would have found among any neighbouring tribe of savages. There they would have had every want supplied, and been welcomed as countrymen and equals. Here they were viewed only as objects of charity ; and though in this light considerable exer- tions were made, the religious houses finding room for a hundred of the most destitute, yet the remain- der were in danger of perishing from cold and hun- ger, till a station could be formed for them, which, from their former chief settlement, was named Sil- lery.* As the Iroquois now lorded it completely over Canada, the French were virtually blockaded in the three forts of Quebec, Trois Rivieres, and Montreal, from under the very cannon of which they and their allies were sometimes carried off; and, almost every autumn, bands of hostile invaders swept away the limited harvests raised in the immediate vicinity of *.hese places. Yet in 1G53 this fierce nation began, of their own accord, to make overtures of peace ; and it was found with surprise that the missionaries had powerfully contributed to this resolution. They had been regarded at first with extreme antipathy, being probably considered as enemies of their race, seeking to subvert the native deities and customs. In the course of the late inroads, however, a con- siderable number had been carried off, and after suf- fering protracted torture and partial mutilation, had been spared and adopted. Then their meek deport- ment, their solemn ceremonies, and the fervour with which " they raised to God hands without fin- gers," made a strong impression on the savage breast. Hence, at different times, deputies from the ruling horde said, in their figurative language, Missions en la Nouvelle France, ans 1649, 1650, p. 83-88. 100. 172 HISTORY OF CANADA that they came to wipe away the blood which had reddened the mountains, the lakes, and the rivers, to bring back the sun, which had hid his face during the late dreadful scenes of warfare. They solicited, at the same time, " black-robes," as they termed thp missionaries, to teach them the Christian doctrine The invitation to go into the midst of ferocious en- emies, into a land yet smoking with European blood, would have shaken the nerves of most men. Yet individuals were found who, with a generous self- devotion, did not slirink from the undertaking; nor does it appear that the implied pledge of safety was violated even during war.* The Onondagoes, in 1656, went so far as to solicit that a settlement con- nected with a mission should be formed in their ter- ritory ; and Lauson, then governor, having acceded to this proposal, sent the Sieur Dupuys, with fifty of his countrymen, who built a church in the bosom of that savage region. This establishment, howev- er, was generally disapproved by the other tribes ; and after it had subsisted two years, formidable as- semblages took place, which Dupuys could not doubt were intended to attack him. He therefore considered himself fortunate in being able, while their attention was attracted to a great feast given for that purpose by a friendly Indian, to embark his troops and convey them to Montreal.! The French felt themselves too weak to reject proposals for peace, though often made with morti- fying haughtiness. The Viscount d'Argenson, who went out in 1658, considered it necessary to accept their terms, especially as the utmost cruelties were otherwise threatened to the captives. Yet even by these means his countrymen scarcely obtained any degree of the expected repose. This disappointment arose either from deliberate treachery, or the impos- * Missions en la Nouvelle France, ans lfi55, 1656, p. 18-20; ans 16G0, 1661, p. 33-40. t Cbarleroix in Heriot, p 74, 81-86. UNDER THE FRENCH. 173 sibiliiy of confining in one course the various unruly elements of which the confederacy consisted. ThtJ . most amicable professions hardly procured a respite from hiistility ; for while one party treated, another attacked: " JPeace, it is said, is proclaimed at Mon- treal, while war rages at Trois Rivieres; we are daily attacked and murdered by those who call themselves our friends." At length, in 1663, it was announced that a grand deputation was coming from all the cantons, with the professed intention to unite the whole earth, and to bury the hatchet so deep that it might never again be dug up ; and they brought with them a hundred collars of wampum. Unhappily, a party of Algonquins, stung by accumu- lated wrongs, determined to violate even the sacred character of such a mission ; and having formed an ambuscade, they surprised and killed the greater part of them. All prospects of peace were thus blasted, and the war raged with greater fury than ever.* The Iroquois, during this period, continually ex- tended their dominion. Having seen the powerful effect of firearms, they procured them from the Dutch at Manhalti, and thus acquired an additional superiority over the neighbouring tribes. They at- ' tacked the Ottawas, on account of the shelter af- forded to their fugitive enemies. That people did not make even an attempt at resistance, but sought reluge amid marshes or in the islands on Lake Hu- ron, while others penetrated far southwest into the valley of the Mississippi, where they formed a junc- tion with the Sioux. On the same ground the Iro- quois commenced a desperate war with the nation of the Eriez, a name in their language signifying Cats. After a somewhat hard struggle, they com- pletely succeeded ; seven hundred of them stormed the main fortress of the enemy, though defended by " Missions en la Nouvelle France, ans 1660, 1661 p. 12-26; ans 166?. 1664, p. 160, &c. Heriot, p. 87, 94, 95. I.— o 174 HISTORif OF CANADA 2000 men ; and the survivers were either incorpo. rated with the victors, or fled into remoter regions. This once-powerful nation has left no memorial of its existence except the great lake which bears its name. It is reckoned that the conquerors held un- disputed sway over a country five hundred miles in circuit. The very sight of one of them struck ter- ror into the neighbouring tribes ; and on the side of New-England, the cry of "A Mohawk!" echoed from hill to hill, causing general consternation and flight.* Amid this series of disastrous events, the French governors, whether from weakness or pusillanimity, beheld the destruction of their allies and the com- plete ascendency of this hostile power, without any attempt to prevent either. They did not even go to war, but thought it enough to keep the colonists shut up in fortified posts, which the enemy had not skill to besiege ; and nothing else prevented them from speedily destroying these settlements, the en- virons of which they daily assaulted. They even made a descent upon the Isle of Orleans, where they surprised a party of ninety Hurons ; and having killed six, bound the rest, and made them sing in front of Quebec, thus openly defying the governor. M. Maisonneuve, apprehensive for Montreal, and unable otherwise to procure aid, repaired to France, where, by earnest solicitation, he obtained a re-en- forcement of a hundred men. The Hurons, under European protection, in a moment of despondency, had made an offer of uniting themselves to the Iro- quois, which, as usual, was readily accepted ; but the former soon repented. That proud nation then sent thirty deputies to remonstrate, not only with them, but with the governor-general, M. de Lauson. To him they said, " Lift up thy arm, Ononthio, and allow thy children, whom thou boldest pressed to * Heriot, p. 73-77. Missions, ans 1659, 1660, p. 33-35. Col len's History of the Five Nations, vol. L, p. 3, 4, UNDER THE FIUONCH. 175 thy bosom, to depart ; for if they are guilty of any imprudence, thou hast reason to fear, that, in coming to chastise them, my blows fall on thy head." They even demanded canoes to convey these re- luctant associates. Lausoii, instead of resenting this haughty address, caused them to be informed, that if the Hurons were inclined to go, he would not oppose their departure ; that he had no canoes, but they might construct as many as they wanted. After this, considering that no option was left them, except to which of the five nations they should unite themselves, the greater part, in consequence, left the island.* Amid these external evils, the colony was farther visited by a terrible convulsion of nature. A suc- cession of earthquakes, which commenced on the 5th of February, 1663, were felt for half a year with little intermission throughout all Canada, recurring two or three times every day, agitating both the earth and the waters, and spreading universal alarm ; yet, as they did not inflict any permanent injury, nor cause the loss of a single life, the accounts given of them are probably much exaggerated.! Meantime the most urgent representations were made to Louis XIV. that his government was totally neglecting one of the finest countries in the world, and exposing the French name to contempt, by al- lowing it to be trampled upon by a handful of sav- ages. That prince, who had recently assumed the reins of power, being eagerly bent upon every means of aggrandizement, was not likely to over- look one so considerable. He was seconded by his minister Colbert, who had specially devoted his thoughts to the extension of commerce; and it was therefore immediately resolved to take steps for raising Canada to her due importance. Four hun- • Heriot, p. 73, 75, 78-82. t Ibid., p. 99-102. Missions, an 1663, p. 17, la 176 HISTORY or CANADA dred troops were ordered thither ; and M. de Monts was appointed commissioner to examine into and regulate the different branches of administration. The governor had hitherto exercised in person, and without control, hU its functions ; but there was now united witli liiin acouncdof royal appointment, and an inteiidant, to whom were intrusted the weighty concerns of justice, police, finance, and marine. This new system did not at first work altogether smoothly, nor did the independent materials of which it was composed well harmonize. M. de Mesy. the governor, after having sent back to France two of the principal members of council, was him- self recalled. The court, however, persevered in its determination to raise the new colony to a prop- er rank. Tiie associates, who had so long neglected it, and were unwilling to inv(dve themselves in a large outlay with uncertain returns, resigned their privileges into theh^ndsof the crown ; and govern- ment, according to tlie unvarying system of that age, placed it in the hands of the West India Com- pany, though it retained for some time the adminis- tration of its affairs.* In pursuance of these views, the Marquis de Tracy was sent out in 1605 under the joint character of viceroy and lieutenant-general, and thus invested with uncontrolled power. Along with him, in addi- tion to the former deiachm^-nt, was despatched the entire regiment of Carignan Salieres, for some time employed in Hungary against the Turks, where il had acquired a high reputation. A considerable number of settlers, including artisans, with horses and cattle, formed an accession to the colony ex- ceeding the amount of its actual meddlers. The new \'iceroy lost no time in taking measures for checking \\]^' insolence of the Iroquois, and es- tablishing a supreniary over these proud savages. * C'iAarlr'Vijix in Henol, p 97, 103-112. UNDKB THE FRRNCFI. ] 77 He began by erecting throe forts on the river Rich- elieu, in a situation titled to cover the French terri- tory from their incursions. Overawed by these movements, and by the report of his large force, tltree of the cantons sent deputies, with ample pro- fessions of friendship, proposing an excliange of all tlie prisoners taken on both sides since the last trea- ty. Tlie viceroy was pleased with their deport- ment, and agreed to the terms. The fierce Oneidas and Mohawks, however, still kept aloof; and a party of the latter even killed three officers, one of whom, De Chasy, was nephew to the viceroy. But as two corps were advancing into their territory, an envoy from each nation soon appeared at Quebec, profess- ing to negotiate for peace. They were well re- ceived, and invited to the governor's table, when the conversation happening to fall on De Chasy's death, the Mohawk, in a paroxysm of savage pride, lifted his arm, saying, *' With this hand that young officer was slain." Tracy, in a transport of rage, told him he should never live to kill another Frenchman, and ordered him to be immediately strangled, while the other deputy was detained a prisoner.* This event put an end to all pacific overtures. De Courcelles had already begun his march into the Mohawk dominions ; but as it was the depth of winter, the excessive cold, together with the wary conduct adopted by the enemy, prevented him from effecting much. On his return he found the vice- roy ready to take the field, with an expedition on a greater scale, in which 600 of the Carignan regi- ment vere employed. He detained, without listen- ing to them, two new ambassadors, and, notwith- standing his advanced age, resolved to command in person. In spite of eve-y precaution, the Indians had received notice of his approach, and, abandon- ing their villages, they left hiin to march through a Herot, p. lU'-llfi. 178 HISTOaV OF CANADA desolate country. He found, however, an abun- dance of grain buried near their deserted abodes, which enabled him to subsist his troops till he reached the extreme frontier, where he found the Indians assembled on a spot whither they had not expected him to penetrate. On discovering the French they attempted no resistance, but fled with precij if ition into still more remote and less acces- sible retreats ; and as the viceroy could not attempt to occupy this extensive territory, he found it neces- sary to return, without striking any decisive blow. Though this expedition had not fully answered its object, yet the awe which it inspired, added to the protection of the forts, secured the colony in a great degree from the inroads of these fierce ma- rauders. It enjoyed a long tranquillity, and began even to assume a flourishing and cultivated appear- ance. Most of the regiment of Carignan, both offi- cers and soldiers, settled in the country, where they received liberal grants of land. As many of the former belonged to families of rank, they rendered society more polished than was usual in transat- lantic communities, though they introduced the feu- dal laws and usages at that time common in Europe. Considerable inconvenience having arisen from the scattered manner in which a great part of the lands had been brought into cultivation, an attempt was made to concentrate them ; but the amount of la- bour and property already invested rendered this to a great extent impracticable.* M. de Courcelles, who succeeded Tracy in 1667, if: accused of some faults in the internal adminis- tration ; but in his conduct towards the Indians, which formed the most important and difficult branch, he displayed a happy union of firmness and address. He even succeeded, though not without difficulty and some indignation on their part, in pre- • Her.ot, p. 120-125. UNDER THE FRENCH. 179 venting his savage allies from engaging in war against the Iroquois. He availed himself of this auspicious interval to extend the power of France to the interidr of Canada and the upper parts of the !St. Lawrence. Two Jesuits, Perrot and Marquette, were employed to survey those districts. The lat- ter induced a large body of the Hurons to settle at Micliillimackinac, on an island in the river, between the great lakes Huron and Michigan, a situation very favourable for the fur-trade. Agreeably to the reports transmitted to him, the governor fixed upon Cataraqui, on Lake Ontario, near the present site of Kingston, as an advantageous point both for the protection of the trade and for holding the Five Nations in awe. He visited the spot, and having procured a meeting of the savage chiefs, obtained their consent to the measure, carefully concealing, of course, the most important object comtemplated in its erection. Courcelles had requested his recall ; and on his return to Quebec in 1672, found his place supphed by Louis, count de Frontenac, who was destined to act a most important part in the history of Can- ada. He was able, enterprising, active, and ambi- tious, but proud, overbearing, and subject to capri- cious jealousies and enmities. He entered, how- ever, cordially into the views of his predecessor in regard to the fort at Cataraqui, which he imme- diately caused to be established ; and it has often from him been called Fort Frontenac. At the same time he set on foot, or actively promoted, vast pro- jects for exploring the interior regions of America.* Although this leader conducted the affairs of the colony with spirit and energy, his domineering tem- per could not brook the checks by which a jealous court sought to limit his jurisdiction. It was en- joined that all affairs of importance should be deci* * Heriot, p. 123-140. 180 HISTORY OP CANADA ded in a council composed of himself, the bishop, and the intendant, each with an equal vote. The prelate was supported by a numerous body of cler- gy, many of whom were connected with powerful families at home, and were accused of wishing to obtain the supreme direction of affairs. Their influ- ence was laudably exerted in opposing the sale of spirits to the savages, which produced most perni- cious effects, but which the count considered as at once extremely profitable, and a means of attach- ing them to the French interest. Tlie government, on carefully considering the opposite statements, decided according to the opinion of the clergy, and strictly prohibited the traffic. But the count had still more violent dissensions with the intendant, M. Chesneau, who was not only a member of the council, but authorized to act as its president ; and being considered a man of mild temper, the chief blame was thrown on the governor. As it was found impossible for them to act together, the court determined to recall both ; and M. de la Barre, ac- cordingly, in 1682, was sent out as the new vice- roy.* Canada was then in a critical situation, which rendered it ill able to sustain the want of a vigor- ous administration. The fine territory on the Hud- son, at first occupied by the Dutch under the title of New Belgium, was subsequently claimed, and, after several contests, secured by the English, who named it New-York. Here, according to European ideas, they held the Iroquois country as included within their dominion ; and though this pretension could not be yet declared, they endeavoured with success to court that people, and' alienate them from the French. Their merchants, carrying on a free trade, while that of their rivals was fettered by an exclusive company, dealt with the tribes on more * Heriot, p. 14C-149, 160, 161. UNDER TUE FRENCH. 181 advantageous terms. The Iroquois, therefore, found it their interest, not only to curry all their furs to the English market, but to buy up those of the sav- ages in alliance with France. Heavy complaints were made by that power ; but the Indians, assured of British support, treated them with great indifl'er- ence ; and that shrewd race soon discovered, in the eager competition between these two Kuropeaa nations, the means of rendering their own position more secure and imposing. The military strength of the colony, too, was greatly reduced ; the troops who had gone out with De Tracy, having had lands assigned to them, were become proprietors and cul- tivators rather than soldiers ; and though they held their tenures on the condition of military service, they could not be called out without interrupting the agriculture of the country, and endangering its sub- sistence. M. de la Barre, however, determined upon war; and, having obtained a re-enforceruent of 200 men, advanced up the river. He was met at Montreal by deputies from the cantons, who made strong profes- sions of friendship; but these he considered vague and unworthy of credit, and was confirmed in this opinion when, soon after, a party of fourteen of his counytrmen were attacked and plundered.* He en- deavoured, however, to divide the strength of these fierce tribes, by sending belts of peace to three of them, and directing all his force against the Senecus, whom he considered the most hostile, and also, we suspect, because it was through their territory that the English penetrated to the fur-trade on the lakes. The hope was quite illusory in regard to the mem- bers of so politic a confederation. In proceeding upward, he received notice that deputies from the other tribes were coming to medi^ite a peace be- tween him and their neighbours ; that, in case of » Heriot, p. 163-168, 1 14, 175. 182 HISTORY OF CANADA refusal, they were determined to make common cause with them; and, in the event of this alter- native, they had received ample assurances of sup- port from New-York. The diificulties of the French commander were greatly increased by sickness, which, in consequence of the bad quality of the provisions, had broken out in his army. Yet when the deputies met him on the northern shore of Lake Ontario, he assumed a lofty tone. He com- plained of their inroads into the country of the Illi- nois and other tribes in alliance with France ; of their outrages against the traders of that nation ; and particularly of their having conducted the Eng- lish to the lakes, and enabled them to supplant the commerce of his countrymen. He concluded by stating that, unless reparation were made for these injuries, with a promise to abstain from them in fu- ture, war and the devastation of their country must be the immediate consequence. The deputies very coolly replied, that Ononthio appeared to speak like one in a dream ; and that, if he would open his eyes, he would see himself wholly destitute of the means to execute these formidable threats. They defended their right to make war upon any Indian nations by whom they conceived themselves ag- grieved ; adding that the French party were attack- ed by them because they were conveying arms to their enemies. As to the English, they had allow- ed them to pass through their lands, on the same principle that they had given permission to his peo- ple, and would continue to do so. They were afraid lest the great number of the warriors here present, if they proceeded to Cataraqui, should tram- ple down the tree of peace there so happily plant- ed. They were still willing to dance the calumet- dance under the shadow of its branches, and to leave the hatchet buried, unless the country grant- ed to them by the (ireat Spirit should be attacked. The Onondago deputies guarantied reparation for UNDER THK FRENCH. 183 any actual plunder intlicted on French traders, but added that no more could be conceded, and that the army must be immediately withdrawn. However lunniliating these terms were, after such lofty threats and preparations, De la Barre had no choice but to comply.* The English, on the other hand, reproach- ed the Iroquois for not having prosecuted the war, and in terms which seemed to indicate a right to direct their movements. They replied, however, in the same determined manner : "' Ononthio," said they, " is our father, and Corlaer (as they called the governor of New- York) our brother; but nei- ther of them is our master. He who created the world gave us the land which we occupy ; we are free ; we respect both ; but neither has a right to command us ; and no person ought to take offence that we prevent the earth from being troubled." On another occasion, they said " Brother Corlaer, we tell you that we shall bind a covenant chain to our arm and to his as thick as that post."+ We cannot forbear remarking, that in this whole transaction the savages appear to great advantage compared both with their European allies and enemies. De la Barre, on arriving at Quebec, received de- spatches which placed him greatly at fault. A fresh - re-enforcement had been landed, and the letters -. from court intimated the full expectation that he was carrying on a triumphant war with the Five Na- tions. On this supposition, the king made an ab- surd and cruel request, that he would send a num- ber of Iroquois prisoners to man his galleys. We may then imagine the dissatisfaction felt at home when the real issue of the campaign was reported. The governor was immediately pronounced unfit for his situation, and was superseded in 1685 by the Marquis de Denonville, distingushed as a brave and active officer. * Heriot, p. 170-189. + Ibifi., p, 179-180. Golden, vol. L, p. 66. 184 HISTORY OF CANADA This commander, on his arrival, made some pro- fessions of a wish to maintain peace, though he r must have understood that a quite opposite course was really expected of him. After giving what he professed to consider a fair trial, he soon dec ared his conviction that the Iroquois could never be con- ciliated, and that it was a matter of political neces- sity either to extirpate or reduce them to entire de- pendence. He proposed also to erect a strong fort at Niagara, both to hold them in check and also to prevent their introducing the English to the fur-trade on the lakes. He opened his campaign with a measure the most iniquitous and unjustifiable that can well be conceived. Having, under various pre- texts, allured a number of chiefs to meet him on the banks of Lake Ontario, he suddenly put them in irons, and sent Ihem off to France, to fulfil the king's absurd scheme with regard to the manning of hia galleys. He had not scrupled to employ two mis- sionaries in this base stratagem ; but the Indians, be- lieving them to be unconscious instruments of the crime, generously spared them both.* There could now be nothing on either side but war to the utmost extremity. Denonville was fully prepared for it, and had 800 French regulars, with 1300 Canadians and savages, ready to advance into the Seneca country, with the resolution, it is said, of putting all to the sword. On approaching the first village, they were suddenly attacked in front and rear by 800 of the enemy, and it was most mor- tifying to the French to find themselves thrown into a good deal of confusion, and to set. the battle re- trieved by their undisciplined allies. The Iroquois, being repulsed, did not again make their appearance in the field. The conqueror marched for ten days through vast woods, burning and destroying the grain and provisions, but not meeting a single ene- Heriot, p. 190-194, 208, 20a UNDER THE FRENCH. 185 my. A doubt respecting the fidelity of his allies, and, as we suspect, the exhavisted state of his gen- eral equipment, then induced him to retire. He carried into execution, however, his plan of erect- ing and garrisoning a fort at Niagara. Notwithstanding the semblance of success in this expedition, it appeared, on the retreat of the inva- ders, that the Iroquois were complete masters of the upper course of the St. Lawrence. They block- aded the two forts of Niagara and Cataraqui, the former of which they reduced and razed to the ground. They covered Lake Ontario with their ca- noes. The native allies of the French, seeing no prospect of assistance from them, began to waver; nor is it doubted that, if the savages had understood the art of siege, they would have rooted the Euro- peans entirely out of Canada. As it was, they de- termined on the course which, it must be owned, they had often shown themselves very ready to em- brace, of making proposals of peace. Deputies ar- rived at Montreal, leaving at two days' march be- hind a corps of 1200 of their countrymen, ready for immediate action. They boasted to the governor of their commanding position, and, insisting upon the restoration of the chiefs unjustly seized and of all other captives, allowed him only four days to accept the offer, otherwise the whole country would be in flames. The deepest consternation prevailed at Montreal; and Denonville saw himself under the^ necessity of accepting these humiliating terms, and' requesting back from France the chiefs whom iie had iniquitously sent thither.* This treaty was interrupted by an unexpected act of treachery. The Hurons had entered into the war on the full understanding that it should not terminate till the Iroquois were destroyed or completely hum- Heriot, p. 212-219. Golden, p. 93. La Potherie, vol. jL, p. 207, 208, 186 HISTORY OF CANADA bled. They dreaded now that they might be left defenceless, and have to sustain the attacks of that potent tribe ; an issue which their principal chief, the Rat, took a most savage means of averting. Having learned that a body of their deputies were to land at the cascades of the St. Lawrence on their way to Montreal, he and a party of his countrymen lay in ambush, and killed or captured them as they successively disembarked. He then informed the prisoners that this crime had been committed at the mstigation of the governor, who had even practised a deception to induce him to commit it, and pre- tending to be shocked at the treachery into which he had been seduced, he sent them home. It is easy to conceive the indignation of the cantons at this intelligence ; and though Denonville disavowed, in the strongest terms, the allegations of the Rat, the flame once kindled could not be fully quenched. The Hurons were also encouraged by the hope of gaining over the allies of the French, who, seeing that people no longer able to protect them, were all disposed to make terms with the party which now appeared the strongest. The Iroquois made a sud- den descent on the island of Montreal, which they laid waste with fire and sword, carrying off 200 prisoners, without having experienced any resist- ance. The fort at Cataraqui, like that at Niagara, was blown up and abandoned. In this extremity, when the very existence of the colony was threatened, it was judged indispensable to place at its head an officer possessing energy of character, and address in dealing with the savages. These qualities were united in the Count de Fron- tenac, who, during his former administration, had made himself both beloved and feared by all those nations ; and experience, it was hoped, would teach him to avoid the errors which had led to his recall. The count took out with him the captive chiefs whom his predecessor had so unjustly seized ; and UNDER THE FRENCH. 187 SO fascinating were his manners, that lie completely gained their favour; Oiireouhaiu, the principal one, remaining ever after most strongly attached to him. Frontenac, on his arrival in 1689, endeavoured to open a negotiation with the Iroquois, whom he en- tertained sanguine hopes of conciliating. By the advice of Oureouhar^, he sent a deputy of that na- tion whom he found at Montreal, with four of his captive countrymen, to announce to the cantons his return, and his wish to resume amicable relations. The friendly chief transmitted a message, requesting them to send an embassy to their ancient father, from whom they would experience much tenderness and esteem, and wliom he would not quit till the affair was satisfactorily adjusted. The council of the Iroquois, after some dehbera- tion, sent back the same deputies with six belts, intimating their resolution. It was expressed in lofty and even imbittered terms. Choosing to con- sider Ononthio as always one and the same, they complained that his rods of correction had been too sharp and cutting. The roots of the tree of peace which he had planted at Fort Frontenac had been withered by blood ; the ground had been polluted with treachery and falsehood. They demanded atonement for these injuries, and that Oureouhare, with his captive companions, should be sent back previous to the liberation of the French prisoners. Ononthio would then be at liberty to plant again the " tree of peace, but not on the same spot." This answer was regarded by Frontenac as very unsatis- factory ; yet anxious to keep open the negotiation, he sent an officer with eight belts from Oureouhare, importing that they should detach themselves from the F^nghsh and Dutch, and unite in close alliance with France. Till then that chief declined returning to his canton.* * Heriot, p. 220-236. 188 HISI RY OF CANADA Two circumstances imboldened the Iroquois to assume this high tone. In consequence of the rev- olution of 1688, when the cause of Jamess 11. was embraced by the French monarch, the two king- doms were now at open war; and the P'lve Nations could depend upon the cordial co-operation both of the EngUsh and the Dutch. At the same time, they were engaged in a treaty with the Ottawas and other tribes, who, besides being anxious to have a better market for their furs, complained that the alliance of the French was only a burden to tliem, as they found it necessary to protect them instead of enjoy- ing their protection. In this crisis, the count feel- ing a strong inducement to do something to retrieve the reputation of his country, resolved to strike the first blow against the English, on whose support the enemy so strongly relied. An expedition was fitted out at Quebec in 1690 against Corlaer or Schenec- tady, the frontier town of New-York, and from which the Indians gave the name to the governor. This party, composed of 110 French and a number of savages, succeeded completely in surprising the place. They found the gates open, and encountered resistance only at one point, where it was soon overcome. The fort and every house were pillaged and burned. The English accounts add, that all the horrors of Indian warfare were let loose on the de- fenceless inhabitants ; that sixty-three men, women, and children were massacred in cold blood, and a small remnant carried away as prisoners. The victors, on their return, suffered severely from want of food, being obliged to kill almost all their horses. The Iroquois were not intimidated nor estramred from the English by this catastrophe ; on the con- trary, they sent to the survivers a number of belts, importing that they felt and would avenge the wrong as if done to themselves. Not a man in Canada should dare to go out to cut a stick. " We are," s^id they, " of the race of the bear, and a bear, you UNDER THE FRENCH. 189 know, never yields while a drop of his blood is left." One belt, importing eyewater to make their sight sharp, delicately intimated the necessity of greater precaution hi future. Others were to wipe away their tears, and assure them that " the sun, which had been cloudy and sent this disaster, would shine again with his pleasant beams."* Meantime, a smaller expedition from Trois Ri- vieres succeeded in surprising and destroying an English village named Sementels. The count also sent M. de Louvigny, with a large detachment, to strengthen the remote post of Michillimackinac, which had been maintained with great difficulty. This service was effected, and a party of the enemy, who attempted to surprise them, were completely defeated. Notwithstanding this success, the Iro- quois maintained the same active hostility ; but a favourable inilutnice was produced on the old allies of the French, who, seeing ihem resume their former energy, determined to prefer their support to that of new and suspicious friends. The Ottawas owned that they had made some progress in a negotiation, but as soon as they heard of the return of their an- cient father, had determined to break it off. The Hurons, who had not taken such open steps, denied having ever entered into any treaty.* Meantime a storm was ready to burst, which threatened the very existence of French power in America. The English determined to strike a blow, which might at once deprive the enemy of all his possessions. Two expeditions were prepared, one by sea from Boston agninst Quebec, the other by- land from New- York against Montreal. The first WSLA commanded by Sir William Phipps, a native of New-England, of humble birth, who had raised him- self by his talents to a high station. Having sailed with thirty-four vessels of different sizes, and a large » Heriot, p. 237-242. Golden, vol. i., p, 120-125. + Heriut, p. 243-248, 249, 250. I.— P 190 HISTORY OF CANADA body of troops, he proceeded with such activity that he had captured all the posts in Acadia and New- foundland, with several on the St. Lawrence, and was within a few days' sail of Quebec before the alarm spread ihither. Frontenac, who was at Mon- treal, hastened down to strengthen the defences, which at that time consisted, in a great measure, of rude intrenchments of timber and earth. On the morning of the 16th October, 1690, the fleet appear- ed in view, and an officer came with a summons, which was peremptorily rejected. Sir William took, no active measures till midday on the 18th, a re- missness which was much blamed. He then landed 1500 men on the banks of the river St. Charles. The French could muster only 300 irregulars ; but these, posting themselves among rocks and bushes, with which the marshy gromid was covered, kept up a constant fire that caused great loss to their en- emy. Before night, however, they retreated into the town, leaving the assailants masters of the field. In the evening the large vessels anchored in front of the city and opened a brisk fire ; but, being di- rected against the upper part, it produced little ef- fect. It was renewed on the following day, and continued till noon, but was equally fruitless, while the ships sustained considerable damage. The squadron was then moved up the river, beyond Cape Diamond. On the same day, the troops continued to advance, though slowly, and harassed by constant attacks. Pliipps, whose only hope was now from land-batteries, sent on shore six pieces of ordnance, and next day endeavoured again to push forward with his men. The militia, however, with increased numbers and activity, harassed them, and at length, covered by some palisades, kept up so brisk a fire as to arrest their progress. The English command- er, at this stage considering the enterprise hopeless, embarked the soldiers on the 2-2d, submitting, at the same time, to the mortifying necessity of leaving UNDER THE FRENCH. 191 his cannon and ammunition. Golden considers it certain, that, had he at once made a vigorous attack on the body of the place, he would have easily car- ried it. The F'rench, he says, returned fervent thanks to Providence for having, by a special inter- position, deprived their enemies of common sense.* The expedition against Montreal did not take place at the appointed time, ownig to a want o*" concert between the parties. Next year, however (1691), after some desultory ravages by the Iroquois, news arrived that they, with their English and na- tive allies, were advancing along the river Sorel. The command at Montreal was then held by De Callieres, a very able officer, who had gained the respect and attachment of his savage neighbours. It is said that, on this and other high occasions, he danced with them the war-dance, brandishing the hatchet, shouting and hallooing in their national manner. In addition to his countrymen, he had as- sembled about 800 Indians at the Prairie de la Magdeleine, near the town. Still the Iroquois, by their rapid movements and skill in ambuscade, suc- ceeded in surprising several of the advanced posts, and carrying off a considerable number of prisoners. But when the force on both sides was fully mus- tered, the assailants, though after a very hard con- test, were obliged to retreat. After these successes, the governor felt himself in a very commanding position, and no longer enter- tained any fear for the safety of the colony. Yet the Iroquois, under a favourite chief named the Black Caldron, continued to make sudden inroads in every direction, rendering seedtime and harvest alike pre- carious, and exposing every one who stirred out of the forts to the hazurd of losing his life. It was their boast, that tlieir enemies should have no rest except in the grave. In this desultory contest the Heriot, p. 255-262. Golden, vd.. i., p. 137, 138. 192 HISTORY OF CANADA advantage was usually on their side; and, though a detachment penetrated into the canton of the Mo- hawks, they were obliged to return without gaining any decisive advantage.* The Iroquois, however, in the beginning of lfi94, began to show a disposition towards peace. Two Onondagoes came to Montreal, and asked De Cal- lieres if certain deputies who were on their way would be received. They were answered in the affirmative ; yet two months elapsed before they availed themselves of this concession. In March there came only an apology from the chief, who was to have been at the head of the embassy, and who threw the blame of the delay upon the English. A dark suspicion was now entertained, that these missions were contrived with a most treacherous de- sign ; to stab the governor and M. de Callieres in pub- lic council, while a large body concealed in ambush should take advantage of the confusion. Nothing ever occurred that could seem to justify this horrid apprehension, so little consistent with the cold and lardy maiuier in which the proposals were made. The truth appears to be, that two parties divided the councils of the savages. One, supported by the English, and relying on their promises, eagerly urged the prosecution of the war. But the other, seconded by the " praying Indians," or the converts made by the missionaries, represented that the na- tion was wasting itself in a fruitless warfare ; that the British made large promises, and put them on bold enterprises, but did nothing to support them; that, in short, they were lavish of Indian blood, but sparing of their own. A vacillating policy resulted from this conflict. However, in May, the chief ar- rived with eight deputies, and was well received by the governor, notwithstanding his w:int of confi- dence. This was the season of bOwing, during the Heriot, p. 265-27*- QoUlen, vol. i., p. 139-142. tNDKR TIIR FRENCH. 193 continuance of which a truce was extremely con- venient. They expressed the most friendly dispo sition, and even soUciied the restoration of the fort of Cataraqui ; a request which Frontenac little ex- pected, but was quite disposed to grant. Oureou- hare went with these deputies, and returned in company with others, bringing also thirteen French- men, several of whom were persons of distinction, who had been long held in captivity. They came, however, only from two cantons ; and though the first belt, relating to the prisoners, was conceived in friendly terms, the exposition of the others was obscure and unsatisfactory ; and all attempt to ob- tain a proper explanation proved fruitless. It trans- pired, however, that the Eiighsh interest was pow- erfully exerted against peace ; and all that was at present contemplated was " to suspend the hatch- et." The count, though courteously, rejected all the belts except the first, declaring that he wished to chastise them only as a father does his children ; but that, unless more friendly sentiments were en- tertained, he could not long withhold the intended blow.* Affairs continued for some time in this uncertain state, the enemy making repeated proposals, to which little credit was attached ; while the govern- or, not having yet sufficient force to open the cam- paign in an imposing manner against a people who could muster 3000 warriors, was not unwilling to have a pretext for delay. Instead, however, of showing a more friendly temper, the deputies be- gan to assume a loftier tone, demanding that he should send envoys to their villages, and should cease at once all hostilities against them and the English. It was also understood that various at- tempts were made on their part to detach the aU Ues, not without some prospect of success. The ■• Heriot, p. 28^-288. 194 HISTORY OF CANADA count, therefore, considered it indispensable to pro- ceed to some measure which might impress the sav- ages with an adequate idea of his power. The pre- vaihng opinion was, that he ought at once to march his whole force into the heart of their territory ; but he preferred sending, in the first instance, an expe- dition to re-establish the fort of Cataraqui. This service was effected with promptitude, and almost without opposition. It did not, however, stop the tendency to defection among his confederates, who loudly complained of the disadvantageous terms on which the French traders dealt with them, when compared with those obtained from the British through the Five Nations. The lead was taken by a Huron chief, named the Baron, who concluded a treaty, not only comprehending his own adherents, but even embracing the Ottawas : all of whom prom- ised to desert the French, and unite with their mortal enemies. Yet La Motte Cadillac, command- er at Michillimackinac, by impressing on them with great address a dread of his sovereign's power, con- trived to change the resolution of these fickle tribes. They were even guilty of a counter-treachery, at- tacking a party of the Iroquois who had joined Uiem, and defeating them with great loss.* These 'jroceedings, however, were felt by the governor as strongly calling for some vigorous step to restore he reputation of his arms; and this could only be effected by carrying war on a great scale into the enemy's country. As this resolution, however, was formed in the autumn, its execution was delayed till the following summer, De Callieres being convinced that the army could not, without much suffering, march amid frost and snow into those desolate re- gions. He listened to a plan for sending a detach- ment during the winter into the canton of the Mo- hawks • but it was soon understood that, through Heriot, p. 289, 291-298, 305-308 THE DEATH OF IV OLE tNDER THE FRENCH. 195 the aid of the English, they had placed themselves beyond the hazard of being overwhelmed by any sudden attack. An attempt to surprise hunting- parlies, who crossed the St. Lawrence in spring, was attended with only partial success. It was not till the month of June, 1696, that oper- ations could be regularly commenced. At that period all the forces which could be mustered, regulars, militia, and Indians, were marched upon Cataraqui, and thence into the canton of Onondago. Great difficulty was found in conveying the army and baggage in batteaux along rapid streams ; and on one occasion the greater part had nearly been carried down an impetuous waterfall. On entering a lake, they discovered, suspended to a tree, two bundles of rushes, which intimated that 1434 war- riors were waiting to engage them. They there- fore sailed across, and formed themselves in regu- lar order of battle. A fort was constructed to serve as a magazine and place of retreat, and the troops then cautiously began their march into the heart of those savage regions. De Callieres commanded the left wing ; the Chevalier de Vaudreuil the right : while the count, then seventy-six years of age, was carried in the centre in an elbow-chair. The host of the Five Nations, however, did not ap- pear; and, on reaching their principal fortress, it was found reduced to ashes, while two Frenchmen, long detained there, had been recently massacred. This excited surprise, as the fort had been care- fully constructed by the English, in a regular form, with a double palisade, and strengthened by bastions and redoubts. It soon, however, became evident, that the cantons had determined to adopt the same policy as on former occasions, of allowing the enemy to march unresisted through their territory, satisfied that they woidd never be able to form any permanent establishment. Several prisoners esca- ped ; but the invaders could only overtake one In 196 HISTORY OF CANADA aian, nearly a hundred years old, who was barbar ously given up to the allied savages to be tortured It was a dreadful spectacle to see more than four hundred men venting their rage on this venerable and infirm warrior, who endured all they could in- flict upon him with unshaken fortitude, deriding his adversaries as slaves to a contemptible race of for- eigners.* After the Onondago canton had been thus over- run, the Oneidas sent deputies ; but Fronlenac, under present circumstances, would accept nothing short of unconditional submission. De Vaudreuil marched into their territory and laid it waste. It had been determined in council to advance, and treat the Cayugas in a similar manner; but the count, influenced probably by the exhausted state of his armament, resolved upon returning to Mon- treal. This conduct is much censured by the French writers, who consider that operations might have been carried further with great advantage. English authors, on the contrary, consider the whole expedition as an act of heroic folly, by which nothing was effected except the destruc tion of some grain and wooden cabins. The Iro- ^quois presently rallied, and harassed the invader* severely in their retreat ; nor did they afterw^-d cease their incursions into the settlement till they found the frontier so strongly guarded that they could not carry ofTany important plunder.f The governor, meanwhile, had a difficult nego- tiation with his own court, who had been persua- ded that the advanced posts maintained in the upper parts of the colony were of very little ad- vantage, while they chiefly caused the desolating wars in which it had been involved. The traffic Ihither, mi fact, was carried on very irregularly by Heriot, p. 309-321. La Potherie, vol. lii., p. 207, 208. t Ibid., p. 322-327. Colden. vol i., p. 197, 202. UNDER THE FRENCH. 197 an adventurous but desperate race, called the cou reurs du bois — rangers of the forest. It was, besides, a strict monopoly, being only allowed under licen- ses granted to old otiicers or favourites, who sold them for about 600 crowns each to the merchants. The purchasers fitted out the coureurs with canoes and merchandise, reaping profits so ample that the value of 8000 crowns was procured for French goods worth only a thousand. The savages, by their intercourse with the English, learning the extent to which they were cheated, made inces- sant complaints; and it was therefore proposed to allow them to bring their own furs and dispose of them at Montreal, while the colonists should devote all their attention to the cultivation of the soil. But the governor and other members of the administration argued that this step would throw the Indian allies entirely into the hands of the Five Nations and the British ; adding that, while the fur- trade would be entirely lost, a general confederacy of the tribes against France might be also dreaded. They were probably influenced by the fear of sac- rificing their own power and patronage ; and they contrived so to modify the injunctions from court, that they produced little practical effect.* The Iroquois continued the war with vigour, but both they and the Eiigiisii met with repeated disas- ters, which made them wish for peace. The Black Caldron himself, in a hunting expedition, was surprised and killed by a party of Algonquins. Negotiations were opened through Oureouhare whose sudden death again retarded them ; but their success was secured by tidings that peace had been coni^luded in Eiirnpe between France and Britain. The colonists of the latter power, who first receiv- ed the intelligence, sent a deputation to Quebec to propose an exchange of prisoners, both as re- * Heriot, p. 200.201, 334-336. 198 HISTORY OF CANADA. spected themselves and their allies. The count, however, preferred to negotiate separately with the cantons, and he soon had the satisfaction to discover that, notwithstanding the alliance which had S3 long united them to the English, a deep jealousy was now felt lest that people, when no longer obliged to court their aid, should endeavour to enforce certain claims of sovereignty. He stu- diously cherished this impression, hoping to im- prove it into a friendship with his own countrymen. But in the midst of these transactions he died, on the 29lh November, 1698, leaving a high reputation for the energetic measures by which, with little aid from the mother country, he had retrieved the affairs of the settlement, and raised it into a power- ful and flourishing state. He was disinterested, but ambitious, hnughty, and jealous of his authori- ty ; qualities which created him many enemies, and considerably obstructed his designs.* De Callieres, who had already distinguished him- self by important services, was appointed his suc- cessor, and administered affairs in a manner which gave entire satisfaction. With more steadiness and prudence than the count, he possessed nearly equal vigour and address. Much time and many difficul- ties, however, still intervened before all matters could be finally adjusted with the Iroquois, and be- tween them and the allies; but at length, in 1700, a pacification was effected, and the numerous pris- oners on both sides were allowed to return. On this occasion there was witnessed a surprising and somewhat mortifying occurrence ; for, while the natives eagerly sought their homes, the greater part of the French captives were found to have contract- ed such an attachment to the wild freedom of the woods, that neither the commands of the king, nor the tears and entreaties of their friends, could induce » Heriot, p. 337-345 UNDER THE FRENCH. them to quit, the savage associates with whom they had united. After peace had been thus estabhshed with their enemies, the French were involved in a contest with their alUes. Bourgmont, governor of Detroit, had endeavoured to unite the Ottawas witii the Miamis in an expedition into the interior of the con- tinent; but animosities had been for some time fer- menting between these tribes, aggravated by some imprudent and vioknit actions on his part. At length the former, instigated by a leading chief named " the Heavy," commenced an attack upon the latter, whom they pursued under the cannon of the fort. The guns being opened upon them, a con- test ensued, in which two Frenchmen, one of whom was a priest, were killed. The assailants then re- tired, and an old chief came to the governor to make the most humble apologies for this outrage, descri- bing it as a monKnilary ebullition, for which they could not theinselves account. The European leader promised pardon, provided the savage, who had instigated them to this violence, were delivered up. To this step they showed the most extreme reluctance, even pretending that it was out of their power; but, as the condition was held indispensable, they at length produced the offender, though with the most earnest entreaties for his pardon. This was granted, though rather imprudently; for the Miamis, who had considered themselves fully enti- tled to his head, raised a violent commotion, which it required some force to put down.* Scarcely had peace been thus concluded among the savage tribes, with some hope of duration, when it was broken by their civilized neighbours. The succession of Philip of Anjou to the throne of Spain gave rise to a long and eventful contest between France and England. It was begun by Louis XIV. * Heriot. o. 346, 362, 374-377, 380-384. 200 HISTORY OF CANADA In the height of his power, and with every prospect of giving law to all Europe ; instead of which, the exploits of Marlborough and Eugene, the fields of Blenheim and Kamillies, reduced him to the lowest condition, and at one time even seemed to place his crown in peril. In these disastrous circumstances, the mother country was obliged to leave her colo- nies to their own resources ; while England, elated with repeated triumphs, conceived the bold design of embracing within her territory the whole north of America. The situation of Canada was rendered still more critical by the death of De Callieres, her able governor, which took place in May, 1703, though hj was succeeded by ihe Count de Vaudreuil, who proved himself by no means destitute of the quali- ies requisite for his high office. The English now culled upon their allies of the Five Nations to renew hostilities against their old enemies ; but these tribes were exceedingly unwill- ing to interrupt their repose. They alleged that, when they concluded a treaty, they did so with an intention to keep it; while the Europeans seemed to enter into such engagements solely with the view of immediately breaking them. One chief, with the rude freedom of his nation, intimated his suspicion that the nations were both drunk. They did little, therefore, of themselves or by their own impulse ; and, when called upon to join an expedition, came slowly and reluctantly forward. De Vaudreuil, in contemplation of a formidable attack, sought to dissipate it by an offensive move- ment. He sent out a detachment 200 strong, which, after a long march, succeeded in storming and de- stroying a frontier village named Haverhill ;* though, while returning, they fell into an ambuscade. Thirty of their number were killed ; but, having beaten off their assailants, the remainder reached Montreal in safeiy.t * In Kssex county, Massachusetts.— .4 w. Ed. t Henot, p. 363, 364, 388, 397. UNDER THE FUENCII. 201 In May, 1709, an individual named V^etch, who had become intinialcly acquainted with the naviga- tion of the St. Lawrence, laid before the cabinet of Queen Anne a plan for the conquest of Canada. It being approved, he was sent to New- York, then called Manhattan, with authority and resources sup- Dosed sufficient for its accomplishment. De Vau- dreuii soon learned that 2000 English had issued from the place just mentioned, and that these were to be joined by an equal number of savages. Hav- ing mustered his troops, he at first thought of car- rying war again into the enemy's country ; but, after the march had begun, his allies objected, and he adopted the more prudent course of merely protect- ing his frontier. The British, after forming a chain of posts from New- York, had occupied in great force Lakes George and Cliamplain, and were erecting forts with a vie'v to cover their descent upon Canada. The Iroqi(ois had joined them ac- cording to promise ; but it appears that a general council of the cantons was held at Onondago, when one of their chief orators remarked that their inde- pendence was only maintained by the mutual jeal- ousy of the two European nations, each of whom, if they could, wnuld lord it completely over them, and that it was therefore highly imprudent to per- mit the English to conquer New France. These views were considered accordant with the policy which had always governed the cantons, and were immediately acted upon, though the manner in which this was accomplished does not exactly ap- pear. The English, however, in consequence of this want of co-operation, and of a pestilential dis- order which broke out among their own troops, abandoned the enterprise, burning their canoes, and reducing their forts to ashes.* * A reporf has generally prevailed, that the froquois caused his malady by throwing the skins of wild beasts into the stream 202 HISTORY OF CANADA Canada now enjoyed an interval of repose, though it was understood that the enemy were making act- ive preparations for a fresh expedition, and sparing no pains to secure the co-operation of the Five Na- tions. All means of conciliation were therefore studiously employed, and were so far successful as to obtain friendly professions from the JSenecas and the Onondagoes, but from them alone. At this time, however, the French were involved in a.desperate struggle in the upper territory, with a nation hither- to unheard of, called the Outagamis or Foxes. This they ascribe to the machinations of their old antag- onists, who yet do not appear to have taken any share in the contest. By the aid of a large body of Indian allies, these people were reduced to the ne- cessity of humbly soliciting terms of peace. But the subjects of Louis were persuaded by their sav- age auxiliaries to push matters to the last extrem- ity; and after a fresh and dreadful struggle, this un- fortunate tribe was nearly exterminated. The vic- tors, notwithstanding, had reason to repent of their barbarous conduct, as the remnant of the defeated nation carried on against ihem a ceaseless and har- assing warfare, and rendered insecure their com- munication with the settlements on the Mississippi.* The English in 1710 prepared a new and greater armament. General Nicholson arrived at Boston with a considerable squadron ; and fresh forces were expected, which, with those already in the colony, were to be employed in two joint expedi- tions, by sea against Quebec, and by land against Montreal. Notwithstanding every possible prepar- ation, these tidings excited deep apprehension, which continued unabated till a report arrived, and proved ultimately correct, that the invading squad- ron had been wrecked at the Seven Islands, near out of which the English drank , but we cannot think this a very probatile story. * Hervot, p. 397-416. UNDER THE FRENCH. 203 the mouth of the St. Lawrence. Several barks having sailed thither, found the remains of eight ves- sels, which, having struck upon the rocks, had been abandoned, after being stripped of their cannon and stores. A number of dead bodies scattered along the shore attested this calamitous event. The com- mander, impatient to proceed, and disregarding the warning of an experienced pilot, had involved his armament in this disaster. General Nicholson had already taken the field ; but, learning the loss of the fleet, and foreseeing that the whole force of the en- emy would now be turned against him, he fell back upon New York.* Though Canada had thus been twice delivered, intelligence was received that fresh preparations were making, and there was reason to fear that, if left without aid, she would at length be overwhelm- ed by superior forces. The governor, however, was relieved by the intelligence that, in consequence of a complete change of ministry, the EngHsh cabinet had determined to separate from its allies, and had opened a negotiation at Utrecht. Instruc- tions were sent to the colonial councils to sus- pend hostilities. Both the European powers being favourably inclined, the negotiations proceeded smoothly, and on the 30th March, 1713, this memo- rable treaty was signed. France retained Canada, though obliged, by the urgency of her circumstances, to cede Acadia and Newfoundland. She made over likewise all her claims to the sovereignty of the Five Nations : a very empty concession, by which she gave that which she had never possessed, and England received a nominal right which she could not enforce.! After this treaty Canada enjoyed a long period of uninterrupted tranquillity. The observations of Charlevoix, who visited the principal settlements • Uenot, p. 399-4.04. t Ibid., p. 418, 419 204 HISTORY OF CANADA during the years 1720 and 17-21, give a pretty good idea of their condition at that period. Quebec was estimated to contain about 7000 inhabitants ; both the lower and upper town were partially built, but none of the extensive suburbs appear to have then existed. The view from the summit of the rock ap- peared to him extremely striking; and anticipating the change, since partly fulfilled, when the surround- ing shores and islands, then covered with almost unbroken forests, should display cultivated fields, meadows, and villages, with numberless barks stud- ding the broad expanse of the St. Lawrence, he ex- pects it to form a prospect which nothing could equal. The society, composed in a great measure of military officers and noblesse, was extremely agreeable ; and nowhere was the French language spoken in greater purity. Under this gay exterior, however, was concealed a very general poverty. The settlers, while they admitted that their English neighbours knew better how to accumulate wealth, were consoled by reflecting that they were quite ig- norant how to enjoy it. 'I'hey themselves, on the contrary, understood thoroughly the most elegant and agreeable modes of spending money, but were greatly at a loss where to obtain it. The only em- ployment suited to their taste was the fur-trade, the rovmg and adventurous habits of which were ex- tremely attractive to them, and little fortunes were thereby occasionally made ; but they were in such haste to expend these in pleasure and display, that the author compares them to hillocks of sand in the deserts of Africa, which rise and disappear almost at the same moment. Many, who had made a hand- some figure, were now languishing in distress. They began by retrenching the luxury of their ta- ble, and, as long as possible, were richly dressed. The patient and laborious process of agriculture had drawn little attention, and the timber-trade was yet in its infancy, though the author points out the great UNDER THE FRENCH. 205 importance which it was capable of attaining. The absence of gold and silver, almost the only objects then considered as giving lustre to a colony, had al- wiys caused New France to be viewed as of very si^condary importance.* Tiie coasts of the St. Lawrence, for some extent below Quebec, were already laid out in seigniories, and tolerably cultivated. At I'uinte aux Trembles, seven leagues from the capital, many of the farmers were found in easy circumstances, and richer than their landlords ; the latter, having obtained grants which they had neither capital nor industry to im- prove, were obliged to let them at very small quit- rents. On reaching the mouth of the Be9ancour, he found a baron beanng the title of that river, and holding the office of inspector of the highways. He lived almost in a desert, and derived his income chiefly from traffic with the neighbouring Indians. Thence Charlevoix crossed to Trois Rivieres, which he found an agreeable place, amid a circuit of well- cultivated fields, but not containing more than 800 inhabitants. The fur-trade, with a view to which it was founded, had already been in a great measure transferred to Montreal, and the iron-mines had not yet begun to be worked. From Trois Rivieres he proceeded through the ' Lake of St. Peter, and, coasting along its southern shore, made particular observations on the river and district of St. Francis. From its excellent soil, covered with timber, it appeared to him well fitted for cultivation ; but the farmers were few, and had made such small progress, that, but for the oppor- truities of trade, they would have been extremely poor. A more cheerful scene presented itself at the island and city of Montreal, the beauties of which he describes in terms similar to those of all subse- * Charltvoix'fl Journal vol i., p. 104, 111-114, 121-125, 145 2C;}-J6r-. I.-Q 206 HISTORY OF CANADA queiit visiters. He does not make any estimate oi the population ; but it must iiave been considerable, as both the upper and lower towns were already built, and a suburb had been commenced. The place was then enjoying a respite from the alarms and calamities of war; and the two neighbouring villa- ges of Sault St. Louis and JMontgomery, inhabited by friendly Indians, served as barriers against their more savage countrymen.* Above Montreal, the traveller appears to have found nothing but detached stations for defence and trade. He made his way through the rapids to Lake Ontario, in Indian canoes formed of birch-bark. We find no mention of anything French till he comes to Fort Cataraqui or Frontenac, at the entrance of the lake ; but in his short description there is no ap- pearance as if the neighbourhood contained either cultivation or settlement. He had then a tedious voyage to perform along the southern shore in slen- der canoes, in which he was obliged to follow every wmding of the coast, and often to sail two hundred leagues in order to shun a direct passage of twenty. He was liable also to be detained for an indefinite period by violent or adverse winds. At length he entered the river of Niagara, and came to a cottage which had been dignified to him with the name of fortress, and was occupied by the Sieur de Joncaire. There were two or three officers of rank, and, we presume, a few troops, but apparently no trace of cultivation.! After having surveyed the falls, he ascended the channel of Niagara, and having entered upon Lake Erie, proceeded along its northern shore. The voyage appeared to him delightful, in a charming climate, on waters clear as the purest fountain, and landing every night on the most desirable spots. He » Charlevoix, Journal, vol. i., p. 172-178, 190, 213-218. t Ibid., p. 21)3-297, 312-31G, 341. U>DER THE FRENCH. 207 found always abundance of game, and a beautiful landscape, bounded by the noblest forests in the world. He fancied himself, like the ancient pa- triarchs, wandering through wide, unappropriated tracts, where he could pitch his tent in the most pleasant scenes. The oaks of Mamre and the foun- tain of Jacob seemed realized to him in the wilder- ness. Five days' sail along these beautiful shores brought him to the chamiel of Detroit, at the otlier end of which, near Lake St. Clair, he found the fort bearing that name. He inclined to the opinion of those who regarded this as the most beautiful and fruitful part of all Canada. A French settlement had been begun there fifteen years before, but vari- ous untoward circumstances had reduced it almost to nothing. He proceeded thence to Michillimacki- nac, near the adjoining extremities of the great lakes Huron, Superior, and Michigan. Like the others, it was a mere fort surrounded by an Indian village On the whole, it appears that, above Montreal, there was nothing at this time which could be called a colony. t The repose procured for Canada by the treaty of Utrecht was followed by a long continuance of pros- perity. Vaudreuil, till his death in 1725, admin- istered her affairs with judgment and activity; and under him cultivation was greatly extended. To remedy the want of hands, he proposed sending out annually 150 convicts, of the class usually con- iemned to the galleys. This governor was succeeded by the Chevalier de Beauharnois, who continued in power twenty years. This long period seems to have been diligently em- ployed in promoting the interests of the colony, and was productive of remarkable improvement. The range of cultivated farius was extended along the whole shore from Quebec to Montreal, and even • Charlevoix, Journal, vol. » , p. 3-7 208 HrSTORY OF CANADA several of the tributary streams. As the French Canadiins studiously sought a river-frontage, they were content with lots including only a small portion of this, with extensive back-ground. 'I'he propor- tion, in some degree fixed by statute, was an acre and a half in front, with an extent of forty behind. In the course of this period, too, the settlement at Detroit, which Charlevoix had found in such a lan- guishing state, was raised to so.. ^ consequence. The French likewise, during this interval, appear to have entirely overcome that rooted enmity so long cherished by the great Indian tribes. Their pliant and courteous manners, their frequent intermarria- ges, and, in some instances, an actual adoption of the habits of savage life, rendered them belter fitted than the English to secure the confidence of this savage race, instead of having to dread them as allies of Britain, they could usually, when occasion required, employ them as formidable, or, at least, harassing enemies to her. By their aid, and by the erection in commanding positions of the forts of Crown Point and Ticonderoga, tliey kept the rival colonies in perpetual alarm. The struggles, however, carried on during almost the first half of the eighteenth century were chiefly confined to Nova Scotia, under which head they will be narrated. Canada enjoyed a happy exemption from those eventful vicissitudes »vhich form the materials of history. An equally favourable change took place in re- spect to the fur-trade, which had shown so great a T)reference of the English market. A more liberal and equitable system appears to have been adopted ; and a large annual fair, opened at Montreal under judicious regulations, became the general centre of this traflic. Even the Indians in the back settle- ments of New-York brought their furs thither rather han to the capital of that state.* * \T'G'egiir'.« British America, vol ii., p. 374. Burke's Ac- count of he European Settlements m America (2 vols. 9vo, London, 1608), vol. u., p. 42, 4.3. UNDER THE FREiNCH. 209 M. de Beauharnois was followed in office by a rapid succession of governors, each holding sway for an extremely short period, incompatible with any steady system of adminisiralion. The Count de la Galissoniere, though a nobleman of great ac- quirements, ruled only a year, being superseded in 1746 by M. de la Jonquiere, who took an active part in liie war for the reduction of Nova Scotia. After a temporary occupation of power by the Baron de Longueuil, the Marquis da Quesne, in 1752, went out as governor-general. This officer appears to have carried on more openly than ever the system of encroaching upon the British colonies ; and the fort bearing his name was erected within the con- fines of Virginia. So great an alarm, indeed, spread through our settlements, that a general convention was held at Albany, when a plan of common de- fence, proposed by the celebrated Dr. Franklin, was approved, but, from different causes, never carried into effect.* A census taken of the colony in 1753, is said by Raynal to have shown a population of 91,000; but, from the number afterward found by the English, this appears to be somewhat exagger- ated. The finances were, however, involved in con- siderable disorder. The expenditure, which in 1729 did not exceed 400,000 francs, had risen in 1750 to 2,100,000 livres; in 1758 it was '27,900,000; but this last, we may observe, was a period of general war, of which North America became one of the principal theatres. The conduct of Bigot, the intendant, was loudly complained of, and proved, indeed, to have been most fraudulent, his defalcations amounting to about 1,920,000 dollars. In 1755, Du Quesne was succeeded by De Vaudreuil Cavagnal.f * The failure of the plan of union here spoken of was owing to its beitiu; rejected by the Parliament of Great Britain, from the fear that it would too mucli increase the power of the colonies. —Am. Ed. t M'Gregor, vol. ii., p. 375-381. Raynal, Histoire Philoso- 210 HISTORY OP CANADA CHAPTER IV. History of Canada under the British. War between Great Britain and France.— Advantages gamed by the latter. — Expedition against Canada under Wolfe. — His first Repulse. —Lands a second Time. — Victory. — Death. —Conquest of Canada. — State of the Population. — Their good Treatment.— Refuse to join the Rebellion by the United Colonies.— The latter invade Canada.— Siege of Quebec. — Repulse and Death of Montgomery. — Americans driven out of Canada. — A Constitution granted.— Division into Upper and Lower. — Rise of Internal Dissension. — War with the United States. — Advantages gained by Britain on the west- ern Frontier.— On the INiagura, &c. — The Americans take York (Toronto) and Fort George.— Obliged to Retreat.— Their Successes in the West.— Fruitless Attempt on Montreal. — Events on the Niagara Frontier. — Large Re-enforcements from England. — Failure of Sir George Prevost. — Peace. — Discontents of the Assembly. — Administration of the Duke of Richmond. — Earl of Dalhousie.— Sir James Kempt.— Lord Aytmer. — Increased Discontent.— Commission of Inquiry. — Earl of Gosford.— Assembly still refuse Supplies.— Resolu- tions of the British Parliament.— Disturbances in Canada. — Insurrection. — Suppressed.— Political Movements in Upper Canada.— Sir Francis Head Governor.— Rising and Defeat of Mackenzie.— Aggressions from the United States —Conduct of their Government.— Mission of the Earl of Durham. — Re- cent Events. We now approach the most memorable period in the history of Canada, when its dominion was finally transferred from France to a rival power. As the events of this contest, however, though ex- tremely memorable, form a portion of general his- tory, and are familiar to many readers, we shall phique et Politique des Etablissements et du Commerce de« Europeens dans les deux Indes (4 vols. 4to, Geneva, 1780), vol. iv., p. 125, 137. Hawkins's Picture of Quebec (18mo, Quebec, 1834), p. 316, 317. UNDER THE BRITISH. 211 here content ourselves with a rapid summary ol them. The great war which broke out in 1755 opened in a manner most unfavourable to the British arms. General Braddock, who marciied from New- York against Canada, having neglected the precautions necessary in such a country, was completely sur- prised by a combined force of French and Indians. He himself being killed, only part of the army was saved by the skill and intrepidity of Colonel (after- ward General) Washington, who on that occasion distinguished himself for the first time. His troops being afterward joined to the provincial force under Generals Shirley and Johnson, repulsed near Lake George an attack made by a large body of the en- emy under Baron Dieskau. Johnson, having ac- quitted himself with great ability, and received sev- eral wounds, was rewarded with the honour of knighthood, and was long nmch esteemed in Amer- ican warfare.* But in the two following years the enemy, headed by the gallant Marquis de Montcalm, obtained a series of successes, terminating in the reduction of the important forts called Oswego and William Henry. This last triumph was stained with the barbarous murder, by the Indians, of fif- teen hundred English prisoners; which Montcalm, though, it should seem, unjustly, was accused of sanctioning. These disasters, joined to the failure of Admiral Byng at Minorca, and other abortive ex- peditions, deeply depressed the spirit of the nation, and seemed to sink their reputation in arms lower than at any former period. Yet the courage of the British nation was soon afterward roused : the pub- lic voice called to the helm of affairs William Pitt, the greatest statesman then living, and who was destined to raise his country to a pitch of glory before unrivalled • Hawkins, p. 318, 319. Bouchette, vol. i., p. 440, 212 HISTORY OF CANADA It was one of the main objects of Pitt's policy to obtain possession of the French territories in Amer- ica, and to form them, together with the British colonies, into one vast range of dominion. He chose as his chief instrument Wolfe, a young man without family or parliamentary interest, or even any established character as a commander. He had served only in subordinate situations ; yet the minister, with intuitive sagacity, saw in him the man best fitted to lend British troops to victory.* In the expedition against Louisburg in 1758, the most active, though not the highest, post was as- signed to him, and through his exertions, chiefly, ihat main bulwark of French America fell. After the great name thus earned, there could no longer be any objection to investing him with the chief command. In 1759 preparations were made on a great scale for the conquest of Canada, comprising twenty sail of the line, with smaller vessels and transports, having on board 8000 veteran troops. These were placed under the direction of Wolfe, who was al- lowed the choice of all his officers. After a pros- perous voyage, the armament, on the 26th June, arrived off the Isle of Orleans. Quebec was de- fended by the Marquis de Montcalm, having undef his command 13,000 men, of whom, indeed, only 2000 were regular troops, the rest being Canadian militia, with a few Indians. The attack having been long foreseen, full time was given him to in- trench and strengthen his position. An attempt was first made to destroy the British fleet by fire- ships ; but these were caught with grappling-irons, towed aside, and allowed to burn out without doing any injury. Brigadier-general Monckton then oc- cupied Point Levi, opposite to the capital, which was thence bombarded with vigour ; but, though a * Entick's History of the late War, vol iv., p. 91. UNDER THE BRITISH. 213 number of houses were destroyed, the defences re» mained almost uninjured. The place, therefore, could only be carried by storming the intrench- ments which the French had thrown up in front of it. This bold measure Wolfe resolved to adopt, and on the 31st July he effected a landing. The boats, however, had met with an accidental delay ; the grenadiers, it is said, rushed forward with too blind and impetuous a valour; Montcalm, strongly posted between Quebec and Montmorenci, poured in upon them a destructive fire ; the Indian rifle told with fatal effect; and the assailants were finally repulsed with the loss of 182 killed and 650 wounded. Wolfe felt this disappointment so deeply that his delicate frame was thrown into a violent fever ; and in a despatch to Mr. Pitt, he afterward expressed the apprehensions under which he laboured. The fleet, his strongest arm, could not act agiiinst the wall of rock on which Quebec is seated ; and with his weakened force he had to storm fortified povsi- tions defended by troops more numerous than his own. As soon, however, as his health permitted, he called a council of war, desired the general offi- cers to consult together, and, it is said, proposed to them a second attack on the French lines, avoiding the errors which had led to the failure of the first. They were decidedly of opinion that this was inex- pedient ; but, on the suggestion, as is now believed, of Brigadier-gener-ril Townsend, the second in com- mand, they proposed to attempt a point on the other side of Quebec, where the enemy were yet unpre- pared, and whence they might gain the Heights of Abraham, which overlooked the city. Wolfe as- sented, and applied all his powers to the accom- plishment of this plan. Such active demonstrations were made against Montcalm's original position, that he believed it still the main object; and, though he observed detachments moving up the river I.— B, 214 HISTORY OF CANADA merely sent De Bougainville with 2000 men to Cape Rouge, a position too distant, being nine miles above Quebec. On the night of the 12th September, in deep silence, the troops were embarked and con- veyed in two divisions to the place now named Wolfe's Cove. The precipice here was so steep, that even the general for a moment doubted the possibility of scaling it; but Fraser's Highlanders, grasping the bushes which grew on its face, soon reached the summit, and in a sliort time he had his whole army drawn up in regular order on the plains above. Montcnlm, struck by this unexpected intel- ligence, at once concluded that, unless the English could be driven from this position, Quebec was lost ; and hoping, probably, that only a detachment had yet reached it, pushed forward at once to the attack. About 1500 light infantry and Indians arrived first, and began a desultory fire from among the bushes ; but the British reserved their shot for the main body, which was seen advancing behind. They came forward in good order, and commenced a brisk attack ; yet no general fire was opened in return till they were within forty yards, when it could be fol- lowed up by the bayonet. The first volley was de- cisive; Wolfe and Montcalm both fell almost at the same moment ; the French instantly gave way in every quarter; and repeated charges, in which the Highland broadsword was powerfully wielded, soon completed the victory. As soon as Wolfe received his mortal wound, he said, " Support me ! let not my brave soldiers see me drop." He was carried to some distance in the rear, and hearing the cry, ''They run!" he asked. " Who run V' Being told "The'eneniy," he gave some short directions, and then said, " Now, God be praised, I die happy!" We cannot forbear quoting the simple and feelmg observations of General Townsend respecting his heroic friend, whose fate threw so affecting a lustre on thi-^ memorable victory : " 1 am not ashamed to ONDER THE BRITISH. 215 dwn to you, that my heart does not exult in the midst of this success. I have lost but a friend in General Wolfe ; our country has lost a sure sup- port and a perpetual honour. If the world were sensible at how dear a price we have purchased Quebec in his death, it would damp the public joy. Our best consolation is, that Providence seemed not to promise that he should remain long among us. He was himself sensible of the weakness of his constitution, and determined to crowd into a few years actions that would have adorned length of life." The battle had scarcely closed when De Bougain- ville appeared in the rear ; but, on seeing the fortune of the day, immediately retreated. On the 17th a flag of truce came out, and on the 18th a capitula- tion was concluded on honourable terms to the French, who were not made prisoners, but con- veyed home to their native country.* Canada was not yet conquered. General Am herst, indeed, marching from New-York with a large force, had reduced the strong posts of Ticon- deroga and Crown Point; while General Prideaux, aided by Sir William Johnson with a body of In- dians, had taken Niagara. But the winter arrested their farther advance ; and General de Levi, who had assembled at Montreal upward of ten thousand men, conceived the design of recapturing Quebec in the spring, before it could obtain succours either by sea or land. Being baffled in his projects to carry it by a coup de main, he landed his army on the 27th April, 1760, advanced to the heights of Abraham, and prepared to carry on a regular siege. General Murray had been left with a garrison of 6000 men ; but a severe attack of scurvy had reduced to half that number those who were capable of bearing arms. This officer, dreading that the place was un- * hlntick's History of the Late War, vol. iv., p. 66-118. Hawkins' Picture of Quebec, p. 331, 359, 373, 374, 2i6 HlSTOfiY OF CANADA fit to Stand a siege, and hoping much fiom the bravery of his troops, attacked the enemy on the 27th April at Sillery ; but, being overpowered by su- perior numbers, he was defeated with ^reat loss. If guilty here of any rashness, he atoned for it by the activity with which he placed Quebec in a state of defence, and held out the town till the 15th May, when a fleet, under Admiral Swanton, arrived and raised the siege. The French army then concen- trated itself in Montreal, where the Marquis de Vau- dreuil made an attempt to maintain his ground ; but being enclosed by the forces under General Am- herst, and by those from Quebec and Niagara, he found himself obliged, on the 8th September, 1760, to sign a capitulation, by which that city and the whole of Canada were transferred to British domin- ion. He obtained liberal stipulations for the good treatment of the inhabitants, and particularly the free exercise of the Catholic faith, and the preserva- tion of the property belonging to the religious com- munities. He even demanded that the bishop should continue to be appointed by the French monarch, but this was of course refused.* The possession of Canada, as well as of all the adjoining countries, was confirmed to Britain by the peace of Paris, signed on the 10th February, 1763. The population at the time of the conquest was stated by Governor Murray to amount to 69,275, consisting mostly of cultivators, a frugal, industri- ous, and moral race ; with a noblesse, also very poor, but much respected among them. The Indians converted to Catholicism were estimated at 7400. f The inhabitants were involved in great calamity by the refusal of the French government to pay the bills drawn and 'he paper currency issued by M. Bigot, the late intendant, already mentioned as having been guilty of the most extensive peculation. The * Hawkins, p. 410-413. Entick, vol. iv., p. 473, 474. \ M'Gregor, vol. ii., p. 382. UNDER THE BRITISH. 217 gross sum is stated by Raynal at 80,000,000 of livres (i^3,333,000 sterling); bv'it, considering the small number and poverty of the people, we cauniit help suspecting it to be much exaggerated. It is said that the claims were, on grounds of equity, reduced to 38,000,000; though, according to M'Gregor, no more was received in return for them than £'250,000 . in money, and jCl25,000 in bonds, which never be- ; came effective.* The terms in favour of the French residents were faithfully, and even liberally, fulfilled by the English governtnent. All offices, however, were conferred on British subjects, who then consisted only of mil- itary men, vvitfi not quite 500 petty traders, many of whom were ill fitted for so important a situation. They showed a bigoted spirit, and an offensive con- tempt of the old inhabitants, including even their class of nobles. General Murray, notwithstanding, strenuously protected the latter, without regard to repeated complaints made against him to the minis- try at home ; and by this impartial conduct he gain- ed their confidence in a degree which became con- spicuous on occasion of the great revolt of the United Colonies. During that momentous period, though pressingly invited to assist the latter, the Canadians never swerved from their allegiance. With a view to conciliate them, the " Quebec Act," passed in 1774. changed the English civil law, which had been at first introduced, for the ancient system called the coutume de Pans. The French language was also directed to be employed in the law-courts, and other changes made with the view of gratifying that nation. These concessions did not, however, give universal satisfaction, especially as they were not attended with any grant of a national represent- ation. The Americans, finding all their proposals reject • Rayral, vol. v., p. 230. M'Gregor, vol. ii., p. 381 218 HISTORY OF CANADA ed, determined to view Canada as a hostile country They observed that the British, almost entirely oc- cupied in the attempt to put down the insurrection, had left this country very slightly defended. In September, 1775, two expeditions were fitted out, which were distinguished by tragical events, as well as by the brilliant and romantic valour of their chiefs. While the main body, under Montgomery, marched by Lake Champlain upon Montrea», Arnold with 1100 men, sailed up the Kennebec, and pro ceeded through the vast forest that stretches be tween it and the St. Lawrence, hoping to surprise Quebec. The sufferings of the party were extreme, being obliged to eat dogs' desh and the leather of their cartouch-boxes. Ye tthey arrived, on the 9th November, at Point Levi, without any alarm having reached the capital ; but all the shipping had fortu- nately been removed from that side. Arnold was thus unable to cross, and in twenty-four hours the inhabitants were apprized of the danger. On the 14th that active officer contrived to pass the river and occupy the Heights of Abraham, though his force was too smp.U for active movements till joined by Montgomery. This commander sent forward a reconnoitring party under Colonel Ethan Allen, who made a brave but rash attempt on Montreal, in which he was taken with his party, and afterward sent in irons to England. Montgomery, however having reduced the posts of St. John and Chambly and made prisoners of their garrisons, which inclu- ded a large proportion of the regular force in Can- ada, that city was quite unable to resist ; and Gen eral Carleton, the governor, with difficulty escapee m a boat with muffled paddles. The Americar leader then advanced upon Quebec, and took the command of the united force. Carleton had undet arms only 1800 men, of whom not more than seven ty were regulars ; 230 of Eraser's Highlanders, whc had settled in the country, were reimbodied under UNDER THE BRITISH. 219 Colonel M'Lean ; the rest were British and Canadi- an militia, seamen, and others. The summons to surrender, however, was at once rejected ; and Montgomery, after puvshing the siege during the month of December without any prospect of suc- cess, determined to carry the place by a night-as- sault. On the 31st, two storming parties were formed ; one under himself, and the other under Ar- nold. They were to advance from opposite sides, and meet at the foot of Mountain-street, then force Prescott Gate, and reach the upper town. Th-e first battery encountered by Montgomery was de- fended chiefly by a party of Canadian militia, with nine British seamen to work the guns. Having re- ceived some previous notice, they were on the watch; and, about daybreak, saw amid the snow a body of troops in full march from Wolfe's Cove. Orders were given to make no movement ; and the enemy having halted at the distance of fifty yards, sent forward an officer to reconnoitre, who found everything perfectly still. On his return the Amer- icans rushed forward in double quick time to the attack. When they were close to the spot. Captain Barnsfare, at the critical moment, gave the signal for a general discharge of guns and musketry. It told with unexpected and fatal effect ; for, among many others, Montgomery himself, the gallant chief, fell to rise no more. The troops, on witnessing this disaster, made a precipitate retreat.* Meantime Arnold, from the opposite side, pushed This event has been very variously related. Hinton (His tory and Topography of the (Jnited States, 2 vols. 4to, London, 1834 vol. i., 336) even represents it as a mere casual fire by which Montgomery was killed ; but we have followed Hawkins, whose narrative appears to be the result of very careful re- tearch * Notwithstanding what is here said, the better opinion andoabtedly .s, thai this was a mere random shot ; and that, but for this fatal cas- ualty, the surprise would have been complete, and the result of tbe ea- lerprise very different from what it proved.— .^m E4. 220 HISTORY OF CANADA on his attack with desperate resolution. In as. saulting the first barrier, he received a severe wound in the leg, which obliged him to quit the field.* But his party, led on by Captain Morgan, carried the post, and pushed on to a second. Here, how' ever, their eflforts were vain ; and General Carletoi having sent a detachment upon their rear, they were surrounded, and finally, to the number of 426 obliged to surrender. Neither of the parties thu> reached the main point of attack at Prescott Gate where the governor was stationed, with the deter- mination to maintain it to the last extremity. The British were not yet aware of all the results of the contest. As soon as the retreat of the firsi party was ascertained, they went out and collected :--nin under the snow, which had already covered mem, thirteen bodies. The surmise soon arose that one of them was that of the commander; yet some hours elapsed before an officer of Arnold's di- vision identified him, with the deepest expressions of admiration and regret. Montgomery, a gentle- man of good family in the north of Ireland, had served under Wolfe, but having afterward formed a matrimonial connexion in America, he had adopted with enthusiasm the cause of the United States as that of liberty. His military character, joined to his private virtues, inspired general esteem, and haa secured to him a place on the roll of noble and gal- lant chiefs who fell beneath the walls of Quebec. Arnold succeeded to the command, and attempted still to maintain his ground ; but the dispirited state of his men, still more than his actual loss, rendered What a melancholy contrast to the heroism here displayed, was exhibited m the conduct of this officer at a subsequent pe- riod. By his execrable attempt to betray the all-important mil- itary post of West Point, its garrison, and, it is believed, the person of Washington himself, and, with these, the last hopes of his country, into the hands of the enemy, he covered his name with mfamy, and obliterated all remembrance of his glorious deeds. — Am. Ed. UNDER THE BRITISH. i221 nim unable to keep up more than an imperfect blockade, at the distance of three miles. In April, 1776, his place was taken by General Wctoster, who brouglit a re-enforcement, and made some fresh at- tempts, but without success. Early in May several vessels arrived from England with troops and sup- plies, on which the enemy raised the siege and fell back upon Montreal. Thence they were driven from post to post, till, on the 18th June, they finally evacuated the province, on which they never made any farther attempt.* This long war terminated in 1783, by the inde- pendence of all the colonies which had united against Britain. The issue, unfavourable, or, at least, mortifying to the mother country, was attend- ed with considerable advantages to Canada ; for a large body of loyalists, expatriated on account of their political principles, sought refuge in her terri- tory. They received liberal grants of land, and laid the foundation of that prosperity which has since so eminently distinguished the upper province. The country continued for some years in a state of progressive advancement, being only agitated by the desire, sometimes strongly expressed, of obtain- ing a representative government. In 1790, Mr. Pitt determined to grant this boon on a basis nearly re- sembling that of the British Constitution. As a pre- liminary, it was resolved to divide Canada into two governments, Upper and Lower: and it is somewhat remarkable, that this arrangement, so much depre- cated by the present loyalist party, originated with the minister, who carried it through in the face of strong opposition from Fox and other Whig mem- bers. He considered that the attempt to unite two classes of population, so different in origin, lan- guage, and manners, would evidently lead to disu- nion and dissension; while they argued that this * Hawkins's Picture of Quebec, p. 424-434, 438- Hinton, *oL v., p. 344. 22 HISTORY OF CANADA union would afford the best means of harmonizing them into one social system. Another question arose wiih regard to the constitution of the legisla- tive council. Mr. Pitt proposed to form it of an hereditary noblesse, to be created for the purpose, and to include the more respectable French seign- eurs. Mr. Fox recommended a representative coun- cil, or, in default of this, one composed of members chosen by the king for life. This last suggestion, though not at first well received by the premier, was the plan ultimately adopted. The first House of Assembly, consisting of fifty members, was opened in 1792 by Lieutenant-gov- ernor Clarke. Their proceedings were for some time of no great importance. In 1797, Lord Dor- chester, who had been governor since 1786, was succeeded by General Prescott. Loud complaints were soon afterward made respecting the granting of lands, the board for that purpose having appro- priated large districts to themselves, and thereby obstructed the general settlement of the country. In 1800 Sir Robert S. Milnes was appointed lieuten- ant-governor. In 1803 a decision of the chief-jus- tice of Montreal declared slavery inconsistent with the laws of the country, and the few individuals in that condition received a grant of freedom. In 1807, apprehensions being felt of war with America, Sir James Craig, an officer of distinction, was sent out to superintend the affairs of the colony. About this time began those internal dissensions which have since so generally agitated the colony. The House of Assembly, though meeting regularly, do not seem previously to have aimed at the exer- cise of any high powers, or to have obstructed the governor in the discretionary exercise of his author- ity. But at this epoch they appear to have formed the design of rendering themselves independent, and even of controlling the executive. With the former view they demanded that the judges should UNDER THE BRITISH. 223 be expelled from their body, as being dependant upon and removable by government. To gain the latter object, they offered to defray from the funds of the colony the whole expense of the civil admin- istration. Although this was a boon, and unasked for, yet, on account of its apprehended purpose, it was rt'pelled with indignation, and the assembly soon afterward dissolved. The novel exercise of a free press by a newspaper called " the Canadian," in attacking the measures of government, was se- verely checked; the printer was sent to prison, and all his materials destroyed. Six individuals were also taken into custody, though never brought to trial. These proceedings gave lo this period the appellation of the " Reign of Terror.* in 1811 a new Assembly was called, which did not show itself more compliant. In the autumn ot that year, however, Sir George Prevost, a n!)re popular governor, assumed the rems of administra- tion ; and circumstances soon after occurred which induced the Canadians to suspend their complaints, and to make displays of loyally as ardent as if they had never been dissatisfied. The war commenced by the United States against Britain in 1812 produced a formidable crisis in the history of Canada, especially of the upper province It is not proposed to enter into any discussion of the grounds or merits of the hostile resolution adopt- ed by Congress. f Doubtless, however, as Britain * Bouchette, vol. i., p. 443, 445. M'Gregor, vol. ii., p. 391. Roebuck on Existing Difficulties in the Administration of the Canadas (London, 1836), p 6. t From the treaty of 1783, acknowledging the independence other former colonies, the policy of Great Britain towards the United States was but little worthy of a great and magnanimous nation. She persisted for several years in keeping possession of the western military posts, in direct violation of the stipula- tions of that treaty ; exercising by this means a widelv extended influence over the Indian trilies, to the great iniury of our fron tier settlements. By reviving thn iniquitous rule of 1756, which 224 HISTORY OF CANADA then stood, with her whole disposable force en- gaged against Napoleon, they calculated with con- fidence on obtaining possession of the Canadas, i( not of all British America. A similar impression prevailed in the colony itself, defended then by only 4500 troops, of whom not more than 1450 were in the upper province, though the most exposed, and presenting the most extended frontier. Not a few were inchned on the first alarm to pack up and quit goes in effect to deny to the neutral all trade not enjoyed bv the belligerant, she greatly crip()led and distressed our rising com- merce. By her orders in council of November, 1793, her armed ships were authorized to make prize of ail neutral vessels hav ing on board the produce of the colonies of Frence, or carrying provisions or supplies to the same; and this \n the absence o! any blockade of the ports of such colonies. Notwithstanding the treaty concluded by Mr. Jay in 1794, with the object of af fording some protection to American inieresis, these obnoxious orders, in place of being permanently repealed, were merely modified somewhat in their effects, by the substitution of others scarcely less objectionable, in 1795 and 1798. In 1806 she in- terdicted all neutral commerce with France and her dependances, by merely a paper blockade. Subjected to such sweeping an- noyances from one of the great belligerants, and exposed tovexa tions equally ruinous at the hands of the other, there was no longer the smallest security for the peaceful prosecution of com- mercial enterprises, and our merchant ships could scarcely move upon the ocean but at the imminent hazard of capture and con- fiscation But the abuse which most strongly excited the indig- nant feelings of the nation, as being more aggravated and mtol- erable than any other, was the practice of British naval ofKceis boarding our ships on the high seas, and forcibly taking from thern the seamen by which they were navigated, under the pretence of their being British subjects. Thus the American sailor found no protection afforded to him by his national flag, but might at any time be seized and transported on board a British ship-of- war, there to be detained, he knew not for what length of time, m a state of odious and oppressive servitude. If to this list of grievances be added the outrageous attack upon the fng;ite Chesapeake by a British squadron at a time of peace, and with- in the American vaters, and the crowning fact that no endeav- ours of the Amerxan government were of the slightest avail in ot)taining either redress for the past or security for the future, the reader will be able to perceive the causes by which this war iwas provoked. — Am. Ed. UNDER THE BRITISH. 225 the country ; but Sir George Prevost, seconded b> the majority of the inhabitants, adopted a more spirited resolution. The niihtia were called out; Quebec was garrisoned by tlie citizens ; and the frontier placed in a state of defence.* The States, though they had resorted to hostilities with such sanguine anticipations, were by no means in a forward state of preparation. Few of the of- ficers who had distinguished themselves in the war of independence survived the lapse of nearly thirty years. t General Hull, however, one of these veter- ans, was sent with a force of 2500 men to open the campaign on the western frontier of Upper Canada.! On the 5th of July, 1812, he arrived at Detroit, and on the 12th crossed the river and took possession of Sandwich, whence he issued a proclamation invi- ting the colonists to join him, or, at least, to remain neutral. Having no cannon mounted, he did not think it practicable to attack Fort Maiden, which covered Ainherstburg, where Lieutenant-colonel St. George with his small force was posted. Hull, how- ever, pushed forward detachments into the country, which gained some advantages and induced a few of the inhabitants to join them. But his prospects were soon clouded. Captain Roberts, with a small detachment, had early reduced the Fort of Michilli- mackinac,^ which " opened upon him the northern * Montgomery Martin's History of the British Colonies (5 vols. 8vo, London, 1834), vol. lii., p. 188. t Carey and Lea, Geography, &c., of America (Svo, London, 182.3), p. 59. } This force consisted of about an equal number of regular troops and of volunteers from the State of Ohio.— .^wi. Ed. ^ Lieut. Hanks, who held this important post with a garrison of only fifty-six men, had, by some unaccountable negligence, received no information of the war, and was first apprized of its existence by the appearance of a hostile force, and a summons from its commander to surrender the place. The great superior- Jty ol the enemy, whose force, consisting of regulars and Indians, was nine hundred strong, left no alternative to the American 226 HISTORY OP CANADA hive of Indians." Almost the whole of that race eagerly esponsed the British cause, and poured in from every quarter to support it. Meantime, Gen- eral Brock, having embarked all the troops that could be spared from the Niagara frontier, arrived on the 12th August at Amherstburg, where he mustered about 330 regulars, 400 militia, and 600 Indians. Hull, whose force, weakened by sickness and by sending away two detachments, is said not to have exceeded 800 effective men, retreated across the river, withdrawing the cannon prepared for the siege of Amherstburg, and shut himself up in De troit. General Brock instantly crossed, advanced upon the fort, and prepared for an immediate as- sault ; but a white flag then appeared from the walls, and a capitulation was quickly signed, by which the whole American force, including the detachments, were surrendered prisoners of war. Loud com- plaints were made by the Americans against the conduct of Hull,* who was afterward tried and con- commander but to capitulate at once on the most honourable terms he could obtain. — Am. Ed. * That the conduct of General Hull was most extraordinary throughout this brief and disastrous campaign, there can be little doubt. Of the effective character of the troops under hia command we have the most satisfactory evidence, in the spirit and gallantry which they uniformly displayed whenever they were called to face the enemy. A detachment under Major Vanhorn had bravely and successfully defended itself against a greatly superior force ; and Col. Miller, at the head of three hundred soldiers of the gallant forty-fourth regiment, so distin- guished for its valour at Tippecanoe, had completely routed a body of seven hundred British and Indians. Had Hull pushed on against Maiden with his mtrepid little army immediately after his arrival in Canada, there can be little doubt that he would have carried the place by a coup-de-main, such was the ardour of his troops. By neglecting to do this, he had afforded opportunity to the enemy greatly to strengthen his defences ; still, by the first of August, he was provided with a sufficient battering train to enable him to attack the fort in form. A coun cil of war was accordingly held, and it was resolved that this •hould immediately be done. The general in command sane- UNDER THE BRITISH. 227 demned to be shot, though spared on account of his age and former services.* The Americans made great efforts to obtain a more fortunate result on the Niagara frontier. Ear- y in September more than 6000 men were brought to the banks of the river, with the view of crossing it and penetrating into Canada. They were encour- aged by the exploit of two row-boats, which cap- tured the same number of British gun-brigs, with tioned the decision, the cannon were embarked, the time ap- pointed, and everything prepared for the army to advance; when, to its utter astonishment, without the slightest change of circumstances, or any apparent cause whatever, instead of moving against the enemy, they received orders to retreat with- out delay to the American side, and thus to abandon even such advantages as they had already obtained. This movement waa executed not without excitmg the utmost indignation both in the officers and men. As the Americans retired, the British assumed the offensive, and advanced. They commenced their operations by erecting batteries on the opposite shore to Detroit. Their next step was to despatch a flag of truce to the Ameri- can commander, very modestly demanding, before a gun had been fired, the surrender of his position, and of the force under his command. The reply returned was, that the place would be defended to the last extremity. This was followed by an inef- fectual bombardment from either side. On the morning of the 16th the British army was suffered to land without opposition on the American shore ; they advanced immediately upon Detroit ; the American troops were posted most advantageously to receive them ; everything appeared to promise an easy vie 'tory ; when, just before the approaching clamour of the enemy had come within the range of the American artillery, orders were received not to fire ; and, at the same time, the troops post- ed in the town were commanded to retire to the fort. A white flag, in token of submission, was hung out upon the walls, and an unconditional surrender was immediately agreed to, not only of the fort and garrison, but of the entire military district, with all the troops within the American general's command. Thus terminated this most hiunrlialing and calamitous affair; and the reader may judge whether there were not good grounds for at least some of the weighty charges preferred against the Ameri- can commander.— ^?«. Kd. * James, vol. i., p. 56-.58, 374-376, 72, 73. Martin, vol. iii., p. 189. Brackenridge's History of the late War (12mo, 6th edi- tion, Philadelphia, 1836), p. 32-41. Ji28 HISTORY OP CANADA valuable cargoes, as they were passing Fort Eria The troops are represented as filled with enthusias* tic confidence, urging and almost compelling Gener- ^l Van Rensselaer, their commander, to commence active operations. Accordingly, he succeeded, oa the morning of 13th October, in pushing across to Queenston a detachment, which, being well re-en- forced, gained possession of the heights. General Brock having come up, resolved to check their progress; but, making his advance with too small force, he was repulsed and killed, closing his brill- iant career by a glorious death. Meantime Gen- eral SheaflTe, having brought up the main force of the British from Fort George, and being joined by a body of Indians, with a detachment from Chippe- vvay, attacked the enemy ; and, after a sharp con- test of half an hour, compelled the whole, amount- ing to above 900, to surrender at discretion.* The Americans made yet another attempt to re- trieve this unfortunate campaign. General Smyth, who succeeded Van Rensselaer, had assembled on the 27th November 4500 men in the vicinity of Black Rock. Early on the following morning, two detachments succeeded in crossing, and, after a long and confused fight in the dark, drove in with loss Notwithstanding the unfortunate result of the battle of jueenston, attribntaole to the refusal of the militia to cross over to the support of the detachn.ent on the Canada shore, it was undoubtedly, as it regards the troops engaged, a very gal- lant affair. The whole American force did not much exceed 1000 men, of which not more than 300 were regulars; whereas, from the commencement of the action, they were opposed to superior numbers, afterward re-enforced by 600 regular troops under General Brock, and still later in the day by a detachment of 800 strong under General Sheaffe, nearly all regular troops. Notwithstanding this, the Americans bravely defended the ground they had won, against reiterated attacks, from an early hour in the morning to 5 o'clock in the afternoon ; nor did they finally yield until there was no longer any hope of their being sustained by re-enforcements from the other side. — Am. B4. UNDER THE BRITISH. 229 the British outposts ;* but when day broke, and Lieutenant-colonel Bisshopp had collected about 600 regulars and militia, they hastily retired to the other side, leaving a party of thirty to fall into the hands of the English. Another division began to cross, but some rounds of musketry and artillery induced them to return. In the course of tlie day, after a vain summons to surrender Fort Erie, nearly half the force was embarited, though in the afternoon the postponement of the enterprise was announced. After several days of uncertain councils, it was finally decided that the expedition should be aban- doned for the season.! The severity of the season caused a suspension of operations scarcely interrupted unless by an at- tack on Ogdensburgh by Captain M'Donnell, who, crossing the St. Lawrence on the ice, drove out the garrison, and obtained possession of eleven pieces of cannon and a considerable quantity of stores. J The Americans, meantime, were making extraordi- nary exertions to open the new campaign. At Sackett's Harbour, on the southern shore of Onta- rio, a naval armament was equipped, which gave them for some time the control of that fine lake A large force had been assembled and placed under a new commander, General Dearborn. The plan of this campaign was limited to the conquest of Upper Canada, the achievement of which, as that country was defended by only 2100 regular troops, was con- sidered beyond the reach of chance. On the 25th * These detachments the American accounts slate to have been entirely successful in occupying the enemy's works and spiking their cannon ; and thai here, agam, the failure of timely re-enforcements alone prevented a complete triumph. — Am. Ed. t James, vol. i., p. 81, 376, 377, 382-384. Brackenridge, p. 65-69. t This place was defended by a small militia force hastily raised under Col. Benedict, who conducted themselves with great gallantry, but could not successfully res'st the British de tachment, which was twelve hundred strong.— Am. Ed. I. — S 230 HISTORY OF CANADA. April, 1813, the general, with Commodore Chauncey, embarlted about 2000 men, and sailed to York (To- ronto), the rising capital of the province. It was then very ill prepared for resistance, scarcely at all fortified, and defended by General Sheaffe with only about 600 men.* On the morning of the 27th they reached the place and succeeded in landing, when, after a brave defence, protracted till two o'clock, the English were obliged to abandon the town. The invaders suffered chiefly by the explosion of a mine, which killed or wounded about 260, including among the former General Pike, a young officer of distin- guished merit, who had planned and conducted the attack. t After burning all the public buildings, they carried off the artillery and naval stores, and by the 1st of May evacuated the place. J The next enterprise was still more important, being directed against Fort George, near Newark, at the entrance of the Niagara channel, considered the chief military position in the country. Nearly the whole force was employed, a small part only being left to defend Sackett's Harbour. Brigadier- general Vincent, on the other hand, had only a Brit- ish detachment of about 1000 regulars and 300 mili- tia ; and Newark had been exposed to so severe a fire from the American fort on the opposite side, that it was no longer defensible. The enemy, there- fore, could be resisted only by opposmg his land- ing, or by beating him afterward in the field. Wheu * By the American -"^counts, the British force in this action is stated to have heen i lout 1000 regular troops and milit'^i, and half that number ol Indians. The number of prisoners alone was 550. t The firmg of this mine was undoubtedly a most barbarous and unjustifiable act on the part of the British. Their defeat was already inevitable, and they knew the explosion could not ■fleet the result. It was. therefore, a wanton destruction of life, as cowardly as it was cruel, without any expectation of benefit to themselves. — yl?«. Ed. t James, p. 136-149,397-406. Brackenridge, p. 102--105 UNDEP i'ilE BRITISH. 231 Commodore Chauncey, oq the 27th May, disembark- ed 4000 men under Dearborn and Lewis, both these operations were attempted ; but, after a long and se- vere contest, were rendered unavailing by the supe- rior numbers of the invaders.* Vincent was obli- ged, after calling in the garrisons of Chippeway and Fort Erie, to retreat first to the Beaver Dams, and then to Burlington Heights, near the western ex- tremity of Lake Ontario. The victors could not in- tercept his retreat, but they established for the first time a regular lodgment in Canada.f Meantime a respectable naval force having been organized at Kingston by Sir James Yeo, Sir Georgo Prevost, the governor, was prevailed upon to employ it in the attack of Sackett's Harbour, defended only by a small party, while the main body of the enemy was employed against Fort George. He sailed on the 27th of May, with about 750 men ; but, on ap- proaching, showed considerable hesitation, and even gave orders for a return to Kingston, till, encouraged by the success of the Indians in capturing twelve boats with seventy dragoons, he succeeded in effect- ing a landing on the morning of the 29th. Notwith- standing the difficulties of the ground, he drove the enemy before him, till they took shelter in a log-bar- rack and stockaded fort. Thence they kept up such a destructive fire, that General Prevost, considering it impossible to force the position, and panic-struck, it is said, by a false alarm raised by General Brown in his rear, ordered a retreat. Much difference of opinion, however, prevailed among the officers. Major Drummond is reported to have said : *' A few * The only part of the American army really engaged in this action was the advanced corps under Col. Scott, and part of the brigade of General Boyd, united, both numerically inferior to the enemy. The victory was complete, and the prisoners alone exceeded 600. — Am. Ed. + James, vol. i., p 151 -164, 407--412. Brackenridge, p. 108- U2. 232 HIS-rORY OF CANADA minutes, sir, and I will put you in possession of the place." He was ordered to ohej' ; upon which dis- content and a want of confidence in the commander- in-chief became general, and had a most injurious effect on the subsequent operations.* Fortune, so favourable to the Americans at the opening of the campaign, did not continue so throughout. Extraordinary exertions were made in the western states, particularly Kentucky. Two corps were formed, and despatched under Generals Winchester and Harrison, to march in different lines through Michigan ; then to unite and co-operate in recovering Detroit, and invading the adjoining dis- tricts. Winchester, suspected of a desire to achieve something before yielding his command to his co- adjutor, advanced with about 1000 men to French- town, within twenty-six miles of Detroit. Colonel Proctor, justly appreciating the importance of at- tacking him before the junction, hastily collected all the force within his reach, amounting to about 500 whites and 450 Indians. With these, on the 22d January, 1813, he succeeded in bringing the en- emy to action. They made an obstinate resistance, and being posted in houses and enclosures, caused considerable loss to the assailants : but they were ultimately overpowered, and nearly all made prison- ers. The general himself was among the number.-f James, vol. i., p. 165--176, 413-416. t The battle of the river Raisin was gallantly fought by th« Americans. Their little army consisted of only 7.50 men, nearly all volunteers from Kentucky, while the enemy's force was twice that number, mcluding regular troops and Indians. The most shocking barbarity was practised by the savages after the ac- tion. The remnant of these brave volunteers, among whonu were many of the most distinguished and respectable citizens of Kentucky, when there was no longer any hope of successful resistance, had capitulated on the condition that they should be protected against the Indians. This stipulation, however, ■was not fulfilled. Scarcely had these gallant men given up their arms, when a dreadful scene commenced. The wounded were scalped and stripped, the dead shockingly mutilated, and UNDER THE BRITISH. 233 General Harrison, on receiving intelligence of his disaster, took up a position near the rapids of Miami to await re-enforcements. Colonel Proctor felt equally the importance of attacking him before their arrival. Having assembled about 1000 regulars and militia and 1200 Indians, he embarked them at Amherstburg on the 23d April, then sailed across Lake Erie, and up the Miami. Many delays, how- \ ever, occurred, by which the enemy was enabled so to strengthen his position, that the attack made on the 1st of May had very little effect. The Ameri- cans were then encouraged to assume the offensive, which they did with large bodies of troops, partly landed from the river, partly sallying from the fort. At first they gained possession of the British batter- ies ; but they were then attacked at different points with such decisive success, that upward of a thou- sand were killed or taken, and the rest with difficul- ty found refuge within the intrenchments.* These Proctor found himself still unable to storm ; but he had so weakened the enemy's force as to remove all immediate danger of invasion.! Let us now return to the main theatre of opera- tions on the Niagara frontiei, where we have seen an infliscriminate massacre of the prisoners took place. Out of the 450 who had surrendered, a comparatively small number only escaped. — Ain. Ed. * The force brought by Proctor to the attack of Fort Meigs is stated in the American accounts to have been 550 regulars, 800 militia, and 1500 Indians. The American garrison consist- ed of 1200 men, principally volunteers, and in the sortie against the enemy's works they were supported by a detachment from the corps under General Clay, amountmg to 800 men, also voj- Bnteers. The principal loss sustained by the Americans was owing to their ton great impetuosity m pursuing the enemy, by ■which means they were drawn into an ambuscade, and attacked on all sides by a savage force greatly outnumbering their own. The abandonment of the siege, and the retreat of the enemy, •re the best evidence of tiie prowess of the American troops.— Xm. Ed. t James, vol. i., p. 194-201 , 426-428. Brackenridge, p. 96-98. U3 234 HISTORY OF CANADA the British driven before the enemy to Burling- ton Heights. Dearborn immediately sent forward Generals Chandler and Winder, with 4000 men, to destroy, if possible, this shattered remnant ; a suc- cess which would have been followed by the con- quest of all the western provinces. On the fifth of June they took post at Stony Creek, to prepare for operations on the following day. In this critical situation. Lieutenant-colonel Harvey, having care- fully reconnoitred the enemy's position, suggested a night attack, to which General Vincent readily as- sented. It was made with 700 chosen troops, and, being favoured by deep darkness, was completely successful ; the two commanders, with seven offi- cers and 116 men, were made prisoners. The Brit- ish at daylight withdrew their small force ; and the Americans contended, that, but for the capture of the two generals, the advantage was all on their side. Their loss, indeed, had not been great ; yet such was the impression made by the events of the night, that, before eleven next morning, they had commenced a retreat to Forty-mile Creek, eleven miles distant.* Here they received a re-enforce- ment ; but, being threatened by Sir James Yeo, who had come with a squadron and a small body of troops to support General Vincent, they determin- ed on retreating to Niagara. Intelligence being re- ceived by the American commander that the Eng- lish had a small advanced post at Beaver-dam, Lieu- tenant-colonel Boerstler, with about 700 men, was sent to attack it. That officer, however, being un- expectedly assailed, first by a party of Indians, and The un'ted corps ol Generals Chandler and Winder amount- ed to about 2500 men. The capture of these officers is to be attributed t(. the confusion arising from the darkness of the night, and the consequent difficulty of distinguishing friend from foe. The loss of the Americans was 150 in killed, wound- ed, ami missing ; that of the enemy in prisoners alone was 100 —Am. Ed. UNDER THE BRITISH. 235 soon afterward by a small body of regulars, con- ceived himself to be surrounded, and, on being sum- moned by Lieutenant Fitzgibbon, surrendered his whole corps prisoners of war* The Americans now held nothing on the right bank of the river be- yond Fort George. The British even made incur- sions on the opposite shore, in one of which Colo-- nel Bisshopp gained possession of Black Rock, where he destroyed or carried off the arms and stores; but being attacked while re-embarking by a superior force, his party suffered some loss, and he himself received three wounds, which proved mortal. t The British at this time gained some advantages on Lake Chatnplain, taking several vessels, and de- stroying the American magazines at Plattsburg and Swanton.J They were now, however, des- tined to experience severe reverses, and that, too, on the theatre of their most brilliant triumphs. The Americans made extraordinary exertions to retrieve their affairs on the western frontier; vol- unteers crowded from Kentucky, a territory of daring and warlike habits, and by September they had succeeded in augmenting General Harrison's army to upward of 5000 men. They had formed another fortified station on Sandusky river, which Major-general Proctor, without success, attempted There is no doubt this expedition was ill judged, and with- out any sufficient object to have rendered it expedient. Still the account here given is most unjust to the American com- mander and the troops under '.ns charge. Tliey made a most brave resistance, though attacked on all sides by a greatly supe rior force of British and Indians ; nor did they capitulate until their ammunition was all but exhausted, and one third of theii number either killed or wounded.— .Am. Ed. t James, vd.. i., p. 205-229, 431-442. Brackenridge, p. IH 119. X The magazines were the private warehouses ol the citi zens, whose property was most wantonly plundered and d« stroyed. — Am. Ed. 236 HISTORY OF CANADA to reduce.* A squadron of nine vessels, mounting fifty-six guns, had been equipped by them on Lake Erfe, and it was with great difficulty that one able to contend with it could be fitted out by the Brit- ish, under Captain Barclay. An engagement took place, which was maintained with the utmost ob- stinacy ; but tlie conflict ended in the defeat and entire surrender of the English squadron. f J This event reduced General Proctor to extreme distress, depriving him of access to supplies and re-enforce- ments, while his stock of provisions had become quite inadequate for his own troops and the numer- ous Indians who had joined his standard. On the arrival, therefore, in the end of September, of Gen- eral Harrison at Detroit, he did not attempt to maintain his position at Amherstburg, but retreated up the river Thames. The other pursued him closely with 3500 troops, while Proctor was desert- ed by most of his Indians, of whom he had now only about 500, with 800 whites. At the Moravian town, on the 5th of October, he took up a strong position, flanked by the river on one side and a wood on the other, where he hoped to render un- availing the superior numbers of the enemy. Har- rison, however, had with him a body of combat- The defence of this fort was one of the most gallant affairs during the war. The American garrison consisted of only 160 men, under the command of Major Croghan. Their works were weak, and a single six-pounder was all their artillery. Proctor assailed it with a force of 500 regular troops and 700 Indians, and was repulsed in all his attempts with great slaugh- ter. — Am. Ed. i The American squadron in this action consisted of nine vessels, mounting fifty-six guns; the British, of six vessels, mounting sixty-nine guns. With the exception of the Lawrence and the Niagara, all the American vessels were small, whereas five of the British vessels were comparatively large. The loss of the Americans was twenty-seven killed and ninety-six woand- ed ; 'hat of the. British, two hundred in killed and wounded, and 6ix ^ undrp'^ nrisoners. — Am. Ed. ■^ i-^tsa, »il. i.,p. 263-274. Ca-ey and Le*, p. 62 UNDER THE BRITISH. 237 unts yet unknown in warfare, the Kentucky mount- i!d rirtemen, accustomed to ride through ilie woods, using their weapon with ahuost preternatural skill. Their very novelty, he justly hoped, would make a strong impression. Following his instructions, they received the fire of their opponents, then gal- loped forward, and in a few minutes completely broke the British ranks, spreading among them a general confusion.* The severest conflict was with the Indians, who lost their chief Tecumseh, one of the bravest of the brave, and equally dis- tinguished by policy and eloquence. The main ob- ject of his life had been to unite his followers in a grand confederacy against the Americans. In en- mity to them, he had warmly attached himself to the cause of the British, and aided them in succes- sive victories. General Proctor retreated to An- caster, where he could rally only 200 men, with whom he joined the Niagara army. Harrison also, having thus recovered Michigan, and conquer- ed the western districts, marched to re-enforce his countrymen in that quarter.f The Americans now formed a plan of operations on a grander scale, directed against Montreal, the success of which would have placed in their hands the whole of Upper Canada. In this enterprise two armies were destined to co-operate ; one, con- sisting of nearly 6000, under Major-general Hamp- ton, from Lake Champlain ; the other, amounting to 8800, under Major-general Wilkinson, from Grena- dier Island, near Sackett's Harbour, on Lake Onta- rio, As the city was defended by a very small pro- portion of the regular soldiers, who were chiefly The British force in this action is no doubt much underra- ted. The Indians alone were, according to the American ac- counts, from 1200 to 1500. Six hundred regular troops wera among the prisoners. — Am. Ed. t James, vol. i., p. 276-298, 451-458. Brackenridge, p. I4ft 15G 238 HISTORY OF CANADA employed in the upper province, Hampton hoped, by pushing vigorously forward, to capture the place with little difficulty. But, having passed the frontier in the end of October, he found on the banks of the river Chateauguay the advanced corps of 800 British, ■with 172 Indians, commanded by Lieutenant-colonels De Salaberry and M'Donnell. These officers posted their troops so judiciously amid woods, and so skil- fully concealed the smallness of their number, that the enemy, though they made several brisk attacks, were always repulsed ; and Hampton, believing him- self opposed by a large force, determined to retreat. Meantime, the larger expedition under General "Wilkinson having crossed Lake Ontario, entered the river Saint Lawrence. At Williamsburg, two considerable detachments were landed, in order at once to clear the banks and to lighten the boats while descending the rapids. On the Uth Novem- ber, one of these, under Major-general Boyd, en- countered Lieutenant-colonel Morrison with an infe- rior British force. A very obstinate conflict ensued, in which both parties claimed the victory.* The result was not such as to prevent the Americans from continuing to descend the river towards Mon- treal. Near Cornwall the commander received de- spatches from General Hampton, intimating that he declined the expected co-operation, and intended to fall back upon Lake Champlain. W ilkinson then conceived it necessary to give up for this season any attempt upon Montreal, especially as he found the population hostile to the States, and attached to the British government. He therefore placed his army in winter quarters, near the French mills, on the Salmon river, where he formed a plan for at- tacking Prescott and Kingston ; but, finding himself * In point of numbers, the detachments engaged in this conflict were probably about equal. The Americans were mostly new recruits, never before in action, while the British force cons' sled •ntirely of veteran troops. — Am. Ed. UNDER THE BRITISH. 238 much straitened for provisions, was induced to fall back upon Plaitsburg.* Meantiine, the employment of the main army of the Americans in this unsuccessful expedition ena- bled their opponents to resume the offensive on the Niagara frontier. On the first intelligence of the disasters sustained in the west, General Vincent had been ordered to fall back upon Kingston ; but he considered that circumstances now justified him in maintaining his position. 'I'he enemy's force in this quarter had been greatly reduced. On the ad- vance of a strong detachment under Colonel Mur- ray, the American commander, General M'Clure, first fell back upon Fort George, tlien abandoned that post, previous to which he reduced the adjoin- ing town of Newark to ashes. f Murray was not content with pursuing him beyond the river ; he al- so surprised and stormed Fort Niagara, taking above 400 prisoners, with a large quantity of arms and stores. I The English afterward surprised and plundered the villages of Lewiston, Black Rock, and Buffalo, where they retaliated not very consid- erately the acts of M'Clure at Fort George.^ Operations were recommenced early in the spring of 1814. Lieutenant-colonel Williams, with .lames, p. 301--333, 347-350, 467-475. Brackenridge, p. 158 -167. t This act excited great indignation in the United States against their own commander, and was promptly disavowed by the American government. — Am. Ed. X The garrison of this place consisted of about 300 men, mostly invalids. Capt. Lewis, the. cominaniiing officer, was ab- sent from his post at the lime of the attack, and, with tlie most culpable negligence, had made no provision against surprise. The entire garrison, with the exception ot about twenty men who escaped, instead of bemg taken prisoners as is here stated, were put to the sword. A scene of devastation followed along the whole Niagara frontier, under pretence of retaliation for tha burning of Newark, that was truly appalling. — Am. Ed. () James, vol ii., p. 4, 8--22, 396-403. Brackenridge, p. 160 -171. 240 HISTORY OF CANADA 1500 British, having taken post at La Colle on the river Richelieu, Wilkinson, who had upward of 4000 men at Plattsburg, determined to attack them. On the 30th March he completely invested a large mill, whicli the British had converted into a for- tress. All his attempts to carry it were, however, fruitless. Major Handcock even made two attacks on the artillery posted in a wood, though without success. The American general finally gave up the undertaking, and fell back upon Plattsburg. In the beginning of May the English troops gained anothei advantage, carrying, though with some loss, tht fort of Oswego, where they captured a considera ble quantity of ammunition and stores.*! The main effort of the eneiny during this cam- paign was made on the Niagara frontier, where about 5000 men were placed under Major-general Brown, an officer who had distinguished himself ou several occasions. On the 3d of July he crossed and summoned Fort Erie, which, with its garrison of 170, immediately surrendered. He then march- ed towards Chippeway, and beat at Street's Creek the advanced guard of Major-general Riall, which had endeavoured to stop his progress. The Eng- lish general was then obliged to retreat to Fort George, and thence in the direction of Burlington Heights. Brown hereupon laid siege to the fort, but, finding it stronger than he expected, and being disappointed of assistance from Sackett's Harbour, he fell back upon Chippeway. General Riall, ou his part, having received some re-enforcements, ad- vanced ; the armies came close to each other, and The American force stationed at this place did not exceed 300 mi-n. The British were, notwithstanding, repulsed with great loss in their first attack, and it was not until they made a second attempt, with a body of 2000 men, that they succeeded in compelling the Americans to retire. In the mean time tha stores. &c , had been removed, and nothing of value fell into the Bremv's hands. — Am. Ed. + Jaiiit fl, vol. i,, p 83-90. 421-427. Brackenridge, p. 190-193, tNDER THE BRITISH. 241 on the 25th the Americans commenced the attack The battle of Lundy's Lane was fought long, obsti- nately, and with various fortune, a great part of it amid thick darkness, which caused several strange mistakes. The American general and the second in command were wounded, and Riall, on the other side, was taken prisoner. By a singular accident, iu the midst of the conflict, Lieutenant-general Drummoiid arrived with a re-enforcement from York, which restored the battle. Both sides claim a dearly-bought victory ;* the enemy, however, re- tired to Fort Erie. On the night of the 14th of August, Drummond made an attack upon the place in two divisions; but his men, in both cases, were repulsed with very severe loss f Meantime another part of Canada became the the- atre of important operations. After the successes of the allied powers in Europe, the capture of Paris, and the abdication of Napoleon, Britain was enabled to turn her whole strength against the United States, over whom a full triumph was then anticipated. A strong detachment from the south of France arrived in Canada, and enabled Sir George Prevost to place himself at the head of 11,000 men, with whom he undertook to carry the war into the enemy's coun- try. He proceeded to the attack of Plattsburg on Lake Champlain, defended only by 1500 troops, the rest having been sent to the upper province. Ma- comb, the American commander, on being pressed by this superior force, fell back on his main posi- tion, which he strongly fortified. Sir George, on the nth of September, arrived in front of it; but The battle of Lundy's Lane was among the most sangui- nary and obstinate conflicts that occurred during the war. The American accounts state that the British force engaged was little short of 5000 ; while their own was nearly a third less. The loss on both sides was exceedingly severe, and nearly equal : amountmg, in the aggregate, to nearly 2000 men. — Am. Ed. + James vol. ii., p. 143-147, 436-452. Brackenridge, p. 219- 236. 242 HISTORV OF CANADA the naval force under Captain Downie destined to co-operate with him, was attacked by the enemy, and under his very eye completely defeated and cap- tured.* Conceiving, after this disaster, that any success in storming the enemy's position wouH be fruitless as to ulterior objects, and a useless sacri- fice of men, he immediately withdrew his army. This course was not approved by all ; and the gen- eral result, so contrary to expectation, gave rise to much discontent and recrimination.! The Americans were still strong in Upper Canada. On the 17lh, General Brown saUied from Fort Erie, and caused a severe loss to the British, who soon after raised the siege. Being pressed by a large additional force under Izard, General Drummond retreated to the old position at BurHngton Heights ; but receiving a re-enforcement, consisting of a de- tachment of the troops newly arrived from Europe, he again advanced. Izard, upon this, evacuated Fort Erie, and took up winter quarters on the oppo- site side of the river. During the autumn the Ameri- cans gained some advantages on Lake Erie, but were repulsed with considerable loss in an attempt to re- cover Fort Michilhmackinac.| The war, meantime, in other parts of America was productive of important events. The British obtained possession of Washington, where they de- stroyed the public edifices and property ; but they were defeated in their attacks upon Baltimore and New-Orleans. Both parties at this time became The British force in this action consisted of seveuteen ves- sels, carrying ninety-six guns, and more than a thousand men. That of the Americans was composed of fourteen vessels, with eighty guns, and about eight hundred men. While the action was raging on the lake, several desperate but unsuccessful at- tempts were made to storm the American works. The triumph of the Americans was thus complete.— ^m. Ed. t James, vol. ii., p. 213-217, 462-408. Brackenridge, p. 266- 871. t Jamea, vol. ii., p. 230-210, 470. Brackenridgfe, p. 241. UNDER THE BRITISH. 243 inclined for peace, which was concluded at Ghent on tlie 2'lth December, 1814, upon terms which, after this long and chec kered contest, brought back the two powers to exi'.cMy the same position as when they had commenced.* Sir George Prevost was succeeded in April, 1815, by Sir George Gordon Drummond, under whom some discontents began again to appear. These referred chiefly to the conduct of the judges, whom the Assembly viewed with such jealousy that they had impeached at one time the heads of the court both at Quebec and Montreal. In 1816, Sir John Coape Sherbrooke went out as governor-general ; and under his administration, at once vigorous and conciliatory, harmony was little interrupted. In 1818, he was instructed by Earl Bathurst to accept the offer formerly made to pay the whole civil list out of the funds of the province ; and he applied, not for a permanent settlement, but merely for the sum necessary to meet the current expenses. This wa? readily granted ; and, in order to raise it, new taxes were imposed, of which, however, the Assembly re- served to themselves the appropriation. Sir John being obliged by severe illness to return to England, was succeeded in 1818 by the Duke of Richmond. This nobleman, though personally pop- ular, introduced an innovation, which led to the long and serious conflict between the crown and the As- sembly. Instead of submitting, like his predecessor, a detailed estimate of every object of expenditure, he divided the whole into chapters, each compre- hending a head or branch, the entire amount of which was alone specified. The Assembly refused to sanction such a change, and passed a vote ac- cording to the estimate of the former governor, stating each payment in detail. The legislative * For a full and accurate account of the events of this war, »pe Hale's History of the United States, Harpers' Schoo* Du irict Library, Third Series. 244 HISTORY of CANADA council, however, withheld their concurrence from this resolution ; and the duke, expressing his dis- pleasure with the lower house, had recourse to the irregular measure of drawing upon the receiver- general for the sum which he had demanded. In September, 1819, the duke's life and govern- ment were suddenly terminated by an attack of hy- drophobia.* After short intervals under the Hon. James Monk and Sir Peregrine Maitland, the Earl of Dalhousie, in 1820, was removed from Nova Sco- tia to Canada. This nobleman, possessing a high military reputation and an amiable disposition, had been very popular in his former station ; yet, sha- ring with his advisers, it is probable, those extreme monarchical ideas which had hitherto prevailed in the colonies, he was ill fitted to meet the new crisis that had arisen. Having estimated about $105,600 as the amount necessary for the public service, in addition to the revenues vested in the crown, he solicited this sum as a permanent grant. But the Assembly refused to pass more than an annual bill of supply, in which they specified every item. The council again rejected their vote, with the entire concurrence of the governor, who hesitated not to draw upon the treasurer for even a larger amount than had been asked from the Assembly. Earl Bathurst, on receiving notice of these pro- ceedings, did not disapprove of Lord Dalhousie's conduct, but strongly recommended economy. He directed, also, that two estimates should be pre- sented, one embracing the government expenses, to be defrayed by funds of which the crown claimed the entire disposal; the other to be employed on popular objects, in regard to which the members might be left uncontrolled. At the same time, it was enjoined that both of these should be given in * This was occasioned by the bite of a tame fox, not suspected to be in a raliid state, and with which the duke was amusinf himself. — Am Ed. UNDER THE BRITISfl. 245 full detail. This arrangement was well received, the required sum was voted, and the session termi- nated amid mutual courtesies. In the year 1B23, the popular cause was strength- ened by the insolvency ol' the receiver-general, Sir John Caldwell ; an inquiry into whose accounts had been vainly demanded" by the Assembly, mid ■who proved to be indebted to the public nearly jClOCOOO. When, in the following year, the gov- ernor presented his estimates, the representatives assumed a high tone : disputing the right of the crown to select the objects on which to employ its revenue; condemning the unlawful appropriation of public money, and materially reducing the amount of the sum demanded. These proceedings drew forth a strong expression of displeasure from Lord Dalhousie. In 1825, the government, during his lordship's temporary absence, was administered by Sir Fran- cis Burton. This officer, anxious to conciliate the lower house, yielded nearly all the points in dispute. He sanctioned a bill of supply, in which no distinc- tion was made between the goverimieiit and the popular expenditure ; an annual grant being made, with considerable reductions, so that a virtual con- trol over the whole revenue was thereby conceded to the members. Accordingly, they now openly claimed the right to appropriate all that was raised within the province, denying the privilege, hitherto exercised by government, of the uncontrolled dis- posal of certain branches. These were the produce of duties on imports, imposed by act of Parliament in 1774, and yielding annually about jC34,000, with some of smaller amount arising from the sale of land, timber, and other casual sources. Earl Bath- rust strongly disapproved of the concessions made by Burton; and Lord Dalhousie, having resumed office in 1826, disallowed a bill in which the abo^^e claim was incorporated L~T 246 HISTOUY OF CANADA Lord Goderich, who in 1827 received the seals of the Colonial Office, though he maintained the right of government to dispose of the disputed revenue, yet directed that an olfer should he made of resign- ing it to the Assembly ou tli^ir granting an annua) civil list of jC36,000. On the meeting of that body however, M. Papineau was elected speaker; an ap pointment which, on account of his violent opposi tion to the measures of administration, Lord Dal- housie refused to sanction. The consequence was, that no session of either house was held in the win- ter of 1827-1828.* Discontent had nov/ risen to an alarming height; and in the latter year a petition was presented to the king, signed by 87,000 inhabitants, complaining of the conduct of successive governors, particularly of the Earl of Dalhousie, and urging a compliance with the demands of the Assembly. Mr. Huskisson, who had become colonial ininister, moved that this peti- tion should be referred to a committee of the House of Commons. One was accordingly named, com- posed in a great degree of inembers attached to lib- eral principles, who, after a very elaborate investi- gation, gave in a report, in which they strongly condemned the practice of appropriating large sums taken from the public revenue without the sanction of the representatives of the people. "With regard to the main portion of the disputed income, being that produced by the duties of 1774, its disposal ap- peared, from the report of his majesty's law offi- cers, to be vested in the crown ; yet the committee judged that the real interests of the province would be best promoted by placing the whole under the control of the Assembly. At the same time, they distinctly expressed their opinion that the governor, the judges, and the executive council should be * Despatches from the Ef.rl of Aberdeen to Earl Amhersl (ordered to be printed 22d March, 1838), p. 10, 11. M'Gregoi vol. ii., p. 395-398. UNDER THE BRITISH. 24t made independent of the annual votes of that body. They recommended that a more liberal character should be conferred on the legislative and executive councils ; and that the public lands should be as- si<^ned in a more beneficial manner. Generally ad- mitting that the grievances complained of were more or less well founded, they advised a thorough and effectual redress. This report appears to have given very decided satisfaction in the colony, and the Assembly order- ed it to be printed, and 400 copies distributed.* In a series of resolutions passed on the 19th March, 1830, they seem to limit their demands to the com- plete fulfilment of its provisions. f Sir James Kempt, who was sent out in 1828, had been furnished with instructions to carry the recommendations of the committee into effect with as little delay as possible, and generally to follow a conciliatory system. He appears to have proceeded with zeal and efficiency in the prescribed course. Three new members were added to the legislative council, who are said to have been agreeable to the popular party. The judges, with the exception of the chief justice, whose advice on legal questions was considered desirable, were requested, with some earnestness, to resign thf ir places in that body. They declined compliance, but agreed to take no share in its deliberations, and did not afterward attend its sittings. New members were also added to the executive council, in which seats were even offered to Neilson and Papineau, the leaders of the opposition. The act transferring to the Assembly the revenue in dispute could not be obtained immediately, but it was promised on the first meeting of Parliament. The Assembly, how- ever, in voting the supplies of 1829, had proceeded on the supposition of having the whole at their dis- Minutes of the Rvidfrice taken before the Select Commit tee appointed in 1834 un the Affairs of Lower Canada. t Ibid , p. 8. 24s MISTORV OF CANADA posal, and cut off several thousand pounds from the governor's estimates ; but as the vote did not appear to involve any absohjte recognition of their claim, and as it seemed inexpedient to dispute a point vir- tually given up, Sir James yielded his assent. This step, though not approved by Sir George Murray, was not, under the peculiar circumstances of the case, positively disallowed. The governor is said to have treated the ruling party in the Assembly with a courtesy of manners to which they had not been accustomed ; and on his departure in 1830, ad- dresses were presented to him by the most respect- able inhabitants of Quebec and Montreal, which were signed by Papineau and other popular lead- ers.* Lord Aylmer immediately succeeded to the gov- ernment. His communications with the Assembly were of the most friendly description ; and though circumstances consequent on the death of George IV. had still prevented the passing of the proposed act, it was promised with all practicable speed. Lord Goderich, who now presided in the Colonial Office, directed that the items, which had been again rejected in 1830, and amounted now to $36,000, should not be longer pressed, but a compensation be requested for several individuals who had been thereby deprived of their income. On the 24th De- cember, his lordship sent two despatches, intimating his intention to bring in a bill which should em- power his majesty to place the proceeds of the du- ties in question at the disposal of the Assembly. In return, that body was expected to make a permanent provision for the judges, as well as for the principal officers of government. The demand was fixed at $91,680, which, by a grant of $24,000, made in 1796 for the support of the civil government, would be Evidence before Coir.Tnittee of 1834, p. 4, 5. 8, 87,91-93. Existing Difficulties in the Government of the Canadas, by J A. Roebuck, M.P. (London, 183C), p. 16. (jNDER the BRITISH. 249 reduced to $67,C80. It was iiUiinHted, however, that the casual and territorial revenues arising from the sale of land, the cutting of timber, and otiier sources, were still to be considered as belonging to the king. They had amounted in the previous year to $53,908; but were reduced, by expenses of col- lection and other deductions, to about $36,000. This sum it was proposed to employ chiefly in pay- ing the stipends of the clergy of the Established Church, hitherto drawn, not very appropriately, out of the army extraordinaries. It was urged that these funds belonged legally and constitutionally to his majesty, whose employment of them upon ob- jects not of mere patronage, but closely connected with the interests of the province, could not be rea- sonably objected to. Lord Aylmer was well aware that this last reser- vation would be deemed very unsatisfactory ; but he considered it most prudent to lay before the As- sembly a full and frank statement of the views of government. That body, after inquiring into the mode of collection and amount of these revenues, passed a resolution, that, " under no circumstances, and upon no consideration whatever, they would abandon or compromise their claim to control over the whole public revenue." Particular objection was also intimated to the support of exclusive re- ligious establishments ; doubtless more strongly felt from the circumstance that the church to be endowed was different from that of the ruling party. They determined, therefore, for the present, not to grant any permanent supply ; and on the 8th March, 1831, dvew up, on the motion of Mr. Neilson, a long list of grievances, which was presented to the gov- ernor. He expressed, in return, an earnest wish to know if these comprised the whole of their com- plaints ; giving them to understand that silence would be construed into an admission of their being so. They were accordingly silent; passed ^ 250 HISTORY OF CANADA bill of annual supply ; and showed, on the whole, a more favourable tone and temper.* His lordship transmitted the list of complaints, with admission that many of them were well found- ed, at the same time strongly eulogizing the loyal disposition of the people of Canada. Lord Gode- rich, in a long reply, dated July 7, 1831, declared that there was scarcely a point which government were not ready to concede, and expressed his satisfaction at the prospect thus afforded of a ter- mination to this long and harassing contest. This despatch was laid before the House, who, in a se- ries of resolutions, declared their gratitude for the expressions of his majesty's paternal regard, the proofs of a just and liberal policy, and the feel- ings of kindness and good-will manifested in it. The different points to which it related were referred to separate committees.! Soon after, a despatch from the colonial secreta- ry made known that the act for transferring the funds in dispute had passed the houses of Parlia- ment and received the royal assent. Whether from extreme liberality or total inadvertence, it was so worded as to preclude the imperial treasury from ever exercising any control over them, leaving thus no room for negotiation with the Assembly. Lord Aylraer was instructed, however, to demand, in return, a grant of permanent salaries to the judges, who were also, according to the Assembly's desire, to be made independent of the crown; and a simi- lar provision was asked for the governor and a few of the chief executive officers. This matter being referred to the Assembly, they began, on the 20tb January, 1832, with the first particular. On provi- ding that the judges should be independent of the crown, and, with the exception of the chief justice, Evidence befoie Committee of 1834, p. 9-13, 19-25, 31-tO. t Ibid., p. 37-47. UNDKR THE BRITISH. 251 should not sit in the executive or legislative coun- cils, it was deteriniiicd that permanent salaries should be paid to them. But, at the same time, a motion of Mr. Neilson was carried by a large ma- jority, that these should be drawn in the first in- stance from the casual and territorial revenues, which Lord Goderich had expressly reserved to the crown. Lord Aylmer considered it, therefore, ne- cessary to send home the bill, yet with an advice to accept the terms, as the best there was any like- lihood of obtaining. It was rejected, however, on two grounds; first, that it did not render the judges really independent of the Assembly, but left an an- nual vote still necessary. We cannot help suspect- ing that there was here an unhappy misconception. The terms of the bill are, " that the salaries shall be secured to them in a fixed and permanent man- ner ;" and " sliall be taken and paid out of the pro- ceeds of the casual and territorial revenue, and the revenue now appropriated by acts of the provincial Parliament for defraying the charges of the admin- istration of justice and the support of the civil gov- ernment, and out of any other public revenue of the province which maybe, or come into the hands of the receiver-general." It would appear that, according to the plain meaning of language, these terms involved a full warrant for payment. Prob- ably Lord Goderich had legal advice, and some technical terms usual in British acts might be want- ing; but a provincial legislature could scarcely be expected to be fully aware of these niceties. The legislative body, the governor, and, we doubt not, also the Assembly, had considered this as a per- manent settlement ; the latter, had it been so acted on, probably would not, and certainly could not, reasonably have objected. The other ground was the encroachment upon the casual and territorial revenue, which, made in this indirect manner, was considered peculiarly offensive, though Lord Gode- 252 HISTORY OF CANADA rich had been fully apprized of their determiriRtion against any agreement in which this article was not included.* The next question which came before the As- sembly was the demand of a permanent provision for the governor and a certain number of the lead- ing executive officers. After a long debate, how- ever, it was carried by a large majority in tlie neg- ative. This decision placed the Assembly com- pletely at issue with the crown, and has been rep- resented as a breach of faith on their part. They had not, it is true, come under any formal engage- ment; yet the report of the committee of 1828, which decidedly connected this arrangement with the cession of the disputed reveiuies, had always been referred to by them as embracing almost everything desired ; and to this part of it they had never hinted any objection. On the 6th of Decem- ber, 1830, they had passed resolutions, insisting in- deed on the control of the entire revenue, but ex- pressing an intention, were this gained, to grant the permanent provision now demanded. That preliminary claim certainly embraced also the cas- ual and territorial branches still withheld ; yet these were not of great amount ; and the present bill, like that relating to the judges, might have been so framed as to be inoperative without these funds being embraced by it. No reason was assigned ; but the view of the Assembly is stated to have been, that the executive not being dependant on them for a naval and military establishment, would, in case of such a permanent settlement, have been entirely free from that control which they sought to exercise over it. They passed, however, a vote of annual supply, which Lord Goderich, though much dissatisfied with the tenour of their proceed- ings, thought it expedient to sanction.! Evidence, 1834, p. 56-65. t Ibid., p. 5d~ea. UNDf^H THR BRITISH. 2i)3 Next year (1833) llie Assembly still granted only an aiuiual bill, in wliicli, according to a requisition of l^ord Goderich, tliey slated tlie purposes to wliicli each particular sum was to be apjilied. They added, without its being asked or wished, the indi- viduals to whom it was to be paid ; and appended a number of conditions, chiefly bearing, that such persons should not hold any other situation, and should not be nienibeis of tlie executive or legisla- tive councils. This was considered objectionable, because public otficers were thus suddenly deprived of situations which they had long held, without any consideration >jf their claims to compensation; also because those regulations ought not to have been tacked to a money bill, but made the subject of a separate enactment. On these grounds this bill was negatived by the legislative council, and Lord Stanley, who had been placed at the head of the Colonial Ot^ice, intimated that, had it reached him, he could not have advised his majesty to assent to it. In the same session, a measure was introdu- ced for securing independence and permanent pro- vision to the judges, in a form calculated to obviate Lord Goderich's chief objections; but, on the mo- tion of M. Papineau, it was rejected, and the speech- es of the leaders of the Assembly are said to have implied, that it was no longer considered advisa- ble to exempt these functionaries from their con- trol.* The breach now continually widened. Lord Stanley, considering the conduct of the Canadians as manifesting a resolution to engross the whole power of the slate, directed the funds not yet made over by Parliament to be employed in the partial payment of the civil officers; and he is said to have determined to bring in a bill for repealing the act by which the concession had been made. Meantime * Evidence, 1834, p. 7i-79. 1.— u 254 HlSTUKY OF CAftAUA the Assembly had raised, and placed in the front of their demands, a new article, which almost entirely precluded all hope of accommodation, namely, the abolition of the present legislative council, and the substitution of one elected, like themselves, by the body of tiie people. Such an arrangement was without example in any British colony ; and the ex- isting state of political feeling in the mother coun- try would have rendered it scarcely possible for ministers to propose it in Parliament. It had been first started in March, 1831, when Lord Aylmer had just gone out with the announced intention of act- ing upon the report of 1828, and redressing, if pos- sible, every grievance hitherto complained of. There seemed, therefore, room to suspect, that the conciliatory disposition shown, instead of producing final satisfaction, had only prompted to higher de- mands, through tlie belief that, by perseverance, they would finally obtain whatever they chose to ask. Yet, though a resolution of the committee to that eflTect was approved by the members, it was not expressly included in the list of grievances then presented. But, on the 20th March, 1833, a petition to the king, signed by M. Papineau, speaker of the House of Assembly, strenuously urged this measure, and the calling of a body of delegates to arrange the conditions. The leading ones proposed were, a qualification in the electors of $48 in the country and of $96 in towns, a certain income to qualify the councillor, and the duration of his functions for six years. Lord Stanley, in reply, said this was an object to which, deeming it altogether inconsistent with the very existence of monarchical institutions, he could never advise his majesty to consent; and he particularly objected to the proposed mode of effecting it, by what he termed " a national conven- tion." A counter address, however, by the legisla- tive coiincil, was censured as intemperate in its lan- guage, and appearing to ascribe generally to his UNDER THE BRITISH. 255 majesty's subjects of one origin views inconsistent with their allegiance. In conclusion, he alluded to "the possibility thai events might unhappily force upon Parliament the exercise of its supreme author- ity to compose the internal dissensions of the colo« nies, and which might lead to a modification of the charter of the Canadas."* This despatch was submitted to the Assembly, and its entire tenour, particularly the implied threat at the close, excited the highest indignation in that body. They declined this year (1834) to pass any bill of supply whatever, and employed the session in preparmg another long list of grievances. They complained that, while those formerly urged were still unredressed, there had been added the partial payment of the civil officers without their consent. They made a peremptory demand of the elective legislative council, without which nothing would be accepted as satisfactory. Lord Aylmer's conduct was reprobated as violent, unconstitutional, and contemptuous, and his recall urgently demanded. The petition was presented to Parliament, and a committee appointed for its consideration. Meantime Lord Stanley retired from power, and was succeeded in the colonial department by Mr. Spring Rice. This gentleman renounced the de- sign entertained by his predecessor of recalling the revenues yielded to the Assembly, and gave intima- tion, it is said, that he would follow a more concil- iatory course. He only asked a little time till he could make himself master of the subject; and thus the popular leaders were induced to delay taking any strong measures. They bitterly complained, however, tlial the administration was carried on as before. Lord Aylmer was continued in the govern- ment, and though the Canadian funds were not in trenched upon, a sum of $148 800 was advanced Evidence, 1834, p. 78, 193-200 Roebuck, p. 17. 256 HISTORY OF CANADA from the military chest for payment of the civil ser- vants, by which their responsibility to the Assem- bly was equally evaded. Before Mr. Rice had ma- tured his plan, he was removed from office by the accession of Sir Robert Peel to power. He stated that he had it completed, and was ready to submit it to the cabinet on the very day when this change occurred ; an assertion which Mr. Roebuck treats with evident skepticism, though seemingly without any adequate ground. Sir Robert, on assuming the reins of office, early directed his attention to the disturbed state of Can- ada. After some deliberation, he delern)ined to send out a commissioner, with power to examine on tlie spot, and redress witbout delay, every real grievance which should be proved to exist. Even the casual and territorial revenues were to be sur- rendered, on condition of the settlement of a civil list for at least seven years. The elective legisla- tive council, however, and the entire management of the public lands, could not be conceded.* Vis- count Canterbury, the late speaker, was first invited to fill this important appointment, and, on his decli- ning, it was conferred on Earl Amherst, 'i'his ar- rangement, however, was nullified by the vole which led to the resignation of Sir Robert, and the return of Lord Melbourne to power. The restored ministry followed up, with certain modifications, the plan of their predecessors. A commission was sent out, for inquiry only, and with- out the power of decision, composed of the follow- ing individuals : the Earl of Gosford, Sir Charles Edward Grey, and Sir George Gipps. The first, an Irish nobleman, professing principles decidedly lib- eral, succeeded Lord Aylmer as governor. Lord Glenelg, now the colonial secretary, drew up for their guidance a series of instructions, in which he * Despatch from tJwviiAvl.of. Aberdeen to Eai:I Amherst, p. 3-*- UNDER THE URlTISlf. 25t cousidored the claim to tlie disposal of the entire rcveiuic sonicwh;it exorbitant, and not warranted by British example, yet was vviUing, for the sake of peace, to cuasent lo it on certain conditions. These were, an independent provision for the judg- es, and salaries for the civil officers, fixed for a cer- tain number of years, ten bemg mentioned as par- ticularly suitable. With regard to the uncleared lands, the whole proceeds arising from their sale were to be placed at the disposal of the Assembly ; but government could not consent to part with tFio management of them, or annul the contract made with the Land Company, though they would be ready to guard against all abuses, and even to re- ceive any suggestions on the subject. The existing pensions were also to be retained, but the future power of granting them would be surrendered. In regard to the critical question of the elective legis- lative council, it was said, "The king is most un- willing to admit, as open to debate, the question whether one of the vital principles of the provincial government shall undergo alteration." The right of petition, however, was fully recognised, and his majesty would not " absolutely close the avenue to inquiry," even where, " for the present, he saw no reasonable ground of doubt."* The Earl of Gosford having arrived in Canada, lost no time in calling a meeting of the legislature, who were convoked on the 27th October, 1835; and in his opening speeches he professed the most conciliatory views, particularly towards the French or popular party. He avowed the opinion, that " to be acceptable to the great body of the people is one of the most essential elements of fitness for public station." He intimated his readiness to place the whole revenue at the disposal of the Assembly on the conditions formerly stated. All the other griev- * Copy of the Instructions to the Eai 1 of Gosford, (Sic, p. 5-13. 258 HISTOKY (iP CANADA ances were to be carefully examined and redressed; and allusion was made to "still graver matters," respecting which the coniinissioners "were not precluded from entering into an inquiry." The legislative council lelurned an answer which, in all respects, was extremely moderate. They generally concurred m the sentiments of the speech, deprecated the idea that difference of origin should aftect political rights, which ought to be equal to all his majesty's subjects. Out the House of Assembly, while holding conciliatory language, advanced much higher pretensions. The change in the legislative council was repeatedly pressed, as absolutely es- sential to the tranquillity and contentment of the province. The entire control of the public revenue was referred to, not as a boon, but an incontestable and essential right ; and while they stated their readiness to consider attentively any measure tend- ing to facilitate the exercise of this right, they avoided all mention of conditions to be performed in return. Notwithstanding the high ground thus taken, the intercourse between the popular leaders and the governor was extremely friendly. He ad- niiLted them to his table and his intimacy, and treat- ed them on every occasion with much kindness. They were understood to represent the great body t)f the people, whom he had expressed his desire to conciliate ; and he professed liberal views to those who would understand that term in its widest sense. So decided was the impression produced, that the opposite party loaded him with the bitterest invec- tives, and even threw out menaces of insurrection; wliile the leaders of the Assembly went so far as to intimate, that they would relieve the immediate financial embarrassments by granting the three years' arrears, and a half year in advance. They attached to the grant somewhat hard conditions, which, however, were not rejectei; and on the re- mark being made that these would ensure its rejec- UNDER THE BRITISH 25? tion by the legislative council, an intimation is said to have been given that it would be accepted di- , rectly by address, without being liable to the veto < f tliat body.* This good understanding was suddenly interrupt- ed. The governor's language above cited, in regard to the elective council, had been very different from that of his instructions, not pledging him indeed to the measure, yet such as, combined with his other conduct, conveyed to both parties the idea that it was determined upon. This course is defended as the only one by which the supplies so urgently wanted could be obtained ; and it was hoped that, by a continued conciliatory course, the Assembly might, when the real intention of the cabinet could no longer be concealed, be induced to wave their demand. Any degree of duplicity in a government, however, must, when discovered, lower its dignity, irritate the deceived parties, and, at the same time, give them an impression of their strength, which had driven those in authority to such an expedient. Unhappily, all those effects followed before any of the expected fruits had been reaped. Sir Francis Bond Head had, at the same time, been sent out to Upper Canada, and, being a very straightforward person, and seemingly unapprized of Lord Gosford's intentions, had made public a part of the instruc- tions, including that momentous passage already quoted relative to the legislative council. It was such as, though not wholly precluding discussion on the object, left to the popular leaders scarcely a hope of its attainment. Their rage knew no bounds ; they complained not only of disappointment in their favourite object, but of a deception by which they had been nearly misled. It was now determined * Papers relating to Lower Canada (20th February, 1837) p. 4-12. Anti-Gallic Letters, by Camillus (Montreal, 1836 p. 35-41. Correspondence on Canada Affairs (Brighton, 1836 p. 3-6, &:c. HaO HISTORY OP CANADA not to grant the three years' arrears, but merely a sup- ply for the current half year, allowing only that short period to comply with their demands. This slender f boon, too, was clogged with conditions which, as had been foreseen, induced the upper house to reject it, so that the session, in all respects very stormy, passed over without any provision whatever being made for the public service. The legislative coun- cil felt indignant at the violent attempts meditated for its overthrow, and instead of studying to show these to be unmerited, the members vented their re- sentment by rejecting almost every bill sent up from the Assembly. Among these was the vote contin- uing the funds for national education, which were thus entirely withdrawn. All the political elements were disturbed, and in violent coUision with each other.* The commissioners, in March, 1836, viewing this state of things, and seeing no prospect of obtaining money to carry on the government, without imme- diately yielding to every demand of the lower house, considered it indispensable to obtain it without their consent. This, they thought, would be best ac- complished by Parliament repealing the act passed on the motion of Lord Goderich, by which funds to the amount of $182,400 had been made over to the Assembly. This would indeed excite bitter resent- ment ; but, with the other reserved revenues, it would at least enable the government to proceed without any grants from that body. Lord Glenelg was not forward to act on this recommendation. He wrote to the Earl of Gosford, expressing a hope, on grounds which do not very distinctly appear, that the violent resolution complained of had been in- duced by the partial and imperfect knowledge of the instructions, and that a communication of the whole * Roebuck, p. 39. The late Session of the Provincial Pa liament (Montreal, 1836), p. 13-29. UNDER THE BRITISH. 261 might lead to more favourable views. He express- ed a wish, therefore, that the provincial Parliament should be again called, and an opportunity afforded for retracting before recourse was had to extreme measures. The meeting was accordingly held on the 22d of September, 1836 ; but the majority soon presented an address to the governor, denying that, according to the apprehension expressed in his speech, they laboured under any kind of misconcep- tion ; they saw nothing to make them change their views, or prevent them from insisting on the same demands, particularly that of the elective council. They adverted in an indignant manner to certain pretended authorities, as Ihey termed the commis- sion, and maintained that they themselves were the legitimate and authorized organ of all classes of in- habitants ; that they had used their power in such a manner as ought to have secured confidence : and to them, not to a few strangers, ought to have been committed the fate of the country. They declared it their imperative duty to adhere to the contents of their last address; "and to them do we adhere." They finally expressed a resolution not only to do nothing more in regard to supply, but to adjourn their deliberations altogether, unless government should commence the great work of justice and re- form, particularly in regard to the second branch of the legislature.* Matters had now reached an extremity which seemed to render it no longer possible to delay an interposition. Ministers therefore determined no longer to post- pone measures for counteracting the proceedings of the popular party, and placing the executive government in a state of regular action. Parlia- ment having assembled, and tlie reports of the com* • Second Report of Cnnada Commissioners, p. 93-95, &c. Papers relating to Lower Can.ida, p. 31-41 262 HISTORY JF CANADA missioners being laid on the table, Lord John Rus- sell, on the 6th March, 1837, moved a series of res- olutions on which acts were to be founded. After a statement of the actual posture of affairs, it was proposed that the sum of $681,600 should be taken out of the provincial funds lociied up by the Assem- bly, and applied to the payment of the judges and other civil officers, down to the 10th April. It was afterward agreed, not, as the commissioners had recommended, to resume any part of the ceded moneys, but by a strict economy to carry on the government from that date with the casual and ter- ritorial revenues, which circumstances had now raised to about $134,400. The elective legislative council, and the direct responsibility of the execu- tive one to the Assembly, were both declared inex- pedient ; though it was stated as desirable that con- siderable improvements should be made in the com position of both. These suggestions gave occa- sion to very warm debates. The Tories, while they supported the proposals of government, ac- cused them of an imprudent indulgence and want of energy, which had imboldened the malecontent party to proceed to extremities. On the other hand, a small but active section of the popular leaders justified all the claims and proceedings of the Canadian Assembly, denounced the resolutions as unconstitutional and tyrannical, and predicted as their result civil war and the loss of the colonies. The motion of Mr. Leader, however, in favour of an elective council, was negatived by 318 to 56, and the cabinet measures were carried by overwhelming majorities ; but the death of William IV. intervened before they could be imbodied ui acts of Parliament. The necessity of a dissolution, and the unwilling- ness to begin the government of a young and popu- lar queen by a scheme of coercion, induced minis- ters to substitute the expedient of advancing the amount by way of loan from ihe Bri'tish revenue, in UNDKK THE BRITISH. 263 the prospect of being ultimately reimbursed from the provincial fund. AS an interval was to elapse between the passmg of the resolutions and iheir being acted on, Lord Gosford was instructed to make a last trial of the Assembly, in hopes that, seeing such a vast major- ity in Parliament against them, they might be in- duced of themselves to vote the money, and thus save the necessity of any unwonted interference. Already, however, several violent demonstrations had taken place. Meetings were held in the coun- ties of Montreal and Richelieu, in which it was af firmed, that the votes of the commons had put an end to all hopes of justice ; and that no farther c\t- tempts should be made to obtain redress from the Imperial Parliament. They considered the govern- ment as now only one of force, to be submitted to from necessity during their present weakness; and in order to reduce as far as possible its power, they declared that all consumption of British manufac- tures, and of articles paying taxes, ought to be dis continued ; and, finally, that a general convention should be held, to consider what farther measures were advisable. Lord Glenelg, in consequence of this state ol things in Canada, had resolved to send out two ad- ditional regiments ; but afterward, finding this to be inconvenient, he gave authority to apply to Sir Colin Campbell for such force as could be spared from Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. On the 6th of May the governor replied, that he had nol the least expectation of anything serious, though in case of a dissolution he admitted that " there might be some broken heads." On the 10th June, however, upon learning that a system of organi- zation was carrying on, he applied to Sir Colin for a regiment, which arrived early in July. He h.id already issued a proclamation, warning the peo- ple against all attempts to seduce them from theii 264 HISTORY OF CANADA allegiance. Meetings, mimerously attended, were held in Montreal and Quebec, condemning the con- duct of the House of Assembly, declaring attach- ment to British connexion, and deprecating any breach of the public peace.* On the 18th August Lord Gosford again called the provincial Parliament. The resolutions were laid before the Assembly, with the expression of a hope that its proceedings would supersede the ne- cessity of their being acted on. The changes in the constitution of the councils had been unfortunately delayed by difficulties as to certain appointments ; but these improvements were solemnly promised. Warm debates ensued. Mr. Andrew Stuart, one of the members for Quebec, proposed a compliance with the request of government, which was nega- tived by 63 to 13. An address was then moved by M. Taschereau, a representative of the county of Beauce, expressing a willingness to give a trial to the means proposed for amending the legislative council, but declining any grant till they were brought into operation. Another address, breath- ing most determined hostility, was then moved, and carried by 46 to 31. It denounced the step now taken as an absolute destruction of the representa- tive government in the province, a total refusal of all the reforms and improvements demanded. If these resolutions were carried into effect, the colo- ny, it was said, would no longer be attached to the mother country by feelings of duty, of affection, and mutual interest, but solely by physical force. In this conjuncture they could see no motive for the slightest departure from their intention to withhold the supplies ; and they adhered in every respect to their resolutions of 30ih September, 1836 Lord Gosford, in reply, gave utterance to his deep regret at measures which he considered a virtual annihila- • Copies, &c., of Correspondence relative to Lower Canada (23d December, 1837), p. 8-13, 20-33. UNDER THE BRITISH. 265 tion of the constitution, and immediately prorogued the Assembly.* The popular leaders seem now to have formed the resolution of hriving recourse to arms. They had often asserted,! and seem to have at length be- lieved, that only an effort was required to sever the colonies from the mother country. This was a most hasty and inconsiderate conclusion. The ex- ample of the American colonies was referred to ; but they were much stronger than the Canadians are now, while the power of Britain, on the other hand, was considerably smaller. Yet it was only after a long and calamitous contest of eight years that they established their independence. The aid of the United States was indeed held forth ; but the latter had been so little disposed to intermeddle on such occasions, that they remained neutral during the long contest between Spain and her colonies, althougli her situation gave them little to dread from her resentment. Tt was, therefore, very unlikely that they should now engage for such an object in a contest with the whole power of Britain. The meetings in pursuance of these views were not held on so great a scale, or in the same public manner as formerly. They were numerous, how- ever, and breathed the most hostile spirit, renoun- cing all hope of redress from the parent state, and pointing directly to a separation. A central com- mittee was formed at Montreal, whose proceed- ings were in a great measure secret, and prepara- tions were understood to be making for a general convention. It was nearly vain to attempt repress ingthe most violent demonstrations agamst the gov ernment, since no petty jury could be found to con vict ; and in two instances, when the evidence wa» considered perfectly conclusive, the bills were ig. nored by the grand jury. The governor, however * Correspondence, &c., p. 36--45. f. \ Koebuck. p. 33, 43, 50. 266 IIISTOR OF CA»ADA learning that numerou ; individuals Holding her majesty's commission had taken a sliare in those meetings, caused letters to be written to them de- manding an explanation. On receiving none that was satisfactory, he dismissed eighteen magistrates and thirty- two militia officers. Among the latter was Papineau. In the beginning of October, the new arrangement of the two councils was carried mto effect, at least to a great extent; but it excited little interest, and was rejected by the popular lead- ers as wholly unsatisfactory.* The malecontent party became every day bolder. An association was formed, under the title of '• The Sons of Liberty," who paraded the streets of Mon- treal in a hostile and threatening manner. 'J'hey emitted a proclamation containing the most violent expressions. " The wicked designs," said they, " of British authorities have severed all ties of sympathy for an unfeeling mother country." — " A glorious destiny awaits the young men of these colonies;" and this was explained to be " to disfranchise our beloved country from all human authority, except that of the bold democracy residing within its bo- som." They alluded to " the struggle for life and liberty in which we must sooner or later be en- gaged, when the day of glory arrives, that will see us emerge from a long, dark bondage to the splendour of light and freedom." At the same time in the county of Two Mountains, the people deter- mined not to obey the magistrates appointed in the room of those displaced ; an organization was form- ed of pacificator justices, to compose differences without recourse to the constituted authorities, and in whose decisions all true patriots were required to acquiesce. Meanwhile, the militia in that district were organized in a new form, under officers of their own selection, including those recently dis • Correspondence, p. 47-50, 63, 72. ONDER THE BRITISH. 261 missed; and an active training was carried on. All loyal and neutral residents were compelled ei- ther to join the inalecontents or quit the territory, throughout which British authority entirely ceased.* No long time passed before this course of pro- ceeding was imitated in the more populous portion of the Montreal territory lying southward of the St. Lawrence. On the 23d October, a meeting was held of the five counties on the Richelieu and the Ya- maska, when a petition was presented from L'Aca- die to be admitted as a sixth. The petitioners used the strongest language, declaring themselves pre- pared to sacrifice everything most dear to them in this world, to emancipate from a vile slavery the land that gave them birth. They renounced all principles but those of the purest democracy, and desired to place themselves under the guidance and behind the buckler of L. J. Papineau. At the meet- ing of the six counties, the numbers attending were variously estimated from 1500 to 5000, of whom a proportion were armed. The recent appointments to the two councils were declared wholly unsatisfac- tory, while the introduction of an armed force into the province was stigmatized as a new and enor- mous grievance. The magistrates and militia were to be organized after the model of those of the Two Mountains, and the example of the Sons of Liberty was also recommended, " that they might be pre- pared to support each other with promptitude and effect, should circumstances require them to protect and defend their threatened liberties." A similar address was drawn up on the following day, and circulated through the province. The same course was followed, of compelling the officers to resign their situations or leave the country. f Govern inenl did not remain passive wliile its au- thority was openly set at naught, and insurrection • Cofrespondence, &c., p. 63-70, t Ibid., p. 8G--89, 95 100. 268 HISTORY OF CANADA matured under its very eye. Applications were made to Sir Colin Campbell for two additional regi- ments, and likewise for what force could be spared from the Upper Province. The offers of the loyal inhabitants to place themselves in arms, which had been long declined from motives of prudence, were now accepted, and volunteer corps were zealously and rapidly organized. The Catholic clergy took a decided part in the support of order and peace, and an address was published by the Bishop of Mon- treal, exhorting his flock against the violent and ille- gal proceedings now in progress. This, among a religious people, though it did not stop the career of those who had so deeply committed themselves, had probably a powerful effect in arresting the spread of the disorder, and keeping it confined, as it still was, to Montreal district. The first blow was struck at the town now men- tioned, between the " Sons of Liberty" and a loyal association formed in opposition to them. The for- mer were worsted, and pursued through the streets; none were killed, but several severely hurt, particu- larly Brown, who had assumed the title of their general. Papineau's house, which the victors at- tempted to burn, was saved, but the office of the Vindicator newspaper was destroyed. Exaggerated reports of this affair being spread throughout the country, heightened the general ferment ; and it was announced from various quarters that resistance was daily extending, and assuming a more organized form. It was now obvious, that, unless some decisive step were tak^n, the malecontent cause must ecr- tinually gain new strength, and the connexion cf the colonies with the mother country become seri- ously endangered. The course deemed most ef- fectual was immediately to arrest the most active leaders. A warrant was accordingly issued at Mon- treal against twenty-six, of whom seven were mem- UNDER THE BRITISH. 269 bers of the Assembly, including Papineau and Viger. Nine were apprehended ; but Papineau had disap- peared, and doubts were even entertained if he were still in the province.* This step necessarily led to a crisis, especially as some of the warrants were against persons residing in the heart of the disturbed territory. Two being in the vicinity of St. John, on the Richelieu, a party of eighteen volunteer militia were despatched thither to apprehend them. An oversight seems to have been committed in sending so small a force, not regular, into the midst of a hos- tile country. They succeeded, however, in captu- ring the parties ; and an armed body of thirty, who appeared near Chanibly, made no attempt to inter- cept them. Near Longueuil, however, they found a field on the right of the road occupied by 300 well- armed men, protected by a high fence. From this assemblage afire was immediately opened upon the detachment, which, from its position, could not be returned with effect. Several were wounded, the rest retreated, and the two prisoners were rescued by the insurgents.f The standard of insurrection having thus been openly raised, it became necessary to act with the utmost promptitude. Information was received that Papineau, Brown, and Neilson were at the villages of St. Denis and St. Charles, on the Richelieu, which had been occupied by the armed inhabitants ; and accordingly. Sir John Colborne, the commander-in- chief, sent strong detachments, under Colonels Gere and Wetherall, to attack these places. The former, on the 22d of November, having conveyed his force in a steamer to Sorel, proceeded up the river against St. Denis ; but being obliged to take a circuitous * It has been asserted by M. Papineau and his friends, that he gave no encouragement to extreme measu'es; that he wai opposed to ;he insurrection, and that he left the province to ivoid being '»7^plicated m it. — Am. Ed. t Corresp; :xience. u. 95. 102-JlO. r._X 270 HISTORY OF CANADA route, through tracks which, from previous ram, were knee-deep, the troops arrived in a very jaded state. Though the whole countiy was in arms, no serious resistance was encountered till they reach- ed the village, the entrance to which was defended by a large stone house strongly fortified, from which, as well as from others on each side, a heavy fire was opened. A iiowitzer was brought up against it, whence round-shot was fired with a view to bat- ter it down, but without effect. Captain Markham, with the advance, had cleared the way and taken an adjoining house, but was then severely wound- ed, and obliged to quit the field. Finding that no impression could be made on the main barrier, that his ammunition was nearly exhausted, and that the troops were overpowered with fatigue. Gore considered a retreat unavoidable. It was effected without serious inconvenience, though it became necessary to leave a cannon on the road, while his loss was six killed, ten wounded, and six missing. Meantime, Colonel Wetlierall, with his detach- ment, proceeded by way of Chambly to St. Charles, a point higher up the river. He was delayed in a similar manner by the badness of the roads ; and, on reaching St. Hilaire, found it necessary to procure another company from Chambly, and even to send a messenger to Montreal, we presume for farther aid. Having reason, however, to consider his com- munications with that place intercepted, he detei- miued, on the 2Gth, to advance to the attack. About 1500 insurgents, under the command of Brown, had posted themselves in the village, and surrounded it with a strong stockade. The English commander, on his arrival, drew up his force at a short distance, in the hope uf producing some defection ; but none taking pl.'.ce, and h heavy fire being opened upon him, he pushed forward to the assault. In about an hour the intrenchment was carried, the fortified houses and palisades were set on fire, the troops UNDER THE BRITISH. 271 were masters of the town, and the insurgents fled in every direction. The caniagc was great, the en- tire loss of the insurgents being about 300. Charges have been made of severe and vindictive proceed- ings, which we should hope are exaggerated.* An- other body took up a position in his rear, with a view of cutting off his return to Chainbly ; but when he approached them on the 28th, the^y broke and dispersed at the first onset. f The affair of St. Charles decided the fate of the contest. A general panic spread among the peas- antry, and tliey began to consider themselves be- trayed by their leaders. Colonel Gore, strongly re-enforced, again advanced upon St. Denis, which he entered without resistance on the 2d of Decem- ber, Neilson and Brown having quitted it on the pre- ceding evening. He then marched upon St. Hya- cinthe, but found it also undefended, and made a vain search for Papineau. Tlie chiefs, renouncing their hopes, were already seeking safety in the ter- ritory of the United States. Brown reached it with great difficulty, through many perils ; Neilson was taken in a barn, conveyed to Montreal, and thrown into prison. Papineau, however, could not be dis- covered. Attempts were made to support the cause from a quarter which, under certain circumstances, might have proved very formidable. The United States contained many individuals disposed to sympathize deeply with the Canadians, anil sotrie of whom were inchned to join them. Even in the present hopeless circumstances, 200 passed the frontier ; but, before Sir John Colborne could send a force against them, a party of the volunteers of Missisqui county, under There appears to be little doubt that there was a wanton and barbarous destruction of human life on this occasion. — Am. Ed. t Papers relating to Lower Canada (16th January, 1838), p. 3-6. 272 HISTORY OF CANADA the command of Captain Kemp, took arms and drove them back with some loss. The whole of the six counties, so lately in open rebellion, were in a fort- night reduced to perfect tranquillity.* There remained still the districts of Two Mount- ains and Terrebonne, north of Montreal, where in- surrection had been first organized, and still wore its most determined aspect. Sir John Colborne had judiciously postponed operations against this quar- ter till, the south being completely tranquillized, he could direct thither his whole force. On the 14th December he marclied in person, with about 1300 regular and volunteer troops, against the large vil- lage of St. Eustache. The disasters of their breth- ren elsewhere had spread a well-founded alarm ; and the greater number of the men and their leaders, including Girod, the supposed commander-in-chief, fled precipitately. About 400 of the most resolute, however, continued to occupy a church and adjoin- ing buildings, which had been carefully fortified ; and here so obstinate a stand was made, that a Brit- ish detachment was at one point obliged to recede. But fire having reached the adjacent edifices, soon spread to the church itself, the defenders of which were thereby speedily dislodged : while the troops, being protected by the houses, did not lose more than one killed and nine wounded. Colonel Maitland now marched towards St. Be- noit, the chief village of the Grand Brule district, which had been the focus of insurrection ; but on his way he met a deputation, tendering the most humble submission, and he entered the place without resistance. Unfortunately, the loyal inhabitants, who had been plundered and driven out of the coun- try, could not be restrained from acts of violence, and a considerable portion of the houses were re- duced to ashes. Maitland, after occupying St. Scho- • Papers (loth Jan lary, 1838), p. 18, 19 , (2d February), p. 3. UNDER TUB BRITISH. 273 lastique, returned to Montreal, leaving the Jistrict in a state of perfect tranquillity. 'Pne people, com- plaining that their chiefs, after instigating them to revolt, had deserted them, seemed determined not to be again seduced into such a course. Several of the leaders were taken; Girod himself, being sur- rounded so that he could not escape, committed suicide.* Upper Canada, meantime, had become the theatre of important events. For a considerable time, es- pecially since the residence there of Mr. Gourlay, a party had e.xisted supporting extreme political opin- ions. These, it is true, were not imbitiered by any feelings arising from difference of race; but many of the inhabitants had migrated from the United States, to whose institutions they were naturally partial. They gained over a number of the British residents, influenced by the usual motives, and who complained especially of the favouritism shown in the granting of land. These grounds of discontent were carefully investigated by the committee of 1828, and instructions issued by Lord Goderich which here, as in the Lower Province, gave general satisfaction. The discontented party, however, pro- ceeded from one step to another, till Mackenzie, Duncombe. and other leaders scarcely made any secret of their desire to separate from Britain and join the American union. In 1831, this party for the first time obtained a majority in the Assembly; and though they had hitherto confined themselves to complaints on particular subjects, they now com- menced a general opposition to the royal govern- ment, and at length, as in the other province, came into violent collision with the legislative council. They transmitted to the king a long list of grievan- ces, complaining that the offices in the colony were too numerous, too highly paid, and the holders re- Papers (29th January, 1838), p. 11-14; (2d February), p 274 HISTORY OF CANADA movable at the pleasure of the crown ; that support imd been uiiuuiy given to particular religious es- tablishments ; and that Lord Goderich's recommend- ations had by no means been fully acted upon. They also urged, with the same vehemence as in the sister colony, the demand for an elective legisla- tive council.* This union of the two provinces, pushing with equal zeal the most extreme measures, brought af- fairs into a somewhat hazardous position. When Lord Gosford and the commissioners were sent to Lower Canada, the ministry placed the upper prov- ince under Sir Francis Head. Having arrived early in 1836, as already related, he took the straightfor- ward course of at once pubhshing the extent and limits of his instructions ; at the same time assuring the people of his most zealous efforts to remove every practical grievance. The Assembly, however, were by no means satisfied ; and another ground of contest soon arose. Sir Francis added to the ex- ecutive three members, whose appointment was highly satisfactory to the popular party ; but, as several weeks elapsed without their having been consulted on any subject, they stated in a lettei that they considered themselves thus rendered re- sponsible for measures in which they were allowed no share, and therefore tendered their resignation. While accepting it with regret, he maintained that he lay under no obligation to consult them on every measure ; but was at perfect liberty to judge of the occasions on which the public interest might require their aid. The House of Assembly immediately took up the affair, and having, agreeably to request, been furnished with a copy of the correspondence, drew up a report, and afterward a long address to the king, strenuously controverting the governor's doctrine, and, in the course of it, broadly charging him with " deviations from candour and truth." * Instructions to Lord Go?ford and Sir Francis Head, p. 55 -65. UNDER THE BRITISH. 275 Proceeding in tbp same spirit. \hpv for the first tvne stopped thu suppiU;.->, m cunscqiKace of which, :5ir Francis reserved all their money-bills for his majes- ty's decision, and rejected the application for pay- ment of their incidental expenses.* All hopes of accommodation being tlms closed, he determined, on the 28th of Alay, to make an appeal to the people by a new election. It was contested with extraordinary ardour ; and a war of manifes- toes, proclamations, and addresses was forthwith waged between the parlies. The result was, that in the new Assembly a decided majnrity supported the constitutional side. The opposite party com- plained to the ministry that this effect had been pro- duced by illegal means, by extraordinary grants of land, and even by violence and bribery. The As- sembly, however, after inquiry by a committee, de- clared these allegations to be utterly false, express- ing, at the same time, the strongest attachment to the mother country and to the governor. During this tranquil and satisfactory state of Up- per Canada, insurrection broke out in the lower province; and Sir Francis being requested to state what force he could spare, his answer was, all. He considered it not only practicable, but desirable, that every soldier should be removed out of his district, and a full display thus made of its loyal and peace- ful condition. He caused the arms to be deposited in the city hall of Toronto, under charge of the mayor, declining even to place a guard over them, to prevent sudden capture. In this state of things Mackenzie determined to make an attempt upon tha capital. Having a number of small detached parties throughout the province, who were ready to obey his mandate, and had even been trained to the use of weapons, he ordered them to assemble, on the 4lh December, on the great road called Yonge-street, • Upper Canada Papers (30th June, 1836) p. 6, 48- 50. 276 HISTORY OF CANADA leading to Lake Sitncoe. Hurrying by cross paths through the forest, they mustered at Montgomerie'sf tavern, about four miles from Toronto. Their num- bers, at first estimated at 3000, are not supposed to have exceeded 500. With the view of eflecting a surprise, they attacked every one going to the city ; among whom Colonel Moodie, a distinguished offi- cer, was wounded, and died in a few hours. Alder man Powell, however, having shot one of his as- sailants, escaped, roused the governor, and gave the alarm; upon which Sir Francis ran to the town hall, where he found the chief justice with a musket on his shoulder, surrounded by a band of brave men who had hastily assembled. The arms being un- packed and placed in their hands, they posted them- selves in a defensive attitude at the windows of the building, and of others flanking it. But Mackenzie, presuming that Powell would instantly give notice, did not venture to advance; a pusillanimous resolu- tion, assuredl)', since he could never again expect so favourable an opportunity. By morning 300 loyalists were mustered ; and in the course of the day, Mr. Allan M'Nab, speaker of the House of As- sembly, arrived with sixty from the Gore District, and others from different quarters raised the num- ber to 500. On the 6th the force was considered sufficient for offensive operations ; but the governor, anxious to avoid the effusion of blood, sent a mes- sage to the insurgents, inviting them to lay down iheir arms. Mackenzie offered to comply, on con- dition that a national convention should be called, allowing till two o'clock for the answer; but as no reply could be given to this proposition, arrange- ments were immediately made for attack on the following day. On tlie 7th December, at noon, the whole force marched out. The insurgents had occupied an el- evated position in front of the tavern, where, being "n some degree protected by houses, they endeav- UNDER THE BRITISH. 277 cured to make a stand ; but the militia, advancing to the charge with the utmost entliusiasm, soon broke the whole corps, which dispersed in every direction, Mackenzie himself esra[)iiig with extreme precipi- tation. They were pursued foui miles; two of the chiefs were taken; the tavern was burned to the ground; and the revolt was so completely quaslied. that Sir Francis considered he might safely exercise lenity, and dismissed the greater part of the prison- ers.* The militia, meantime, had been marching to wards Toronto in great numbers ; 2600 from the Newcastle District, and in all upward of 10,000. Immediate notice was now issued that they might return to their homes ; and those of the eastern dis- tricts were authorized to give their aid to Lower Canada. As it was understood, however, that Dun- combe had assembled a corps in the London District, which had been a main seat of faction. Colonel M'Nab was sent thither with a sufficient force. On its approach the chiefs disappeared, and about 300 of their followers laid down their arms. The insurrection had thus been entirely put down, and upper Canada was everywhere completely tran- quil, when a sudden danger arose which threatened to become very serious. Mackenzie fled to the city of Buffalo, in which he held several meetings, and kindled a considerable excitement. Van Rensse- laer, Sutherland, and other individuals acquainted with military service, presented themselves as lead- ers of an armament. A small corps was assembled, which took possession of Navy Island, situated in the Niagara chaimel, between Grand Island and the British shore, which they fortified with thirteen pie- ces of cannon. Hence Mackenzie issued a procla- mation in the assumed name of the provisional gov- ernment of Upper Canada. Volunteers were invi- • Papers (16tb Jan., 1838), p. 21, 22; (29th Jan.), p,3, 5. 278 HISTORY OF CANADA t^rl from that counfry and from the Staes; bemg aosured that out ol' the tea iniluous of acres which victory would place at their disposal, each should receive 300 in full property. Tliere was to be no more dependence on Downing-street ; the Assem- biy, council, governor, and officers were all to be elected by the people Trade was to be freed from all restraints ; and it was added, that the largest ves- sels would be enabled to ascend to Lake Sui)erior. Recruits continued flocking to this post till their numbers amounted to about a thousand. Colonel M'Nabsoon arrived with double that number of mi- litia ; but he wanted materials for crossing the chan- nel and forcing the strong position held by the in- surgents.* All eyes were now turned to the government of the United States, on which the question of peace or war evidently depended. As soon as the first notice was received, there was displayed the most sincere determination to maintain a strict neutrality. The president issued two successive proclamations, warning the people of the penalties to which they would become liable by engaging in hostilities with a friendly power; and the debates in Congress dis- played the most complete unanimity against any measure which might commit the American govern- ment in such a contest. The leaders of opposite parties united with one voice in this sentiment. Mr. Calhoun declared that, "of all calamities which could befall the civilized world, a war with Great Britain would at this moment be the most to be de- ' plored." There was scarcely time for a legislative enactment; but the president appointed General JScott, a veteran officer of energetic and decisive character, to take the command of the disturbed frontier. Meantime an event occurred which created great • Papers (2d February. 1838), p. 12-14. UNDER THE BRITISH. 279 excitement. A small steamer, named the Caro- line, was employed by the insurgents Delween Fort Schlosser on the American shore and Navy Island, conveying to the latter troops and stores. Captain Drew was instructed by Colonel M'Nab to intercept her return. He did not succeed ; but, seeing her in the channel, moored to the American shore, deter- mined to attack her. He approached undiscovered to within twenty yards; and being then asked the countersign, promised to show it when on deck. The Caroline immediately opened a fire; but the British boarded, and in two minutes were masters of her. Those who resisted were killed or made prisoners ; while others, who appeared to be peace- able citizens, were put on shore. The vessel itself, which the strength of the current made it inconve- nient to tow across, was set on fire and abandoned, when the stream hurried it rapidly to the brink of the great cataract, down which the flaming mass was precipitated.* The destruction of the Caroline was soon follow- ed by the arrival of General Scott, who took vigor- ous and effective measures to prevent any supplies or recruits reaching Navy Island. Meantime, the force of the assailants was continually augmented; jtwo companies of regulars, with a train of artille- 'ry, had been sent from Lower Canada, and a tre- mendous cannonade was commenced. The insur- gents, seeing that their position became every day more desperate, determined to evacuate it, an object • This attack on the Caroline very justly excited the highest indignation in the United States. It was manifestly an outrage, too flagrant to be borne, on their national honour and their neu- tral rights. The vessel w:is in American waters, and moored to the \meri(:an shore ; nn-i nothing ImU an actual state of war be- tween the two countries could justify a hostile attack under these circumstances. Furthermore, the American accounts deny that any resistance was made; and affirm that the boat was wholly unarmed, and that there was nothing to provoke th* shedding of a drop of blood. — Arn. Ed. 280 rilSTORV OF CANADA which Ihey effected on the 14th January. Van Rensselaer and Mackenzie were arrested by the , American authorities, but admitted to bail. Sutherland, with a party of the fugitives, hastened to the extreme west, where, being re-enforced by some adventurers in that quarter, they attempted an establishment on Bois Blanc, an island in the Detroit channel. A body of troops, however, was soon despatched against them ; and a vessel, containing not only supplies, but several chiefs dignified with military titles, was captured. Finding it impossible to maintain themselves there, they sought an asy- lum on Sugar Island, which belongs to the United States. General Scott, meanwhile, was hastening to the place ; the governor of Michigan, however, addressed the refugees, and by mere dint of re- monstrance prevailed upon them to disperse. At- tempts were made at other points to form tumul- tuary assemblages for invading Canada; but, under the altered circumstances, these did not excite any serious alarm. Meantime intelligence of the first insurrectionary movements reached Britain, where it excited the strongest sensation. A few of the popular leaders exulted in the event itself, and in the anticipation of its triumphant issue ; but the nation in general by no means shared this sentiment. The Tories, though they accused government of having, by want of »nergy, prepared this convulsion, expressed their cordial concurrence in all the means suggested for its suppression. As the house was ahout to rise for the Christmas holyd;iys, ministers proposed tliat, in- stead of postponing their meetings, as usual, till the beginning of February, they should fix it for the 16th of .January, when, according to the course of events, suitable resolutions might be adopted. Parliament had no sooner reassembled than in- formation arrived which left no room to doubt that the insurrection would be suppressed without hav- UNDER THE BRITISH. 281 ihg assumed any formidable character. The aims of the government were therefore directed towards reorganizing the executive on such a fooling as, without suppressing Canadian Uberty, might secure future tranquillity. But it was considered indispen- sable, for the present at least, to suspend the con- stitution of the lower province. A council was to be named by the queen, which, with the governor, might exercise the functions now performed by the two legislative bodies ; but their powers were not to last beyond the 1st of November, 1840, nor were any of their enactments, unless continued by the proper authority, to be valid beyond the 1st of No- vember, 1842. Sir John Colborne, then acting as provisional gov- ernor of Lower Canada, was instructed to carry these measures into immediate execution. The ministry, however, had determined upon a farther step, with a view to the ultimate settlement of the province. The Earl of Durham was solicited and prevailed upon to undertake its government, as well as that of all British America, and also to turn his attention towards an improved plan for its future management. This nobleman's high reputation as a statesman, and the liberality of his views on po- litical subjects, seemed to afford a security that he would act with vigour, and, at the same time, with a strict regard to national freedom. He was empow- ered to form a species of representative council, com- posed of thirteen members from each province, but to use them merely as advisers, and to call and dis- miss them at pleasure.* On the 29th May, 1838, Lord Durham arrived at Quebec, where he was received in the most cordial manner, for all parties seemed to unite in expecting from him a settlement of those dissensions which * Correspondenoe relative to the affairs of British North America («rdeied by the House of Commons to 3e printed lllh Feb.. 1839) v- 1, 7- 282 HISTORY OF CANADA had so greatly distracted the country. In his suD- sequent progress to other districts, and to Upper Canada as far as Niagara, he met similar expres- sions of confidence and congratulation. He was soon, however, called to decide upon a delicate and difficult question, which Sir John Colborne had thought it expedient to reserve for his determina- tion. VVolfred Neilson, Bouchette, Viger, and other individuals of some distinction, were lying in the jail of Montreal charged with high treason. Some strong punishment was necessary to mark their crime, and deter from its repetition; yet an impar- tial jury could not be expected for their trial, which, besides, would have reopened all those party ani- mosities which it was the object of his lordship to appease. Under this view he adopted the following course : The prisoners, having been induced to make a confession of guilt, were sentenced to be deported to Bermuda, and to be there kept in strict surveillance. If they should ever return to Canada without leave from the governor, they were to suf- fer the penalty of death. The same was awarded to Papineau and others implicated in the late insur- rection, but who, after its disastrous issue, had fled the country.* ' As soon as this ordinance was known in Britain, it created an unusual excitement in the legislature. Lord Brougham, in the House of Peers, made a ^notion, declaring it illegal, as condemning to death without trial, and to transportation to a colony which was not within the jurisdiction of the gov- ernor-general ; but, under the peculiar circumstan- ces of the case, he proposed a grant of indemnity. This vote, though strenuously opposed by Lord Melboiiiiie, was carried in the Upper House by a considerable majority. Ministers then having re- ceived from the law-oflicers of the crown an un- * Correspondence, p. 103, 104, 128, 129. UNDER THE BRITISH. 283 favourable report, at least as to tlie last particular, considered it impossible to make any farther resist- ance. They annulled the ordinance ; but, at the same time, conveyed to Lord Durliani expressions of their regret, of their general approbation of his measures, and of the unaltered confidence with which they regarded his administration.* ', Lord Durham, however, was not of a character to: brook this interposition. He had, it is true, passed the limits of strict law: but he maintained that these were scarcely applicable in the critical and convulsed state of the province ; that the sentence was lenient; and on the principle of volenti nulla Jit injuria, the parties concerned could not be wronged by a decision in which they had cheerfully acquies- ced. In short, there being no substantial injustice inflicted. Lord Durham thought he had reason to complain that his scheme was not allowed a fair trial. He had, perhaps, an equal ground of dissatisfaction in reference to the hostile interference of the oppo- sition lords, and more especially because the minis- ters, his employers, did not resist it to the utmost. Yet it would certainly have been more magnaniinous on his part had he endeavoured, under every dis- couragement, to do his best to accomplish his un- dertaking. He yielded too far to passion and pride, when, even before receiving the official accounts, he publicly announced his intention of throwing up the administration. He did not even follow the es- tablished course of requesting her majesty's per- mission to resign, and waiting till he received it. In announcing, too, the disallowance of the ordi- nance, he commented on the decision with a se- verity which was considered irregular, and tending to compromise the royal authority. On the 1st November his lordship set sail from Quebec, and on the 26th arrived at Plymouth.! • Correspondence, p. 55-€0 + Ibid., p. 206-209, 243, ZiS. 284 HISTORY OF CANADA Meantime a fresh storm of insurrection brooded over the province. In the conrse of the summer, even amid apparent quiet, the burning of a steam- vessel, called the Sir Robert Peel, in the St. Law- rence, and the acquittal of the murderers of Char- trand in the face of the clearest evidence, showed that the spirit of disaffection was still deeply cher- ished. By the beginning of winter arrangements had been made for a general rising of the habitans, supported by individuals on the A merican side, who, under the title of sympathizers, had espoused their cause. Arms and ammunition had been clandes- tinely introduced ; and a species of association, bound by secret oaths and signs, had been formed along the frontier. Lord Durham imputes this movement to the proceedings at home, which had shaken the confidence in his authority, and raised the hopes of the disaffected ; but Sir John Col- borne considers that those preparations had been actively pursued ever since the preceding June. The government of the United States gave the first intimation of what was going on to Mr. Fox, the British ambassador at Washington. The tidings were soon confirmed from other quarters ; and Sir John Colborne lost no time in putting the province in a state of defence, and procuring an additional force from Nova Scotia.* On the night of the 3d November, a concerted ri- sing took place in all the southern counties of Mon- treal District ; but, owing to some failure of arrange- ment, the stations along the Richelieu were not found supplied with arms according to appointment, so that most of the inhabitants there dispersed and returned to their homes. The chief seat of insur- rection was now farther west, between that river and the St. Lawrence. There Dr. Robert Nelson, Cote, and Gagnon had collected about 4000 men, * Correspondence, p. 106, 125, 174-180, 222, 24fi. UNDER TFIE BRITISH. 285 and established their headquarters at Napierville. Their first object was to open a communication with tiieir friends in the States, for which purpose 400 men were detached to the frontier. There a body of British vohniteers had estabUshed themselves, by whom the rebels were attacked, and obliged to re- treat with great loss. To retrieve this disaster. Dr. Nelson, with upvvard of 900 men, marched against the loyalists. The latter, only 200 strong, took, post in Odelltovvn chapel, on which the enemy com- menced a brisk attack, but, after two hours and a half, were obliged to retreat, with the loss of one hundred killed and wounded. The defenders had an officer and five men killed, and nine wounded.* Meantime Major-general Sir James M'Donnell, under orders from the governor, with seven regi- ments of the line, crossed the St. Lawrence and marched upon Napierville. The insurgents, dis- couraged by former losses, after a vain attempt to unite their forces, dispersed in every direction with- out firing a shot. They still retained a post at Beau- harnois ; but Colonel Carmichael, with a detachment of regulars and 1000 Glengarry militia, drove them out, though with the loss of two men killed and the same number wounded. Mr. Ellice and a party of friends, who had been made prisoners by them at the outset, were allowed to return to Montreal. On the 11th, a week only after the first movement, M'Donnell could announce that the insurrection was completely at an end.f We must now turn to Upper Canada, where, even before the former outbreak. Sir Francis Head had resigned. The immediate cause was the disappro- bation expressed by Lord Glenelg for his removing Judge Ridout on account of his democratical princi- ples, and his refusing to obey an order to raise to the bench Mr. Bid well, late speaker of the Assem- Corresponaence, p 248 261 262. t Ibid., p. 260- 263. 1.—Y 286 HISTORY OF CANADA bly, and an opposition leader. He at the same time, in no measured terms, condemned the system of conciliation hitherto pursued in the Colonial Office, whose members he even branded as republicans; insisting that a stern, uncompromising maintenance of the monarchical principle, and the exclusion from office of all opposed to it, was the only basis on which Canada could be governed. Ministers un- willingly accepted his resignation; and Colonel Sir George Arthur, who had previously held a similar situation in Van Diemen's Land, was appointed to succeed him.* The new governor soon found himself involved in difficult circumstances ; for early in June, bands to the number of 1000 or 1200 from the American side crossed the Niagara channel, and endeavoured to excite the people to insurrection. They attacked a party of fourteen lancers posted in an inn, and, by setting it on fire, obliged them to surrender. But no sooner did they learn that Sir George had ar- rived at Niagara, and that the country was rising against them, than they hastily recrossed the fron- tier, leaving about forty prisoners, among whom were Morrow and Waite, the first and second in command. In the end of June a smaller party passed the St. Clair and invaded the Western Dis- trict ; but finding themselves unsupported, and the militia advancing, they returned, after losing a few of their number, who fell into the hands of the pur- suers.f The summer now passed in comparative quiet- ness, though the great movement at the beginning of November continued to be deeply felt along the upper frontier. Almost simultaneously with the ri- sing in Montreal District, a body of about 400 sailed from the vicinity of Sackett's Harbour and landed Narrative bv Sir Francis B. Head, Bart. (8vo, Londoo 1839, 2(i edition)! p. 218-341. t Correspondence, p. 314-321. UNDKU Tlin EIMTISII. 287 lit Prescott. On the 13lh, Colonel Young, wifh what force he could nuisler, and aided by Captain Sandoin with an armed steamer, compelled a large proportion of them to disperse, while the rest took refuge in a windmill and an adjacent house built of stone, whence they could not be dislodged. Eighteen British were here killed and wounded. In the course of the day (Colonel Duiidas arrived with four companies from Kingston, but considered the build- ings, the walls of which were three or four feet thick, too strong to be reduced without cannon. A few guns and some additional troops being brought up, an attack was commenced on the I6th, when the party within the stone building, after some stand, sought to escape among the brushwood, but were all captured ; upon which those in the mill displayed a white tlag, and surrendered at discretion. The whole number of prisoners was 159. The mil- itia, among whom some lukewarmness had been suspected, showed the utmost zeal, and nmstered to the extent of 5000.* The Niagara frontier was found so well guarded that no attempt was made there. But early in the morning of the 4th December, about 350 landed near Sandwich, set fire to the steamer and to the bar- racks, and killed several individuals. They were, however, no sooner attacked by a party of militia, than they fled either to the woods or the American shore, leaving twenty-six killed and twenty-five prisoners.! The captives on the former occasion had been treated with extraordinary lenity; but this forbear- ance not having produced the expected effect, and being loudly complained of by the inhabitants, it was judged necessary to exercise great rigour on the present occasion. A considerable number of the most conspicuous were accordingly put to death, and the rest condemned to severe or ignominious punishments. • Correspondence, p. 354-361. t Ibid., p. 369--37a. ZE. 28rt SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATE CHAPTER V. Social and Political Slate of Canada. Different Classes of People.— French Habitans— Their Ten- ures.— Outward Appearance.— Mode of Living.— Religious and moral Character.— Manners in Upper Canada.— Mode ol Living. — Native Indians. — Their Number.— Catholic Indians. — Hurons of Loretto. — Different Tribes. — Effects of Protes- tant Conversion.— Government Expenditure on them.— Pres- ent Dress and Modeof living.— Religious Instruction in Lower and Upper Canada.— Education.— Political State.— Govern- ment under the French.— British Arrangements.— Constitu- tion granted to the Catiadas. — Division into Upper and Lower. — Revenue. — Military Force.— Justice. The inhabitants of Canada are divided into three classes, among which no complete amalgamation has yet been formed. These are the original French colonists, commonly called habitans ; the British settlers; and the Indian tribes. The habitans, at the time of the conquest, formed almost the whole of the European population. They had occupied the best lands along the banks of the St. Lawrence, between Quebec and Montreal ; a considerable extent of those upon the Richelieu; and a small space on the Chaudiere, the Yamaska, the St. Maurice, and other tributaries of the great river, as well as a detached settlement on the fertile shores of the Detroit. These tracts had been grant- ed to persons of distinction and to favourites, usually in large blocks, which, as already stated, they held under the title of seigneurs. But it accorded not with their habits to clear and cultivate for themselves grounds covered with an unbroken forest ; nor would the task be undertaken by farmers on the terms of an ordinary lease. The proprietors were therefore OF CANADA. 289 obliged to make them over, in small lots, under the feudal title of fiefs, to hard-working men, who, on receiving this permanent interest, were willing to encounter the toil. The annual payment or quit- rent is in general exceedingly small, amounting on bome properties only to 10 shilhngs a year, with a bushel of wheat and two fowls. The seigneur has, besides, certain feudal claims; a tithe on fish, mill- dues, and, more especially, payments on sale or transference, which in some cases amount to a fifth of the purchase-money.* The occupants of these fiefs or farms, under the burdens now specified, are virtual proprietors of the soil, which they cultivate with their own hands, aided by their families. They are described as a particularly contented, industrious, and amiable race of people ; and the lots, though much subdivided in the course of succession, are still sufficient to main- tain them ill simple plenty. They till their lands with diligence, though without skill, having scarcely adopted any of the modern improvements. Their study is to produce from the farm everything they need , not only the whole of their food, but their candles, soap, and even sugar. From flax of their own raising, too, and the wool of their own sheep, 'they are enabled to manufacture almost every article of clothing. Their houses, though generally built of wood, and only one story high, are whitewashed, and tolerably commodious. A partition in the mid- dle separates the kitchen from the principal apart- ment, at one end of which are the bedrooms. There is a garden, which, though in a somewhat rude and straggling state, and cultivated by the females only, yields a comfortable supply of the more common fruits and vegetables. The personal appearance <)f the hahitans is pecu- liar. They are tall, thin, an !, from exposure to the « Bouchette, vol. i., p. 376, 377 M'Gregor, voL ii., p. 426. 800 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATE climate, almost as dark as the Indians. They have thin lips and often aquiline noses, with small, dark, and lively eyes. Many of the girls are pretty oval- faced brunettes, with fine eyes, good teeth, and glossy locks. The dress is nearly after the old fash- ion of the French peasantry. The men wear the cupoL, a large gray coat or surtout, covering nearly tlie whole body, and tied with a girdle of brilliant colours. On the legs they have moccasins, and on the head a straw hat in summer, and a red bonnet in winter. The hair is still tied in a long queue behind. The women wear short jackets or bed- gowns (mantelets), with petticoats distinct, and sometimes of a different colour, and caps instead of bonnets ; a mode of dress formerly common in Scotland, and not yet wholly disused. They have long waists, and sometimes the hair tied behind in a large club. At church or other occasions of full dress, they adopt the English fashion, but display a much greater variety of showy colours. Hair- powder is sometimes worn, and beet-root employed as rouge ; but both in their dress and houses they are perfectly clean. The habitans are frugal and moderate in their ordinary diet, which mostly consists of different kinds of soup. They have, however, their jourx gras, or great feast-days, particularly before and after Lent, when large companies assemble, and the board is spread with every delicacy which their larder can afford. The table groans beneath im- mense turkey-pies, huge joints of beef, mutton, and pork, followed by a profusion of fruit-puddings. Extraordinary justice is said to be done to these viands, as well as to the rum which follows ; but the younger members of the company are soon roused by the sound of the violin ; and the dancing, of which they are passionately fond, engages them till a late hour. Weddings, above all, are celebrated by a mighty concourse of friends and acquaintances. OP CANADA. 2Ui Twenty or thirty of the country carriages bring in ^ parties to witness the ceremony, which is followed J by feasts and dances, not unfrequently prolonged ;. «or several days. The young people, however, have ' somewhat rude method of expressing their opin- on of an unequal union, especially if arising from the relative age of the parties. They assemble at night in large bodies, sounding various discordant instruments, horns, drums, bells, kettles, accompa- nied by loud shouts ; and a contribution to the church or some charitable purpose is indispensable to ob- tain a respite from this jocular persecution. The short summer is necessarily spent in almost unre- mitting labour; but when ice and snow have cov- ered the ground, the gay season begins, and in their carioles or little chaises on steel runners, which pass swiftly over the frozen surface, they visit their neighbours, and spend much time in social inter- course.* The Canadian French, like their forefathers, pro- fess the Roman Catholic religion with much zeal, and in a manner which occasionally approaches su- perstition. The roads are marked by crosses erect- ed at the side; their houses are filled with little pictures of the Madonna and child, waxen images ol saints and of the crucifixion ; and there is a profuse expenditure of holy water and candles. They re- luctantly establish their dwelling beyond hearing of the church bells, and on Sundays the attendance is crowded. They have, however, those inadequate notions as to the sanctity of that day, which are general in Catholic countries. When worship is over, the remainder is devoted, without reserve, to amusement. " Sunday," it is said, '' is to them their day of gayety ; there is then an assemblage of friends and relations ; the parish-church collects together all whom they know, with whom they have rela * Bouchette, vol. i., p. 403.-409. M'Gregor, voL iL, p. fitf 569, 594. 292 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATB tions of business or pleasure ; the young and old, men and women, clad in their best garments, riding their best horses, driving in their gayest caleches, meet there for purposes of business, love, and pleas- ure. The young habitant, decked out in his most splendid finery, makes his court to the maiden whom he has singled out as the object of his affec- tions ; the maiden, exhibiting in her adornment every colour of the rainbow, there hopes to meet her chevalier; the bold rider descants upon and gives evidence of the merits of his unrivalled pacer; and in winter the powers of the various horses are tried in sleigh or cariole racing ; in short, Sunday is the grand fete." Even the violin and the dance in the evening are not considered unsuitable. Notwith- standing these customs, the religious spirit of the Canadians appears sincere, and is attended with great benefits. Their general conduct is inoffensive and praiseworthy. Crimes of an atrocious descrip- tion, as murder and violent assaults upon the pet- son, scarcely ever occur. Property is perfectly safe, both from the thief and the robber ; the doors of the houses stand open, and all sorts of goods are exposed without any precaution. They scarcely ever engage in those furious personal conflicts which, among the Americans of English descent, are often carried on with such violence ; they know neither duelling, boxing, nor gouging. On the con- trary, they mutually treat each other with all the ceremonious politeness of the French school. One of the first things taught to a child is to speak deco- rously, to bow or courtesy to its elders or to stran- gers. They are said to be generous in relieving those in distress, liberal and courteous to all who have any claim on their hospitality. The custom of parents and children living together, often to the third generation, in the same house, marks a mild and friendly temper. The only form under which hostile passions are vented is that of liti^'^tion, to OF CA.NADA. 293 which they are immoderately addicted, being fa- voured by the comparative cheapness of law. M. Bouchelte defends this as securing them from vio- ieiii and turbulent modes of terminating their differ- ences. 'I'he habitans are not a stirring, enterprising, or improving race. They tread in the steps of their forefathers, following the same routine, and with difficulty adopting the most obvious improvements of modern husbandry. Although extensive tracts lie in their immediate neighbourhood unoccupied, they resign them to the English and Americans, and have scarcely at all extended the range of their ori- ginal settlement. Even their amiable qualities tend to retain them in this stationary condition ; to which we may add their social disposition, their attach- ment to their kindred, their church, and the rites of their religion. They feel as if in leaving these things they would leave all. Their range of in- formation has hitherto been very limited : and their priests, it has been alleged, by no means favour the diffusion among them even of the first elements of education ; so that the majority of the adults cannot even read or write. But the legislature have lately made great exertions to improve them in this respect, and it is noped that the rising generation will be more enlightened.* The society in Upper Canada, with some excep- tions, presents a very different aspect. A great majority of the inhabitants consist of emigrants re- cently aTived from Ireland, Scotland, and England, who hav3 not yet made much change in their ori- ginal ideas and habits. Those established at suc- cessive periods during the previous half century, arft not represented by Mr. Howison, Mr. Talbot, and other writers under a very favourable light. Dis- banded soldiers and sailors were not well calculated Bouchette. vol. i., p. 404-413. M'Gregor voL iL, p. 468, 561-567. 294 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATt to improve the race ; and even the voluntary emi- grants were not always composed of the respectable classes, who, under the pressure of the times, have lately embraced this resource. The removal of the ordinary restraints of society, and the absence of religious ordinances and ministration, concur in giv- ing to them a reckless and unprincipled character; but the increased means of instruction, and the ex- ample of respectable immigrants, will, it may be hoped, gradually effect a thorough reform. No people in the world live better than the inhab- itants of Upper Canada. The abundance of prod- uce, and the low price at which it can be sold, nat- urally inclmes them to take the full use of it. Three copious meals are daily served up, called breakfast, dinner, and supper, but consisting generally of the same component parts. They are not very social in their daily habits, to which, indeed, the almost impassable state of the roads opposes great obsta- cles ; but they are fond of large parties, and, in a favourable season, five or six famiUes often unite, and, without any notice, drive to visit another at the distance of ten or twelve miles. Such an arrival would not always be very opportune in an English household ; but " in this land of plenty," the flour- barrel, the pork-tub, and the fowl-house afford at all times materials for meeting such an emergency; and the board is soon spread with a plentiful meal. The dance is an amusement of which they are pas- sionately fond. No inn is considered worthy of the name, unless it be provided with a spacious ball- room, which is called into requisition as often as convenience will permit. Intellectual recreations have not hitherto attracted all the attention which thi y merit. The sources of improvement already ailuded to, however, have already made a great im- pression, and will, we doubt not, ere long wipe off this reproach from the Canad'an people.* Talbot, p. 21, 35-43, 59, 66, lit Goutlay, voL ti., p. 252. ShirrefF, p. 389. OF CANADA. 295 There remains yet undescribed a small but inter- esting portion, the remnant of the Indian nations. It has appeared mysterious how tribes once so powerful, without war or bloodshed, should have silently disappeared, and only a handful survive. The occupation of their hunting-grounds by Euro- pean settlers, the introduction of destructive dis- eases, particularly smallpox, and the free use of intoxicating liquors, have, no doubt, materially thinned their numbers. Our researches, however, have led us to suspect that the diminution has not been nearly so great as is supposed ; in other words, that the original numbers were much exaggerated. We have had occasion to observe, that the Iroquois, the most powerful people in America, and occupy- ing a territory extending several hundred miles in every direction, were not estimated by the French to include more than 3000 warriors. Yet they en- joyed a better climate, and were not so entirely ig- norant of cultivation as the tribes northward of the St. Lawrence. The Indians under British protection are dis- persed in small villages and settlements in different parts of Upper and Lower Canada. The charge made by Mr. M'Gregor* that they have not been kindly treated by the British government, seems scarcely well founded ; for not only do they remain peaceably under her sway, but they have repeatedly taken up arms in her cause against the " Big Knives," as they term the Americans. In consideration of their services, and in compensation for the en- croachments made on their domain, each individual, on repairing to a fixed station, receives a certain amount of goods as an annual present ; and this grant affords the means of estimating the number residing within the provinces. In Lower Canada, in 1828, it amounted to 2922, exclusive of aboyit '''■'■ V * Vol. ii., p. 57r 296 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATE 450 Micmacs, or wandering tribes, from Nova Sco- tia and New-Brunswick. The number in Upper Canada to whom, about the same time, donations were made, was 12,919;* making in the two prov- inces 15,841. The estimate thus obtained, however, is not quite so accurate as could be wished. Sev- eral thousands came from beyond the western fron tier, a distance, in some cases, of four or five hun- dred miles, and even from the territory of the Uni- ted States ; but in consequence of the signal ser- vices rendered by them during the last war, pledges had been given which Britain must now fulfil. On the other hand, in the immense forest territory which the hand of cultivation has not yet approach- ed, there are doubtless very considerable numbers who retain their wild independence, and hold no relations whatever with Europeans. We may no- tice, in particular, the vast tracts to the east and north of Quebec, whence no mention is made of any resort to the stations of distribution. The Indians of Lower Canada have been convert- ed to the Catholic religion, and their spiritual con- cerns are superintended by five missionaries, who receive salaries of from $192 to $336 per annum. They appear much attached to these instructers, and show a deep sense of their religious duties ; yet they have admitted scarcely any change in their original habits, or made any progress in industry. Their husbandry, as formerly, is on a small scale, of the rudest description, and carried on entirely by women and old men. " The Indian tribes," said the late Lord Dalhousie, " continue to be warlike in their ideas and recollections. Insignificant as are some of the tribes now in Lower Canada, civilized and accustomed to social life, there is not one of them that does not boast of the warlike days of their chiefs and warriors ; even now the word war- • Papers relating to Aboriginal Tribes. Ordered by House of Commons to be printed, 14th August, 1834, p. 23-25. OF CANADA. 297 rior is assumed by every young man ; he is trai!:;'(l up to it, and has a liigher idea of the approbation of his chief, or the consideration of white men, in that character of an active liunter or warrior, than he has of any other object or use of his existence." The missionaries, though they execute their spirit- ual functions with zeal and dihgence, not only take i no pains to instruct them in reading or writing, but effectually oppose any efforts for that purpose, at least when made by Protestant teachers. We even suspect that they indulge rather than check the warlike spirit of their flocks ; since it appears that, on the annual religious festival called the grand f6te de Dieu, the Indians are in the habit of march- ing to church in military order, headed by their chiefs, bearing arms, and amid the music of drums and fifes.* A few miles northward from Quebec is the Huron settlement of Loretto, consisting of sixty-seven men, sixty-five women, and forty-seven children. This poor remnant of a race once so powerful, holding only forty acres of land, derive a precarious subsist- ence from hunting, fishing, and some trifling articles made by their females. They recently preferred a claim to the fief of Sillery, a fine tract extending a league along the St. Lawrence, near Quebec, in vir- tue of a grant made to their ancestors in 1651. The case being brought before the courts, it was argued by the crown lawyers that the grant had been made to the Jesuits in general terms, for the purpose "of assembling the wandering nations of New France, and instructing them in the Christian religion ;" that, in 1699, these missionaries, representing that the Indians had quitted the spot on account of the soil being exhausted, requested and obtained a grant of it for themselves ; and that it remained in their pos- • Papers relating to Aboriginal Tribes. Ordered by House «f Commons to be printed, 14th August, 1834, p. 6-9, 96, 97 898 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATE session till the extinction of their order in 1800 when it devolved on the British government. On these grounds the judges decided against the Hu- rons. We cannot help referring, however, to cer- tain facts in our historical narrative, founded on au- thorities which we incline to believe were unknown to either party in this contest. It there appears that the grant immediately followed the destruction of the Huron nation by the Iroquois, when the Jesuits, as the only means of saving the remnant of the tribe, removed them to Quebec. The date and the name of the principal settlement seem to show, that however general the terms may have been, the grant was made virtually for the benefit of these unfortu- nate fugitives, and to the Jesuits only as their trus- tees. If this be admitted, we know not how far their quitting it at one time for another spot, with- out any formal relinquishment, could be considered as vacating their title. On the loss of their cause, they sent two deputies to London, who very ear- nestly solicited an interview with their great father. Sir George Murray evaded this demand, but received them kindly, and though he could not reopen a le- gal decision, offered them grants of crown lands in other quarters; but they replied that an arrange- ment which would separate them, and require a com- plete change in their mode of life, could not be felt by them as any real advantage. In the vicinity of Three Rivers are 82 Algonquins, and near St. Francis and Be<;ancour, on the opposite side, 359 Abenaquis. These tribes inhabit rude vil- lages, composed of very poor bark huts, though somewhat better than the ordinary wigwams. They once possessed a considerable extent of land, the greater part of which has been wrested from them un- der various pretences by designing individuals ; and to prevent such frauds, it is proposed that no aliena- tion of property by these untaught tribes shall be held valid until it has been sanctioned by govern- OF CANADA. 299 inent. Farther down the river are three settle- ments of Iroquois, one at Sault St. Louis and CiiughiKivvaga, amounting to 967 ; another at St. Re- gis of 348 ; and a third of 282 at the Lake of the Two Mountains. This tribe, once powerful and even intelHgent, are now indolent, wretched, and despised by their own countrymen. Those of Sault St. Louis possess some land, though, from misman- agement, it produces little ; and a late claim for an addition, founded on minute boundary questions, was fruitless, though they also sent deputies to Lon- don to enforce it. At the Lake of the Two Mount- ains are likewise 355 Algonquins and 250 Nipissings. These have no land to cultivate, but, by their ac- tivity in hunting and supplying Europeans with furs, they have placed themselves in a more comfortable condition than any other Indians in Lower Canada, They complain much, however, of the extended colonization on the Ottawa, by which their hunting grounds are greatly narrowed.* In Upper Canada, along the St. Lawrence and Lake Ontario, the Mississaguas are the leading tribe. Those of Kingston and Gananoqui, only 82 in num- ber, are described as worthless and depraved ; but such as dwell on the Bay of Quinte and Rice Lake, amounting respectively to 143 and 317, have been .converted to Christianity, and are much improved. 'On the bay are also 319 Mohawks, many of whom have applied themselves to agriculture, and even adopted in some degree the European dress, though mixed in a grotesque manner with their native at- tire. On the river Credit, which falls into the west- ern part of Ontario, are 180 of the same nation, who have been greatly civilized by their conversion. Around Lake Simcoe and its vicinity, about 550 Chippewas reside, under their chief, Yellowhead. These also have expressed a strong desire for in- * Papers relating to Aboriginal Tribes Ordered by House of Conunona to be printed, 14th August, 1834, p. 23, 35, 34, 60, 8i. 300 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATE struction and the knowledge of religion, but hava not yet experienced those benefits in an equal de- gree. The banks of the Grand River, which falls into Lake Erie to the extent of six miles on each side, was, by a proclamation of General Haldimand, set apart for the Mohawks and Six Nations, who oc- cupy it to the number of about 2000. Some part of these lands has been sold with the consent of gov- ernment, and the proceeds lodged in the British funds, yielding an annual revenue of jG1500, which is distributed among them in goods. They still hold 260,000 acres of an excellent soil, over which they have spread themselves in small villages, and many of them attempt the simpler modes of farming. Farther west are the Munseys, on the Thames, 445 in number, and 309 Hurons, connected with the French settlement on the Detroit, and converts to the Catholic form of worship.* With the last exception, all the tribes in Upper Canada, till within these few years, remained in their primitive state of rudeness and ignorance. They are now, however, wiUing converts to the Christian faith, receiving instruction in reading and writing: their morals are greatly improved, and, in short, the way is paved for their adopting generally the habits of civilized life. This good work has been almost entirely accomplished by teachers from the United States, belonging to the " Canada Con- ference Missionary Society," auxiliary to that of the Methodist Church of New- York. The Indians have always shown themselves desirous to be in- structed. In 1827, the tribes, when receiving pres- ents at the remote station of Drummond Island, in- timated to the agent that there was at Michillimack- inac a school, or place where the natives are taught 10 live as the whites do, " to mark their thoughts on * Papers relating to Aboriginal Tribes. Ordered by HouH of Commons to be printed, 14th August, 1834, p. 27-30, OF CANADA. 301 paper, and to think the news from books (read and write)." It was in ihi-ir power to send their children thither " to get sense ;" but not being partial to the Big Knives, and hearing that their great father at York was teaching their brethren to " cut up the ground and be beloved of the Great Spirit," they would rather be instructed by him. In the same year, the Cliippeways at Gwillinibury, through their chief Yellowhead, delivered successive strings of wampum, importing thai they wished to be settled together, to pursue agriculture, and " to worship that God which is known lo the whites in the good book." The work of conversion and civilization was already proceeding, through the exertions of the New-York missionaries. Their first success was on the river Credit, in the Home District, where they were greatly aided by Mr. Peter Jones, alias Kakkewaquonaby, the son of a Welsh father by an Indian mother, and thoroughly acquainted with their customs and language. They formed themselves into a village, where Sir Peregrine Maitland built for them twenty houses ; they added fifteen for themselves, with a mill; and the Methodist Society aided them in erecting a chapel, schoolhouse, and workshop. They now renounced the " fire-waters" (spirits), the effects of which had been so pernicious ; and without giving up hunting, combined with it the culture of the ground and the rearing of cattle. Ac- cording to the report of the Rev. Mr. Magrath, they had, in March, 18'28, brought thirty-five acres into cultivation, and possessed nine yoke of oxen, twelve cows, and six horses. The adults were taught to get by heart the most essential doctrines of religion ; but for the children of both sexes schools were es- tablished, attended by thirty-five boys and thirty- six girls. The Mississaguas near Belleville soon followed the example of their brethren, and, with the aid of the society, formed a village on Grape Island, in the Bay of Quints. Finding this position too IT— Z 302 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATE limited, they applied for more laud, and were allow ed to select the requisite nuuiber of vacant lots in the Midland District. Tliis salutary process was soon afterward extended to the Mississaguas on the borders of Rice Lake, and of Mud Lake, north- ward of Cobourg. They occupied, by right, the isl- ands on the former, and, on tiie petition of their teachers, were allowed besides 1200 acres of waste land. Improvement was next extended to the Chip- peways, near Lake Simcoe. They were entitled to three islands, but Sir John Colborne thought it more for their beneht that they should be located on its northwestern shore, and on the road to Lake Huron. In these objects about $14,400 were spent, chiefly saved out of the annual presents. Another estab- lishment has been formed at Munseytown, on the river Thames, and it appears that much has been done among the Six Nations, particularly the Mo- hawks, on the Grand River. In short, there seems no room to doubt that the whole of this savage race will soon be brought within the pale of Christianity and civilization. Vehement objections have been taken against the religious body by whom this change has been ef- fected. They are accused of propagating the polit- ical ci'eed of their own country, accompanied with sentiments of hostility to the Established Church. It does not appear, however, that any disloyal or turbulent proceedings have resulted ; and when they are doing so much good, it would certainly be very inexpedient to obstruct their operations, until some efficient substitute shall be found. Sir John Col- borne expressly says, that the established clergy have not effected any Indian conversions; and the worthy Bish(^ of Quebec candidly observes, that, whoever were the mstruuienis, the effect must be a source of satisfaction ; and that the hand of God seems to be visible in it. The society allow about OP CANADA. 303 $200 or $250 a year to their missionaries, and main- tain ten scho()l>, attended by ^fjl fiupils. The Indians, as already observed, have certain fixed stations to which they resort for the purpose of receiving their annual presents. Tliese are, in Lower Canada, Quebec, to which, in 1627, there came 652; St. Francis, 541; Caughnawaga, 907; Lake of Two Mountains, 887; and St. Hegis, 348. In Upper Canada they are, Kingston, 859 ; York, 781: Fort George (Niagara), 1857; Amherstburg, 5906; and Drummond Island, 3516. The expense became very large during the war, when their ser- vices were so valuable. Between 1813 and 1810 it averaged $720,000 a year. Since that time it has been reduced to about $76,800 ; which, with $21,120 for management, raises the Indian department to $97,920 a year. This, in Upper Canada, is esti- mated at 185. 9rf. to each individual, for which slen der remuneration some travel 500 miles. Referen- ces have been made from the Colonial Office to ascertain whether this sum might not be still farther reduced, and paid in money, by which the estimates could be formed with greater precision. To the first point, it has been replied by the governors, that the donation is one to which we are bound by the faith of treaties, made in return for important ser- vices ; and its discontinuance would excite the deep- est indignation, and provoke an hostility which might be attended with disastrous consequences. Probably, like all ru ie nations, the Indians, instead of viewing these gifts as in any degree hmniliating, pride themselves upon them as testimonies of re- spect, perhaps even as a species of tribute. As to the payment in money, it was deprecated in the strongest terms by almost all the chiefs and those interested in their welfare; because the immediate consequence would be its conversion into spirits, thereby causing a serious injury instead of a benefit. Since the diffusion of civilization, many of the In- 304 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATE dians have consentefl, and even desired, to exchange these presents for houses, implements of agriculture, and other useful objects. A considerable number have even begun to wish for money, which, happily, they no longer abuse as formerly, but rather find the most convenient instrument in procuring uhat- ever they may happen to want. Asance, a chief, said, that at York " he found it convenient, when hungry, to be able to put his hand into his pocket, and find something jingling there for which he could get bread."* The Indians, as formerly observed, retain in gen- eral their origiual fashion of dress ; but, instead of composing it entirely of the skins of wild animals, the)'^ have adopted, as more commodious, materials of English manufacture. For the outer covering, or great coat, a blanket is decidedly preferred ; the shirt beneath is chiefly of calico or prhited cotton ; the leggins and pouches of common cloths. The gartering, of gaudy colours, serves for binding and ornamental borders. The moccasins only, an arti- cle so extremely suited to their habits, cannot be composed of any better material than their deer- skin. When, however, any particular piece of finery strikes their fancy, they eagerly seek to pro- cure it, and combine it, often fantastically, with their old habiliments. The vicinity of Eurnpeaas, where it does not induce the destructive habit of intoxication, affords them various means for better- ing their condition. A ready sale for venison, wild ducks, and other feathered game, and for the fish which they spear, is found among settlers who have themselves little leisure for angling or the chase. The skins and furs also of the animals caught by them are readily bought by the merchants. The women make baskets, trays, and other utensils, of birch bark, and sometimes of the inner rind of the Papers relating to Aboriginal Tribes, &c.. p. 16, 17. 4St 135-137. 127--132. 136, 51. 63. Martin, p. 218 OF CANADA. 305 basswood and white ash ; which, when ornamented with porcupine quills, dyed in beautiful colours, form elegant articles of furniture. Their moccasins, sim- ilarly adorned, are often purchased by Eunjpeans for winter use. They cannot, however, be depended upon for making or procuring any article to order. They produce and bring their commodities to mar ket when it suits their own convenience ; and tlicy are disposed to drive a pretty hard bargain, espe- cially the females, on whom that task usually de- volves. The converted Indians are said to display a simple, fervent, and sincere devotion. They pay a particular regard to the sanctity of the Sabbath; and while singing hymns on the evening of that day, their rich soft voices, rising on the still air, are ex- tremely sweet. This principle of piety, having pro- duced the valuable fruit of inducing them to re- nounce the ruinous habit of intoxication, has made a most happy change in their condition; and sinco the evils incident to the savage have thus been re- moved, perhaps the admirer of the picturesque in human life may not feel impatient for that thorough amalgamation with Europeans which some of their friends ardently desire. They may be willing that some trace should still survive of the peculiar cos- tume, aspect, and occupations of this remarkable aboriginal race.* The means of religious instruction in Lower Can- ada have long existed on a liberal scale. The great majority of the inhabitants, as formerly observed, are French Roman Catholics. They support their clergy by a contribution of a twenty-sixth part of the produce of their lands, which does not, howev- er, as has been sometimes represented, form a com- pulsory assessment, since Protestant converts may discontinue payment. This affords to upward of 200 vicaires and cures an average income of $1440 • Weld, p. 379--382. Backwoods, p. 1 62-- 170. 306 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATE per annum, which, in Oanarla, is vpry liberal. They are described as respectable in character and attain- ments, very attentive to their parishioners, and ex- tremely beloved by them. They have been accu- sed as hostile to the diffusion of knowledge ; yet no mention is made of any opposition made by them to the late remarkable spread of elementary schoijls. The bishop, who has under him two coadjutors and four vicars-general, receives from government a sti- pend of $4800 a year. There are also monastic establishments, containing upward of 300 monks and nuns. The English Church has assigned for its support a seventh of all the lands unoccupied by the habitans and formed into townships. Tiiis propor tion appears large, and has even been complained of as such, yet it has not hitherto produced any great revenue. The clergy of this church are at present forty in number, at the head of whom is the Bishop of Quebec, with a stipend of $4800 a year. There are fourteen Presbyterian ministers connected with the Church of Scotland, partly paid by government; and also twelve Methodists of the VVesleyan per- suasion. Upper Canada, as already hinted, was long miser- ably destitute of the means of religious instruction. In 1800, according to Mr. Talbot, there were only three Episcopal clergymen in the country; in 1819 they had increased to ten ; and in 1824 were still only sixteen. Since that time effective measures have been taken to supply this great deficiency. There are now forty-three clergymen belonging to the English Established Church ; and two archdea- cons, at Toronto and Kingston, subject to the Bishop of Quebec, have each jC300 a year. The remainder of the clergy received, in 1835, an income of je6784 Us. 8d., of which i:5484 I8s. was defrayed from the proceeds of the ecclesiastical reserves, which, as in Lower Canada, consist of one seventh of the uncultivated lands ; the rest was paid out of OF CANADA. 807 the crown revenue. The Catholics have twenty- four priests, of wlioin llie bislxip. bearing the i'. o of regiopolis, has JC500 ; the rest receive jGlOOO annually tlivided among them, out of ihe public purse. From the same fund were puid, in 1835, to the ministers of the Church of Scotland, jCl586 ; to those of the Presbyterian Synod of Upper Canada, JE700; jCni was granted to the fnnd for building Catholic churches; jG550 was given for the same purpose to the Scottish Church ; and £550 to the Wesleyan Methodists. From this fund was also al- lowed jG2344, ll5. 8d. for missionaries of the Church of England. There are said to be also twenty-eight Methodist and forty or fifty Baptist churches, which appear to be supported by the congregations. The means even of the most common education were long extremely deficient in Canada. This want was equally felt in the lower province, where the Catholic clergy, though diligent in their reli- gious ministrations, either opposed or did nothing to forward elementary instruction. They particu- larly interfered to prevent attendance on the schools organized in 1817 by what was termed the Royal Institution, as being chiefly under the management of Church of England clergymen. In 1829. however, the legislature voted for this object $30,907, which was gradually increased to npward of .$96,000. In that year the number of scholars was 14,753, of whom only about a third paid fees. In 18:}5. the number of free scholars had risen to 72,498, of those paying to 25,160 ; showing thus a wonderful increase both in the gross number and in the proportion of those who defrayed their own charges. In 1836, however, the vote of the House of Assembly for this patriotic purpose was negatived by the Legisla- tive Council; a step which seems not unworthy of the severe animadversions made on it by the popular leaders. The Council stated that their motive was to induce the people to contribute more towards the 308 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATB education of their families. This was admitted lo lie desirable an aii ullunale object; but it could not justify the abrupt withdrawal of the means by which nearly 40,000 children were educated, without allow- ing time or even legal authority to substitute any other.* In Upper Canada the government is making great exertions to remove that cloud of ignorance in which the country was once involved. A college at To- ronto is supported on a liberal footing. There are also grammar schools in every district, to the teach- ers of which $480 yearly is allowed by the legisla- ture. The scholars attending them amount in all to about 350. The sum of 835,424 was also granted in 1835 for the support of common schools, estima- ted to amount to several hundreds, and to educate about 20,000 children. In the same year the legis- lature voted $864 and $432 to the Mechanics' In stituies at Toronto and Kingston. The political constiiution of Canada has under- gone various changes. Under French dominion, after the early compani-es were broken up, the sover- eign assumed a jurisdiction almost quite absolute, not being checked, as at home, by the influence of the nobility or the parliaments. The necessity of delegation, however, and fears that the governor should aim at independence, induced the cabinet to divide the administration among several heads; a system which rendered it weak rather than free, producing, as we have seen, frequent and violent collision among its members. These jealous feel- ings, moreover, caused the royal council to lend a ready ear to complaints from every class. The clergy, especially the monastic and missionary or- ders, who had taken a large share in the first settle- » This arbitf iry, impolitic, and cruel conduct of the Legisla- t.ve Council greatly exasperated the Canadians, as well it mieht; and nothing, perhaps, contributed more to produce the violent scenes by which it was not long after followed. — Am. Ed OF CANADA, 309 ment and were rif^hly enrlowerl, enjoyed great influ- ence both in tiie colony und wiiii liie court. In 1759 Canada wns conquered by the arms of Britain, and by the treaty which followed was per- manently annexed to her empire. It is generally admitted, that no people, completely subdued, were evermore liberally treated than the French colonists •n that country. Not only was their property pre- served inviolate, but they were also invested with all the rights of citizens, and rendered admissible to every office on the same footing as British subjects. The Catholic religion did not merely enjoy full tol- eration, but the large property with which it had been invested was preserved to it entire. As a far- ther boon, the law of England, civil and criminal, in- cluding the trial by jury, was introduced. The im- proved security afforded by the latter code to person and life was duly appreciated ; but in regard to prop- erty and civil jurisdiction, the coutume de Paris, with the ordinances of the French kings, though forming a complicated, perplexed, and inconvenient system, had been so interwoven with the habits of the set- tlers, that they could not be persuaded to prefer one decidedly better. The civil law, indeed, had scarce- ly a fair trial, being administered by somewhat un- learned judges, partly naval and military officers, partly citizens not bred to the profession. In the prospect of a contest with the United Colonies, it became necessary to conciliate the Canadians, and a statue (I4th Geo. III., cap. 83) was passed, called the " Quebec Act," founded upon a report of the ; crown lawyers, by which the French system was revived in the province, with the exception of the criminal branch, which continued to be similar to that of England. Although the rights of person and property had thus been from the first secured, the people had not yet been admitted to any share of political privilege. The administration, civil and military, was exercised I A A. 310 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL 8TATE by one individual, uniting the functions of governor and comniander-iu-oliief; and though the Quebec Act provided that there should be a legislative coun- cil of at least twenty-three members, the nomination rested entirely with the sovereign. The natives, long unaccustomed to any other species of rule, for some time felt no dissatisfaction ; but at a later pe- riod, when they had opportunities of observing the operation of a more liberal system in England and the United States, a desire for improvement arose, and in 17S4 a petition was presented for the estab- lishment of a representative constitution. The British settlers took the lead, but many of the French joined them. Their request was not granted till 1791, when Mr. Pitt proposed and carried in Parlia- ment a scheme of government resembling that of the mother country. By this act the upper province, which had long been rising in importance, was separated from the lower, and a distinct constitution appointed for each. The representative body in the latter con- sists of eighty-eight members, four from each of the cities of Quebec and Montreal, two from Three Rivers, one from William Henry or Sorel, and a varying number, but most commonly two, from each of the counties. The qualification of electors in the country arises from the possession of land- ed property amounting to 40.y. a year; in the towns, from owning a dwelling-house of £5 a year, or renting one of jCiO; and no religious disability ex- ists. The members hold their seats during four years, and there must be an annual session, which usiially continues through the months of January, February, and March. The governor has the same power in convoking, proroguing, or dissolving them, that the king has in England. For the last three sessions, the members have been allowed ten shil- lings a day while sitting, and four shillings a league for traveUing expenses. OP CANADA. 311 The legislative council exercises the attributes of the House of Lords in Great Britain, having f tower to alter and even to reject all bills sent up rom the lower house ; they can also originate bills, which, however, must pass the ordeal of the representative assembly. It was at first proposed that this body should consist of hereditary nobility, selected from the great landed proprietors ; but as ■uch a class could scarcely exist in a new country, where so few possessed large fortunes or the means of acquiring them, it was finally determined that the members should be appointed for life by man- damus from the king. The governor, with the aid of an executive coun- cil of eleven, appointed, like himself, by the sover- eign, exercised all the executive functions. No act passed by the legislature could become law til' it received his assent, which he had power to sus- pend till the measure had been submitted to the government at home ; and even after it had been sanctioned by him and come into operation, the king retained the power of disallowing it within two years. No new tax could be imposed without the consent of the Assembly ; and though this law was not retrospective, the existing burdens were so . very light as to make the exception of little conse- f quence. The jurisdiction of the legislature extend- ed to every object connected with the colony ; but any act affecting religion, its ministers or revenues, or the waste lands belonging to the crown, was to be laid before the two houses of Parliament, and remain there for thirty days before the royal assent could be given. The constitution of Upper Canada was made nearly an exact copy of this on a somewhiit small- er scale. The House of Assembly comprised ori- ginally sixteen members, which, with the increase of population and settlement, have been raised to sixty-two. 312 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATE, ETC. The departments of finance, military defence, and administration of justice need not be treated at length, as they will doubtless be greatly modified in the process of new-modelling which the constitu- tion of the two provinces is about to undergo. The most considerable branch of revenue is de- rived from the duties on imported goods, which are almost wholly in Lower Canada. The entire revenue of both provinces in 1834 was jEr275,330. The British government have usually maintain* ed three regiments of the line in Lower Canada, but this number, of course, has been of late much augmented. The mihtia of that province were re- turned in 1827 at about 80,000 effective men, though these had among them only 10,000 muskets. The militia of Upper Canada exceeds 50,000.* Justice is administered by two courts of King's Bench at Quebec and Montreal, each consisting of a chief justice and three subordinate ones. There are provincial judges in the districts of Three Riv- ers, Gaspe, and St. Francis ; but there is no supreme tribunal, which Mr. BuUer considers a serious de- fect. Such had been for nearly fifty years the consti- tution of Canada. But in consequence of events well icnown to our readers, and already narrated, it bas been to a great extent dissolved, and the Brit- sh Parliament are now employed in the important task of its reconstruction. Martin, vol. iii., p. 140, 280. BVO or TOL. L UC SOUTHERN HtGIUNAL LIBRARY f AGILITY AA 000 322 319 5